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Song, Young In

BATTERED KOREAN WOMEN IN URBAN AMERICA: THE RELATIONSHIP OF CULTURAL CONFLICT TO WIFE ABUSE

The Ohio State University PH.D. 1986

University... . Microfilms

International300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106

Copyright 1986 by Song, Young In All Rights Reserved BATTERED KOREAN WOMEN IN URBAN AMERICA: THE RELATIONSHIP OP CULTURAL CONFLICT TO WIFE ABUSE

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University

By

Young In Song, B.A., M.S.W

* * * * *

The Ohio State University 1986

Reading Committee: Approved by Dr. Daniel Lee Dr. Virginia Richardson / f t * * Adviser Dr. Milton Rosner College of Social Work Copyright by Young In Song Dedicated to ray Mother, Chong Ok Won

4

The completion of this study would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of many people to whom I owe an immeasurable debt of gratitude. I am profoundly grateful to Dr. Daniel B. Lee for his valuable advice, insightful guidance, encouragement and enduring support which enabled me to successfully undertake this study. Thanks go to the other members of my advisory committee, Dr. Milton Rosner and Dr. Virginia Richardson. Gratitude is expressed to Dr. Milton Rosner who was a constant source of stimulation. He provided valuable direction and dedicated efforts throughout the process of this study. I would also like to extend my appreciation to Dr. Virgina Richardson who continuously provided support, intellectual suggestions and criticism, and especially very special friendship. My sincere thanks also goes to Mr. Jerry Lee who provided expert statistical consultation, and Mr. Michael Coppage for typing this manuscript with accuracy and especially the timely completion. I would especially like to express my heartfelt appreciation to the 150 Korean women, although I cannot individually thank each one, who volunteered to open their lives to me despite their pain. They were courageous, generous, and caring women whose strengths always seemed to ii reflect on every woman and man who share their struggle. In addition, fellowship from the Council on Social Work Education was essential to the implementation in the process of completing this study throughout the last three years. My special gratitude is extended to my parents Chong-Ok and Ki-Ho Song for their support and sacrifices, including my mother's absence from my father for a year while she visited me three times from Korea to provide much needed support and encouragement. My sincere thanks are due to all my friends, brother and sisters, especially Eul-Hee, whose love and prayers helped to keep me hopeful all along the way. Finally, my greatest debt of gratitude was and continues to be to my daughter Kristine, who understood my absence on evenings and weekends, supported me with her sweet patience that is not common even among adults.

v. Without Kristine's assistance and deep understanding, thi,s study could not have been completed.

iii VITA

January 28, 1954...... Born in Seoul, Korea 1979...... B.A., Chaminade University, Honolulu, Hawaii 1982...... M.S.W., University of Hawaii, Honolulu, Hawaii 1980-1981 ...... Youth and Family Counselor, Immigrant Service Center, Honolulu, Hawaii 1981-1982 ...... Clinical Social Worker, Community Mental Health Clinic Honolulu, Hawaii 1982-1983 ...... Crisis Counselor, Child Protective Services, Honolulu, Hawaii 1985-present...... Coordinator, Asian American Affairs, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: Social Work Studies in Social Work Practice. Drs. William Eldridge and James Billups Studies in Human Behavior Theory. Drs. Daniel B. Lee and Joseph Parnicky Studies in Social Research. Drs. Virginia Richardson and Keith M. Kilty Studies in Social Policy. Drs. Milton Rosner and Salvatore Imbrogno TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... ii VITA...... iv TABLE OF CONTENTS...... v LIST OF TABLES...... vii LIST OF FIGURES...... X CHAPTER PAGE I. INTRODUCTION...... 1 Significance of the Problem ...... 6 The Purpose of the Study...... 10 II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE...... 11 Theoretical Perspectives...... 11 Culture-of-Violence ...... 14 Masochist Theory...... 19 Frustration-Aggression ...... 22 Social Learning Theory ...... 25 Learned Helplessness Theory ...... 26 Exchange Theory ...... 28 Resource Theory ...... 31 Korean Women...... 33 Korean Womanhood from Socio-psychophysiological Perspectives.. . 34 Overview of Korean Immigrants in America. . . 47 A Historical Perspective...... 47 Characteristics of Problems of Korean Immigrants During Cultural Adjustments.. . 53 Conjugal Violence of the Korean Immigrant Families In America...... 59 Barriers to the Use of Formal Services.. . 83 III. METHODLOLGY...... 89 Research Questions and Hypotheses...... 89 Definition/Operationalization ofTerms . . . 92 Sample...... 96

v Data Collection...... 98 Instrumentation...... 100 Data Analysis...... 103 Reliability and Validity ...... 104 Limitations of the Study ...... 109 IV. RESULTS...... 112 Overall Demographic Characteristics of the S t u d y ...... 112 Characteristics of the A b u s e ...... 117 Demographic Characteristics of the Battered Korean Woman...... 128 Relationships of Cultural Conflict to the A b u s e ...... 141 Women1s Attitude Toward Korean Traditionalism ...... 141 Rigid Sex-role Performance ...... 147 Stress Evoking Factors ...... 153 Two Career Families and Traditional Families 163 Korean-Korean Couples and Korean-American Couples...... 166 Relationships of Stress Related Symptom to Wife Abuse...... 173 Coping With Wife A b u s e ...... 178 V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS .... 186 Summary and Conclusions ...... 186 Implications for Social Work Practice. . . . 201 Recommendations...... 203 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 205 APPENDICES A. Questionnaire Written in English .... 221 b. Questionnaire Written in Korean...... 238 LIST OF TABLES

TABLE PAGE 1. Distribution of Korean Immigrants in America (Estimated)...... 52 2. The Fundamental ideas and values which are common in Korea but different from American Perspectives. . 65 3. Role conflicts faced by recent Korean immigrant family members in a foreign culture ...... 79 4. Demographic characteristics of Respondents. . . . 115 5. Level of Abuse...... 120 6. Total intercorrelation matrix for abuse ...... 124 7. Opening argument immediately before the abuse . . 125 8. Wives' response to abuse...... 126 9. Behavior after abusive incident ...... 127 10. Age distribution of respondents by battered and nonbattered Korean women...... 13 2 11. Respondents' distribution in marital status by battered and nonbattered Korean women ...... 133 12. Respondents' distribution in educational level by battered and nonbattered Korean women ...... 134 13. Respondents' distribution in religious affiliation by battered and nonbattered Korean women...... 135 14. Respondents' distribution in length of residence in the United States by battered and nonbattered Korean women...... 136 15. Respondents’ distribution in family income by battered and nonbattered Korean women ...... 137

vii 16. Respondents' distribution in living arrangement by battered and nonbattered Korean women ...... 138 17. Analysis of variance of level of abuse by length of residence in the United States...... 139 18. Analysis of variance of level of abuse by marital status...... 139 19. Analysis of variance of level of abuse by respondents' attitude toward traditionalism . . . 144 20. Respondents' distribution on attitude toward traditionalism by battered and nonbattered Korean Women...... 145 21. Correlation matrix: respondents' attitude toward Korean traditionalism ...... 150 22. Distribution of respondents' sex-role performance in the household tasks by battered and nonbattered Korean women and spouse ...... 150 23. Congruency of the rigid sex-role by battered and nonbattered Korean women...... 152 24. Analysis of variance of level of abuse by respondents congruency to the rigid sex-role. . . 152 25. Status inconsistency.in the employment status of Korean women by battered and nonbattered Korean families...... 155 26. Status inconsistency in the employment status of Korean men by battering and nonbattering groups . 156 27. Respondents' English proficiency by battered and nonbattered Korean women...... 158 28. Respondents' distribution in socializability by battered and nonbattered Korean women ...... 160 29. Analysis of variance of level of abuse by respondents' frequency of going out ...... 162 30. Analysis of variance of level of abuse by participating organization...... 162 31. Employment status of Korean women by battered and nonbattered women ...... 165

viii Analysis of variance of level of abuse by respondents' employment status...... 166 Distribution of wife abuse in the Korean-American married couple and the Korean-Korean married couple...... 167 Analysis of variance of level of abuse by husbands racial background ...... 167 Demographic characteristics of battered women of Korean-Korean couples (K-K) and battered women of Korean-American couples (K-A) ...... 169 ANOVA Analysis of battered women of Korean-American Couples ...... 172 Respondents1 distribution on stress related symptoms by battered and nonbattered women. . . . 174 Correlation matrix: Respondents' stress related symptoms and wife abuse ...... 175 Analysis of variance of level of abuse by stress related symptoms...... 175 Problem-solving methods as reported by battered Korean women...... 179 Patterns in crisis management as reported by battered Korean women ...... 181 Contact with professional help as reported by battered Korean women ...... 183 Knowledge on formal help as reported by battered and Korean women...... 184 Characteristics of access barriers to the use of formal services as reported by battered Korean Women ...... 185

ix LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE 1. Three-stage model of theoretical analysis on minority battered women...... 13 2. Age-sex composition of Korean American by period of immigration...... 49 3. Critical phases in cultural adaptation process: a hypothetical model ...... 73 4. Dying as the last stage of growth...... 74 5. Conceptual model ...... 90 6. A scattergram of injuries and abusive acts on the study participants ...... 122 7. A scattergram of the injuries and level of abuse on the study participants...... 123 8. A scattergram of the total traditional attitude scale and overall level of abuse on the battered and nonbattered groups ...... 142 9. Range of respondents' attitude toward Korean traditionalism...... 143 10. A scattergram of stress related symptoms and overall level of abuse on the battered and nonbattered groups ...... !76 11. Range of stress related symptoms experienced by respondents...... 177

x CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The history of wife abuse can be traced from the early Middle Ages (Gies, 1978). It is only recently that society has begun to challenge the long-standing tradition which allows a man to batter his spouse. In order to fully understand the nature of domestic violence, it is necessary to consider wife beating with regard to both the socio­ cultural context in which it presently occurs and its historical precedent (Hofeller, 1982). In all societies, women have been and continue to be the victims of physical and psychological abuse. Throughout history, men have been the decision-makers and the lawmakers. Women have been treated as second class citizens. Violence against women finds its basis in women's minority status and their historically subordinate position in society. The concept of a minority is defined by Wirth (1945):

A group of people who, because of their physical or cultural characteristics, are singled out from the others in the society in which they live for differential and unequal treatment, and who, therefore, regard themselves as objects of collective discrimination. The existence of a minority in a society implies the existence of a corresponding dominant group enjoying higher social status and greater provileges. Minority

1 2

status carries with it the exclusion from full participation in the life of the society (p.347).

As such, a minority group is one that is socially, politically, and economically subordinate and its members are excluded from various opportunities which, consequently limits their freedom of choice and self-development. They tend to have lower self-esteem and often become the objects of contempt, ridicule, and violence and generally, they are socially isolated (Feldman, 1983). In terms of this definition, Korean immigrant women are a minority group within another minority group in the United States. Korean culture can be considered as an outstanding example of the patriarchal society which has been in existence for many centuries. The large patriarchal family was the basic organizational unit in Korea and women's position was subservient to man where inequality was more formal than real. According to Kate Millet, patriarchal societies have had a history of suppression, which degraded the relationship between men and women to that of rule and obedience, thus oppressing the women through culture and system. Patriarchal societies have also had a history of savagery and cruelty, which have disabled women. These societies have promoted the fraudulent beliefs, (which have made brainwashing— ), that a woman is weak, wicked, 3 inferior, etc. through myth, religion and scholarship (Millett, 1974). Wife beating is an expression of patriarchal domination, the origin of which lies in the subordination of females and in their subjection to male authority and control. This relationship between women and men has been institutionalized in the structure of the patriarchal family and is supported by the economic and political institutions and by the culture's belief system (Dobash and Dobash, 1979). Korean women had had a long history of oppression, exploitation, and enslavement. These victims of battering, who have not even had the right to express their humanity, have been exploited and dehumanized for generations. Battered women learned to adjust Korean to such a life by taking it as the "destiny" or "fate" which their very entry into this world as women, imposed upon them. Since no alternative was imaginable, they were compelled to make the tremendously difficult adjustment to this lifestyle by making virtue out of necessity. Thus the women of Korea who have endured a life of subjugation to men longer and to a harsher extent than most others in the world are among the slowest and most reluctant to recognize and admit the injustice of their situation. Women's liberation is a concept still very much taboo in Korea. No one who wants to 4 be part of "respectable" society dares to be identified as a women's rights advocate (Lee, 1977). The battering of women, like other crimes of violence against women, has been justified in the context of Korean culture. A traditional Korean, saying that "the real taste of dried fish and women can only be derived from beating once every three days" has been often quoted as a rationale for "beating" women, thus justifying the violent act as a means of improving her behavior. It perpetuates the notion that a man should beat a woman when she does something that makes him angry. In other words, the oppressed Korean woman's acknowledgement of her oppression would be a negation of her only source of pride, namely, to serve man as "wise" mother and "good wife". A Korean woman who is repeatedly abused by her husband accepts this and considers it her personal shame and misfortune. She fails to see any relationship between these actions and the question of equality between the sexes. Lee, (1977) believes that, while Korean women developed an ability to absorb insults and injuries without protest and to assume responsibilities for others' faults, the Korean men were incapable of bearing responsibility for their own actions, always seeking to blame others. Since this is also reflected in the societal attitudes, it is 5 important to remember the existence of the victim's precipitation ideology and, thus blames the abuse on it. Korean immigrant women's lives in the United States are, in actuality, an extension of thousands of years of battering, with the additional problems and frustration caused by cultural conflict. Although these immigrant families came to the United States to better their lives, not many were ready to confront with the life in the United States particularly with regard to the cultural differences. Regardless of the Korean's motivation for immigration to the United States, there are drastic differences between the lives of Korean and American families, differences which often cause misunderstanding and frustrations when the two cultures come into contact with one another. Korean immigrant society at the present time is under going a stage of transition in which Korean traditional social structures and norms are breaking down and have not yet been replaced by clearly discernible western norms. Thus, Korean immigrant couples, as a group, are subjected to these various factors that determine how they are to behave and feel, before and after, being transplanted to a new culture. In turn, women battering is influenced negatively or positively during the process of cultural adjustment. As a consequence, the problem of wife abuse among Korean immigrants must be viewed in terms of the cultural context. 6

While all of these beliefs have perpetuated the mistaken notion among Korean women that the victim has precipitated her own abuse, the present study attempts to broaden the perspective of conjugal violence by examining the subcultural normative system, with cultural tolerance. The Korean women's cultural background and their attitude of traditional role rigidity, coupled with stress evoking environments such as the language barrier and underemployment, tend to create a phenomenon that is reflected in the behavior and psychological traits of the Korean battered families in the Unite States.

Significance of the Problem

Although concern over the occurance of wife abuse is not a new phenomenom, the study of it is a relatively recent aspect of scholarly inquiry. The need for more empirical data on wife abuse has been addressed elsewhere (Davidson, 1977? Gelles, 1972; Langley and Levy, 1978; Walker, 1979; Hofeller, 1982). In the case of Korean women, there has been no comprehensive study conducted to date. Korean battered women, a minority within an ethnic and sexual minority, have received almost no attention in the social research literature, nor have they received the social services provided for the minority women. 7

Until ten years ago, the number of Korean immigrants in the United States was negligible, and there problems were less obvious. Thus, they, and the problem they encountered were ignored. At the present time, however, the situation has changed. In 1965, only one out of every fourteen immigrants to the United States was Asian; by 1973, the figure had risen to approximately one in out of every three new immigrants admitted to America (Sanders, 1978). Korean immigrants are now the second largest group entering the United States, and their rate of increase has been higher than any other immigrant group from Asia (Immigrants in Hawaii, 1976). People from India, Korea and the Phillipines account for about 50% of the total number of Asian immigrants (Kim and Brown, 1985). A majority of recent Korean immigrant families have come to the United States, not so much for survival itself, but rather to elevate or to improve their opportunities. In contrast to their motives for immigration, however, many Korean immigrant families in the United States, upon arrival, experience a great deal of difficulty. Each member of the Korean immigrant family faces serious problems Moreover, the women seem to encounter more hardships than any of the other family members. The data from case materials drawn from the case files of the Korean-American Mental Health Center in Los Angeles, suggest 8

that there has been a noticeable increase in marital conflict and conjugal violence in the Korean community of Los Angeles (Yim, 1978). Women abuse constitutes a high proportion of its caseload. It has also been noted that almost two-thirds of those cases involve extreme violence. The problems related to wife abuse that are frequently encountered in clinical treatments include a high incidence of severe depression, child abuse, various symptoms of somatization, physical injuries, and a high incidence of suicide attempts (Song, 1982). The complete lack of research for the Korean battered woman does not indicate that they do not have any serious problems, but rather, it suggests those problems have not yet been thoroughly examined and documented. As Ryu (1977) indicated, demographic studies of the Korean - Americans have been severely limited in the United States by the unavailability of baseline data and by the limited nature of existing data. As the numbers of the Korean population in general, and Korean women specifically, continue to increase and to become more visible, so do their family problems and service needs. During the period of cultural adjustment, Korean immegrant women experienced an increased sense of vulnerability as they suffer from both their deep rooted, traditional cultural biase against women, and the strains 9 caused by the cultural barriers as well as their unfamiliarity with the use of social resources. Unfortunately, battering incidents do occur in these contexts. Problems experienced by Korean women might have been overlooked in the past either because of their relatively small numbers or mystification that Asian-Americans "take care of their own" and "rarely become social problems," (Kalish and Yuen, 1971). Abuse of women is not an unknown or a surprising issue to the Korean immigrants in the United States. As battering of women has been traditionally viewed as not a social problem in Korea, so it continues to be similarly viewed by Korean immigrants. It has been always seen as a matter which is to be dealt with by the family members. Korean immigrant battered women are silent victims who have been continuously hidden by closed boundaries such as culture and custom. Unlike other recent Asian immigrant women from Hong Kong, the Philippines, and India, the Korean immigrant women are severly handicapped by their unfamiliarity with the Western culture in general, and with the use of the English language in particular, largely because Korea has never had an Anglo - Saxon colonial experience (Lee, D., 1980). The problems faced by these women are further complicated by the fact that many Korean battered women are ignorant of available services or 10 reluctant to seek help due to cultural conflict, go untreated and remain liabilities to the community as a whole. Consequently, these Korean immigrant battered women will continue to be isolated, and their problems with battering will increase.

