Reagan Doctrine and Beyond
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153682NCJRS.Pdf
If you have issues viewing or accessing this file contact us at NCJRS.gov. .. .; J , ..~. .;"~ • .' ~ .~ _... '> .' UJ.l.IU.ll Calendar No. 605 102n CONGRESS REPORT HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 2d Session 102-1070 • ANNUAL REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1991 REPORT OF THE • SELECT COMMITTEE ON NARCOTICS ABUSE AND CONTROL ONE HUNDRED SECOND CONGRESS FIRST SESSION SCNAC-102-1-14 N'CJRS ACQUISITKON,; Printed for the use of the Select Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control U.s. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE • o WASHINGTON : 1992 :au • SELECI' COMMITTEE ON NARCOTICS ABUSE AND CONTROL (102D CoNGRESS) CHARLES B. RANGEL, New York, Chairman JACK BROOKS, Texas LAWRENCE COUGHLIN, Pennsylvania FORTNEY H. (PETE) STARK, California BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York JAMES H. SCHEUER, New York MICHAEL G. OXLEY, Ohio CARDISS COLLINS, TIlinois F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, JR., FRANK J. GUARINI, New Jersey Wisconsin DANTE B. FASCELL, Florida ROBERT K. DORNAN, California WILLIAM J. HUGHES, New Jersey TOM LEWIS, Florida • MEL LEVINE, California JAMES M. INHOFE, Oklahoma SOWMON P. ORTIZ, Texas WALLY HERGER, California LAWRENCE J. SMITH, Florida CHRISTOPHER SHAYS, Connecticut EDOLPHUS "ED" TOWNS, New York BILL PAXON, New York JAMES A. TRAFICANT, JR., Ohio WILLIAM F. CLINGER, JR., Pennsylvania KWEISI MFUME, Maryland HOWARD COBLE, North Carolina NITA M. WWEY, New York PAUL E. GILLMOR, Ohio DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey JIM RAMSTAD, Minnesota ROMANO L. MAZZOLI, Kentucky RON DE LUGO, Virgin Islands GEORGE J. HOCHBRUECKNER, New York CRAIG A. WASHINGTON, Texas ROBERT E. ANDREWS, New Jersey COMMI'ITEE STAFF EDWARD H. JURlTH, Staff Director P&'rER J. CoNIGLIO, Minority Staff Director (Ill 153682 U.S. Department of Justice National Institute of Justice . -
Extensions of Remarks Hon.Henryj.Nowak
March 24, 1982 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS 5419 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS PORT USER-FEE PLANS REQUIRE harbor would be 1.7 cents, Duluth-Su Kudrna, chairman of the commission, MORE STUDY perior's 1.4 cents, Toledo's 3.2 cents, testified: and New York-New Jersey 2.7 cents. We do not believe that the impacts of the That type of disparity raises serious proposed deepdraft fees have been studied HON.HENRYJ.NOWAK questions about the potential impact in sufficient detail. Without better impact OF NEW YORK on traffic diversion from port to port information it seems to the GLC that we IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES or to other modes of transport. Even are sailing into a storm without a navigation system. Wednesday, March 24, 1982 'more basic is the question of the po tential adverse impact any port user e Mr. NOWAK. Mr. Speaker, among Following are 13 areas the GLC sug fee would have on ports like Buffalo's, gested for detailed analysis: the administration's proposals for re which deal heavily in bulk cargo for ducing Federal expenditures is a plan the hard-pressed auto, steel, and grain THE 13 AREAs SUGGESTED BY GLC to establish a system of user fees that would shift the financial responsibility milling industries. 1. DOUBLE CHARGES FOR DOMUTIC FREIGHT for harbor maintenance and improve The seriousness of those questions Application of charges directly by each ments from the Federal Government are compounded when one considers port may cause domestic freight to incur a to the deepwater ports. that the administation is also propos double charge-one at the origin and one at ing a separate user-fee plan to recoup the destination ports. -
By Philip Roth
The Best of the 60s Articles March 1961 Writing American Fiction Philip Roth December 1961 Eichmann’s Victims and the Unheard Testimony Elie Weisel September 1961 Is New York City Ungovernable? Nathan Glazer May 1962 Yiddish: Past, Present, and Perfect By Lucy S. Dawidowicz August 1962 Edmund Wilson’s Civil War By Robert Penn Warren January 1963 Jewish & Other Nationalisms By H.R. Trevor-Roper February 1963 My Negro Problem—and Ours By Norman Podhoretz August 1964 The Civil Rights Act of 1964 By Alexander M. Bickel October 1964 On Becoming a Writer By Ralph Ellison November 1964 ‘I’m Sorry, Dear’ By Leslie H. Farber August 1965 American Catholicism after the Council By Michael Novak March 1966 Modes and Mutations: Quick Comments on the Modern American Novel By Norman Mailer May 1966 Young in the Thirties By Lionel Trilling November 1966 Koufax the Incomparable By Mordecai Richler June 1967 Jerusalem and Athens: Some Introductory Reflections By Leo Strauss November 1967 The American Left & Israel By Martin Peretz August 1968 Jewish Faith and the Holocaust: A Fragment By Emil L. Fackenheim October 1968 The New York Intellectuals: A Chronicle & a Critique By Irving Howe March 1961 Writing American Fiction By Philip Roth EVERAL winters back, while I was living in Chicago, the city was shocked and mystified by the death of two teenage girls. So far as I know the popu- lace is mystified still; as for the shock, Chicago is Chicago, and one week’s dismemberment fades into the next’s. The victims this particular year were sisters. They went off one December night to see an Elvis Presley movie, for the sixth or seventh time we are told, and never came home. -
