Czech Foreign Policy and EU Membership: Europeanization and Domestic Sources
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Annual Report 2011 European Values Think-Tank
ANNUAL REPORT 2011 EUROPEAN VALUES THINK-TANK 1 Dear Reader, you are holding the Annual Report of the European Values Think-tank, in which we would like to present our programs realized in 2011. European Values is a non-governmental, pro-European organization that, through education and research activities, works for the development of civil society and a healthy market environment. From 2005, we continue in our role as a unique educational and research organization and think tank, which contributes to public and professional discussion about social, political and economic development in Europe. In the Czech Republic we point out that, due to our membership – active and constructive – of the European Union we can for the first time in modern history participate in decision- making processes concerning the future of Europe, and ensure that we are no longer just a passive object of desire of large powers in our neighbourhood. With our international program, European Values Network, from 2007, we also contribute to a Europe-wide debate on the challenges that Europe faces today. We believe that the public and politicians do not recognize that the benefits of post-war development on our continent can not be taken for granted, and that there are many global trends that threaten the freedom, security and prosperity of Europe as a whole. We analyze these social, political, security and economic trends, and we offer solutions to problems associated with them. In addition to publishing our own books, publications, studies, recommendations, comments, and media contributions and commentary, we also organize seminars, conferences and training courses for professionals and the wider public. -
Action 1: Support for the Production and Dissemination of Information and Content Linked to EU Cohesion Policy by Media and Other Eligible Entities
Support for information measures relating to the EU Cohesion policy Call for proposals 2019CE16BTA117 List of selected proposals Action 1: Support for the production and dissemination of information and content linked to EU Cohesion policy by media and other eligible entities Ranking Proposal Names of applicants Co-beneficiaries/Affiliated entities (AE) Country Title of the proposal Maximum No amount awarded ‘Solidarity matters.’ How the Cohesion policy 1 65 Polska Fundacja im. Roberta Schumana PL 79.680,76 reinforce the value of European solidarity Zavod Radio Študent (RŠ) Centre for Information Service, Co-operation and 2 114 SI Speaking Cohesion? – the learning continues 128.481,71 Development of NGOs (CNVOS) Uplifting Positive Perception of EU cohesion Policy 3 8 WAVEMAKER Slovakia Consulting Associates SK 228.209,60 Through Advanced Technology and Personalization Promowanie polityki spójności oraz zwalczanie Fundacja Centrum im. Prof. Bronislawa 4 59 PL dezinformacji na ten temat w mediach 94.570,08 Geremka spolecznościowych Czech regions in transition II: Leading ideas for the 5 123 Economia a.s. CZ 244.958,11 future 6 58 AGG Advertising LTD GR EU Changes Thessaly 299.257,60 Europejskie Media Spółka z o.o. NL-PL- Let’s meet Cohesion Policy: a journey through 7 70 EURACTIV Media Network HANZA MEDIA d.o.o. (EURACTIV CROATIA) 295.705,20 HR-RO regions’ challenges and success stories Asociatia DIGITAL BRIDGE (ADB) PETIT PRESS, a.s. FUTURE OF REGIONAL COHESION IN SLOVAKIA EU 8 61 I-Europa s.r.o. (EURACTIV Slovakia) TECHNICKÁ UNIVERZITA -
Identity Federalism in Europe and the United States
Boston College Law School Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School Boston College Law School Faculty Papers 1-1-2020 Identity Federalism in Europe and the United States Vlad F. Perju Boston College Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/lsfp Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, Law and Politics Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Vlad F. Perju. "Identity Federalism in Europe and the United States." Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law 53, no.1 (2020): 207-273. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law School Faculty Papers by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Identity Federalism in Europe and the United States Vlad Perju ABSTRACT The turn to identity is reshaping federalism. Opposition to the policies of the Trump administration, from the travel ban to sanctuary cities and the rollback of environmental protections, has led progressives to explore more fluid and contingent forms of state identity. Conservatives too have sought to shift federalism away from the jurisdictional focus on limited and enumerated powers and have argued for a revival of the political safeguards of federalism, including state-based identities. This Article draws on comparative law to study identity as a political safeguard of federalism and its transformation from constitutional discourse to interpretative processes and, eventually, constitutional doctrine. The experience of the European Union, where identity federalism also benefits from a textual anchor, reveals some of the complexities of this process. -
Czech Debate on the EU Membership Perspectives of Turkey and Ukraine