The Purposes of the Study

The objectives of this study are: 1. To gather data on demographic characteristics of Korean battered women residing in an urban area of the United States. 2. To identify the characteristics of wife abuse occuring in Korean immigrant families. 3. To examine the relationship between cultural conflict and patterns of cultrual adjustment which are expected to be related to wife abuse. 4. To compare two career families and traditional families with regard to the level of the violence. 5. To compare Korean-Korean couples and Korean-American cuples with regard to the level of the violence. 6. To assess the level of the violence (the severity, frequency) and the stress-related symptoms in the state of Korean battered women. 7. To identify problem solving strategies that the Korean battered women turn to for assistance.

An examination and review of the literature revealed that very little research has been conducted on the Korean battered woman. The present study is designed and implemented with the expectation of achieving the above mentioned six specific contributions. 11

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OP LITERATURE

Theoretical Perspectives

Theories concerning battering are based primarily in sociological theories of family violence and psychological theories of aggression which have been used to explain violence against wives. These theories tend to be broad and few are mutually exclusive. As specialization increases, we reach the point where some significant questions have to be answered that can not be answered satisfactorily within the sociological or psychological framework. Moving the sociological approach and a presentation of three- stage models for assessing problems of minority clients will be introduced (Hoyos, Hoyes and Anderson, 1986). Though social-psychological theories progress beyond intra- individual explanations, they still fail to include adequate factors outside the dyad. Consideration of the larger society— the context in which the relationship takes place— is characteristic only of socio-cultural perspective (Thoennes, 1981). The socio-cultural approach is based on 12

the assumption that violence cannot be effectively studied in isolation from the values, norms and structure of the society (Straus, 1976, 1977). Hence, wife abuse must be viewed in terms of the cultural context from which they spring. It is suggested that individual perspectives may be sufficient with a third stage of perspective of sociocultural approach is a three-stage model which requires integration of the sociological and psychological components. This provides an additional aspect to the dual perspective (see Figure 1). This three-stage model, as proposed by Hoyos, et. al., (1986), is based on a continuum designed to assess minority battered women at the individual level, as they interact within their support systems, and as they perform their roles in societal structures (see Figure 1). This approach is in agreement with Gelles* (1979) suggestion on the three basic levels of analysis based on the types of causal factor which intraindividual, social-psychological theoretical perspectives on woman battering will be briefly stated with an emphasis on the major sociocultural theoretical formulation of culture-of-violence approach pertaining to the question of why battering occurs and brief comments on the problems of particular theories. Intraindividual Social - Psychological Sociocultural Level Analysis Level Analysis Level Analysis Explains violence in Explains the interaction Emphasizes the fact that terms of some quality of the individual with a full understanding of of the individual actor. her social environment the situation, its etiology, its ramifications and consequences, requires integration of dual perspectives into this third perspective Mas ochist theory Frustration aggression Culture - of - violence social learning theory theory exchange theory Dual Perspective for nonminority women Three dimensional perspective for minority women FIGURE 1 THREE-STAGE MODEL OF THEORETICAL ANALYSIS ON MINORITY BATTERED WOMEN*

Reconstructed from the Hoyos, A. et al., "Sociocultural Dislocation: Beyond the Dual Perspective," Social Work. 31:pp. 61-67, 1986 14

Culture-of-Violence

This theory contends that violence is unevenly distributed in the subcultures. The difference in ideas and attitudes toward violence can be observed through variables unrelated to social class such as ethnic minorities. The culture-of-violence theory explains violence as part of a subcultural normative system which is reflected in the subculture participants (Palmer, 1962; Wolfgang, 1958; Wolfgang and Ferracuti, 1967). The term subculture refers to transmitted and created content and patterns of values, ideas or a complex symbolic-meaningful system which includes morals, beliefs, attitudes, knowledge, laws, habits, standards, customs, rituals as factors in the shaping of human behavior and the artifacts produced through behavior which distinguishes from the dominant culture. The concept of the culture-of-violence further suggests that there is a potent theme of violence current in the cluster of values that makes up the life-style, the socialization process, the interpersonal relationships of individuals living in similar environments (Wolfgang and Ferracuti, 1967). Violent behavior can be considered as production of the essential core of culture which consists of traditional ideas and their attached values. The normative concept of culture in the culture-of-violence theory requires viewing norms as cultural, not by virtue of being norms, but only in 15 so far as they define violent responses as normative rather than deviant. As such, the overt use of violence in interpersonal relationships is generally viewed as a reflection of basic values that stand apart from the central, or the parent culture (Wolfgang and Ferracuti, 1967). In the light of the discussion, caution is to be exercised in the interpretive analysis of the culture-in-violence theory. Productions of the following corollary are further offered by Wolfgang and Ferracuti (1967, pp. 158-161): 1) no subculture can be totally different from or totally in conflict with the society of which it is a part; 2) to establish the existence of a subculture of violence does not require that the actors sharing in these basic value elements should express violence in all situations; 3) the potential resort or willingness to resort to violence in a variety of situations emphsizes the penetrating and diffusive character of this culture theme; 4) the subcultural ethos of violence may be shared by all ages in a subsociety, but this ethos is most prominent in a limited age group, ranging from late adolescence to middle age; 5) the counter-norm is non-violence; 6) the development of favorable attitudes toward, and the use of, violence in a subculture usually involves learned behavior and a process of differential 16 learning, association, or identification; 7) the use of violence in a subculture is not necessarily viewed as illicit conduct and the users therefore do not have to deal with feelings of guilt about their aggression. Violence can become part of the life style . . . and used mostly between persons and groups who themselves rely upon the same supportive values and norms. In utilizing the culture-of-violence theory to violence in the Korean family, several issues arise relative to how wife abuse occurs. Violent acts may have become a part of the life style, the way of solving difficult problems among the Korean family.The battered Korean women who remain in abusive situations might be considered a part of the subculture and view wife abuse as an acceptable and tolerable means of coping with their problems. Battered Korean women further assume an allegiance to their own culture. They have learned to perceive objects, persons, and situations as attractive or threatening, in accordance with subcultural positive and negative valences (Wolfgang and Ferracuti, 1967). One might further suppose that the abusive situations arising mostly within the Korean family, for wife abuse is used mostly between husband and wife, who themselves rely upon the same supportive cultural values and norms. Under these circumstances, violent husbands will not be burdened 17 by conscious guilt, then, because generally he is not attacking the representatives of the non-violent culture, and because the recipient of this violence may be described by similar categories which characterize the subuniverse of the collectivity sharing in the subculture of violence (Wolfgang and Ferracuti, 1967). On the other hand, the culture of violence theory does not explain how the subculture values originate, nor does it explain how these values can be modified or changed over time. In fact, several hypotheses have been advanced to explain the occurance of violence in some cultures. In the case of Italy, in viewing the outbreaks of spontaneous violence, Wolfgang and Ferracuti (1967) indicates that the geographical isolation has certainly contributed to the perpetuation of the violent behavior pattern. Alternative explanations offered include reference to inherited characteristics that fits the known facts about this puzzling area of subculture of violence. At the same time, it is interesting to note that the geographical situation of Korea which is very similar to the situation of Italy. Korea is a country of tight a little penninsula which is surrounded by water and a hostile boundary to the north. There is no place to escape from the wrath of an external attack. Like the Italian's, whom they are said to resemble, the Korean's love music, have an 18 earthy humor, a quick wit, a hot temper, and a strong pride (Crane, 1967). Crane further indicates that the chief factors which have determined traditional Korean patterns of thought and behavior are: geography, which has made Korea a land of extreme external pressure between mighty neighbors; Confucianism, with its emphasis on relationships of the family, and reverence for the past and traditional thought; over-crowding, which does not allow for much individualism. These factors have developed in Korean women an amzing ability to endure, a submission of the individual for the good of the family. As thus, perhaps there are several ways in different cultural settings how-a subculture of violence arises. It may be that even within the same subculture an allegiance to wife abuse may develop into different patterns. For example, wife abuse may occur because of a negative reaction to their own culture, as a positive reaction to a willingness to use negative means or as a positive absorption of indigenous set of subcultural values. It should also be noted that there is a conflict of values systems between a prevailing culture value and some subcultural entity. From this overviewing discussion based on sociocultural perspectives, we now realize probably no single theory will ever fully explain the variety of observable wife abuse. However, the culture-of-violence application offers the 19 advantage of bringing together psychological and sociological constructs to aid in the occurance of violence in specific groups (Wolfgang and Ferracuti, 1967). The conceptualization of a culture-of- violence will be used as a theoretical framework in this study for an integrated sociological and psychological approach. The more detail some of the relevant theory and data on wife abuse from sociology and psychology will be introduced in the following discussion in order to provide the systematic analysis of the literature that is relevant to our focus on wife abuse, with special emphasis on the culture-of-violence perspective. Other relevant theory and data on conjugal violence will be introduced in the following discussion in order to provide a systematic analysis of the literature relevant to wife abuse.

Masochist Theory

The women's alleged masochism has been attempted for both as an explanation for battering and as an answer to the question of why battered women stay. It is based on the premise that women remain in an abusive relationship because the battered woman satisfies a conscious or unconscious need to be dominated and hurt, which is founded on the notion of a biologically determined disposition toward masochism. 20

Freud proposed that two types of mashochism be viewed as evologenic which is commonly referred to as gaining sexual gratification through physical pain. The second, moral masochism, is originated from sadism which has been turned around and directed against self (Freud, 1924). In "The Economic Problem of Masochism," Freud defines women, as inmately masochistic and defines masochism as ingerently female. In masochism, "the subject is placed in a situation characteristic of womanhood, i.e., they mean that he (the subject) is being castrated, is playing the passive role in coitus, or is giving birth" (Freud, 1924, p. 258). The concept of castration, the basis of women's biological inferiority, is a significant determinant of masochistic behavior. Freud specifies that passivity and masochism are interrelated, and biologically destined, they are considered as the norm of healthy development in females. Generally, the woman's individual problem is believed to be rooted in her childhood experience. Early exposure to abuse, a domineering mother and submissive father, as well as the reverse, have been noted as causal factors (Schultz, 1960; Snell, et al., 1964). According to Berlinger (1958), the guilt and punishment experienced by the masochist is a reflection of the need for the love of a person who punishes and makes one feel guilty. Berlinger views most masochists as victims of a traumatic childhood 21 and as troublemakers who entangel themselves in conflicts by which they continue to make themselves victims (Berlinger 1958). • In her view of female sexuality, Mare Bonaparte (1965) sustains Freud's theory of biologically based feminine masochism. According to Bonaparte, passivity and masochism are biologically imposed upon the female and, therefore, must be accepted, while the male must protest against the passive attitudes since it is not biologically imposed on him. Deutsch (1945) also expresses the view that masochism is biologically based, and essential element of feminity and a condition of erotic pleasure. Such masochism has been criticized for the lack of empirical support. Horney (1967) argues that the evidence for a biologically based female masochism is insufficient. In her feminist analysis, Elizabeth Waites (1977) blames masochism on the "social factors and fixed ideologies concerning the nature of women that are correlated with actual restrictions and with positive rewards for masochistic behavior" (p. 538). It is the combination of social factors and enforced restrictions, not masochism, which are underlying reasons why battered women stay. Waites argues how inadequate theories of female masochism are as an explanation of actual behavior. She further discusses the choice space of the abused woman and notes the 22 lack of alternatives available to her that would provide a clear escape from pain. The problems with this intradividual approach have been well documented elsewhere (Spinetta and Rigler, 1972; Geeles, 1973). This approach, so far, lacks confirmation, but does constitute an interesting research approach, which unfortunately has not been subjected to any large scale investigation. It has been criticized for generalizing from a small group of battered women, often in therapy, to the entire population (Carlson, 1977); for blaming the victim (Flynn, 1977); for endorsing traditional sex role stereotypes, and for failing to take into consideration the environmental factors to leaving (Martin, 1979; Chapman, 1978). The problems of this theoretical approach can be summarized as a combination of inadequate scientific evidence to support the theory and confusion which arises as a result of the inability of the theory to adequately explain which abnormal personality traits are associated with violence.

Frustration-Aggression

Frustration-aggression hypothesis was first specified by Dollard, Doob, Mowrer and Seals (1939) and later modified by Miller (1941). Frustration-aggression hypothesis postulates that aggressive behavior results when some 23 goal-directed activity (frustration) is blocked. According to Dollard (1939), "the occurence of aggressive behavior always presupposes the existence of frustration (or the interference with reaching a goal) always leads to some form of aggression " (p. 1). This theory is assumed that situational factors arouse an aggressive drive which leads, in turn, to aggressive behavior. There is considerable evidence to indicate that situational factors effect the level of spousal violence. The family is a likely setting for aggression because it is the location of many frustrating events. For example, unemployment, job dissatisfaction, and financial difficulties are frequently correlated with incidents of battering (Gelles, 1972; Prescott adn Letko, 1977; Roy, 1977). Kathleen Kofeller (1982) indicates that status inequality may also represent a source of frustration. According to the frustration-aggression hypothesis postulated by Dollard, Miller, et al. (1939), "aggression may be directed at the object which is perceived as causing the frustration or it may be displayed to some altogether innocent source" (p. 15). In battering situations, a woman is battered either as the cause of his frustration or as the receiver of his displayed frustration. Although the frustration-aggression theory seems to be valid, there are some major problems with the theory. The 24 theory would predict that aggression will occur when the victim frustrates the aggressor. This may be said that the victim is responsible for the assult. Shainess (1977) suggests that the wife may "trigger" assault by being overly suvmissive or unexpectedly assertive. If his view is agreed with, then one can "blame the victim" for the assault. Ryan (1971) has analysized the process of blaming the victim and theorizes that the victim is blamed because such a stance is in the best interest of the non-vicitimized. The frustration-aggression hypothesis needs to be modified (Berkowitz, 1962) into that in certain sistuations, aggression may be displaced from the agent responsible for the frustration to a safe object. The target of aggression will be an individual who is unwilling or unable to prevent or retaliate the battering. This theory has also been criticized for ambiguity in the explanation of why, under similar frustrating circumstances, women are less likely to respond with aggression than men. In general, the frustration-aggression theory has failed to explain under what conditions frustration is followed by passive withdrawal (Mead and McGregor, 1951). Lastly, the frustration-aggression theory has failed to address "the crucial problems of how aggressive responses initially take, and the role of factors other than interference with an 25 ongoing response sequence (frustration) in the shaping and maintaining of aggressive behavior," (Bendura, 1963).

Social Learning Theory

Learning theory assumes accounts for violent behavior as a learned social behavior which may be acquired through conditioning or through observational learning and which is maintained by reinforcement of various types (Bendura, 1973; Buss, 1971; Berkowitz, 1969). This theory views violence as a product of a successful learning situation which provides the individual with exposure about the response (violence) and what stimuli are to be followed by the response to cues previously associated with violence. The social learning theory recognized that the process of learning violence through exposure to violence and imitation (Bendura, et al., 1961). Another aspect of the learning theory looks at how exposure to violence and experience with violence lead to learning norms which approve of violence (Owens and Straus, 1975). A third way to account for this theory is to view the role model approach, which proposes that violence can be learned through viewing violence in an appropriate role model (Singer, 1971). The research on the social learning theory is of particular significance in the study of domestic violence. Studies do, in fact, suggest that social learning may indeed 26 be a factor in domestic violence. For example, in some samples approxiamtely 65% of the batterers had been beaten as children and had been exposed to some form of violence in their family (Ganley and Harris, 1979). Martin (1976), Davidson (1979) and Gelles (1975), Straus and Steinmetz (1981) all commonly report high levels of domestic violence in the batterer's childhood home. Roy (1977) found that 81.1% of the battering husbands came from violent homes, but only one third of the victims grew up in families in which wife abuse had occurred. Evidence from child abuse research (Steele and Pollock, 1974; Gelles, 1973), together with research on homocidal offenders (Parlmer, 1962; Guttmacher, 1960) show that they were recipients of a high level of violence, and much research was devoted to the relevance of explaining violence in the family. However, no definitive conclusions can be drawn regarding why a particular woman is battered. Unlikely to the studies of batterers, a study shows that there was no relationship between a woman's being abused as a child and her later mistreatment by her husband (Parker and Schumacher, 1977).

