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Are Irish Voters Moving to the Left? Stefan Müller and Aidan Regan School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland
IRISH POLITICAL STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1973737 Are Irish voters moving to the left? Stefan Müller and Aidan Regan School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland ABSTRACT The Irish party system has been an outlier in comparative politics. Ireland never had a left-right divide in parliament, and for decades, the dominant centrist political parties competed around a centre-right policy agenda. The absence of an explicit left-right divide in party competition suggested that Irish voters, on average, occupy centre-right policy preferences. Combining survey data since 1973 and all Irish election studies between 2002 and 2020, we show that the average Irish voter now leans to the centre-left. We also show that income has recently emerged as a predictor of left-right self-placement, and that left-right positions increasingly structure vote choice. These patterns hold when using policy preferences on taxes, spending, and government interventions to reduce inequality as alternative indicators. We outline potential explanations for this leftward shift, and conclude that these developments might be anchored in economic inequalities and the left populist strategies of Sinn Féin. KEYWORDS Left-right politics; ideology; voter self-placement; political behaviour Introduction Since the great recession, brought about by the transatlantic financial crash in 2008, and followed by almost a decade of austerity, Irish politics has experi- enced significant social change. This is observable in both electoral politics, and within social movements across civil society. At the ballot box, the two dominant centrist and centre-right parties – Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael – have seen their vote share decline to less than 45 per cent. -
"Third Way" Republicanism in the Formation of the Irish Republic Kenneth Lee Shonk, Jr
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Dissertations (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects "Irish Blood, English Heart": Gender, Modernity, and "Third Way" Republicanism in the Formation of the Irish Republic Kenneth Lee Shonk, Jr. Marquette University Recommended Citation Shonk, Jr., Kenneth Lee, ""Irish Blood, English Heart": Gender, Modernity, and "Third Way" Republicanism in the Formation of the Irish Republic" (2010). Dissertations (2009 -). Paper 53. http://epublications.marquette.edu/dissertations_mu/53 “IRISH BLOOD, ENGLISH HEART”: GENDER, MODERNITY, AND “THIRD-WAY” REPUBLICANISM IN THE FORMATION OF THE IRISH REPUBLIC By Kenneth L. Shonk, Jr., B.A., M.A., M.A.T. A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Milwaukee, Wisconsin May 2010 ABSTRACT “IRISH BLOOD, ENGLISH HEART”: GENDER, MODERNITY, AND “THIRD-WAY” REPUBLICANISM IN THE FORMATION OF THE IRISH REPUBLIC Kenneth L. Shonk, Jr., B.A., M.A., M.A.T. Marquette University, 2010 Led by noted Irish statesman Eamon de Valera, a cadre of former members of the militaristic republican organization Sinn Féin split to form Fianna Fáil with the intent to reconstitute Irish republicanism so as to fit within the democratic frameworks of the Irish Free State. Beginning with its formation in 1926, up through the passage of a republican constitution in 1937 that was recognized by Great Britain the following year, Fianna Fáil had successfully rescued the seemingly moribund republican movement from complete marginalization. Using gendered language to forge a nexus between primordial cultural nationalism and modernity, Fianna Fáil’s nationalist project was tantamount to efforts anti- hegemonic as well as hegemonic. -
Drumcree 4 Standoff: Nationalists Will
UIMH 135 JULY — IUIL 1998 50p (USA $1) Drumcree 4 standoff: Nationalists will AS we went to press the Drumcree standoff was climbdown by the British in its fifth day and the Orange Order and loyalists government. were steadily increasing their campaign of The co-ordinated and intimidation and pressure against the nationalist synchronised attack on ten Catholic churches on the night residents in Portadown and throughout the Six of July 1-2 shows that there is Counties. a guiding hand behind the For the fourth year the brought to a standstill in four loyalist protests. Mo Mowlam British government looks set to days and the Major government is fooling nobody when she acts back down in the face of Orange caved in. the innocent and seeks threats as the Tories did in 1995, The ease with which "evidence" of any loyalist death 1996 and Tony Blair and Mo Orangemen are allowed travel squad involvement. Mowlam did (even quicker) in into Drurncree from all over the Six Counties shows the The role of the 1997. constitutional nationalist complicity of the British army Once again the parties sitting in Stormont is consequences of British and RUC in the standoff. worth examining. The SDLP capitulation to Orange thuggery Similarly the Orangemen sought to convince the will have to be paid by the can man roadblocks, intimidate Garvaghy residents to allow a nationalist communities. They motorists and prevent 'token' march through their will be beaten up by British nationalists going to work or to area. This was the 1995 Crown Forces outside their the shops without interference "compromise" which resulted own homes if they protest from British policemen for in Ian Paisley and David against the forcing of Orange several hours. -
