The Influence of Francis Hutcheson on the Development of Economic Thought
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STEWART, DUGALD, 1753-1828. Dugald Stewart Letter to Olinthus Gregory, 1804
STEWART, DUGALD, 1753-1828. Dugald Stewart Letter to Olinthus Gregory, 1804 Emory University Pitts Theology Library 1531 Dickey Drive, Suite 560 Atlanta, GA 30322 404-727-4166 Descriptive Summary Creator: Stewart, Dugald, 1753-1828. Title: Dugald Stewart Letter to Olinthus Gregory, 1804 Call Number: Manuscript Collection No. 266 Extent: 0.01 cubic ft. (1 folder) Abstract: Consists of one handwritten letter addressed to Mr. Olinthus Gregory in Woolwich, from Dugald Stewart in Edinburgh. Language: Materials entirely in English. Administrative Information Restrictions on Access Unrestricted access. Terms Governing Use and Reproduction All requests subject to limitations noted in departmental policies on reproduction. Citation [after identification of item(s)], Dugald Stewart Letter to Olinthus Gregory, Archives and Manuscript Dept., Pitts Theology Library, Emory University. Processing Processed by Courtney Williams, 2003. Collection Description Biographical Note Dugald Stewart was born on November 22, 1753 in Edinburgh, Scotland. At the age of 13, he studied at the University of Edinburgh where his father was the chair of the mathematics department. He eventually taught in the mathematics department with his father, then took over as chair after his father’s death. In 1785, he was made the professor of moral philosophy at the University of Edinburgh. Emory Libraries provides copies of its finding aids for use only in research and private study. Copies supplied may not be copied for others or otherwise distributed without prior consent of the holding repository. Dugald Stewart Letter to Olinthus Gregory, 1804 Manuscript Collection No. 266 Stewart’s chief concern was to formulate a philosophy of the mind through the use of the inductive method of Sr. -
The British Journal for the History of Science Mechanical Experiments As Moral Exercise in the Education of George
The British Journal for the History of Science http://journals.cambridge.org/BJH Additional services for The British Journal for the History of Science: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Mechanical experiments as moral exercise in the education of George III FLORENCE GRANT The British Journal for the History of Science / Volume 48 / Issue 02 / June 2015, pp 195 - 212 DOI: 10.1017/S0007087414000582, Published online: 01 August 2014 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0007087414000582 How to cite this article: FLORENCE GRANT (2015). Mechanical experiments as moral exercise in the education of George III. The British Journal for the History of Science, 48, pp 195-212 doi:10.1017/ S0007087414000582 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/BJH, IP address: 130.132.173.207 on 07 Jul 2015 BJHS 48(2): 195–212, June 2015. © British Society for the History of Science 2014 doi:10.1017/S0007087414000582 First published online 1 August 2014 Mechanical experiments as moral exercise in the education of George III FLORENCE GRANT* Abstract. In 1761, George III commissioned a large group of philosophical instruments from the London instrument-maker George Adams. The purchase sprang from a complex plan of moral education devised for Prince George in the late 1750s by the third Earl of Bute. Bute’s plan applied the philosophy of Frances Hutcheson, who placed ‘the culture of the heart’ at the foundation of moral education. To complement this affective development, Bute also acted on seventeenth-century arguments for the value of experimental philosophy and geometry as exercises that habituated the student to recognizing truth, and to pursuing it through long and difficult chains of reasoning. -
Objective Beauty and Subjective Dissent in Leibniz’S Aesthetics