Learned Helplessness Theory

The social learning theory has also been used to explain the behavior of the battered women. The theory of learned helplessness in humans is based on Seligman's 27 experiment research with dogs (Seligman and Maier, 1967; Overmier and Seligman 1967). Seligman administered experiments on the relationship of fear conditioning to instrumental learning. The study showed that prior exposure of dogs to inescapable aversive events results in three basic components: 1) motivational deficits is seen in the experience of uncontrollability, 2) cognitive representation where the faulty expectation that response or outcome are independent occurs, and 3) emotional deficits which interfere with later learning. Although the battered wife syndrome appears to contain elements of such as a description of depression. Walker (1979) learned helplessness has suggested this theory as a psychological rationale for explaining why the battered woman becomes a victim, and how the process of victimization is perpetuated to the point of psychological paralysis. Walker suggests that the battered woman may quickly learn that nothing she does changes her husband's behavior. Therefore, the woman eventually accepts that she has no control over her life which results in helplessness, depression, submission, and paralysis. Studies in the battered women literature do, in fact, commonly report the existence of passivity, depression, or feelings of helplessness in battered women (Dobash and Dobash, 1979; Freeman, 1979; Walker 1979; Ball, 1977). Walker feels that 28 the concept of powerlessness is similar to the concept of helplessness. He further asserts that helplessness is learned on relative continuum based on an interaction of traditional female role standards and individual personality development. Walker (1977-78) views the battered woman to be most affected by feelings of helplessness in their relationship with men. Although the learned helplessness theory seems intuitively valid, there are some problems with the theory. First, in the application of learned helplessness, the definition for learned helplessness closely resembles the symptoms of depression. This suggests that learned helplessness may be a reaction to the naturally occurring depression (Hiroto, 1974). Another problem with this application of Walker's theory is that the theory cannot account for the fact that some women do leave violent spouses without ever having had an opportunity to "practice" necessary behaviors.

Exchange Theory

The major assumption of the exchange theory is that interaction is guided by the pursuit of rewards and the avoidance of punishments and that an individual who supplies reward services to another obliges him to fulfill an obligation and, thus, the second individual must furnish 29 benefits to the first (Blau, 1964). According to Goode's interpretation on the exchange theory, women find it difficult to end a relationship which they have come to detest and they know may even be physically dangerous because they have invested so much and received so little. Therefore, women are unwilling to leave until the exchanges have been more adequately balanced (Goode, 1973). Applying the conceptual framework of the exchange theory to conjugal violence, couples are bound to each other through an ongoing flow of transactions of exchanges. Violence occurs from those exchanges among family members who are experiencing a continuing residue of resentment because of felt injustice (Goode, 1971). However, intrafamilial relations are more complex and interactions are also maintained by the exchange of other resources besides force alone. Although a couple may receive fewer rewards than they would like, they remain in the interaction because they have few other alternatives to gain rewards from. Homan's concept of "distributive justice" explains why. The lack of reciprocity does not automatically mean that family relations will be broken off. According to Homan's (1967), it is not maximizing rewards minus costs in the absolute which the individual seeks, by "justice" in the distribution of outcomes. Justice prevails when those who invest more in terms of effort, skill, etc., 30 recive more, and those investing less receive less. However, the notion of distributive justice is violated "when a person's activity does not receive the reward he expected or receives punishment he did not expect, he will be angry, and in anger, the results of aggressive behavior are rewarding" (Homans, 1967:35). As in the case of other theories, the reason for adoption of a violent response is not explained by the exchange theory. Applying Goode's analysis to the problem of violence in the family, it should be noted that it is easier to explain why a spouse would remain with a violent husband than it is to explain why the husband adopted violence. One may postulate that battered women who stay are heavily socialized into acceptance of the reality and rightness of the family structure. Goode, (1971) explains that battered women see no likelihood of altering the terms of exchange and that is at best the only real alternative. Conjugal violence may be viewed as the use of violence to inflict "costs" on women. It is noted by exchange theorists that to inflict costs on someone who has injured you is rewarding. Further extension of this view could provide the rationale for wife beating. According to Scanzoni (1972), marital stability is related to the ratio of costs to rewards as defined individually by the spouses. The motives in deciding 31 whether to remain or leave from the violence may be based on the woman's individual definition attached to the violence or any other costs and on the ratio of these costs to other rewards. Therefore, women are more likely to remain if the reward is greater than the cost. On the other hand, women are more likely to leave if the costs are higher than the rewards. Thus, applying the framework of the exchange theory, some of the major implications of this view only deals with the antecedent conditions of violence than how and why violence was adopted to redress a lack of exchange. As the result, the exchange theory needs to be linked with some other theories in order to explain why violence is adopted to redress the injustice and lack of exchange.

Resource Theory

The resource theory was one of the first theories which has been explicitly applied to violence between family members. According to the perspective which was proposed by Goode (1971), it assumed that all social systems rested to some degree on force or its threat. Force is fundamental to the organization of social systems, and also an inherent aspect of family interaction. Goode further argues that the greater the resources a person can command, the less he will actually deploy or use force in an overt manner (Goode,

1971, p. 628). 32

Allen and Straus, (1975) application of this theory addresses the same perspective of the greater the absolute number of resources at the husband's disposal, the less likelihood that he will resort to using the resource of violence. Recently, violence began to be added to the traditional list of resources (e.g., income, education). Violence is commonly used as a resource, especially when other resources are insufficient or lacking. For example, a husband who wants to be the dominant figure in his family but has poor education and a job which is low in prestige and income, may have to resort to violence in order to maintain a dominant position. This perspective is supported by a study (O'Brien, 1971) which concludes that there is a greater tendency to use force and violence on family members in families when the husband's achieved status was lower than his wife's compared to the husband having the higher perstige job. The resource theory is also the basis behind the claim that the greater the number of resources to which the woman has, the less likely that she will remain in abusive situations. According to a study by Nielsen, et al. (1979), they found that economic conditions — the woman's employment, job options, earning capacity, and number of children — are paramount in a woman's decision to remain with the batterer. The battered woman's fear of leaving 33 against her husband's revenge is another view of violence as a resource upon which a husband can maintain his marriage. Although the resource theory appears to be a valid view of violence, the function of resources in family violence in the middle and upper class also needs to be further studied in order not to limit the application of this theory to any specific group of individuals or families. In conclusion, the preceding theories attempt to explain the determinants of physical violence within the family. These theories contribute some helpful insights into the understanding of the problem of conjugal violence. Since each theory falls short in some aspect, it is necessary to build upon existing theories on wife abuse to extend a theoretical perspectives of culture-of-violence. These theories should be evaluated by their usefulness for understanding Korean women and its practice applications.

Korean Women

Korean immigrant women are confronted with Western culture and starting new lives in a Western country, and to a great degree, they have retained Korean traditions that cannot be disregarded. The complexity of human behavior is determined by factors of heredity, psychosocial development, free will, and environmental forces (Hall and Linzey, 1970). In this respect, the approach by focusing 34 socio-psychophysiological perspectives of Korean womanhood from traditional to current aspects, will help to provide insightful understanding for this studies population.

Korean Womanhood from Socio-psychophysiological Perspectives

Korea is a country of morals, ethics, and conventions. Confucianism played a leading role, which greatly influenced of the degradation of women's status in Korean society. The function of the woman within the teaching of Korean traditional thoughts was simple and clear. The so-called "obey your father before your marriage, then your husband after the marriage, and after your husband dies, obey your son" (David and Vera Mace, 1959). Throughout the Korean history, the quality of a woman's obedience was to be unquestionable and absolute. In Korean society, a virtuous traditional Korean woman is without talent or intellectual achievement. Korean women have been the most afflicted single majority group in the country. In spite of superficial gains in recent decades, Korean women"s social roles and status are basically still in chains (Lee and Kim, 1976). The suffering of Korean women, which includes the covert and overt degradation of discrimination, are so common and serious, that they may have provided a historical and ideaological prototype for all forms of dictatorships, exploitations, and repression in Korea. 35

Therefore, the most powerful and original force in the dehumanization process today may be referred to as that of injustice based on sex in Korea. (Kim, 1978). The relation between man and woman can be considered as the first unfair human relation that produced self-worship, power-abuse, and has been the psychological basis of all other suppression and rule (Mill, 1976). Firestone (1970) contends that today's modern civilization society was established on the sacrifice of woman's sensuality-culture. No one is truly human, neither as the exploiter nor the exploited. Dehumanization of women brings on dehumanization of man, and therefore, misery for the entire society. Although the number of educated women has gradually increased lately, Korean women are still under severe social restrictions. They are still being discriminated against in various spheres of society as oppression. As Beauvoir indicated the status of the woman has been improved, but is not basically changed (Beauvoir, 1957). One example of Korean women's position is concubinage. Though it is now officially defunct, but privately still a functioning family system of concubinage, where a man could practice polygamy to perpetuate their family lineage if his wife couldn't produce sons (Son, 1978). Yet, concubinage was prevalent among those who did have sons. The practice of concubinage made a woman simply a sex object, besides 36 making her a constant threat to the wife. As thus, the ideas of male dominance still prevails. According to the Research Institute of Behavior Science in Seoul, 50% of all Korean women in maternity said in a survey that if they could not bear a son they would even try to get a son through a second wife of their husband's (Son, 1978). Son further describes two psychological reasons for this kind of answer: 1. A mother does not want to have a daughter to whom the heritage of suffering and insult will be transferred; and 2. A mother deserves human treatment only when she bears a son. Until she gave birth to a son, a wife felt as if she "sat on a cushion of needles." With the birth of a son, her duty was fulfilled in perpetuating the ancestral lineage, and she found protection and security in the future of her son. Even treatment during the childbearing period accented the difference of the sexes. After giving birth to a son, the young mother was encouraged to lie quietly in bed for two or three weeks. However, if the mother bore a girl and lay in bed more than one week, she was put to shame or had to suffer an insult. In Kyongsang Province, noted as the stronghold of Confucianism, it was customary for the mother-in-law to prepare a feast for the birth of a grandson. If, however, a girl child was born, the mother-in-law immediately left the house and would not 37 return for almost a week as an expression of regret and disappointment for the birth of a baby girl. This disappointment was even transmitted to the girl child by the way she was named — "soun" (disappointment), "sop-sop" (pity), or "Yukam" (regret) (Rhim, 1978). Another form of mistreatment of women can be traced in the separation of the sexes. When boys and girls reached the age of seven, they were not allowed to sit together. Korean women were strictly segregated from the men in the family. On the street or in public it was the rule for the wife to walk several steps behind the husband. When a woman walked down the street, she wore a long cloak of a white special jacket, called "jang-ot" which covered her face, leaving only two eyes peeping out to hide their faces from the sight of men (The Dong-A ILbo, 1975). However, due to influences of the Westren culture, the shadow of the old-styled women in "jang-ot" has disappeared, and yet, their attitude toward men is still little changed. To address men familiarly is disdained and condemned as the manners of Kisaeng (a singing and dancing girl). Any modest Korean woman usually assumes a blunt air and says no pretty thing even to her husband in the presence of other people (Korean Cultural Series, vol. III). They were inevitably cut off from opportunities for independence in social activities. In Korean society, even now, high school girls 38 are not allowed to associate with male friends by school rules. Even Christian Korean churches have separate seating for men and women. More recently, women were not generally denied the benefits of formal education, but were discouraged from developing any natural ability or talent which might be used for a career outside the home. "A woman’s lack of talent is in itself a virtue,” and "If a hen crows, the household crumbles," were frequently used proverbs to check any worldly ambitions of a woman. The result was a generallack of professional skills among women and an incomparably higher percentage of illiteracy among women than among men (Yun, 1975). As thus, women's self-consciousness, burried deep in traditional Korean society, awakened an awareness of the outside world with the coming to the Western influence of Christianity. The proportion of women in school has increased gradually. According to Son (1978), 26.1% of all college students were female. But, in spite of this quantitative increase, most women students of the college, study in the departments of Home Economics or the Arts, the so-called womanly science. In the departments of Social Science, Economics, Administration, and so on, only 1% are female. For example, throughout the largest women's 39 university law school of graduates in the past twenty years, only one passed the bar exam. The image of woman that has been fostered in school does not fairly fit the expected role' of women in modern society. The supplementary roles are more emphasized for an ideal woman than activity or creativity. "The good housewife must take care of the household so that her husband can be absorbed into his professional work only." "The love of women, who do not expect reward is compensated by the success and achievement of her husband and children" (official high school textbook, General Home Economics, 1978). The ideal women's image, "the wise mother and good wife," is admired not only in textbooks, but also in school norms and institutions. "The prize of loyal women," "the prize of great mother," "the prize of a good housewife," are annually awarded by the government. The idea of good, "the wise mother and good wife," has been defined as a picture of slavery into which the three traditional virtues of women— obedient wife, self-sacrificing mother, and submissive female. The restricted role of an ideal Korean woman led to a lack of social consciousness and narrowly maternal terms (Son, 1978). Even in the event of marriage, it is quite noticeable. In the West, one falls in love, then marries. In Korea, one marries, then falls in love. Korean young people must have 40 patience to wait for the marriage arrangement or face the hatred of their parents, relatives and neighbors. Thus, marriage in Korea does not involve the personal choice of the couple, but, instead, it involves consideration of ancestors, descendents, property, and educational compatability (Moon, 1978). In traditional Korean society, Korean women had nothing to say about their marriage, and above all, she never saw her husband until the wedding night. Marriage created a totally different status in a woman's life compared to a man's life as a husband. In traditional Korean society, women were bound by seven legitimate standards and rules for marriage. If the woman committed any one of the rules, she was unconditionally divorced. The rules were: 1) dis­ obedience towards her parents-in-law; 2) failure to produce a son; 3) unfaithful to her husband; 4) showed jealousy; 5) an incurable disease; 6) promiscuous talk; and 7) being found to be a thief (Lee, 1966). In other words, divorce was an one-sided expulsion, a fate regarded to be worse than death by women of respectable families. The parents of the women were thus expelled and refused to recieve them back because they believed it was a great dishonor (Lee, 1977). Though there were no legal prohibitions on remarriage in the case of a husband's death, the custom was to require 41

a widow to remain faithful to her husband and not to remarry if he died (Lee, 1966). If a widow should remarry, she would be considered guilty of an unfilial act against her husband's family. An elaborate system of rewards and punishments was worked out in order to force a value system so well designed to create egotism at the expense of normal and healthy life for women. A special recognition was awarded to women who kept their chastity to the end of their lives after having been widowed in youth while women who remarried were punished by having all their offspring, generation after generation, barred from government service and thus from respectable society (Rhine, 1978; Lee, 1977). Such a traditional social restriction is notably prevalent in Korean women's status, at present, in terms of social structure. Even though discrimination by sex is forbidden in the Constitution, legal provisions of the Domestic Relation Law ignore entirely this fact. Korean family law carefully regulates the family's head succession. The eldest son, who becomes the family head regardless of his age, mental capacity, or own will, gets an additional 50% share of the inheritance besides his share as the son. The married daughter can only inherit 25% of the son's share (Lee, 1981; Son, 1978). In case the husband bears a child out of wedlock, he can have this child's name entered in the 42 family register without the agreement of his wife; but in the case of the wife's bastard, it is impossible. The property which was obtained during the marriage belongs to the husband. At the time of a husband's death, the worth of the wife's domestic labors is not considered at all. Son and Lee also state that in case of divorce, the children are sent to the father, regardless of supporting capability. Korean women used to have no right over child custody. Therefore, even though a divorced mother raised her child, all the legal rights should be governed by her husband (i.e., school registry). Although continuous efforts have been made in promoting women's status in Korea, its influence was not country wide, but was geographically structurally limited. Aside from the somewhat better legal protection of women compared to the traditional Korean society regarding education, the position of women in Korea is still a visible subordinate, an oppressed one. Because of their lack of knowledge of the law, many women are deprived of the rights guaranteed by the law, and many others hesitate to appeal to the law for correction of unjust treatment, in fear of the effect that such an appeal would have on their families. They are still ridden by the traditional concept of a subordinate position for women. Although the status of Korean women guaranteed by law, many have little knowledge of law, and therefore suffer from 43 infringement in their legal rights. There are laws concerning women but the laws are not properly enforced (Kim, 1971). According to the statistics presented by D. S. Son, Korean women tend to work only until marriage or pregnancy. "Pretty single women," and "Single women with height 160/cm or over" are frequently and commonly used in newspaper advertisements or to fill clerical positions (Son, 1978). A woman sociologist, H. J. Lee, indicates in her book, "The Social Status of Korean Women," that women in Korea have not been liberated much from the traditional patriarchal burden of homemaker and housewife. According to this norm, "the wise mother and good wife" women are expected to have weak social and professional responsibilities (Lee, 1976). D. S. Son further explains that Korean women are usually supposed to leave their profession or job early enough not to be called unfortunate women. Married women are also forced to leave their jobs because of spinster preferentialism. Few exceptional women took to the difficult road of education and a career, later emerging as prominent national leaders. But, for these pioneers, having a career almost invariably meant renunciation of marriage and family life, the only kind of life other Korean women ever knew. In order to succeed in the male-oriented Korean society, many of them had to become like men, thus once 44 again running against their own nature and becoming alienated from the rest of the female community. It was still not possible for women to live and act as an autonomous human being without necessarily disqualifying herself as a woman. As an example, one woman member of the National Assembly once confessed that women are expected to play the role, such as mood setting traditional women's or assisting in men's affairs, even in the highly specialized Parliament. So, Ms. 0. S. Kim had to disguise herself in male attire in order to not be treated as a woman in the Parliament (Son, 1978). Preference for sons over daughters is still a predominant Korean attitude and, in poor families, education of the daughters is slighted in favor of the less bright sons as a matter of course. Educational material and mass media openly instill the notion of inequality between the sexes by insisting upon highly conventionalized role differentation. Although women have votes, in the majority of instances, they cast their ballots in accordance with their husband's wishes. Women of Korea have never been regarded as autonomous human beings but only as appendages to the male members of the family. The only identity a woman has was only as someone's daughter, wife or mother, and she could live her life only through her father, husband or a son (Lee, 1977). 45