Czech debate on the EU membership perspectives of Turkey and Ukraine David Král EUROPEUM Institute for European Policy November 2005 Acknowledgement: This report was written as part of an international project, mapping the state of debate on the EU membership perspectives of Turkey and Ukraine in four Central European countries: Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary and Slovenia and undertaken jointly by EUROPEUM, Institute of Public Affairs (Warsaw), Centre for Policy Studies at CEU (Budapest) and Peace Institute (Ljubljana). Introduction The question of further EU enlargement is an issue that remained very much on the table even after the May 2004 “Big Bang” expansion of the Union. While in the ten countries that recently acceded all the efforts thus far have been focusing on the rules and conditions of entering the exclusive club, not much space in the public debate remained for discussing the issue as to what are the further steps in EU enlargement, which countries should be considered for joining and what are the stakes of the new member states, including the Czech Republic, in the whole process. This paper will look into examining the Czech attitudes towards the EU membership perspectives of two countries: Turkey and Ukraine. It will deal with the attitudes of the political representation, including the political parties, government and diplomatic service (Ministry of Foreign Affairs) and other governmental stakeholders. Further, it will try to give an account of how the issue was treated in the media, especially in the major opinion shaping newspapers. Thirdly, it will try to assess what are the other stakeholders in the process, especially within the ranks of the civil society and how they are likely to shape the public debate. -
Analyzing Icelandic Support for EU Membership
It’s ot the Economy, Stupid? Analyzing Icelandic Support for EU Membership K. Amber Curtis Department of Political Science University of Colorado at Boulder UCB 333 Boulder, CO 80309-0333 [email protected] Joseph Jupille Department of Political Science University of Colorado at Boulder UCB 333 Boulder, CO 80309-0333 ABSTRACT: What drives support for EU membership? We test the determinants of EU attitudes using original data from Iceland, whose recent woes have received wide attention. Given its crisis, we expect economic anxiety to drive public opinion. We find instead that economic unease is entirely mediated by assessments of the current government and that, despite the dire economic context, cultural concerns predominate. This suggests a potential disconnect between Icelandic elites’ desire for accession and the public will at large. Our results largely confirm prior findings on support for integration, further exposing the conditions under which individuals will evaluate EU membership favorably or negatively. They also highlight the utility of mediation analysis for identifying the mechanisms through which economic evaluations may operate and imply that economic indicators’ apparent insignificance in a host of other research areas may simply be a product of model misspecification. Paper prepared for presentation at the Annual Meeting of the European Union Studies Association, Boston, MA, Mar. 3-5, 2011. Jupille gratefully acknowledges financial support from National Science Foundation (NSF) Award #SES-1035102 (“RAPID: A Referendum on Debt: The Political Economy of Icesave”). What drives public support for European Union (EU) membership? Though this question would seem exhausted by decades of scholarship, we are particularly interested in two less commonly explored conditions: 1) public opinion in new candidate countries—as opposed to existing member states—and 2) individual attitudes in the context of economic duress. -
From Membership Referendums to European Elections
From membership referendums to European elections Jean-Michel De Waele The wave of referendums which was organised in the eight countries of Central Europe to ratify their membership of the European Union is a fascinating subject for research. This is, in fact, almost the first time that an almost identical question has been asked to the electors of eight different states within a period of less than one year. As we shall attempt to illustrate, this phenomenon raises important questions on the use of referendums in our societies and facilitates comparison. We then proceed to update the information by setting it alongside the results of the European elections in June 2004 and the referendums on membership of the European Union organised in 2003. Did these referendums foreshadow the broad trends identified the first time the new member states had an opportunity to elect European representatives? The rising number of referendums, including the new rounds organised in the eight Central European states to ratify the European Constitution, calls for serious consideration of the referendum question. What part does the referendum play in our modern representative democracies? How do we explain the increase in the use of the referendum in the decision-making process in the European states? What is the situation elsewhere in the world? When and why was the referendum decided upon as a way of making decisions? Is it possible to make comparisons? Can explanatory models be isolated? Do states which use referendums share common political and legislative features? There are many questions to be answered, but not so many have clear answers, partly because of the scope of the questions and partly because of the lack of genuinely comparative research undertaken in recent years on the subject. -