Zlom1_2018_Sestava 1 23.3.18 11:39 Stránka 67 Carlos Portales OBJECTIVE BEAUTY AND SUBJECTIVE DISSENT IN LEIBNIZ’S AESTHETICS CARLOS PORTALES According to the classical view, beauty is grounded on the universe’s objective harmony, defined by the formula of unity in variety. Concurrently, nature’s beauty is univocal and independent of subjective judgement. In this paper I will argue that, although Leibniz’s view coincides with this formula, his philosophy offers an explanation for subjective dissent in aesthetic judgements about nature. I will show that the acceptance of divergences on aesthetic value are the result of a conception of harmony that includes qualitative variety and dissonance. I. INTRODUCTION Leibniz’s aesthetics fall within the Pythagorean tradition in so far as he agrees that the beauty of the universe is an objective value grounded on the harmony of the cosmos. In this view, harmony is a property of systems, defined as unity in variety, which is univocal and indifferent to subjective judgement. In this paper I argue that, despite Leibniz’s complete adherence to this formula, his interpretation explains and justifies the subjective dissent in aesthetic judgements. I show that the possibility of valid divergences regarding the aesthetic value of nature is the result of a Leibnizian conception of the universe’s harmony, which includes qualitative variety and dissonance. The secondary objective of this paper is to present some aspects of the underrepresented views of Leibniz on beauty and aesthetics in general. Even though aesthetics as a discipline was baptized by a Leibnizian philosopher – namely, Alexander Baumgarten –, few papers and book chapters explain Leibniz’s own views on the topic. -
Locke-Stewart-Mill: Philosophy of Science at Dartmouth College, 1771
INTERNATIONAL STUDIES IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE, VOL. 15, NO. 2, 2001 Locke–Stewart–Mill: philosophy of science at Dartmouth College, 1771–1854 DAVID K. NARTONIS Boston, USA American colleges began to teach Locke’s philosophy of science early in the 18th century. Many religious people, however, rejected the theological implications of Locke’s philosophy and in 1769 Princeton College initiated a popular reaction against it. That year, a new president dropped Locke’s text from the curriculum and replaced it with a book by Scottish professor, Thomas Reid (1710–1796). Teaching from Reid’s book, the new president attempted to reverse Locke’s effect on the American view of science by insisting that the study of nature is an essentially religious enterprise, consisting entirely of the collection, classi cation, and generalization of facts, with no room for conjectural theories (Bozeman, 1977, pp. 5, 7, 23–28, 45, 54–61; Laudan, 1970, pp. 103–131). This reactionary movement, often called Baconianism after the 17th century English philosopher, Francis Bacon, spread from Princeton to a large sector of American Protestantism and has had a long life in religious movements such as Fundamentalism and Creation Science (Noll, 1985, 1995). Because this long-lived reaction against Locke enjoyed wide popularity in the early national period, it might be thought that Princeton was typical of American colleges at the time. But, in fact, few colleges joined Princeton in rejecting Locke or adopting Reid. As an illustration of the way most American colleges dealt with Locke’s religious implications, this paper tells the story of the philosophy of science at Dartmouth College from its founding in 1771 until 1854. -
Of Gods and Kings: Natural Philosophy and Politics in the Leibniz-Clarke Disputes Steven Shapin Isis, Vol. 72, No. 2. (Jun., 1981), Pp
Of Gods and Kings: Natural Philosophy and Politics in the Leibniz-Clarke Disputes Steven Shapin Isis, Vol. 72, No. 2. (Jun., 1981), pp. 187-215. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-1753%28198106%2972%3A2%3C187%3AOGAKNP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-C Isis is currently published by The University of Chicago Press. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/ucpress.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers, and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Mon Aug 20 10:29:37 2007 Of Gods and Kings: Natural Philosophy and Politics in the Leibniz-Clarke Disputes By Steven Shapin* FTER TWO AND A HALF CENTURIES the Newton-Leibniz disputes A continue to inflame the passions. -
Caroline, Leibniz, and Clarke Author(S): D. Bertoloni Meli Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol
Caroline, Leibniz, and Clarke Author(s): D. Bertoloni Meli Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 60, No. 3 (Jul., 1999), pp. 469-486 Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3654014 . Accessed: 22/02/2011 14:57 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=upenn. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of Pennsylvania Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the History of Ideas. http://www.jstor.org Caroline, Leibniz, and Clarke D. Bertoloni Meli The papers which passed between Leibniz and Clarke from 1715 to 1716 have long been considered classics in the history of science and philosophy, attractinga largenumber of scholarlyworks. -