This situation remains largely unchanged even now in Korean society. Men have legally and socially bestowed authorities with all rights in family affairs. Women have always had an inferior status to that of man serving primarily as child-bearers and child-carers in the system (Kim, 1976). In such a cultural context, like all Koreans, women maintained suprisingly strong ties with the past. It may be true that Korea, as a developing country, has gone through tremendous social changes in the past two decades marked by rapid urbanization and into the Western ideology of the modern era. These changes have helped break some of the partriarchal family system into an enhanced status of women. This synthesis thus leaves the impression of an uneven course in the history of the Korean women. Yet, they have confused, and weakened the family structure and relationship in the highly discriminate and exploitive system. The Korean society today is undergoing a stage of transition as the old social norms break down without clearly discerning new values to replace them. The rising violence in the family and sexual discrimination practices have become increasing pressures on alienated, vulnerable women since there is an almost total absence of social service provisions yet in the "modernizing" Korean society. In spite of some, gains in recent years, Korean women*s social and economic activities and achievements are still 46 seriously curtailed and consistently repressed by Korean society (Kim, 1978). Just like in many other developing countries, the issue of wife abuse, or any women-related abuse, does not seem serious enough to warrant concerted external attention. In the Korean society, the theorists and activists for improving women's living conditions are just a few groups and their rare appearance and modest claims suffer from socio-cultural critics and pressures. 47

Overview of Korean Inunigrants in America

A Historical Perspective

Koreans are one of the fastest growing ethnic minorities in the United States (Yu, 1980). Since the revision of the United States Immigration Law in 1965 which eliminated the restriction of the national origin quota system, the rate of Korean immigrants admitted to the country has accelerated (United States Department of Justice, 1965-1976). According to the 1980 census report, Asian-Americans number about 3,5000,636. Among the Asian-Americans, the number of Korean immigrants increased 1,300 percent between 1965-1974 (Kim, 1976), and it has exceeded 30,000 every year since (Yu, 1980). The total number of Koreans in the United States today are now approximately 1,000,000 (The Korean Times 12/28/1985, p. 5). The recent Korean immigrants are in their reproductive ages, and their children, have also contributed to the rapid increase of t1** Korean population in this country (The Korean Times, June 1981). In terms of age and sex distribution, the majority of new immigrants from Asia are young and female (Hurh and Kim, 1984). Koreans are more conspicuous in this regard, approximately 70% of all Korean immigrants were under thirty as compared 48 with 50 % for the overall U.S. population in 1970 (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1977). Hurh and Kim (1984) indicate that the overall sex ratio of Korean immigrants was 64 males for 100 females, in 1977, as compared with 92 for the Chinese, 68 for the Filipino immigrants, and 95 for the U.S. national population in the same year (See Figure. 2). The majority of Koreans in the United States are newcomers, although their immigration to America dates back to 1903-1905 when a little over 7,000 Koreans went to Hawaii to work on the sugar plantations and intended to stay for temporary labor (Shin, 1971). The first groups of people who immigrated to Hawaii were mostly of lower socio-economic strata, often penniless, uneducated and who found living in Korea unbearable (Harvey, 1980). The next group of Korean immigrants, up until 1965, admitted to the United States were students and Korean women who were married to American servicemen, and war orphans adopted by American families (Kim, 1978). The result from the Immigration Act of 1965 created major changes in the Korean immigration patterns in the United States (Second Annual Report, State of Hawaii, 1976). Since then, Korean immigrants have been one of the largest groups entering the United States and their rate of increase has been more drastic than any other immigrant groups from Asia. 49

Immigrants arriving

Males Females before 1970

i

7 0 * 74 65*69 Immigrants arriving 1970- 60 * 6 4 5 5 -5 9 1980 5 0 -5 4 45*49

3 5 -3 9 3 0 -3 4 25*29 2 0 -2 4

15 - 19

10 * 14

FIGURE 2.

AGE-SEX COMPOSITION OF KOREAN AMERICAN BY PERIOD OF IMMIGRATION,

Sources: Bureau of the Census, 1980 Census of Population, PC80-1-B1, General Population Characteristics, Table 45. 50

In contrast to the first arrivals in 1903, a majority of recent Korean immigrants seem to agree that they were not indigent or poverty stricken, but felt they voluntarily came out of Korea. Many recent immigrants came to the United States not so much for survival, but rather to elevate their individual socio-economic status, for political stability, and to increase the opportunity to improve educational opportunity for their children (Kim, 1978). Unlike their uneducated predecessors, the new Korean immigrants are relatively well educated. Prior to their immigration from Korea, a high proportion of the Korean adult immigrants already received four years of college education or more and held white-collar occupations (Hurh and Kim, 1984). Although Korean immigrants seem to be more dispersed geographically than other Asian immigrants, the substantial majority of them are concentrated in metropolitan areas, such as Los Angeles, New York, Honolulu, and Chicago (See Table 1). According to a study (Hong and Shin, 1975), more than 90 percent of the Koreans live in urban areas. In Los Angeles, New York, and Chicago, several block areas where Korean shops are concentrated have been named "Korean-town" by the Koreans. These Korean-towns give an impression that Koreans tend to concentrate in a few selected areas of the United States (Yu, 1980). 51

Due to the recentness of their immigration, Koreans in the United States are largely foreign-born, young, and I Korean-speaking. Adult Koreans are predominantly Korean born. The 1978 Los Angeles survey revealed that over 90 percent of the household heads and their spouses were born in Korea. However, the survey also shows that about one-third of their children were born in the United States (Yu, 1982). Korean-born parents with American-born children will become a typical pattern of nativity composition of Korean families in the United States (Yu, 1980). Among Korean families in the United States, ten percent are extended families composed of three or more generations. The proportion of older persons among the Korean immigrants is relatively small at the time of arrival (Yu, 1980). 52

TABLE 1. DISTRIBUTION OF KOREAN IMMIGRANTS IN AMERICA (ESTIMATED)

Korean-Concentrated Area in Korean Population United States 1,000,000 % 100.0 California 480,000 % 48.0 Hawaii 40,000 % 4.0 New York 200,000 % 20.0 Illinois 80,000 % 8.0 Texas 40,000 % 4.0 New Jersey 20,000 % 2.0 Washington 40,000 % 4.0 District of Columbia 30,000 % 3.0 Florida, Massachusetts 50,000 Virginia, Georgia % 5.0 Alabama, Indiana, Kentucky, 10,000 Ohio % 1.0 Oklahoma, Kansas, Utah, 15,000 Colorado % 1.5

This number of Korean Immigrants in America is drawn from the basis of the estimation from the following sources: The Korea Times, Chicago Edition 12/28/1985 p. 4-57 Bureau of the Census, 1980 Census of Population, General Population Characteristics, Table 4 and Asian and Pacific Islander Population by State. Table 4; Daniel Lee (1980: 51) Table 4; United States Commissioner of Immigration and Naturalization (1952-1978). 53

Characteristics of Problems of Korean Immigrants During Cultural Adjustment

Immigration affects all of us because the history of the United States is based upon the hardships and accomplishments of people who have immigrated here for political, religious and economic reasons. Korean immigrants seem to agree that they also came to the United States to better their lives. Regardless of their background, few were prepared for life in the United States. In reality, Korean immigrants experience tremendous differences between two cultures which often results in frustration and miscommunication. One may wonder how the Korean immigrant families adjust themselves to the American way of life. More specifically, one might be curious about the differential patterns of cultural and social adjustment among the recent Korean immigrant families. Although recently increasing in number, relatively very little research has been done on the Korean immigrants in the United States, as compared to studies on Japanese and Chinese Americans (Kitano, 1973). Won Moo Hurh, Hei Chu Kim and Kwang Chung Kim described and analyzed the differential patterns of cultural and social adjustment among the Korean residents in the Chicago area. The study examined the general life style and changes of the Korean immigrants of the area in terms of structural variables (i.e., age, marital status, socio-economic status, 54 residence, religious affiliation, etc.), and surveyed the degree of cultural and social adjustment in terms of objective (behavioral) and subjective (attitudinal) indices. A series of hypotheses were tested to examine relationships between structural variables and the differential cultural and social adjustment patterns (Hurh, Kim and Kim, 1979). Bok Lim C. Kim (1978) completed a comprehensive needs assessment of Asian-Americans in the Chicago area. The study indicated similarities and differences in needs among different Asian groups (Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Filipino). Also she, in her appraisal of Korean immigrant service needs, found that the types of problems encountered by the Koreans in America included financial difficulties, family relations, immigrant status change, family separation, underemployment, physical illness, and psychiatric illness (Kim, 1976). There are several researches that have been done on the Korean churches and communities (Kim & Kim and Hurh, 1979; Lee, 1979? Kim, 1978? Kwon, 1975). They viewed the Korean church as an agency for the cultural assimilation of Koreans in the United States. Daniel Lee conducted a research on the study of Korean wives of the United States' servicemen (Lee, 1980). The carefully designed study on both the Korean wives and American husbands produced the profile of American-Korean Military Transcultural marriage. One of the major findings 55 indicates that there are differences between the strength and strain groups in age composition, level of intercultural competency, religious compatability, congruency of role expectation, social integration, and problem-solving mechanisms. Lee also indicates that the Korean wives 1 overall psychological level was much greater than that of American husbands. Most Korean wives suffer from the language problem, feelings of isolation, separation, and/or familiar cultural environments to an unfamiliar cultural environment and a nuclear family system. Further cultural differences also created psychological distance between couples. Some experience anxiety associated with social prejudice and stress associated with child rearing because of their language and cultural barriers with American child rearing practices. The lack of supportive systems coupled with limited mobility have profound implications for both their participation into the mainstream of American life and their crisis management. A previous nationwide study by Dong Soo Kim is the study of the self-concept of adopted Korean adolescents (Kim, 1977). The result of the study shows the Korean adopted children had relatively little Korean identity. As a whole, they had remarkably similar self-concept to that of other Americans as represented by a norm group. A supportive family environment did tend to affect a better 56 self-concept formulation among the adopted Korean children. There is another study of American-born children and their Korean-born parents. Kwang Lim Koh and Hesung C. Koh had made a summary of three conferences of Korean immigrants, discussing the problems of the first generation of Korean parents and their American-born children (Koh and Koh, 1974). Kim, (1975) identifies their major problems as characterized by cultural differences, lack of education, impoverishment, isolation, miscommunication in the family, and narrow job opportunities which have severe bearings on their acculturation and assimilation processes. Since the essence of culture is language, symbols of both written and verbal communication, it is found that the majority of Korean immigrants experience a great deal of difficulty with the English language (98% of Koreans surveyed were using Korean as their primary language) which affect their adjustments to American society and intrafamiliar communication (Schnepp and Yu, 1955; Lee, 1975). Kim and others report that this very language deficiency is directly associated with many other problems. The 1977 survey by Yoo also finds that language is a major obstacle for Koreans in the process of making a new life in the United States (Yoo, 1977). Language barriers notwithstanding, ironically, they are eager for full participation in their new society: half 57 of the Korean immigrants obtain American citizenship within six years of arrival, the highest rate among Asian subgroups (Kim, 1977). The language difficulty of Koreans severely limits their cultural and social activities. They are generally Korean-directed in their cultural activities, relying heavily on Korean newspapers for general information affecting their daily lives. In other words, a majority of Koreans learn about American life and society through Korean newspapers. One problem is that information printed in them is not always correct, and very much limited in scope. However, over two-thirds of the adult Koreans in the United States appear to obtain information largely through the Korean newspapers (Joong-Ang Daily News, 10/2/79:16). Group and organizational activities of the Koreans tend to be Korean-centered. They attend Korean churches and participate in the activities of Korean organizations. There are over three hundred Korean churches in Southern California that conduct their affairs only in Korean (Han-Kook Daily News, 4/21/83:9). The 1978 Chicago survey of 116 Korean blue-collar workers shows that none of the respondents reported membership in American voluntary associations, while most of them were affiliated with Korean ethnic organizations such as churches and alumni associates (Hurh and Kim, 1979). 58

Koreans may be fully assimilated to American culture, but will be forced to remain outside the inner social circle of the white majority. But, in reality,'this approach is generally rejected by the majority. For an example, Bok Lim Kim revealed in her article that Korean communities across the nation do not yet possess the organizational structure and economic resources to deal on their own with the employment, health, housing, and social service needs of their rapidly increasing population. This is due to the combination of historical, socio-economic, and political factors which have influenced immigration of Koreans, and have created a century-old discrimination against them in the United States. McWilliams (1964) viewed that the systematic legal, economic, and social discriminatory practices against immigrants and their descendants have successfully limited the numbers of immigrants, family formation, economic advancement, housing mobility, and the social integration of the immigrants into the fabric of American life. Bogardus (1968) has demonstrated that the American people want even less (primary level) association with Koreans than with other Asian groups. Hurh, Kim and Kim (1978) argue that Koreans as an ethnic group seem to be accorded an extremely low social prestige by the Americans in general and their data seem to support their contention. Given the circumstances described above, it appears clearly that Korean immigrants are going through a critical experience in the adaptation process, especially for those who are relatively new to the United States, and who have family members. The difference in cultural values concerning the ethical concepts of basic American values often conflict with Korean values. This has been resulting in family disharmony, self and family crises and despair. Thus, recent Korean immigrants face the problems concerning "family interaction" which arise from the different viewpoints in the new cultural system.

Conjugal Violence of the Korean Immigrant Families in America

Although violence between husband and wife is by no means a new phenomenon, it is only in the last decade that people have begun to study the problem more seriously. Therefore, the amount of empirical study available is relatively small. Our Knowledge of wife abuse in Korean immigrant families is even more limited though Koreans are one of the fastest growing ethnic minorities in the United States. On the superficial perspective, Korean immigrants seem to adjust well to the new culture that they have discovered. While those self-centered social activities which were mentioned in previous discussion may help preserve cultural traditions, they tend to enforce 60 culturally social isolation. More serious domestic problems arise within the Korean immigrant couple in the process of adjustment to a new life setting. A recent report by staffs at Korean counseling service centers in the Chicago area indicates the seriousness of wife battering among Korean families. The report described and analyzed such information as: 1) wife-abuse appears to be the most serious problem among Korean immigrant families than any other domestic problem (severity and frequency); 2) the number of incidents have been rapidly increasing as growth of the Korean immigrant population increases; 3) most of the battered Korean women are ignorant about available services. They tend to wait until they are seriously hurt. The report also indicates that each caseworker at the centers counsel an average of 35-40 battered women a month, which is higher than any other problems faced by Korean immigrant women. This shows the problem relating to wife battering requires special attention and structural support (The Korea Times, 9/20/85:5). In order to understand the conjugal violence among Korean immigrants, only one article has presented analytical suggestion for the conjugal violence in Korean immigrant families. Sun Bin Yim, carried out analysis files of the Korean-American Health Service Center in Los Angeles (Yim, 1977). The data presented in Yim's paper suggests that there has been a noticeable 61 increase in maritial conflict and conjugal violence in the Korean community in Los Angeles. In a period of 15 months, there were at least 47 cases of women-abuse that were brought to the special attention of the Korean Mental Health Service Center. They constitute a high proportion of the caseload of this center. In addition, almost two-thirds of these cases involve severe violence. Yim viewed that since an increasing number of Korean women will be in the labor force, and since a high proportion of working wives were found to be in violent families, it is likely that there will be further significant increases in women-abuse. Thus, the amount of empirical data available on wife abuse in Korean immigrant families is seriously limited. One might conclude that many of the factors which contributed to the incidence of wife beating in traditional Korean families are no longer present because of the rapid and successful adjustment to American culture of Korean immigrants from the superficial perspective. Nevertheless, it is possible to identify some of the factors contributing to the wife abuse in Korean immigrant families. Three factors will be identified in the following discussion: 1) cultural acceptance factors; 2) stress evoking factors (e.g., status inconsistency language and cultural barriers); (3) rigid sex role socialization factors (e.g., typical pattern of traditional Korean wive 1s role). 62

Factors Currently Contributing to the Incidence of Wife Abuse in Korean Immigrant Families 1) Cultural acceptance factors: As discussed earlier, wife abuse may occur in certain societies or groups because it is understood to be a culturally accepted aspect of husband-wife interactions (Stark and McEvoy, 1970; Wolfgang and Ferracuti, 1967). The cultural norms and values are appearing to be more important in the analysis of wife abuse in Korean immigrant families than in white American families. To determine the importance of Korean cultural tradition which in contributing to the incidence of wife abuse, we have to evaluate the ways in which cultural factors influence both family interaction and the likelihood of violence in the family. In studying the causes of violence in Korean immigrant families, we need to consider that it has been tolerated in traditional Korean society. If we take an example from the Korean traditional proverbs, the husband's mother had encouraged her son to beat his wife once in a while vrhen it was needed, to remind her of the duties of a "good" Korean wife. Any Korean wife who is bold enough to behave in a way which is not proper from the standpoint of the role traditionally assigned to her, deserves any treatment that she gets from her husband. This phenomenon was also found to be practiced in Korean immigrant families in examples 63 from the files of the Korean American Mental Health Center in Los Angeles (Yim, 1978). Yim further indicated that a wife's violation of traditional norms is viewed as eing serious enough to warrant any means, including violence, to bring about conformity to these norms. Since the cultural norms legitimize the use of violence in the family, then such violence can be considered to be normal and accepted. Korean immigrants bring with them the traditional acceptance of woman abuse as a way of coping with marital conflict. Many Korean battered women tend to hold traditional, accepting attitudes regarding appropriate husband-wife interaction. As Davidson (1978) has pointed out, "...The victims may exemplify society's old image of ideal womanhood— submissive, religious, nonassertive, accepting of whatever the husband's life brings" (Davidson, 1978, p. 51). Korean immigrants have to deal with two sets of values which guide and direct their marriage— the Korean tradition on the one hand, and the American value system on the other. While there are many cultural elements which can be complementary between these two sets of cultures, they often contradict and create marital conflicts. It should be noted that American and Korean values are based on different standards. The fundamental American value structure is an individual-oriented one, while the 64

Korean is an interpersonal or communal-oriented one. The doctrine of the relationships, the corner-stone of all Korean Confucian moral and social teaching, begins with the concept of clear distinction and proper order between husband and wife. Based on this understanding of the cultural difference between the two value systems, the Korean immigrant family situation may be viewed more clearly (see Table 2). Though the Korean immigrant wife may accept the traditional viewpoints in regard to the wife abuse, at the same time, serious conflicts are likely to arise when the husband seeks to retain traditional values pertaining to husband-wife relations, while the wife is starting to question openly these values and adopt American cultural norms. This gap between the two cultural patterns may become a cause of marital conflict and hence, violence in Korean immigrant families. In the frequent discussion in Korea, individual attitudes are commonly criticized as the most serious flaw of Western society. Koreans' greatest fear regarding their modernization process, as weak as the assimilation process of immigrants to the United States culture, is that it will bring with it rampant individual attitudes. 2) Stress evoking factors: There is considerable evidence to indicate that situational stresses effect the level of 65

TABLE 2.