Carloviana-No-34-1986 87.Pdf
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A Question of Political Will: Corruption and Public Administration in Ireland Di Gary Murphy, Robert Gillanders E Michael Breen
A question of political will: Corruption and Public Administration in Ireland di Gary Murphy, Robert Gillanders e Michael Breen Abstract: A question of political will: Corruption and Public Administration in Ireland – The paper provides the reader with a transversal analysis of the issue of corruption in Ireland – including the Irish legislation against corruption and the economical shortcomings of corruption. Keywords: Ireland; Transparency; Corruption; Public administration. 1. Introduction At the end of May 2018 the Irish parliament (Oireachtas) passed all stages of the Criminal Justice (Corruption Offences) Bill of 2017. The original bill was introduced in November 2017 by the Minister for Justice and Equality, Charles Flanagan, as the final piece in a range of acts entitled to ensure that Irish politics and public life was clean. The purpose of the bill was to completely modernise Irish anti-corruption laws and make them more accessible to the general public. The Criminal Justice (Corruption Offences) Act 2018 repealed and replaced seven previous Prevention of Corruption Acts dating from 1889 to 2010. The 2018 act was, however, far more than a simple consolidation of the old law. Rather it was a robust and innovative piece of legislation that provided for a number of new offences as well as stronger penalties for those convicted of corruption. The Act followed a range of open government initiatives such as the Freedom of Information Act 2014, the Protected Disclosures Act 2014, and the Regulation of Lobbying Act 2015. In that context the Act enabled the Irish state to meet with some of its international obligations as well as significantly strengthening its legislative defences against white collar crime and corruption. -
Carrickmines Chapter 19
The Final Report of the Tribunal of Inquiry into Certain Planning Matters and Payments Vol. V (The Carrickmines Module) 2 Page | iv TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER NINETEEN – Carrickmines Module…………………………........... 1 Part 1 The delay in publication of this chapter ………………………………. 1 The reasons for the Inquiry …………………………………...………… 1 The phases of the Inquiry…………………………………...………….. 2 The background to the Inquiry…………………………………………. 4 The O’Halloran Consortium lands…………………………...………… 5 The PW/JW lands………………………………….................………… 6 Part 2 The source of funds used to purchase the Tracey lands ..…………. 6 Part 3 The relationship between Mr George Redmond and Mr Jim Kennedy ………………………………………………………… 8 General relationship……………………………………………….……. 9 The County Council zoning map ………………………………..…....... 11 The Tribunal’s conclusions relating to the provision of the map to Mr Caldwell...............………………………......................17 Part 4 The relationship between the O’Halloran Consortium and the owners of the PP/JW lands pre 1991 ……………………………. 18 The joint residential scheme……………………………………………. 19 The joint rezoning submission …………………………………………. 19 Proposed purchase of the O’Halloran lands………………………….. 21 The Covenant Agreement and the Access Issue..……………………. 22 Mr Kilcoyne’s reservations concerning Mr Kennedy..……………….. 22 Part 5 Mr Frank Dunlop’s relationship with Paisley Park / Jackson Way (PP/JW) ………………………………………………….. 24 Mr Dunlop’s engagement by Mr Kennedy ..………………………….. 24 Mr Dunlop’s claimed first meeting with Mr Kennedy ….…………….. 28 Mr Dunlop’s and Mr Kennedy’s understanding regarding payments to councillors …………………………………...…………… 29 Mr Dunlop’s success fee ..……………………………………………… 35 The Tribunal’s findings regarding Mr Dunlop’s engagement by PP/JW ……………...…………………………………………………. 37 Mr Dunlop’s lobbying activities for PP/JW.……………………………. 40 The Special Meeting of 24 May 1991………………………………….. 41 Mr Dunlop’s involvement in the period between the meeting of 24 May 1991 and that of 12 June 1992 and his liaisions with Mr Kennedy and Mr Caldwell……….…………………………………. -
Sample Answers