University of Pennsylvania Press
University of Pennsylvania Press Newtonian Science, Miracles, and the Laws of Nature Author(s): Peter Harrison Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 56, No. 4 (Oct., 1995), pp. 531-553 Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2709991 Accessed: 30-10-2015 01:34 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of Pennsylvania Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the History of Ideas. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 130.102.42.98 on Fri, 30 Oct 2015 01:34:15 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions NewtonianScience, Miracles, andthe Laws ofNature PeterHarrison Introduction "Newton,"writes Richard Westfall, "both believed in and did not believe in miracles."It can onlybe concluded,Westfall continues, that the greatscientist, unwilling to relinquishhis beliefin a providentialand inter- posingDeity, "abandoned himself to ambiguitiesand inconsistencies,which gave theappearance of divine participation in nature,but not the substance."' Newton'sapparent ambivalence -
The Leibnizian-Newtonian Debates: Natural Philosophy and Social Psychology
The British Society for the History of Science !"#$%#&'(&)&*(+,#-./(&*($0#'*.#12$,*.34*5$6"&5/1/7"8$*(9$:/;&*5$618;"/5/<8 =3."/4>1?2$@*4/58($A5.&1 :/34;#2$!"#$B4&.&1"$C/34(*5$D/4$."#$E&1./48$/D$:;&#(;#F$G/5H$IF$,/H$J$>0#;HF$KLMN?F$77H$NJN+NMM 63'5&1"#9$'82$@*O'4&9<#$P(&Q#41&.8$64#11$/($'#"*5D$/D$!"#$B4&.&1"$:/;&#.8$D/4$."#$E&1./48 /D$:;&#(;# :.*'5#$PR%2$http://www.jstor.org/stable/4025501 =;;#11#92$KSTUITVUKU$VV2WS Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. -
Benjamin Hoadly, Samuel Clarke, and the Ethics of the Bangorian Controversy: Church, State, and the Moral Law
religions Article Benjamin Hoadly, Samuel Clarke, and the Ethics of the Bangorian Controversy: Church, State, and the Moral Law Dafydd Mills Daniel Faculty of Theology and Religion, University of Oxford, Oxford OX2 6GG, UK; [email protected] Received: 30 September 2020; Accepted: 28 October 2020; Published: 12 November 2020 Abstract: The Bangorian controversy has been described as ‘the most bitter ideological conflict of the [eighteenth] century’ (J.C.D. Clark). However, while its impact is widely recognised, there are few studies dedicated to the controversy itself. Moreover, the figure at the centre of it all—Benjamin Hoadly, the Bishop of Bangor—has not always been taken seriously. Such scholars as Norman Sykes, G.R. Cragg, and B.W. Young have dismissed Hoadly as an opportunistic ‘political bishop’, rather than an adept theological thinker. By contrast, this article demonstrates that Hoadly’s Bangorian writings were embedded within the ethical rationalist moral theology of Isaac Newton’s friend, and defender against Gottfried Leibniz, Samuel Clarke. As a follower of Clarke, Hoadly objected to the doctrine of apostolic succession, and to the existence of religious conformity laws in Church and state, because they prevented Christianity from being what he thought it ought to be: a religion of conscience. Keywords: Benjamin Hoadly; Samuel Clarke; Bangorian controversy; religious conformity laws; conscience; ethical rationalism; church and state; moral and political theology; early English Enlightenment; Low and High Church Anglicanism 1. Introduction The Bangorian controversy followed publication of a 1717 sermon, ‘The Nature of the Kingdom of Christ’ by Benjamin Hoadly, Bishop of Bangor. -
The Secular Enlightenment
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. 