Joint Letter from the the Visegrad Group /V4/, Republic of Bulgaria and Romania Environment and Climate Ministers to Mr
Joint letter from the the Visegrad Group /V4/, Republic of Bulgaria and Romania Environment and Climate Ministers to Mr. Frans Timmermans, Executive Vice-President of the European Commission on Impact Assessment (IA) for the European Union’s 2030 climate ambition and the action plan Mr. Frans Timmermans Executive Vice-President European Commission 13 July 2020 Dear Executive Vice-President, We would like to thank you and your team for all the hard work with regard to bringing climate issues to the forefront of the debate on Covid recovery in Brussels. These are difficult times for all Member States, yet we must not lose sight of our long-term goals and now, more than ever, enhance synergies of our actions. Nonetheless, we would like to take this opportunity to share our sincere hope that the upcoming Impact Assessment (IA) for the EU’s 2030 climate ambition and the action plan will provide a solid base for a decision to be taken by our leaders at the European Council. These documents should allow us to have a common understanding of the measures we will have to take in the EU by 2030 if we are to achieve the proposed targets enabling a just transition for all towards a climate neutral EU by 2050. We consider the IA to be the principal document for decision-making with regard to a potentially increased target. Therefore, the IA should constitute a thorough, detailed document which will inform us of the consequences, on all levels, of our potential decisions. This concerns the EU level, the Member States’ level and the sectoral level for Member States. -
Letter-EMF5G-Disinformation.Pdf
Ms Margrethe Vestager Executive Vice-President European Commission Ms Věra Jourová Vice-President for Values and Transparency European Commission Mr Thierry Breton Commissioner for Internal Market European Commission JOINT INITIATIVE ON COUNTERACTING THE SPREAD OF DISINFORMATION RELATED TO 5G NETWORKS AND THE NEED OF PUBLIC AWARENESS RAISING ACTIVITIES Letter regarding a proposal for the European Union to create a communication strategy that provides reliable information related to EMF and radio equipment including 5G to the Member States and European Citizens by: Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Poland and Portugal, Slovakia, Sweden. Dear Madames Vice-Presidents Dear Commissioner We the undersigned Member States wish to express our concerns regarding the escalating disinformation around the effects of exposure to electromagnetic field (EMF) and fifth generation (5G) technology cellular networks and our condemnation of the recent acts of vandalism on critical telecommunication infrastructure. The European Union has demonstrated its commitment to the timely deployment and take-up of 5G networks in various legislative and non-legislative measures1. The Council Conclusions on the significance of 5G to the European economy and the need to mitigate security risks linked to 5G adopted on 3 December 20192 highlighted the need of public awareness raising activities regarding 1 Directive 2018/1972 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 11 December 2018 establishing -
Kosovo and Serbia Need Wide Consensus to Resolve Con Ict, Expert
Sections Home / Interviews / Global Europe / Enlargement / Kosovo and Serbia need wide consensus to resolve conict, expert says Kosovo and Serbia need wide consensus to resolve conict, expert says By Karolina Zbytniewska | EURACTIV.pl Sep 7, 2018 Germany's Chancellor Angela Merkel (C) listens to Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic (R), next to Kosovo's President Hashim Thaci, at an informal EU summit with Western Balkans countries in Soa, on 17 May 2018. [EPA-EFE/VASSIL DONEV / POOL] The presidents of Kosovo and Serbia have oated the idea of a land swap to settle their disputes. The proposal, involving the predominantly Serb northern Kosovo and Preševo Valley in southern Serbia, has been welcomed by some and criticised by others for fear it might create further instability in the Balkans. Srđan Majstorović. Chairman at the European Policy Centre, Belgrade, shared his views on the controversial proposal in an interview with EURACTIV Poland’s Karolina Zbytniewska. The new initiative for settling the Serbia-Kosovo conict has stirred up international By continuing to browse the website, you are agreeing to our use of cookies I agree controversies. The feared scenario is that changing the two countries’ borders might re-open local frozen conicts but also set a precedent for territories abroad, like Crimea. Srđan Majstorović: First, it would be foolish to a priori disqualify an agreement that the two sides might reach and if they are truly dedicated to its implementation. However, a land swap idea could entail a lot of potential side eects that might inuence future relationships not only in the region but in wider Europe. -
Can the New Refugee Relocation System Work? Perils in the Dublin Logic and Flawed Reception Conditions in the EU Sergio Carrera and Elspeth Guild No