THE FUNDAMENTAL.IDEAS AND VALUES WHICH ARE COMMON IN.KOREA BUT DIFFERENT. FROM AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

Dimension Ideal Korean View Ideal American View

Human dignity: "human interrelatedness" "individualism" quality of one's independence of relationships with others thoughts and judgments

Social reverence for others, self-reliance, relationship: proper order in society creativity, courageous exercise of a responsible freedom

Decorm: proper and polite informality, behavior casualness

Personal rights gracious favor stand up for one's and duties: rights

Age: between elder and equality younger there should be proper order

Male & female: there should be proper equality distinction

Marriage: to continue the love family line

Problem solving endurance confrontation attitude:

Happiness: harmony individual-fullfillment

Source: Kalton, M. (1979); Korean Ideas and Values; Kim, J., (1978); Some Value Questions for Ethnic Orientation; Hurh, W., and et el. (1980) Korean Immigrants in America. 66 wife abuse. For instance; unemployment, job satisfaction, and financial difficulties are frequently associated with episodes of battering (Gelles, 1972; Prescott & Letko, 1977; Roy, 1977). The stress evoking environments are focused on the implications of sociological, cultural, economical difficulties and of family structure and interaction. One would expect that families which have little status, power, or money have to resort to violence as the "resource" available to relieve their frustrations and stresses (Goode, 1971). At any socio-economic level, however, the stages of the family cycle, as well as extended family relations, are related to violence between husband and wife. We need to consider the discrepancies or inconsistencies between the socio-economic achievement of husbands and wives and between family socio-economic backgrounds and current status of husbands (O'Brien, 1971). For example, a study indicates that family violence tended to occur more often when the wife was earning more money than her spouse (O'Brien, 1971). Despite high pre-immigration socio-economic status, most Korean immigrants are employed under relatively unfavorable labor market conditions in the U.S. Upon arrival in the U.S. the majority of the recent immigrants from Korea start their occupational career as low-skilled blue collar or service workers, and eventually a high 67 proportion of them become small business entrepreneurs (Hurh and Kim, 1984? Kim and Hurh, 1985). Especially, for Koreans in America, an important element of stress is the combination of unsatisfactory occupational status, including unemployment among husbands, and wives working outside the home. While Korean men have very high educational levels, their occupational and income levels tend to be much less than could be expected from their education. Many college graduates have blue-collar jobs and it is known that, because of discrimination in licensing, many Korean professionals are either unemployed and under-employed or have non-professional jobs. While unemployment or under-employment causes frustrations and stresses that may lead to violence, the impact of these conditions on marital relations and violence is seen in the Korean immigrant families (Yim, 1978). In a study of marriage and the family, among Koreans and white Americans (Yim, 1975), 30 percent of Koreans, as compared to 7 percent of Americans, report living in extended families with parents, parents-in-law, siblings, and siblings-in-law. The proximity of the extended family, in the same or in a nearby dwelling, is particularly important from the standpoint of marital conflict and violence between husband and wife. For instance, the mother-in-law not only reinforces the traditional norms, but 68 also becomes the ally of her son in his attempt to get his wife to conform to traditional role expectations •» On the contrary, it is impossible that the extended family provides the kind of moral and social context that prevents marital conflict and violence as they were used to do in Korea. Couples who had their marriage arranged in Korea and who lived with their parents had developed a pattern of adjustment that did not require intense inter-personal relationships. For their marriage to be successful in the traditional sense, there was no need for them to get to know each other. However, as a result of migration and the possible shift to a nuclear household, there is no longer the "buffer" provided by the presence of relatives in the household. For the first time, husband and wife may be by themselves and may have to face each other on a day-to-day basis. Consequently, problems they did not face in Korea may come up to the surface and have to be resolved without the mediation of relatives. This can cause intense stress, and women-abuse becomes one of the responses to that stress (Yim, 1978). Conjugal violence is sometimes the result of stress from cultural shock. Due to the complete lack of research and work done in this area, any empirical data has not been developed. However, the closest approach applicable concerning cultural loss could be compared to the crisis. 69

There have been some systematic attempts to describe the human experience of crisis from the loss caused by transition. Fink (1967) and Parkes (1972) have described some of the stages that people pass through in coping with bereavement. Mead (1955) examined the effects of change on traditional stable cultures and the functions in transition of cultural norms and cementing social networks by Van Gennep (1960). Kim (1976), explained that the immigration process signifies disruption of a familiar life style. It involves disintegration of the person's intra-familial relationships, loss of social identity; and major shifts in the value system and behavior patterns. It is an upheaval and disequilibrium of catastrophic proportions which can be considered as a crisis. For immigrant Korean couples, the process is fraught with danger, and it challenges all his resources in order to cope with this crisis. It frequently places the marital relationship in a most vulnerable state which may lead to violence in the family. Many also reported stress due to the culture shock as psychophysiosocial experience of a sudden trauma arising from disorientation, displacement, disappointment, alienation, loneliness, total inadequate feelings, cognitive dissonance, and loss of self-control during the cultural transition crisis. Adler (1975) in his article, "The 70

Transition Experience" noted that, in cultural shock, people can feel helpless, irritable, cheated, or disregarded, and may struggle to comprehend, grow, or even to survive in the new culture. A study by Hurh and Kim, et al. (1977) examines the recent Korean immigrants in terms of their adaptation process in the United States. Hurh proposed a model of adaptation process based on the six critical phases that most Korean immigrants are undergoing. This model of psychological adaptation process, as measured by the length of sojourn and the degree of life satisfaction, suggests six phases which can be explicated as follows: (1) The first phase is the excitement period of the initial months after the immigrants arrive in the United States. During this period, a set of feelings of excitement, accomplishment, and relief that the immigrant has finally "made it" safely to the new country; (2) The way of getting out of this elated feeling will soon be followed by a period of "cultural shock" approximately within the first year of adaptation. The immigrant's dream begins to fade when they are confronted with the harsh realities of language barrier, unemployment, social isolation, in general. At this stage, the immigrant will most likely doubt if he can "make it". He may regret that he left home for a strange land and yearn to return to his homeland. Hurh views that the cultural 71 shock is a form of anxiety, which results from the loss of perceptual reinforcements from one's own culture to new cues that have no meaning at all, little meaning, or a meaning different from those in the homeland; (3) As time goes on, "adjustment" begins, and cultural shock is redressed through this experience in the American lifestyle; (4) Between five to seven years, the immigrant continues to improve his life conditions and reaches an optimum phase; (5) After going through the optmum period of satisfaction, the immigrants immediately again are faced with another set of critical phase-Identification crisis-Korean immigrants experience the feelings of relative deprivation, perception of limited assimilation. Despite the high level of assimilation, the immigrant tends to experience an increased sense of status inconsistency and discrimination; and (6) At last, the immigrant's arrival at the final phase of "acceptance" when they maintain neutral, marginal satisfaction. Acceptance to an unwelcomed reality is a defense mechanism; a reaction to a serious threat. An abhorrence of impending deprivation, disappointment, in short, the threat of serious cultural loss, is changed at times into acceptance. At this phase, they have neither expectations nor aspirations for "success" in their immigration lives. They simply survive. Overall, the six transition phases represent a cycle of experiencing a disruption, gradually 72 acknowledging its reality, testing oneself, understanding oneself. Identifying the six phases along such a self-satisfaction curve is shown in Figure 3. Interestingly, Elisabeth Kubler-Ross (1975) has also introduced a similar curve of a reaction cycle that people go through upon learning they are terminally ill-the ultimate transition as crisis. This is presented in Figure 4, as useful for us to conceptualize the typical crisis reaction in relating cultural transition by comparing Figure 3 and Figure 4. Simos (1979) viewed the immigration as a severe cultural loss, of continuity of life style, of environmental cues lending meaning to experience (such as road signs and money, of language, familiar faces, places, and relationships, and of values and role pattern). Immigration, whether motivated by the search for a better life or flight from political or economic hardships, result in intermingled emotion in grief, anger, loneliness, guilt, shame as we find in the crisis process. The process of adaptation could be compared to the crisis in cultural loss. Conjugal violence is often the result of such crisis reactions as vulnerability. Degree of Adaptation (life satisfaction) ore Hr# 97, . 6 u 46. p. 1977b, Hurh# Source: CRITICAL PHASES IN CULTURAL ADAPTATION PROCESS: A HYPOTHETICAL MODEL HYPOTHETICAL A PROCESS: ADAPTATION INCULTURAL PHASES CRITICAL 6

hoi (L. roc ne 7

“"S cfcine 3s, 8

9

egho oor (years) Sojourn of Length 10

JP 11

FIGURE 3. FIGURE 12

13 in_ieli con iff”iStfTRS

14 eii c o ciis!; ioi ica iti de

15 coi

16

ID ID 2TR 17

18

19

20 l v ■ Anger

Me od Ht alt ly Ac cei tai ce Teraunal ilL i— dif ,gn >se

Pr »pa rat >ry de ire ssn >n

FIGURE 4. DYING AS THE LAST STAGE OF GROWTH

Source: Mwalimu Imura, in E. Kubler-Ross, ed. (1975) p. 161. 75

Rigid sex role socialization factors; One of the most salient characteristics of wife-beaters is their strict adherence to a rigidly defined male role. This compulsive masculinity is reflected in an attempt to maintain total dominance over their wives (Davidson, 1978; Martin, 1976; Walker, 1979). The socialization process of assigning male and female sex role behavior is well known as contributing to violence against women (Walker, 1979). While batterers are more rigidly socialized into the male sex role expectation, many battered women also tend to hold sterotyped attitudes regarding appropriate masculine and feminine behavior. As Davidson (1978) has pointed out, the victims exemplify traditional old images of ideal womanhood-submissive, religious, nonassertive, and accepting of whatever the husband's life brings. Furthermore, the battered woman often views men as superior, and all women, including herself as inferior (Davidson, 1978). Korea has traditionally maintained a typical patrilineal family system based on the Confucian philosophy which encompases a multi-generation of family members through the male line, the relationships among these members have been fixed in the framework of the patriarchal system (Lee, 1973). A well-defined set of marital roles are production of this family system. The family unit is more important than the individual. Decisions are made in favor 76

of the family by the husband, rather than for the sole

benefit of a single member. In the Korean family system, a

Korean wife is also expected to serve her husband and other members of her husband's family, and finally, to be an

instrument to perpetuate her husband's family lineage

(Choi, 1979). Korean married women are confined to domestic

roles in their husband's families. The following is an example of how the language

reflects the stratification and segregation of sex and their

interpersonal relations in Korean thought. A wife speaks of her husband as "the master of our house", urichip chuin ( ), she may refer to him as the "outside gentleman",

Pakkat yangban («!■£ . In sharp contrast, the wife is the husband's chip saram ( ) or his an saram ( ),

"house person" or "inside person" (Crane, 1967). The rigid

sex roles of Korean wives still persists in Korea despite sweeping social changes, increased educational opportunities

for Korean women and the rapid progress in industrialization

and urbanization of Korea (Kim, 1978; Kim, 1971; Lee, 1978).

Korean immigrant couples bring with them the

traditional stereotypes of husband as superior, strong,

aggressive, and authoritarian; wife as subordinate, weak, passive, and showing absolute obedience to her husband (Yim,

1978). However, the immigrant Korean's new social and work environment require certain changes with respect to 77

traditional life styles and ways of thinking (see Table 3). Family structures in Korea show the husband and wife having little involvement in activities together at home and elsewhere/ and she does not expect to share or exchange many roles. However, in the Korean family unit in the United States, the husband and wife are expected to carry out many activities together with a minimum of differentiation of role and interest. "Absolute male dominant sex roles in the traditional Korean family cannot be maintained intact in the United States" (Yu, 1980:7). The traditional Korean rigid sex roles are in marked contrast to the American family life about ideal husband and wife interaction. Additionally, there is a conflict between Koreans and Americans in the families role expectations. These gaps between two cultural patterns may become a cause i- of marital conflict and, hence, violence in Korean immigrant families. (Yim, 1978). The conflict between the husband and wife arises where the clean-cut role performance needs to be changed in the context of American culture. When Korean husbands and wives start to disagree about the nature of their respective roles and about the new ways of raising the children, the husband may try to resolve the resulting conflict by violence to his wife. In Korea, there is a clear-cut distinction of certain roles which wives play and do not play, and which husbands play and do not play. The roles of driver, cook, babysitter, and shopper were rarely performed by the husband in Korea. The majority of Koreans use public transportation and cooking is done by the wife or housemaid and babysitting is done only by females. For instance, the kitchen, which in Korea is off-limits to men under normal circumstances, intrudes conspicuously in the United States home structure into the living room, which must be shared by all members of the family. These types of arrangements are apparently more distressful to the men, not only because they have had less experience than women in intense domestic environments, but also because these changes come at a time when they feel extremely vulnerable from the cultural transition (Harvey, 1980). As such, these conflicts seem to arise because of living in a new culture. The conflicts both sexes recognize are closely related to each other. For example, in the United States, domestic affairs cannot be handled by wives alone and they need help from husbands. On the other hand, husbands alone cannot solve external problems, because wives are involved in socio-economic matters. Therefore, most of the decision-making has to be done jointly. In Korean traditional point-of-view, even though the wife may be more talented and have a more forceful personality that her husband, the woman's role should be TABLE 3 79

ROLE CONFLICTS FACED BY RECENT KOREAN IMMIGRANT FAMILY MEMBERS. IN A FOREIGN CULTURE

Rede Dimension Wife Husband

Full - time now housework must be shared by all management full - time members of the family of households working wife and child rearing

Financially, independent power losing man - over woman domination emotionally fully dependent

Obedient attitude become assertive feelings of helplessness resulting toward husband resulting depression

Children Parents

See more freedom of chcdce and Find their children become more become independent more quickly uncontrollable in America than they did in Korea (Thus the frustration is doubled especially far those whose immigration motive was their "children's education")

Recognize that their parents' attitudes toward them are quite authoritarian as compared to parents of their local friends

Adjust to the new culture much Still in the period of adjustment faster than their parents, rapidly or at the level of long - term rapidly arriving at the level of cultural assimilation social interaction, American value system

The equal rights among members of family and gradeless (nonhonorific) speech found in American society may cause disharmony in many Korean immigrant families.

Source: Kalton, M., (1979); Kim, J., (1978) 80 confined to giving helpful advice; she should never take over the role of decision-maker. The high economic participation rate among Korean immigrant women, weakens the male-dominant role of the traditional family. As wives become partners in economic activity, they no longer obediently accept the superior position of males. In this respect, the husband feels no absolute dominance over his wife, but often they expect and force their wives to behave as if they were in Korea. This usually enrages the husband, who will then resort to violence. Even though the Korean immigrant wife may accept the traditional definition of her role, the influence of American culture could easily make her aware of the fact that an American husband is expected to share sex roles. Thus, when she feels particularly overburdened with absolute demands of the Korean wife's role, she may ask her husband to change. This request may upset each other. Similarly, as the wife becomes aware of American patterns of child-rearing, she could become dissatisfied with the authoritarianism of her husband. If she expresses her disagreement, this also could lead to conflicts that may lead to abuse of the wife, by the husband (Yim, 1978). At the same time, Korean husbands tend to resist the transition and stick to the old authoritarian values over their wives and children they brought with them. 81

Consequently, conflicts between parent-child intensify marital conflict (Kim, 1977). Under these circumstances, it is difficult to maintain a stable child-parent, husband-wife relationship. English- speaking and American culture-oriented children tend to look down on their parents because of their broken English and Korean traditional authoritarian attitudes. Parents in the divided culture families can neither provide guidance nor earn respect from their children (Yu, 1980). The high economic participation rate among Korean women as other immigrant wives in the American history of immigration (Chafe, 1976), weakens the male-dominant role of the traditional husband. Korean immigrant wives are employed to support their family because the earnings of their husbands are not generally sufficient for family support, forcing the wives to be gainfully employed (Hurh and Kim, 1984). Disadvantages in the American labor market are another reason for the high labor force participation rate of Korean married women, a high proportion of Korean husbands turn to self-employed small businesses such as laundry mats, Korean restaurants and stores, etc. (Bomacich and Jung, 1982; Kim and Hurh, 1985; Light and Wong, 1980). Management of such small businesses is difficult enough to require the labor of unpaid family members to cut down the cost. Most of the employed wives are working particularly 82 long hours: according to the survey by Hurh and Kim (1985), two-thirds of them work an average of ten hours (42.6%) or more (22.2%) a day and even on weekends (22.2%). Under these circumstances, do their husbands share the role of homemaker in their families? It has been observed that the immigrant wives alone are expected to perform most of the household tasks predominantly, regardless of their employment status or the presence of children. In this respect, Korean immigrant husbands and wives revealed that the immigrant wives are no less traditional than the husbands. When both immigrant husbands and wives continue to believe that the wife should predominantly perform household tasks regardless of the situation, the combination of the extended full-time employment and responsibility for most of the household tasks would mean that the working wives suffer from the heavy burden of their double roles. Eventually, the wives would feel an acute sense of injustice or inequity (Hurh and Kim, 1985). The Korean immigrant wives begin to question, and they no longer obediently and fully accept the superior position of husbands. Husbands who are already faced with frustration caused by language difficulty, prejudice, and diLicrimination in the employment market, find it difficult to tolerate their weakening position in the family (Kim, 1977). Husbands are helpless when seeing their authority 83 over their wife and children erode. Anger, thus accumulated, explodes between husbands and wives. However, in Korean immigrant familes there is little possibility of role sharing or interchange between the wives and their husbands. Korean immigrant couples continue to exhibit sharp sex role segregation. Over burdened Korean immigrant wives and their frustrated husbands face the problems concerning "family violence" which are coupled with the different viewpoints in the new cultural system. It leaves them extremly vulnerable.