1 The Setting Space Expanded and Filled Anew Between 1500 and 1700, Westerners discovered two new worlds: one in the heavens, the other on earth. These discov- eries coincided with and helped further a vast expansion of commerce that brought yet more peoples and places into the Western orbit. Celestial and terrestrial space were reconfigured. Making sense of these monumental discoveries required new thought and language. Christianity had to rise to the intellectual challenge pre- sented by the new spatial reality. The findings of the new sci- ence displaced the earth from the center of the universe and thereby raised doubts about all traditional explanations. The discovery of new continents and peoples had an even more immediate effect. Why did the new peoples being discovered believe what they believed, having never heard the Christian message? Some could be converted; others not so readily. Mis- sionaries discovered an almost unimaginable variety of beliefs and soon began to debate the meanings of this diversity. Did everyone have a notion of God, or were some newly discovered peoples natural atheists? The Greek and Roman authorities 6 For general queries, contact [email protected] PUP_Jacob_The_Secular_Enlightenment_Ch01.indd 6 10/23/2018 6:02:33 PM © Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. -
The Political Theology of David Hume
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA The Political Theology of David Hume A DISSERTATION Submitted to the Faculty of the School of Philosophy Of The Catholic University of America In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree Doctor of Philosophy By Jonathan H. Krause Washington, D.C. 2015 The Political Theology of David Hume Jonathan H. Krause, Ph.D. Director: John McCarthy, Ph.D. Hume’s concern for religion is evidenced by his references to it throughout his works. Indeed, he claims in the Natural History that “every enquiry, which regards religion, is of the utmost importance.” Commentators have often treated Hume’s interest in religion as theoretical, as though he was primarily concerned to establish religion’s truth or falsity. Yet in the Essays and History of England he indicates that disputes over religious forms and beliefs are “frivolous” and “utterly absurd.” This raises an obvious question: if disagreements concerning religion are “frivolous” and “absurd,” then why are inquiries regarding religion of “the utmost importance”? Hume’s answer is political in nature. “Religion,” he says in the History, “can never be deemed a point of small consequence in civil government.” He there calls our attention to religious disputes not on detached theoretical grounds, but “only so far as they have influence on the peace and order of civil society.” This dissertation argues that the way to approach Hume on religion is through his understanding of the relationship between religion and political life, that is to say, through his “political theology.” To bring out different aspects of the political problem of religion, each of this dissertation’s four chapters focuses on the textual analysis of a particular work: A Treatise of Human Nature, The Natural History of Religion, Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion, and The History of England. -
Arianism in English Nonconformity, 1700-1750
Perichoresis Volume 17. Single Author Supplement 1 (2019): 21–36 DOI: 10.2478/perc-2019-0002 ARIANISM IN ENGLISH NONCONFORMITY, 1700-1750 DINU MOGA * Emanuel University of Oradea ABSTRACT. During the time of English Nonconformity, Arianism was not only embraced, but openly acknowledged by most of the Presbyterian ministers. That generation of ministers, who contended so zealously for the orthodox faith, had finished their labours, and received from their Lord a dismissal into eternal rest. Those champions among the laity who, at the begin- ning of the controversy, stood up so firmly for the truth, had entered as well into the joy of their Lord. Though their children continued Dissenters, too many of them did not possess the same sentiments or spirit. Among those who succeeded these ministers were too many who embraced the Arian creed. To this unhappy change contributed the example and conversation as well of many from the younger Presbyterian ministers. In consequence Arianism spread far and wide in the Presbyterian congregations, both among the ministers and the people. This unhappy controversy proved the grave of the Presbyterian congregations, and of those of the General Baptists. The effects of Arianism, though at first scarcely visible, gradually produced desolation and death. KEYWORDS: Arianism, controversy, nonconformity, creeds, consubstantiality Introduction The apostolic teaching about Christ was relatively simple. But what the apostle taught about Christ also contained ideas that some people found difficult to understand. While the history progresses after the time of the apostles, we learn that prior to the beginning of the fourth century all creeds and summaries of faith were local in character.