Conservative Movement
Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul. -
Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980
Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980 Robert L. Richardson, Jr. A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2009 Approved by, Michael H. Hunt, Chair Richard Kohn Timothy McKeown Nancy Mitchell Roger Lotchin Abstract Robert L. Richardson, Jr. Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1985 (Under the direction of Michael H. Hunt) This dissertation examines the origins and evolution of neoconservatism as a philosophical and political movement in America from 1945 to 1980. I maintain that as the exigencies and anxieties of the Cold War fostered new intellectual and professional connections between academia, government and business, three disparate intellectual currents were brought into contact: the German philosophical tradition of anti-modernism, the strategic-analytical tradition associated with the RAND Corporation, and the early Cold War anti-Communist tradition identified with figures such as Reinhold Niebuhr. Driven by similar aims and concerns, these three intellectual currents eventually coalesced into neoconservatism. As a political movement, neoconservatism sought, from the 1950s on, to re-orient American policy away from containment and coexistence and toward confrontation and rollback through activism in academia, bureaucratic and electoral politics. Although the neoconservatives were only partially successful in promoting their transformative project, their accomplishments are historically significant. More specifically, they managed to interject their views and ideas into American political and strategic thought, discredit détente and arms control, and shift U.S. foreign policy toward a more confrontational stance vis-à-vis the Soviet Union. -
CPAC: the Origins and Role of the Conference in the Expansion and Consolidation of the Conservative Movement, 1974-1980
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2015 CPAC: The Origins and Role of The Conference in the Expansion and Consolidation of the Conservative Movement, 1974-1980 Daniel Preston Parker University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Political Science Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Parker, Daniel Preston, "CPAC: The Origins and Role of The Conference in the Expansion and Consolidation of the Conservative Movement, 1974-1980" (2015). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 1113. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1113 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1113 For more information, please contact [email protected]. CPAC: The Origins and Role of The Conference in the Expansion and Consolidation of the Conservative Movement, 1974-1980 Abstract The Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) is an annual event that brings conservative politicians, public intellectuals, pundits, and issue activists together in Washington, DC to discuss strategies for achieving their goals through the electoral and policy process. Although CPAC receives a great deal of attention each year from conservative movement activists and the news outlets that cover it, it has attracted less attention from scholars. This dissertation seeks to address the gap in existing knowledge by providing a fresh account of the role that CPAC played in the expansion and consolidation of the conservative movement during the 1970s. Audio recordings of the exchanges that took place at CPAC meetings held between 1974 and 1980 are transcribed and analyzed. The results of this analysis show that during the 1970s, CPAC served as an important forum where previously fragmented single issue groups and leaders of the Old Right and New Right coalitions were able to meet, share ideas, and coordinate their efforts. -
The Endgame of the Reagan Doctrine: Democratic Transition in Nicaragua and Chaos in Afghanistan