Barriers to the Use of Formal Services

The general consensus in American people tends to believe that Asians have strong family ties and their segregated position in the larger society are somehow insulated against the stresses, anxieties, problems of modern life. There is also a widespread belief that Asian Americans have somehow overcome prejudice and therefore do not require special attention and aid. Contrary to these beliefs that Asians are model citizens with low stress and low maladjustment, several research reports indicate that Asian populations are actually more vulnerable than many other population groups (Kitano, 1967; Tung, 1980; Ishisaka and Takagi, 1982; Dhooper and Tran, 1986). Studies of Asian population in America have discovered not only serious problems but also a marked underutilization of available 84 social services and facilities by them (Lorenzo and Adler, 1984; Sue and McKinney, 1975? Mokuau and Matsuoka, 1986). Overall ajustment difficulties experienced by the Korean immigrant indicated in the previous discussion, have serious implications for violence in the families as they undergo acculturation in the United States. Charles Moon (1978) indicated that many of the Korean immigrants in Chicago showed evidence that they have failed to cope with the various problems in living in America. Moon viewed that mental health problems such as mental and emotional stress, language barrier, employment problems, insecurity of living conditions and environmental change, have caused serious marital problems beyond observation and estimation. In addition, another difficulty in aiding domestic violence of the Koreans is their unique characteristics and capacity to control expressions of problems and troubles. Acknowledgement of an emotional disturbance is a sign of personal inadequency which reflects poorly on the individual and the family. Most Korean immigrants stress privacy and self control and their view of battering in the home environment may encourage them to try to solve the problem on their own without even letting close friends know. Stigma and shame may be felt over experiencing woman battering. The battered Korean woman may not seek help for the anticipated disgrace of the need to go out of the 85 family. The view traditionally is that the capacity to control expressions of family problems or troubled feelings is equated with maturity, and they hesitate to seek any formal help. Thus, most Koreans regard domestic problems as sources of potential danger and of shame to their families. Koreans rarely regard psychosomatic symptoms or neurotic symptoms as serious if they are not acted out in ways dangerous to others. Many other Asians tend to somatize their problems by attributing it to a "headache" or "indigestion" rather than to a psychological reaction such as anxiety (Ponce, 1974: Chung and Riecklemand, 1974). As long as they lead calm and withdrawn lives, domestic problems, or those who would be so diagnosed by Western psychiatry, are well tolerated by both the family and the society (Chung, 1980). Chung also indicates that as to the types of problems, among Korean women, the most common is the paranoid type. This symptom is on the increase in Korean women, perhaps owing to traditional repression of verbalization and emotional expression toward violent husbands. Depression is becoming more common, especially in situations involving accumulated fear toward violent husbands. However, due to the unfamiliarity and cultrual barriers in counseling, they generally seek relief from Korean internists (Chung, 1980). 86

One of the reasons for the immigrant population to seek help from ethnic medical professionals is that cost of services may prohibit them from widespread lack of bilingual and bicultural service providers. American service providers may not be responsive and sensitive to the client's fears, beliefs, and perspectives on life and situations (Dhooper and Tran, 1986). At the same time, formal services based on Anglo-American culture may appear to be irrelevant to their perceived problems, confusing, and possibly stigmatizating to them (Ryan, 1985). Unfamiliarity with the methods and goals of counseling also results in underutilization of services. They either do not seek help or drop out of the help programs. There is abundant evidence that came to light in the 1970's that public services were being under-utilized by minority groups and that behavior described as pahtological in a minority culture such as individualistic assertiveness may be viewed as adaptive in a majority culture client (Murphy, 1978). Asian-Americans terminate counseling significantly earlier than Anglo clients (Sue, 1975). In most of the literature these examples of diferentiation are credited to cultural barriers that hinder the formation of good counseling relationships, language barriers, class-bound values, and culture-bound attitudes. Korean immigrants sometimes misread the superficial friendliness of 87

Americans and eventually come to feel angry and humiliated by the false promise they had read into it. No American can know the depth or the scope of such injuries that Korean immigrants experience in the early phases of their immigrant life (Chung, 1980). Bok-Lim Kim (1976) also explained that immigrants not only have to face new and unfamiliar situations, but they also encounter institutional and individual racism which makes their adjustment even more difficult. She viewed that it may be possible to mobilize one's inner strength to cope with unfamiliar situations, but it is often impossible to cope with a system which does not allow one to succeed because of discriminatory practices. Therefore, the immigrants have to be taught that some of their failures might be due to their own inabilities to deal with unfamiliar or difficult situations, while other situations might be beyond resoultion because of institutional failure (Kim, 1976). Amir (1969) reviewed the literature of social psychology from minority perspectives in a classic article on the contact under unfavorable conditions and intergroup contact results in more negative relationships and disharmony. These unfavorable conditions are most easily illustrated in the relationships between dominant and minority groups. Sue (1975) includes the condition of being oppressed as an important defining characteristic of any 88 minority group. Minorities, then, are people singled out for unequal and different services and who regard themselves as objects of discrimination. Sue (1975) has pointed out how the perception of equality has politicized the delivery of public services in our domestic social context. Daniel Lee (1984) indicates in his recent study that Asians are not immune from strains due to the internal and external social realities of cultrual alienation and institutional racism. On the contrary, during the history of their settlement in America, there have been a number of repressive public policies restricting them from attaining full and active citizenship. Lee further points out that the myth of the "successful minority" is often applied to Asian-Americans who have structutally assimilated into the mainstream of American society while it negates categorically a large segment of the same ethnic population whose survival needs and ethnic barriers hamper their access to equal opportunities. Asian-Americans including Koreans, tend to underutilize public services and counseling for problem-solving and conflict management of life crises. Often, they mask difficulties because it is considered shameful to show weakness; disgrace to the family and ancestors is felt to be sinful (Lee, 1984). 89

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

This study utilized the exploratory descriptive design classified by Miller (1983) and Kahn (1960). The purpose of the present study was to investigate selected socio-cultural dimensions involved with the battering of Korean immigrant women living in the United States. Based upon the material discussed in the previous chapters, it is possible to construct a schematic model relating each of the key variables of this study in a causal fashion. Such a model (Thoennes, 1981) is presented in Figure 5 in the following page. This chapter also includes a discussion of subjects, instrumentation, data collection of research questions, analysis of the data and limitations of the present study.

Research Question and Hypotheses

The Conceptual Model outlined, in Figure 5, constitutes an exploratory study. The relationship between cultural factors and wife abuse has rarely been explored empirically. Certainly the Korean battered immigrant family has never previously been researched as an explanatory factor in relation to cultural conflict. Background Variables Cultural Conflict Resource Variables Conjugal Variables >Relationshi|>

• T h e level of Ed. * Traditional sex role Proximity to Help from informal Battered socialisation resource (knowledge and formal services of • age * Attitude toward service needs access Korean traditionalism /barriers to the use) • length of residency ' 1

• S E S * Stress evoking Interaction environment (under \with ethers or unemployment du e to • living arrangement the cultural barrier language difficulties lack of sccializability ) A

• religious affiliation Non • Battered

• employment status

• spouse racial background

FIGURE 5. CONCEPTUAL MODEL vo o 91

In light of these reasons, the following major questions offered, based on the six study objectives (which were) mentioned in the earlier discussion, and the model presented in Figure 1 and the literature review: 1. Is there a significant relationship between the level of abuse and the demographic variables? (The level of education, age, maritial status, length of residency, socio-economic status, religious affiliation, and living arrangements). 2. What are the charcteristics of the wife abuse experienced by the study participants 3. Is there a significant relationship between women's attitudes toward Korean traditionalism and wife abuse? 4. Is there a significant relationship between the rigid sex role performances and wife abuse? 5. Is there a significant relationship between stress evoking factors and wife abuse? 6. Is there a significant difference in the level of abuse occuring in two career families and traditional families? 7. Is there a significant difference in the level of abuse occuring in Korean-Korean couples and Korean-American couples? 8. Is there a significant relationship between wife abuse and stress-related symptoms experienced by Korean women? 9. What sources are most frequently utilized by the Korean battered women? (Knowledge of service needs, utilization patterns, access barriers to the use of formal services).

The following six hypotheses related to the outcome of wife abuse were developed: 92

1. The level of wife abuse is directly related to the demographic background of the subject. 2. The more traditional Korean immigrant women are, the more likely they are to experience wife abuse. 3. The more rigid sex roles Korean immigrant couples perform, the more likely they are to experience wife abuse. 4. The more stress evoking factors Korean immigrant women face, the more likely they are to experience wife abuse. 5. The level of wife abuse is directly related to the employment status of women. 6. The level of wife abuse is directly related to the stress related symptoms.

Definition /Operationalization of Terms These are the following terms which will be used in the present study.

Battered Women

The term battered women refers to adult women who have been intentionally or involuntarily physically abused in ways that caused the risk of pain or injury, or who has been the victim of threats of violence (i.e., threatened with a knife) by men with whom they have, or had, established cohabitating relationships, whether or not within a legally married state. The term "battered" does not include verbal abuse unless they occur in conjunction with the risk of physical force. Although these are undeniably damaging and 93 painful, the overall consensus among samples of the present study haven't preceived the verbal abuse as an actual account of wife abuse. Within the confines of this study, the terns "wife abuse", "spouse abuse", "woman abuse", "family abuse", "conjugal violence", and "domestic violence" were used interchangeably and will refer to a woman being physically beaten. For the purpose of the present study, a woman was defined as "battered" if she marks any item beyond the first two items on the Current Abuse checklist. Furthermore, in order to be classified a battered woman the woman must go through the incident of abuse at least twice in the past two years. After the woman found herself in an abusive relationship with a man once, and she remained in the situation even if it occurred more than a second time, she is defined as a battered woman.

Korean Women

Korean women in this study include those aged 18 years and older, residing in the United States less than 10 years, who share the Korean language and culture, and whose ancestors originated in Korea. The term Korean women is interchangeable with Korean immigrant women in this study. 94

Korean Traditionalism

The attitude that the establishment patterns of the past in Korea, are the best guidance in deciding the behavior in the present. The attitude that opposes change away from past cultural values and norms, and justifies its actions and values on the basis of the presumed accumulated wisdom of the inherent in past forms (Theodorson and Theodorson, 1969). For the purpose of the present study, this was operationally defined as the scores obtained on the Korean Traditionalism Scale.

Stress-Evoking Environment

Within the confines of the present study, the term stress-evoking environment refers to situations which precipitate high demand, high constraints, and can be considered as a source of frustration. It refers to a confictual situation within an individual (or a family) due to the differences between Korean and American cultures, both of which provide certain acceptance and contradiction. Furthermore, situations that effect the individuals adequacy in performing socio-cultural roles and even facilitate the interference with daily living. Specific variables employed in this study are: status inconsistency, language difficulty and lack of socializability. 95

Rigid Sex-Role

This term refers to social norms which determine the appropriateness of specific behaviors for the two sexes. A concrete repertoire of attitudes, behaviors which are more commonly associated with one sex than the other. In every society, specific behavioral expectations and standards are applied to men and women; deviations are generally subject to negative sanctions. According to the modern dictionary of sociology, rigid sex roles are the product of the process of socialization and generally unconsciously internalized, and they come to be taken for granted, culturally. As a function of this division of labor, D'Andrade (1966), suggests that the sex roles can be traced back to a learning process in which an increasing range of activities are standardized as typical of a particular sex, without reference to biological differences being noticeable. For the purpose of the present study, this was operationally defined as the results obtained on the items on the sex role performance in individual households.

Stress-Related Symptoms

This refers to a number of psychological and physical disorders experience"' by the individuals in this study. This will be operationally defined in this study as the scores obtained on the Twenty-Two Items Screening Score, which contained items indicating whether the subject 96 experienced various physical and psychological symptoms after the abusive relationship.

The Level of Abuse

The term level of abuse refers to frequency and severity of abuse which will be operationally defined in this study as the scores obtained on items comprising two indices: type and frequency of abusive acts and the types of injuries.

Sample

The sample chosen for this study included 150 Korean immigrant women. The participants consisted of married and unmarried women, aged 18 years old and over, who have resided not more than 10 years in Chicago, Illinois. The samples in strategy, chosen to select the participants for the study, was through a purposeful snowballing method. This specific method was chosen as opposed to random sampling, because it is not very feasible for this specific study, nor is there any complete comprehensive and up-to- date directory of Korean women immigrants in the area. There are obviously basic difficulties in attempting to do survey research on a population which is resident in scattered locations. Because of the researcher's familiarity with the Korean community, as well as their 97 availability for study, some participants were purposefully selected for the study group in the cases of interracially married Korean women. Approaches were undertaken to Korean women individually and in groups, explaining the purposes of the study and ascertained their willingness to respond to the interview. The list of sources are: (a) Korean Community Services, (b) Korean Christian Churches, (c) Korean Women Alumni Association, (d) Korean Travel Agencies, (e) Korean Buddhist Temple, (f) Korean Association in Chicago, (g) Korean language daily newspaper in Chicago, (h) Korean-American Spouses Association of Wives, (i) Korean grocery stores, (j) Korean restaurants, (k) Korean clothing stores, (1) Korean shoe repair shops, (m) Korean wig shops, (n) Korean herb shops, (o) Korean book and record shops, (p) Korean fortune teller's house, (g) Korean hair salons, (r) Korean intermist offices, and (s) Korean nursery schools. A total of 199 Korean women residing in Chicago, were approached to be interviewed, 12 could not be reached due to incorrect addresses, 16 could not be reached due to incorrect telephone numbers. In 21 cases, the interview was never completed. As a result, the final total sample of 150 were included in the data analysis of this study. 98

Data Collection

Data was collected by means of a questionaire, or structured interviews by the investigator to respondents at their homes, churches, temple, Korean restaurants, grocery stores, etc. Telephone numbers were obtained from the directory of Korean associations and lists of subscribers of Korean newspapers. Some Korean women who were contacted by telephone for face-to-face interviews, or some were approached by the investigator individually or in groups, depending on how their accessabilities were. For example, a group of questionnaires were distributed after the introductory explanation. To ensure confidentiality, a separate desk in the corner of the room was prepared for the collection of the returned questionnnaires with envelopes. In addition, considering the nature of the study, interviews were conducted without the husband's presence. During the first phase of data collection, initial contacts were made with referral sources, such as Korean travel agencies, Korean churches, temples, etc. After the introductory letters were mailed out, visitations and meetings with representatives from each place were made in order to facilitate their cooperation for the study. During the second phase, structured interviews were administered by the researcher at various designated locations, including churches, temples, restaurants, shops, 99 nursery schools, fortune teller's, etc. During the final phase, home visit interviews were administered after the telephone contacts with women from the directory of Korean associations and the lists of subscribers of Korean newspapers. This approach was purposefully used in order to include women of the time. Toward the ending part of the final phase, the researcher collected data from interracially married Korean women through their friend network channel.

Procedure on Subject Referral

The entire data collection procedure took approximately a period of three months. Difficulties in obtaining a study population with regard to Korean immigrants were reported by many researchers (Hurh, Kim and Kim, 1980; Choy, 1979; Yoo, 1977). As the researcher has lived and worked wit!} the people in this particular study group, the foreknowledge of the sample became guidelines for selecting samples, and conducting interviews. In addition, the researcher's ability to speak the Korean language facilitated a close approach to interviewing. 100

Instrumentation

The interview schedule was developed as a mixture of multiple choice, structures and open-end questions to cover major areas for study.