Write an Essay | Sample Answers An Córas Oideachais (Education System) 1 Bochtanacht in Éirinn (Poverty in Ireland) 4 Na Meáin Chumarsáide (The Media) 7 Daoine Óga (The youth) 9 An Timpeallacht (Environmnent) 12 Cúrsaí Polaitiúla (Politics) 12 An Córas Oideachais (Education System) “Tá géarghá le córas nua oideachais in Éirinn” (We need a new education system in Ireland) Tá mé idir dhá cheann na meá (between two states of mind) mar gheall ar an gceist seo. Ní lia duine ná tuairim (everyone has their own opinion), ach creidim féin go pearsanta go mbaineann idir bhuntáistí agus mí-bhuntáistí leis an gcóras oideachais in Éirinn. Ní túisce (no sooner) a chonaic mé teideal na haiste seo ná rug mé greim ar mo pheann chun mo chuid tuairimí a bhreacadh síos. Ná dean dearmad go mbíonn dhá thaobh ar gach scéal. Ar an iomlán, ní aontaím leis an ráiteas go huile is go hiomlán (completely). Ar an gcéad dul síos, áfach, tá an córas oideachais ró-acadúil (too academic) dar liom. Tá dúshláin mhóra (big challenges) ann maidir le hoideachas triú leibhéal. Tá brú millteanach (enormous pressure) á chur ar scoláirí. Tá a lán fadhbanna ann chomh maith le córas na bpointí agus níl sé ceart ná Write an Essay | Sample Answers 1 cothrom (it’s not fair or just). Mar sin féin, imíonn sin agus tagann seo (times are changing), agus anois tá an córas ag feabhsú go mall (improving slowly). Ar dtús, breathnóidh mé ar (I will look at) na buntáistí a bhaineann leis an gcóras oideachais. Sa chóras atá againn, cuirtear béim ar (emphasis on) fhoghlaim teangacha. -
Cultural Connections Cultural Connections
Donegal County Council 2009 Donegal – 2014 Services Division Cultural Plan For Strategic Connections Cultural Cultural Connections Strategic Plan For Cultural Services Division Donegal County Council 2009 – 2014 Ceangail Cultúrtha Ceangail do Rannán na Seirbhísí Cultúrtha Plean Straitéiseach Chontae Dhún na nGall 2009 – 2014 Comhairle comhairle chontae dhún na ngall donegal county council The mission of the Cultural Services Division of Donegal County Council is to enrich life, enhance sense of identity, increase cultural and social opportunities and conserve cultural inheritance for present and future generations by maintaining and developing Library, Arts, Museum, Archive and Heritage Services. Library Arts Museum Heritage Archive Lough Veagh and The Derryveagh Mountains, Glenveagh National Park, Co. Donegal. Photo: Joseph Gallagher 2 Foreword 3 Preface 4 Introduction 5 Section 1 Description of Cultural Services Division 11 Section 2 Review 2001-2008. Key Achievements and Outputs 27 Section 3 Operating Environment, Policy and Legislative Context 35 Section 4 Consultation and Preparation of the Plan 41 Section 5 Statement of Strategy – Mission, Goals, Objectives, Actions 61 Section 6 Case Studies 71 Appendices Strategic Plan for Cultural Services Division Donegal County Council 1 Foreword This is the first cultural strategy for the Cultural Services Division of Donegal County Council in which the related though distinct areas of Libraries, Arts and Heritage work together to 5 common goals. Donegal County Council takes a proactive approach to the provision of cultural services in the county, continuously evolving to strengthen services, set up new initiatives, create and take up diverse opportunities to meet emerging needs. Donegal gains widespread recognition for this approach and the Council intends to continue to lead and support developments in this core area. -
The Political Economy and Media Coverage of the European Economic Crisis
‘Austerity as a policy harms the many and benefits the few. In a democracy that’s sup- posed to be hard to sell. Yet the democracies most effected by the European financial crisis saw no such democratic revolt. Mercille tells us why. Updating and deploying the Chomsky-Herman propaganda model of the media in a systematic and empirical way, he shows us how alternative policies are sidelined and elite interests are protected’. Mark Blyth, Professor of International Political Economy, Brown University ‘This is one of the most important political economy books of the year. Julien Mercille’s book is set to become the definitive account of the media’s role in Ireland’s spectacular and transformative economic boom and bust. He argues convincingly that critical poli- tical economic perspectives are a rarity in the Irish media and Mercille’s devastating critique painstakingly chronicles the persistent failures of the Irish media’. Dr. Tom McDonnell, Macroeconomist at the Nevin Economic Research Institute (NERI) ‘The European economies remain trapped in high levels of unemployment while more austerity is promoted as the solution. Yet the media plays a key role in presenting these austerity policies as though “there is no alternative”. This book, with a focus on Ireland, provides compelling evidence on the ideological role of the media in the presentation of the policies favoring the economic, financial and political elites. A highly recommended read for its analyses of the crises and of the neo-liberal interpretation from the media’. Malcolm Sawyer, Emeritus Professor of Economics, University of Leeds ‘The basic story of the economic crisis is simple. -