Democratic Transition in Nicaragua and Chaos in Afghanistan 19 Chapter 2 The Endgame of the Reagan Doctrine: Democratic Transition in Nicaragua and Chaos in Afghanistan John-Michael Arnold Introduction1 This chapter examines what happened, during the waning years of the American-Soviet struggle, in two conflicts that were part of the “global Cold War.”2 In both Afghanistan and Nicaragua through- out the 1980s, Soviet-supported Marxist regimes had fought Ameri- can-aided insurgencies. The United States’ support to the Afghan and Nicaraguan guerillas was central to what became widely known as the “Reagan Doctrine,” a term coined by columnist Charles Krauthammer in 1985 and which he defined as “overt and unashamed American sup- port for anti-Communist revolution.”3 While President Reagan became associated in many people’s minds with the American counter-offensive against Marxist regimes, it fell to Reagan’s vice-president and successor in the Oval Office, President George H.W. Bush, to preside over the endgame of the “Reagan Doc- trine.” The following analysis demonstrates three major things about the Bush administration’s record in that regard. First, in the midst of continuing competition with the Soviet Union, the Bush administration wanted settlements to the wars in Nicaragua and Afghanistan, pref- erably with the departure of the Soviet-aligned governments in those countries. Second, during the Bush administration’s term—which ran from January 1989 until January 1993—there was a narrowing of ideo- logical differences between the superpowers when it came to “regional conflicts,” with Mikhail Gorbachev’s Soviet Union sharing similar ideas to the United States about the need for political settlements and even democratic elections as the way to end proxy wars. -
The New Betrayal
lie PEOPLE'S FRONT THE NEW BETRAYAL By JAMES BURNHAM 15 cents PIONEER PUBLISHERS 1OO FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK Th<> PEOPLE'S FRONT THE NEW BETRAYAL By JAMES BURNHAM 15 cents PIONEEK PUBLISHERS 100 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK The Peoples' Front: The New Betrayal by James Burnham 35 PIONEER PUBLISHERS • NEW YORK COPYRIGHT, 1937 PIONEER PUBLISHERS 100 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK, N. Y. 1)85 Printed in the United States of America Contents Page 1. ORIGIN AND THEORY OF THE PEOPLES' FRONT 2. ANALYSIS OF THE THEORY OF THE PEOPLES' FRONT 11 3 y HISTORY AND THE PEOPLES' FRONT 11 4. CAN THE PEOPLES' FRONT WIN THE MIDDLE CLASSES? 26 5. CAN THE PEOPLES' FRONT STOP FASCISM? 32 6. THE PEOPLES' FRONT IN FRANCE 39 7. THE PEOPLES' FRONT IN SPAIN 47 8. THE PEOPLES' FRONT IN THE UNITED STATES 53 9. THE REAL MEANING OF THE PEOPLES' FRONT 60 CONCISE! COMPREHENSIVE! CHALLENGING! A network of 100 alert correspondents in key cities of the U. 8. and Europe Gets first hand news from every front for the SOCIALIST CALL 21 EAST 17 ST., NEW YORK CITY REGULAR CONTRIBUTORS Norman Thomas B. J. Widick Aaron Levenstein McAlister Coleman Frank N. Trager Frank McAllister Herbert Zam John Newton Thurber Jack Altman Bruno Fischer Roy E. Burt Gus Tyler AND AN IMPOSING ARRAY OF FEATURE WRITERS SUBSCRIBE NOW! $1.00 for 6 mos. $1.50 for 1 yr. american socialist monthly 21 E. 17 St., N.Y.C. OFFICIAL THEORETICAL ORGAN OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY Vigorously represents the interests of Revolutionary Socialism STIMULATING ANALYTICAL PROVOCATIVE $1.50 a year Special Rates for Bundle Orders 15c a copy A journal devoted to a Marxian analysis of the most important problems facing the American and international Socialist movement today, by outstanding writers. -
Current Situation in Namibia
Current Situation in Namibia http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.uscg013 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Current Situation in Namibia Alternative title Current Situation in Namibia Author/Creator Subcommittee on Africa; Committee on Foreign Affairs; House of Representatives Publisher U.S. Government Printing Office Date 1979-05-07 Resource type Hearings Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Namibia, United States Source Congressional Hearings and Mission Reports: U.S. Relations with Southern Africa Description Witness is Donald F. McHenry, Deputy U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations. Hearing is chaired by Stephen J. -
Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 104 Rev1 Page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 105 Rev1 Page 105
Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_103 rev1 page 103 part iii Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_104 rev1 page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_105 rev1 page 105 chapter five The Neoconservative Journey Jacob Heilbrunn The Neoconservative Conspiracy The longer the United States struggles to impose order in postwar Iraq, the harsher indictments of the George W. Bush administration’s foreign policy are becoming. “Acquiring additional burdens by engag- ing in new wars of liberation is the last thing the United States needs,” declared one Bush critic in Foreign Affairs. “The principal problem is the mistaken belief that democracy is a talisman for all the world’s ills, and that the United States has a responsibility to promote dem- ocratic government wherever in the world it is lacking.”1 Does this sound like a Democratic pundit bashing Bush for par- tisan gain? Quite the contrary. The swipe came from Dimitri Simes, president of the Nixon Center and copublisher of National Interest. Simes is not alone in calling on the administration to reclaim the party’s pre-Reagan heritage—to abandon the moralistic, Wilsonian, neoconservative dream of exporting democracy and return to a more limited and realistic foreign policy that avoids the pitfalls of Iraq. 1. Dimitri K. Simes, “America’s Imperial Dilemma,” Foreign Affairs (Novem- ber/December 2003): 97, 100. Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_106 rev1 page 106 106 jacob heilbrunn In fact, critics on the Left and Right are remarkably united in their assessment of the administration. Both believe a neoconservative cabal has hijacked the administration’s foreign policy and has now overplayed its hand. -
The Long New Right and the World It Made Daniel Schlozman Johns
The Long New Right and the World It Made Daniel Schlozman Johns Hopkins University [email protected] Sam Rosenfeld Colgate University [email protected] Version of January 2019. Paper prepared for the American Political Science Association meetings. Boston, Massachusetts, August 31, 2018. We thank Dimitrios Halikias, Katy Li, and Noah Nardone for research assistance. Richard Richards, chairman of the Republican National Committee, sat, alone, at a table near the podium. It was a testy breakfast at the Capitol Hill Club on May 19, 1981. Avoiding Richards were a who’s who from the independent groups of the emergent New Right: Terry Dolan of the National Conservative Political Action Committee, Paul Weyrich of the Committee for the Survival of a Free Congress, the direct-mail impresario Richard Viguerie, Phyllis Schlafly of Eagle Forum and STOP ERA, Reed Larson of the National Right to Work Committee, Ed McAteer of Religious Roundtable, Tom Ellis of Jesse Helms’s Congressional Club, and the billionaire oilman and John Birch Society member Bunker Hunt. Richards, a conservative but tradition-minded political operative from Utah, had complained about the independent groups making mischieF where they were not wanted and usurping the traditional roles of the political party. They were, he told the New Rightists, like “loose cannonballs on the deck of a ship.” Nonsense, responded John Lofton, editor of the Viguerie-owned Conservative Digest. If he attacked those fighting hardest for Ronald Reagan and his tax cuts, it was Richards himself who was the loose cannonball.1 The episode itself soon blew over; no formal party leader would follow in Richards’s footsteps in taking independent groups to task. -
Historická Sociologie 1/2017 Časopis Pro Historické Sociální Vědy
HISTORICKÁ SOCIOLOGIE 1/2017 ČASOPIS PRO HISTORICKÉ SOCIÁLNÍ VĚDY HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY Univerzita Karlova Nakladatelství Karolinum 2017 Obsah ■ EDITORIAL Silné a slabé vazby historické sociologie Bohuslav Šalanda 5–7 ■ STUDIE The Fateful Adventures of the Good Soldier Bauman. An Appreciation of Zygmunt Bauman (1925–2017) Dennis Smith 9–18 Historical Paths and Intellectual Projects: The Case of Max Weber Sven Eliaeson 19–38 Violence Control and the Civilization of Intimacy. Remarks on Norbert Elias’ Sociology Miklós Hadas 39–53 Koloniální minulost etnické skupiny Nungon a její dopad na prostorové chování lidí Martin Soukup – Jan D. Bláha 55–72 Cesta Svazu vynálezců do Národního technického muzea. Svaz vynálezců v Praze v letech 1920–1951 Ivan Jakubec 73–92 ■ PŘEHLEDOVÁ STAŤ Příčiny a logika sebevražedného terorismu podle Roberta A. Papea. Kritické uvedení do jedné ambiciózní teorie Karel Černý 93–116 ■ ESEJE T. G. Masaryk, Václav Havel a heslo „pravda vítězí“ z československé prezidentské standarty Jarosław Kilias 117–125 Pohádkový Honza. Zamyšlení nad jedním z mentalitních symbolů české vesnice druhé poloviny 19. a prvních decennií 20. století Eduard Kubů – Jiří Šouša 127–136 ■ RECENZE Richard Gruneau – John Horne (ed.): Mega-Events and Globalization. Capital and Spectacle in a Changing World Order (Martin Klement) 137–141 Roman Zaoral (ed.): Money and Finance in Central Europe during the Later Middle Ages (Viktor Pohanka) 141–144 Nicolas Maslowski – Jiří Šubrt a kol.: Kolektivní paměť: K teoretickým otázkám (Ladislav Vávra) 145–148 Marek