Demographic Variables; Items were developed by the researcher to assess the basic demographic information. The independent variables were included as follows: 1) age, 2) the level of education, 3) length of residence in the United States, 4) the level of income, 5) employment status, 6) religious affiliation, 7) spouse racial background, 8) living arrangement, 9) number and age of children. Variables of the Cultural Conflict; In this study there were forty-two items which are divided into three components: 1) sex-role performance, 2) attitude toward Korean traditionalism, 3) the stress evoking variables. The abbreviated Traditional Family Ideology Scale (Levinson and Huffman, 1955) consisting of twelve items were partially selected to assess the individual and adheres to a democratic family ideology . Some were adopted because of recognized differences between attitudes and values. The development of the forty-two item scale was a reduction of a approximately seventy items. They were also substantiated in the pretest as the best indicators for variables of cultural conflict. 101

Types and Severity of Abuse; Items were included to assess: 1) types of physical abuse and extent of injuries resulting from these acts; 2) the frequency with which such acts occur; 3) the conditions under which these acts occur; and 4) the wife's reactions and responses to the abuse. The items were constructed to represent to continuum of violence. These items were selected on the basis of the literature, discussions with the Korean women and scales developed by Anapol (1981) and Semmelman (1982). Presentation of the items were given to the fifteen Korean women who were instructed to rate them, in terms of their severity, from least to most severe were determined using Thurstone's law of categorical judgement which is an extension of the general law of comparative judgement formulated by Thurstone (1968) in Case V. Thus, each item on the abuse scales were the result of the Thurstone Scaling method. Characteristics of Stress-related Symptoms: The Twenty-Two Screening Score was replicated in this study. The Twenty-Two Screening Score was originally developed in the mid-town study of Mental Disorder in Manhattan and New York City, and applied to the random sample of 1,660 adults. The items were selected from approximately 120 items and were adapted primarily from Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (Hathaway and McKinley, 1951), and the 102

Neuropsychiatric Screening Adjunct (Stouffer, 1950). According to Langner (1962), items of the symptoms were considered to be typical of the kinds of presenting complaints which a psychiatrist hears in his practice and because it has face validity. The validity of this scale was tested on two populations in the Midtown Study. The twenty-two items all discriminate between two groups in the study at the .01 confidence level or better. Another study (Chang, 1980) utilized this scale in researching Chinese immigrant women also showed the same validity. Patterns of Problem-Solving Activities: Items were included to assess basic characteristics of seeking help, such as family, church, friend, use of public and private social service agencies, and barriers preventing from using of public and private social services. All above instruments were originally developed in English and then translated into Korean language of the study population, and the variables measured were also different from those of any other studies, therefore, some instruments were necessary to be developed specifically for this study; some were revised from existing instruments; and some were replication of existing instruments (Chang, 1980). 103

Data Analysis

Data of this study were coded and processed through the Statistical Packages for the Social Sciences (SPSS) Computer Programs and Statistical Analysis System (SAS). The first part of the analysis consisted of computing descriptive statistics (i.e., mean, median, frequencies) for the demographic characteristics. In the second part of the analysis, the study variables were identified, measured and analyzed by means of cross tabulation. Differences between two career families and traditional families, as well as Korean-Korean couples vs. Korean-American couples were tested in terms of the outcome of the wife abuse were 2 measured by chi square (x ). Pearson's Correlation Coefficient were computed in order to assess the relationship between groups. The F-and t-test were used to see wether the relationship is significant or not. ANOVA and Regression Analysis were employed to see the linear relationship. Since sample size was limited to 150 respondents, a five percent level of probability was used for the significant relationship between variables. 104

Reliability and Validity

Reliability

Reliability is the accuracy or precision of the study and indicated by Kerlinger (1966). To be interpretable, a test must be as reliable, as a man should be reliable, in order to predict his behavior. Reliability problems seem to arise in many forms in research. Social scientists have known for a long time that different interviewers receive different answers fro respondents as a result of their own different attitudes and demeanor (Babbie, 1983). In order to ensure a reasonable level of confidence in the study data, interviews were conducted by the same investigator, however, careful wording of the question, based on interview schedules, was delivered to reduce the subjects' own unreliability. As Babbie (1983) indicated, as with all methods of observation, a full awareness of the probable weakness of research could partially resolve the problem related to the unreliability. Furthermore, so^.e of the basic problems of transcultural equivalence of verbal materials, measuring instruments, interview situations and the large sociocultural context of research settings seem to agree with the necessity of having a transcultural methodology which we do not yet have (Hurh and Kim, 1984). However, 105 conducting a study under these special transcultural circumstances, some Korean researchers (Hurh and Kim, 1984) suggested that female interviewers were found to be more successful than male interviewers in acquiring accurate data. Hurh and Kim said this has consistently been the case throughout their studies on Korean immigrants in the United States. Compared with Korean male interviewers, females were less suspected by their Korean respondents and were perceived as being less threatening. Determined to conduct their interviews than were the Korean males. this has been particularly true for the present study which is dealing with sensitive issues for women. The researcher for this study found that the study respondents appeared less defensive and more open to the interviewer because the interviewer was also a women who shares the same language and culture. Another aspect of reliability in this study is the external criteria. Since the variables in these sources, based on the literature review of Korean and American writers, and this author's social work experiences of counseling battered Korean immigrant women and their families for a number of years, the reliability of the present study is supported. Furthermore, the reliability of the Attitudes Toward Korean Traditionalism Scale and 106

Congruency to Rigid Sex-role instruments were assessed by correlation to test for reliability. Kerlinger defined reliability as the relative absence of errors of measurement. Although, we never know the "true" scores nor do we ever really know the error scores. Nevertheless, it is possible to estimate the error variance. It was suggested that the testing the significance of r be used in obtained data (Kerlinger, 1964). Each person had an obtained score Xt ( the "t" stands for "total"), this has two components: a "true" component (Xq q ) and an "error" component (Xg ). In variance terms, total variance is the sum of true variance (Voo) and error variance (Xe). Put differently, if there were no errors of measurement in the St 's, then t = V . Form the point that the reliability is the proportion of the "true variance to the total obtained variance of the data yielded by a measuring instrument, reliability coefficient (rtt) was drawn to conceptualize the idea of relizability and to estimate the reliability of the instrument (Kerlinger, 1964). From the concept of this formula:

V r = 1-----0 (Index 1.00 indicating Vt Perfect Reliability) any random sample of obtained data" and any other random and different samples from the other half of the subjects were 107 drawn. Each subject had two scores (Xt# Xt ). Correlation to two sets was continued and intercorrelated. By using statistical analysis of Crombach's Alpha (Crombach, 1970), we obtained r = .8356 for the Attitude Toward Traditional Scale, R = .8847 for the Congruency to the Rigid Sex-role Scale. From the above analysis, the measurements demonstrate that the test items are homogeneous. This showed the internal consistency of the measurement. Since the test is reliable, each subject succeeded in producing approximately the same rank order. In other words, the internal consistency of the measurement that is used to estimate the reliability of data from this study is relatively high and reliable. The criteria for selection of items of The Twenty-two Item Stress rated Symptom Score were well justified by Langer (1962). According to Langer, one of the criteria for selecting the items was the result of the average tetrachoric correlation of overall items (r = 1.28) with the Mental Health Impairment Rating which was assigned independently by two psychiatrists to each of the 1,660 respondents. In addition to this, this scale was used in a study of Chinese immigrant women and also showed the same validity (Chang, 1980). 108

Validity

How to estimate whether the measurement employed in the conceptualized definition of the study, is the question to which some attention must be given. As Babbie indicated, ultimately, of course, it is not possible, however, suggestions about some of the ways in which this study is dealing with the issue of validity will be raised in this discussion. In this study, data has primarily relied on information given by the Korean women in regard to the battering relationship. From the direct observation of behavior of women in interviews, it was found that Korean women's descriptions of wife abuse were the most accurate, even though they tended to minimize, deny, and forget many incidents. The accuracy of self-reporting of women's descriptions of the violence was also indicated by Walker (1984). There is a general consensus among the Korean women in believing that memory of painful moments does disappear easily and some said that it always remains in their mind as stored in the film. The majority of women in this study emphasized the importance of this study. Some even said that they will pray for the successful completion of this study which is crucially needed for them and society as a whole. 109

The importance of the topic to the respondents is one of the variables that influence the validity of the study, according to Ary, Jacobs and Razazieh (1985). In this study, it can be assumed that valid responses are from respondents interested in the topic. Further, the interviewer protected the respondent's anonymity to ensure and obtain the greater truthfulness, especially sensitive and personal questions were ashed. As such, the validity in the present study based on the measures obtained from the interviews and that each item of the measurement was constructed to the research hypothesis and questions.

Limitations of the Study

There are at least six limitations of the design of this study which must be considered in evaluating results. 1. All of the Korean women who participate were volunteers who must feel somewhat comfortable about talking of personal, often painful, experiences. The cultural reluctance among Korean women is another aspect which needs to be considered. Their reluctance to express openly about their problems is probably due to an overwhelming concern that they may be viewed as a problem to the community. There is also the probability that respondents who are willing to participate in the study may have less problems than others. 110

2. It should be evident that a snowballing technique provided a biased sample that would not be a representative sample of all Korean immigrant women in the United States. Although every effort was taken to minimize the potential bias on the selection of the sample, the final sample turned out to be probably more out-going Korean immigrant women rather than home-bound Korean women. 3. Data was soley dependent upon the memory of Korean women, and data was retrospective in nature. One might further suppose that certain errors of memory would have occurred. In addition, all information about the spouse's were second hand data. Therefore, it is possible that a woman's feelings of vulnerability or simply the tendency to block out memories of their experiences with violence could have influenced data on the accounts of abuse and the spouse's behavior. 4. In most research with non-Western subjects, an immediate obstacle to overcome was the language barrier. All respondents in this study had difficulty with the English language. Difficulties involved in translation are well-known (Hurh and Kim, 1980), although cautionary translation was taken to ensure the most possible equivalent word. As other Korean researchers indicated (Koh, 1983), many English terms are often not translatable or very difficult to translate into Korean language without Ill elaboration. One must also pay a great deal of care to honorifics when translating from English into Korean. 5. This study is also limited by the construction and the limited administration of the instruments used. Some instruments used in this study were designed specifically for use in this study and thus, do not have a history of use in research. Since no prior study of Korean battered women were available, it is not possible to compare the findings of this study with any appropriate pervious study on Korean women. The processing of the data collectively were emphasized to ensure a reasonable level of confidence in the study findings. Furthermore, the data analysis needs to be extended to multivariate analysis to identify some of the most important study variables effecting wife abuse among all the significant variables. 6 . Due to the forementioned bias in the sampling design, it is difficult to assert broad applications of study findings, to the larger body of Korean women in the United States. Therefore, the generalization of the findings is limited to the Korean women in Chicago, Illinois. CHAPTER IV

RESULTS

This chapter presents the findings of the data collection on respondents' demographic characteristics, and analysis of characteristics of the wife abuse on selected variables followed by the presentation of the measured respondents' existing stress related symptoms and identification of sources of help in meeting the needs of the Korean women respondents.

Demographic Characteristics

An overview of the major demographic data of one- hundred and fifty participants residing in Chicago, Illinois is presented in Table 4. The age distribution of the respondents ranged from twenty-one to sixty-one years. The median age was 36 and the mean age was 36.2. The mean age of the Korean immigrant population of the U.S. in the year 1979 was 40.3 (Hurh and Kim, 1984). The difference is probably due to the study respondents which only includes female adults. The majority of the women (75%) had completed high school and more in that 18% of them received

112 113 some years of college education and 27.3 percent of them were college graduates. On the other hand, 4.7 percent of respondents had no education or less than completion of elementary education. Although most of the women (82%), were currently married, which there were some (16%), who were divorced or living together without legal marriage. The respondents’ length of residence in the U.S. ranged from one year to ten years. Nearly one-half of the respondents were newcomers who had lived in America five years or less. The average length of residence among the respondents was five years. Approximately 70 percent were employed and their family income ranged from $500 to $4,000 per month with the concentration being in two brackets: $1,000 to $1,499 and $2,000-$2,499. The median income was $1,900 a month and the mode was $2,000. The majority (74%) of the women reported religious beliefs, and more than half of the respondents (53%) were affiliated with Protestant, 18% were Buddhist, and 10% were Catholics. Religious participation among Korean immigrant women seems to be an illustration of the high participation of immigrant Koreas in Christian churches. Korean immigrants religious involvement, especially in Christian churches, is greater than that of any other Asian group (Kim, Hurh and Kim, 1978). 114

Of the 150 women, about one-half (51%) of them lived in a single residential households, (twenty-seven percent owned homes; twenty-four percent rented homes), while forty-five percent lived in apartments. A little over 72% had at least one child or more living at home; 53% had two children; and 19% had more than three. A little less than ten percent lived in households with their parents in-laws, and four lived alone. 115 TABLE 4. DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF RESPONDENTS

Demographic Cumulated Characteristics Number Percent Percent Total 150 100.00 100.00 Age 21 - 24 7 4.6 4.6 25 - 29 28 18.7 23 .3 30 - 39 69 46 .0 69.3 40 - 49 36 24.0 93.3 50 - 59 8 6.0 99.3 60 and over 1 0.7 100.0 Educational Level None - less than 6th grade 7 4.7 4.7 Completed elementary school 12 8.0 12.7 Completed ninth grade 18 12.0 24.7 Completed high school 45 30.0 54.7 Completed two years of college 27 18.0 72.7 Completed four years of college 35 23 .3 96.0 Completed graduate school 6 4.0 100.0 Marital Status Never Married 2 1.3 1.3 Married 123 82.0 83.3 Separated 8 5.3 88.7 Divorced 10 6.7 95.3 Widowed 1 0.7 96.0 Living together 6 4.0 100.0 Length of Residence in the U.S. 1 year 17 11.3 11.3 2 years 5 3 .4 14.7 3 years 16 • 10.6 25.4 4 years 17 11.4 36.6 5 years 16 10.6 47.4 6 years 9 6.0 53.3 7 years 11 7.4 60.6 8 years 15 10.0 70.6 9 years 13 8.6 79.4 10 years 31 20.6 100.0 116 Table 4. (continued) Monthly Family Income Less than $500 7 4.7 4.7 $ 500 - $ 999 16 10.6 15.3 $1,000 - $1,499 26 17.4 32.7 $1,500 - $1,999 20 13.3 46.0 $2,000 - $2,499 30 20.0 66.0 $2,500 - $2,999 13 8.6 74.6 $3,000 - $3,999 17 11.4 86.0 $4,000 or more 21 14.0 100.0

Employment Status Unemployed 47 30.4 30.4 Employed 103 69.6 100.0 Religion Buddhism 20 18.0 18.0 Protestant 80 53.3 71.3 Catholic 15 10. C 81.3 Confucianism 0 0.0 81.3 No religion 26 17.3 98.6 Other (describe) 2 1.3 100.0 Living Arrangements Dwelling Place Single residential household 76 50.7 50.7 Rented apartment 68 45.3 96.0 Relatives home 2 1.3 97.3 Friends home 4 2.7 100.0 Household Living alone 4 2.7 with spouse 128 85.3 with children 108 72.0 with relatives 5 3.4 with grandchildren 3 2.0 with friends 2 1.3 with in laws 14 9.3 117 Characteristics of the Abuse

Level of Abuse

Type of abuse acts and the injuries as a result of abuse are presented in Table 5. Out of total 150 respondents, sixty percent of the women (N=90) reported the experience of abuse while forty percent (N=60) were found to be nonbattered women. There was a wide range in the abusive acts and injuries. Of the ninety battered cases, 57% of the women (N = 51) indicated they were hit with a closed fist, and in 42% (N = 38) of the cases, men slapped the women. Fifteen percent of the women were choked by their spouses. Twenty percent of the battered women reported that their spouses had threatened them with a knife or gun. In two cases, the man did actually attempt to kill his wife. Twenty-four percent of the women reported that they were abused by their spouse at least once a week while another thirty-seven percent suffered from wife-abuse at least once a month. As a result of abuse, 70% of the women said that they had bruises. In 38% of. the cases, women reported black eyes, while another 30% said that they had minor cuts or burns. Seventeen percent of the battered women indicated they had concussions and another 19% said they had broken bones or teeth. Nine percent of the women experienced 118 miscarriages while another 29% experienced emotional/mental distress requiring medical care. Seven percent of the women were hospitalized due to the physical injury from wife abuse. In addition to the observation obtained from the abuse scale, nearly half of the respondents (N = 72) reported a diminution of self esteem as the most common emotional injury. Sixty-three women reported a long term effect of impairment of emotional relations with men. Twenty-one women suffered from emotional distress which made them unable to engage in sexual relationships with the spouse. Because the level of abuse—cannot be measured by either the abusive acts or the injuries alone, a combination of both the abusive acts and the resultant injuries has been used to observe the level of abuse for the present study. In order to obtain an overall measure of abuse, cases were assigned a score of one for "high" and a zero for "low" on each of the five dimensions of abusive acts. The severity of injuries were also given ratings; the higher the score, the more severe the injuries, in general, were thought to be. These scores were then summed. For example, a score of three indicates that the spouse used his fists to cause bruises, but not broken bones. The results are presented in Table 5 and 6. In only seven cases was the abuse scored as one. Furthermore, there was a positive correlation between 119 resultant injuries (r = +0.87, p< .05) as shown in Figure 6 and 7. 120 TABLE 5 .