Fianna Fáil: Past and Present
Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne Fianna Fáil were the dominant political prompted what is usually referred to as party in Ireland from their first term in gov- a civil-war but as Kieran Allen argues in ernment in the 1930s up until their disas- an earlier issue of this journal, the Free trous 2011 election. The party managed to State in effect mounted a successful counter- enjoy large support from the working class, revolution which was thoroughly opposed to as well as court close links with the rich- the working class movement.3 The defeat est people in Irish society. Often described signalled the end of the aspirations of the as more of a ‘national movement’ than a Irish revolution and the stagnation of the party, their popular support base has now state economically. Emigration was par- plummeted. As this article goes to print, ticularly high in this period, and the state the party (officially in opposition but en- was thoroughly conservative. The Catholic abling a Fine Gael government) is polling Church fostered strong links with Cumann at 26% approval.1 How did a party which na nGaedheal, often denouncing republicans emerged from the losing side of the civil war in its sermons. come to dominate Irish political life so thor- There were distinctive class elements to oughly? This article aims to trace the his- both the pro and anti-treaty sides. The tory of the party, analyse their unique brand Cumann na nGaedheal government drew its of populist politics as well as their relation- base from large farmers, who could rely on ship with Irish capitalism and the working exports to Britain. -
The Struggle for a Left Praxis in Northern Ireland
SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Spring 2011 Sandino Socialists, Flagwaving Comrades, Red Rabblerousers: The trS uggle for a Left rP axis in Northern Ireland Benny Witkovsky SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the Civic and Community Engagement Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Politics and Social Change Commons Recommended Citation Witkovsky, Benny, "Sandino Socialists, Flagwaving Comrades, Red Rabblerousers: The trS uggle for a Left rP axis in Northern Ireland" (2011). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 1095. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/1095 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Witkovsky 1 SANDINO SOCIALISTS, FLAGWAVING COMRADES, RED RABBLEROUSERS: THE STRUGGLE FOR A LEFT PRAXIS IN NORTHERN IRELAND By Benny Witkovsky SIT: Transformation of Social and Political Conflict Academic Director: Aeveen Kerrisk Project Advisor: Bill Rolston, University of Ulster School of Sociology and Applied Social Studies, Transitional Justice Institute Spring 2011 Witkovsky 2 ABSTRACT This paper is the outcome of three weeks of research on Left politics in Northern Ireland. Taking the 2011 Assembly Elections as my focal point, I conducted a number of interviews with candidates and supporters, attended meetings and rallies, and participated in neighborhood canvasses. -
Factsheet: Dáil Éireann (Irish House of Representatives)
Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: Dáil Éireann (Irish House of Representatives) Leinster House in Dublin, the seat of the Irish Parliament 1. At a glance Ireland is a parliamentary democracy. The Irish Parliament, known as the Oireachtas, consists of the President and two Houses: Dáil Éireann (House of Representatives) and Seanad Éireann (the Senate). The Members of Dáil Éireann are elected at least once every five years by Irish citizens and British citizens resident in the Republic of Ireland aged 18 and over. The current Dáil was elected in February 2016 and consists of 158 deputies. For the 2016 Dáil elections, the Republic of Ireland was divided into 40 constituencies, each of which elected three to five Members using proportional representation and the single transferable vote system. The constitution confers primacy on Dáil Éireann as the directly elected House in the passage of legislation. Dáil Éireann is also the House from which the government is formed and to which it is responsible. Policy work mostly takes place in joint committees composed of Members of both Houses of of the Oireachtas. 2. Composition Current composition, following the general election on 26 February 2016 Party EP affiliation Number of seats Fine Gael 50 Fianna Fáil 44 Sinn Féin 23 Independents 18 Labour Party 7 Solidarity (Anti-Austerity Alliance) - Not affiliated 6 People before Profit Alliance Independents 4 Change 4 Social Democrats Not affiliated 3 Green Party 2 Aontú Not affiliated 1 158 Turnout: 65,1 % The next Dáil elections must take place in spring 2021 at the latest.