Can the new refugee relocation system work? Perils in the Dublin logic and flawed reception conditions in the EU Sergio Carrera and Elspeth Guild No. 332, October 2015 Key Points This Policy Brief argues that the newly adopted EU temporary relocation (quota) system constitutes a welcome yet timid step forward in addressing a number of central controversies of the current refugee debate in Europe. Two main challenges affect the effective operability of the new EU relocation model. First, EU member states’ asylum systems show profound (on-the-ground) weaknesses in reception conditions and judicial/administrative capacities. These prevent a fair and humane processing of asylum applications. EU states are not implementing the common standards enshrined in the EU reception conditions Directive 2013/33. Second, the new relocation system constitutes a move away from the much-criticised Dublin system, but it is still anchored to its premises. The Dublin system is driven by an unfair and unsustainable rule according to which the first EU state of entry is responsible for assessing asylum applications. It does not properly consider the personal, private and family circumstances or the preferences of asylum-seekers. Policy Recommendations In order to respond to these challenges, the Policy Brief offers the following policy recommendations: 1. The EU should strengthen and better enforce member states’ reception capacities, abolish the current Dublin system rule of allocation of responsibility and expand the new relocation distribution criteria to include in the assessment (as far as possible) asylum-seekers’ preferences and personal/family links to EU member states. 2. EU member countries should give priority to boosting their current and forward-looking administrative and judicial capacities to deal and welcome asylum applications. -
Common Interest in a Dedicated Recovery Plan for the Automotive Sector in the European Union
Common interest in a Dedicated Recovery Plan for the Automotive Sector in the European Union We, the Ministers of Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Malta, Poland, Portugal, Romania, the Slovak Republic, Slovenia and Spain, express our common interest in introducing a Dedicated Recovery Plan for the Automotive Sector in the European Union. The automotive sector is one of the core and strategic activities in our economy, due to its weight and value added to the European manufacturing activity. It represents 7% of EU GDP, 6% of total EU employment and it accounts for more than 12% of the European exports. The automotive industry generates a trade surplus of 84.4 billion EUR for the EU. Investing 57.4 billion EUR in R&D annually, the automotive sector is Europe´s largest private contributor to innovation, accounting for 28% of total EU spending. It also has a significant multiplier effect on the rest of the sectors of the economy, and employs more than 10% of the total labour force in several EU countries. The automotive industry is one of the sectors where production has stopped almost completely for at least 2 months due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, and its entire value chain has been affected. At the same time, vehicle markets, i.e. consumer demand, fell dramatically. This has caused significant losses to all the car-manufacturing groups and the industries connected with them, as well as massive temporary employment regulations. This scenario is even more dramatic if we take into account that the crisis has come at a time when the sector was making significant economic investments, leading primarily towards the transition to a new, more sustainable mobility model, in line with the EU strategy to become climate-neutral by 2050. -
Pipeline Gas Diversification Becomes Reality
PIPELINE GAS DIVERSIFICATION BECOMES REALITY SPECIAL REPORT | DECEMBER 2020 https://eurac.tv/9R-H With the support of PIPELINE GAS DIVERSIFICATION BECOMES REALITY SPECIAL REPORT https://eurac.tv/9R-H The Trans Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) is the European leg of the Southern Gas Corridor, a gateway project cross- ing Greece, Albania, the Adriatic Sea and Italy that will transport 10 billion cubic meters a year of gas supplies from Azerbaijan to multiple markets in Europe. Four and a half years after the inauguration of construction works, on 15 November TAP started delivering gas. Contents Commission welcomes arrival of ‘Caspian gas’ to EU 4 countries TAP pipeline meets 12% of Italy’s gas demand 6 Bulgaria’s gas dependence on the Kremlin slowly loosens 8 Greece becomes ‘most important hub for alternative gas’ in Southeast Europe 10 TAP pipeline is bringing EU energy policy to Azerbaijan 12 Why Southern Gas Corridor is a chance for energy efficiency? 14 4 SPECIAL REPORT | PIPELINE GAS DIVERSIFICATION BECOMES REALITY | EURACTIV Commission welcomes arrival of ‘Caspian gas’ to EU countries By Georgi Gotev | EURACTIV.com A valve at the Kipoi compressor station, linking TAP to TANAP. [TAP website] he European Commission according to a communique by this and competition, improve energy welcomed on Friday (4 company, although the achievement security and diversify gas supply, TDecember) the start of the went largely unnoticed. particularly in Italy, Greece and operations of the Trans-Adriatic Bulgaria, as well as the South-East Pipeline (TAP), the last stretch of Asked to comment, Commission European region. TAP is a project of the Southern gas corridor, thanks to spokesperson Tim McPhie said the EU common interest and an important which gas pumped from the Shah EU executive “welcomes the start of part of the Southern gas corridor”, Deniz offshore gas field in Azerbaijan operation of the TAP, which connects McPhie said.