LEVEL OF ABUSE

Percent of Percent of Battered Total Cases Degree Description Cases (N=90) N (N=150) Abusive acts: U My husband/partner yelled at me 138.0 125 8 4.5 0 My husband/partner swore at me 78.9 71 48.1 1 My husband/partner destroyed my property 43.3 39 26.4 1 My husband/partner threw an object at me 51.1 46 31.1 Moderate 1 My husband/partner threatened to hit me with an object 34.4 31 20.9 1 My husband/partner threatened to hit with his fist 56.7 51 34.5^ 2 My husband/partner hit me with a closed fist 56.7 51 34. 5 Less Severe 2 My husband/partner slapped me 42. 2 38 25.7 2 My husband/partner hit me with an object 21.1 19 12.8 3 My husband/partner threatened me with a knife 15.6 14 9.5 3 My husband/partner threatened to kill me 22.2 20 13.5 Moderately Severe 3 My husband/partner threatened to kill himself 1 4. 4 13 8.8 3 My husband/partner threatened me with a gun 4.4 4 2.7 4 My husband/partner forced me to have sex with him 36. 7 33 22.5 Severe 4 My husband/partner squeezed or pinched me 25.6 23 15.6 4 My husband/partner choked me 2 4. 4 22 1 4.9 4 My husband/partner burned me 4.4 4 2.7 4 My husband/partner broke my bone 7.8 7 4.8 4 My husband/partner stabbed me 3.3 3 2.0 Very Severe 5 My husband/partner attempted to kill me 2.2 2 1.4 Resultant iniuries: 1 Bruises 70. 0 63 4 2 . 6 Moderate 1 Black eye 3 7.8 34 23.0 1 Minor cuts or burns 30. 0 27 18.2 2 Guts., burns., or bruises requiring medical attention 14.4 13 8.8 Less Severe 2 Concussion 16.7 15 10.1 2 Damage to teeth 1 0.0 9 5.4 121 Table 5. (continued) Moderately 3 Broken bones 8.9 8 6.1 Severe 3 Joint injury 3.3 3 2.0 3 Spinal Injury 1.1 1 0 . 7 4 Injury to internal organs 2.2 2 1.4 Severe 4 Miscarriage 8.9 8 6.1 4 Emotional/mental distress requiring medical care 2 8.9 26 17.6 5 Physical injury requiring hospitalization 6.7 6 4.1 Frequency of abuse: At least once/day 3 . 3 % At least once/week 2 4 . 1 % At least once/month 3 7 . 3 % At least once/year 3 8 . 3 % m«+oo» © < w- w d o' > A SCATTERGRAM OF INJURIES AND ABUSIVE ACTS ABUSIVE INJURIES AND OF SCATTERGRAM A ON THE STUDY RESPONDANTS. STUDY THE ON ( r - Injuries FIGURE 6. FIGURE 8, < .05) < p .87, 122 no c o>> Hi o HF 10 i - 5 1 - 0 A SCATTERGRAM OF INJURIES AND LEVEL OF OF ABUSE LEVEL AND INJURIES OF SCATTERGRAM A 2 1 ON THE STUDY RESPONDANTS. STUDY THE ON 9 r= 9, .05) .93,<( p r = Injuries FIGURE 7. FIGURE E S 7 6 9 10 123 124

TABLE 6 TOTAL INTERCORRELATION MATRIX FOR ABUSE (Pearson Correlation Coefficients)

Level of Abusive Abuse Variable Acts Injury (Acts & Injuries) Abusive .870 .954 Acts (p < .05) (p < *05) Injury .937 (p < .05) Level of Abuse

N = 150 125 Opening Argument Immediately Before The Abuse Forty-seven percent of the battered women argued on problems about in-laws and relatives immediately before the incidence of abuse, and 44% of the women had an argument about children. Thirty-four percent of the battered argued on problems about money, and 32% argued about employment. Twenty-seven percent of the women reported arguments about problems related to their husband's drinking when abuse occurred, while 42% of the women said that they had argued about chores and responsibilities (see Table 7).

TABLE 7. OPENING ARGUMENT IMMEDIATELY BEFORE THE ABUSE

Percent of Percent of Arguments Battered Total Cases About Cases (N=90) N (N=150) Children 44.4 40 26.7 Money 34.4 31 20.6 Sex 17.7 16 10.6 Religion 16.7 15 10.0 Outside activity 20.0 18 12.0 Drinking 26.7 24 16.0 Other women 11.1 10 6.7 In-laws and relatives 46.7 42 28.0 Chores and responsibilities 42.2 38 25.3 Food, cooking 20.0 18 12.0 Other men 2.2 2 1.3 Employment 32.2 29 19.3 Friends and Associates 17.8 16 10.6 126 Wives' Response to Abuse

Fifty-eight percent of the battered women (35% of total cases), said they verbally fought back the abuser. Thirty-three percent of the battered women said that they cried and begged the abuser to stop. Twenty-nine percent of the battered women reported that they fought back physically during the battering incident. Only three percent said they went to stay elsewhere, another three percent of the battered women actually called the police, 21% merely starred at the abuser, and 9% tried to ignore the abuse.

TABLE 8 WIVES’ RESPONSE TO ABUSE

Description Percent of Percent of of Battered Total Cases Response______Cases (N=90) N____ (N=150) Fight back physically 28.9 26 17.3 Fight back verbally 57.8 52 34.7 Order him to stop 8.9 8 5.3 Stare at him 21.1 19 12.7 Scream for help 17.8 16 10.7 Cry, beg him to stop 33.3 30 20.0 Try to protect self 77.8 7 4.7 Try to leave the scene 15.6 14 9.3 Go stay elsewhere 3.3 3 2.0 Call the policy 3.3 3 2.0 Try to ignore it - do nothing 8.9 8 5.3 127 Behavior After Abusive Incident Ninety-one percent of the battered women reported crying after an abusive incident, and 47% of the battered women apologized to their husbands after the abuse took place. Thirty-two percent of the battered women went to sleep while another 20% thought about revenge for a period following an abuse incident.

TABLE 9 BEHAVIOR AFTER ABUSIVE INCIDENT

Percent of Percent of Battered Total Cases Behavior Cases (N=90) N (N=150) Cry 91.1 82 54.7 Apologize 46.7 42 28.0 Eat 8.9 8 5.3 Drink 10.0 9 6.0 Use drug(s) 4.0 10 6.7 Watch television 6.7 6 4.0 Leave the house 13.3 12 8.7 Go to sleep 32.2 29 19.3 Make love 14.4 13 8.7 Think about revenge 20.0 18 12.0 128 It was also interesting to note the perceptions the women had of the abuses which were occurring to the women. Fourteen battered women (16%), who had abuse incidents in their relationship, still felt they were not being abused. Of the remaining women (N = 76), self defined as battered women, twenty-three (26%) reported the first abuse took place in Korea, and fifty-three (59%) reported that the first abusive incident occurred after immigration to the United States. The great majority (92% of the total 150 women) in the present study answered "yes" to the question asking if they know any Korean, including themselves, who has been battered by their husband. It would appear that wife abuse is not an unfamiliar topic to the study respondents and also indicates that the knowledge of wife abuse in Korean community is high.

Demographic Characteristics of Battered Korean Woman

The demographic variables analyzed to provide frequency Information about study participants are presented here (see Tables 10 thru 16). This information is based on all ninety cases who had battering relationships. These results are reported for the woman's current and past battering status, as reported at the time of the interview. The battered wives ranged in age from twenty-one to fifty-six. Due to the nature of this study and general characteristics of 129 overall Korean immigrants, the majority of the battered women (N = 69) were married. Relative to the nonbattered women, significantly battered women were married as shown in Table 11 (x^= 30.9, p < .05), and Table 18 (F = 4.64, p < .05) . An examination of the education levels among the battered women reveals that forty percent of the battered women had completed high school, thirteen percent had completed a four-year college, and two percent had graduate degrees. Relative to the nonbattered women (5%), nearly ten percent of the battered women had less than elementary education or no formal education. The battered women also differed from the nonbattered women in religious affiliation. About two times as many battered women are attending churches as compared to nonbattered women, it seems that not many battered women are nonreligious. Furthermore, many battered women stated they were told by a minister they should be good Christians and forgive their husbands unconditionally. The battered women differed significantly from the nonbattered women in length of residence in the United 2 States as shown in Table 13 (x =30.12, p < .05), and Table 17 (F = 4.25, p < .05). About three times as many women experienced battering during three to five years residence in the United States as compared to the 130 nonbattered women. This data supports what seems to be the general experience of Korean immigrants; they are confronting the harsh realities of immigrants lives while adjusting to a new culture after the cultural shoch of immigration. In the area of income, there are no significant differences between battered women and nonbattered women. Less than fifteen percent of the battered women and ten percent of the nonbattered women had family income of below $1,000 per month. On the other hand, nearly fifteen percent of the battered women and twelve percent of the nonbattered women reported that they have monthly income of $3,000 or more. Thus, there is no direct link between income levels and wife abuse for these study participants. The living arrangements of battered and nonbattered women are distributed across the range of possibilities. Forty-seven percent (28 percent of the total 150 cases), of battering incidents occurred in single residential housing while another forty-five of the battered women (50%) are living in apartments, for the battered and nonbattered group, those differences were similar to which living arrangements that would be expected between the two groups. However, there were significant differences (x = 17.19, p <.05) when comparing the battered women and nonbattered women living with children or in-laws. Of the total 150 131 women, 56% of battered women reported that they are living with their children, and 15% of nonbattered women living with children. 132

TABLE 10. AGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY BATTERED AND NONBATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

■ III Nonbattered Battered Women Women Total No. No. No. Age ...... _ (%) (%) (%) 20 - 29 17 18 35 (11.3) (12.0) (23.3) 30 - 39 25 44 69 (16.6) (29.3) (46.0) 40 - 49 13 23 36 ( 8.6) (15.3) (24.0) 50 and over 5 5 10 ( 3.3) ( 3.3) ( 6.7) Total 60 90 150 (40.0) (60.0) (100.0)

(x^ = , p > .05) 133

TABLE 11. RESPONDENTS' DISTRIBUTION IN MARITAL STATUS BY BATTERED AND NONBATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

Nonbattered Battered Women Women Total No. No. No. Marital Status (%) (%) (%) Never Married 1 1 2 ( 0.7) ( 0.7) ( 1.3) Married 54 69 123 (36.0) (46.0) (82.0) Separated 2 6 8 ( 1.3) ( 4.0) ( 5.3) Divorced 1 9 10 ( 0.7) ( 6.0) ( 6.7) Widowed 1 0 1 ( 0.7) ( o.o) ( 0.7) Living together 1 5 6 ( 0.7) ( 3.0) ( 6.7) Total 60 90 150 (40.0) (60.0) (100.0) x2 = 30.9 (p < .05) Contingency Coefficient = 0.454 Cramer's V „ = 0.262 Likelihood Ratio x = 26.4 (p < .05) 134

TABLE 12. RESPONDENTS' DISTRIBUTION IN EDUCATIONAL LEVEL BY BATTERED AND NONBATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

Nonbattered Battered Women Women Total Highest No. No. No. Grade Completed (%) (%) (%) No formal education 4 3 7 to less than 6th grade ( 2.7) ( 2.0) ( 4.7) Elementary education 4 8 12 (grades 1-6) ( 2.7) ( 5.3) ( 8.0) Middle school 5 13 18 ( 3.3) ( 8.6) (12.0) High school 14 31 45 (12.0) (20.6) (30.0) Two-year college 11 16 27 ( 7.3) (10.6) (18.0) Four-year college 18 17 '35 (12.0) (11.3) (23.3) Graduate or 4 2 6 professional school ( 2.7) ( 1.4) ( 4.0) Total 60 90 150 (40.0) (60.0) (100.0) 135

TABLE 13. RESPONDENTS' DISTRIBUTION IN RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION BY BATTERED AND NONBATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

Nonbattered Battered Women Women Total Religious No. No. No. Affiliation (%) (%) (%) Buddhism 9 18 27 ( 6.0) (12.0) (18.0) Protestant 29 51 80 (19.3) (34.0) (53.7) Catholic 7 8 15 ( 4.7) ( 5.3) (10.0) Confucianism 0 0 0 ( 0.0) ( 0.0) ( o.o) No religion 15 11 26 (10.0) ( 7.3) (17.3) Other 0 2 2 ( o.o) ( 1.0) ( 1.3) Total 60 90 150 (40.0) (60.0) (100.0)

(x2 = , p > .05) 136

TABLE 14. RESPONDENTS' DISTRIBUTION IN LENGTH OF RESIDENCE BY BATTERED IN THE UNITED STATES AND NONBATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

Nonbattered Battered Women Women Total No. No. No. Years (%) (%) (%) 1 year 10 7 17 ( 6.7) ( 4.6) (11.3) 2 years 1 4 5 ( 0.7) ( 2.7) ( 3.3) 3 years 5 11 16 ( 3.3) ( 7.3) (10.7) 4 years 2 15 17 ( 1.3) (10.0) (11.3) 5 years 3 14 17 ( 2.0) ( 9.3) (11.3) 6 years 0 9 9 ( 0.0) ( 6.0) ( 6.0) 7 years 3 8 11 ( 2.0) ( 5.3) ( 7.3) 8 years 9 6 15 ( 6.0) ( 4.0) (10.0) 9 years 8 5 13 ( 5.3) ( 3.3) ( 8.7) 10 years 19 11 30 (12.7) ( 7.3) (20.0) Total 60 90 150 (40.0) (60.0) (100.0) x2 = 30.12 p < .05 Contingency Coefficient = 0.409 Cramer's V = 0.448 Likelihood Ratio x = 34.44 p < .05 137

TABLE 15. RESPONDENTS’ DISTRIBUTION IN FAMILY INCOME BY BATTERED AND NONBATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

Nonbattered Battered Family Women Women Total Monthly No. No. No. Income (%) (%) (%) Less than $500 1 6 7 ( 0.7) ( 4.0) ( 4.7) $500 - $999 5 11 16 ( 3.5) ( 7.6) (11.0) $1,000 - $1,499 8 18 26 ( 5.0) (12.4) (17.4) $1,500 - $1,999 9 14 23 ( 6.0) ( 9.7) (15.3) $2,000 - $2,499 12 15 27 ( 8.3) (10.0) (18.3) $2,500 - $2,999 8 5 13 ( 5.5) ( 3.5) ( 9.0) $3,000 - $3,999 10 7 17 ( 6.9) ( 4.8) (11.7) $4,000 or more 7 14 21 ( 4.8) ( 9.7) (14.0) Total 60 90 150 (40.0) (60.0) (100.0)

(x2 = , p > .05) 138

TABLE 16. RESPONDENTS’ DISTRIBUTION IN LIVING ARRANGEMENT BY BATTERED AND NONBATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

Nonbattered Battered Women Women Total Living No. No. No. Arrangement <%) (%) (%) Single residential 33 43 76 household (22.0) (28.7) (50.7) Rented apartment 23 45 68 (15.3) (30.0) (45.3) Relation1s home 1 1 2 ( 0.7) ( 0.7) ( 1.3) Friend's home 3 1 4 ( 6.0) ( 9.7) (15.3) Total 60 90 150 (40.0) (60.0) (100.0) Living with: alone 3 1 4 ( 2.0) ( 0.7) ( 2.7) spouse 57 81 138 (38.5) (54.0) (85.3) children 22 84* 108 (14.6) (56.0) (72.0) grand child(ren) 3 0 3 ( 2.0) ( 0.0) ( 2.0) in-laws 4 10** 14 ( 2.7) ( 7.0) ( 9.3)

*x^ = 17.19 p < .05 **x = 10.46 p < .05 139

TABLE 17. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF LEVEL OF ABUSE BY LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN THE UNITED STATES

Source df SS ms F P-value Length of 9 5,018.7782 557.6420 4.25 Significant* Residence Error 140 18,126.4920 131.3513 Total 149 23,145.2702 * p < .05

TABLE 18. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF LEVEL OF ABUSE BY MARITAL STATUS

Source df SS ms F P-value Marital Status 5 3,249.9681 649.9936 4.64 Significant*

Error 144 19,895.3021 140.1077 Total 149 23,145.2702

* p < .05 In comparing demographic characteristics of battered and nonbattered women, there were similarities in much of the background data. The hypothesis that the level of wife abuse is directly related to the demographic background of the subject was partially supported in the marital status, the length of residence in the United States and the living arrangements with children and in-laws. No significant statistical differences in age, educational level, religious affiliation, and income were found between the two compared groups. This is an indication that demographical background does not necessarily provide a prediction of wife abuse in Korean immigrant families. It is fair to say that almost any woman could be abused, however, most battered Korean women share certain demographic characteristics which increase the likelihood of their becoming battered women. 141 Relationships of Cultural Conflict to the Wife Abuse

In this study, the cultural conflict was viewed by different variables which were divided into three components: attitude toward Korean traditionalism, sex-role performance, and the stress evoking environments. These variables were used to measure the relationship between cultural conflict and wife abuse.

Women's Attitude Toward Korean Traditionalism

Items on the Traditional Attitude Questionnaire (see Appendix A) were used to obtain a measure of traditional attitude toward Marital interaction, dating and marriage, childrearing, and old Korean beliefs. In order to obtain an overall measure of attitude toward Korean traditionalism, cases were assigned a score of one for "most traditional" and a zero for "least traditional" on each level of attitude (i.e., always = 4; often = 3; sometimes = 2; hardly ever = 1). Scores between thirty-eight and sixty were rated as "high" in traditionalism, and scores between fifteen and thirty-seven, were rated as "low." These results of attitude toward Korean traditionalism for battered and nonbattered women are shown in Figures 8 and 9. Of total study respondents, forty-seven (31%) of the battered women and only nineteen (13%) of the nonbattered A b u e 6 OVERALL LEVEL OF ABUSE (ABUSIVE ACTS AND INJURIES) ONTHE (ABUSIVE AND ACTS OF ABUSE LEVEL OVERALL SCALE AND ATTITUDE TRADITIONAL TOTAL THE OF SCATTERGRAM A H» 0 H»<0 <

0 95 90 143 144 women were rated "high" on attitude toward traditionalism (see Table 20). The difference between battered and 2 nonbattered groups was statistically significant (x =6.17, p < .05, F = 7.91, p < .05).

TABLE 19. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF LEVEL OF ABUSE BY RESPONDENTS' ATTITUDE TOWARD TRADITIONALISM

Source df SS ms F P-value Traditionalism 1 1,189.7772 1,189.7772 7.91 Significant*

Error 148 21,955.49203 150.3800 Total 149 23,145.2702

* p < .05 145

TABLE 20. RESPONDENTS' DISTRIBUTION ON ATTITUDE TOWARD TRADITIONALISM BY BATTERED AND NONBATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

Attitude Nonbattered Battered Toward Women Women Total Korean No. No. No. Traditionalism (%) (%) (%) High 19 47 66 (more traditional) (12.7) (31.3) (44.0) Low 41 43 84 (less traditional) (27.3) (28 .7) (56.0) Total 60 90 150 (40.0) (60.0) (100.0) x2 = 6.17, p < .05

TABLE 21. CORRELATION MATRIX: RESPONDENTS' ATTITUDE TOWARD KOREAN TRADITIONALISM AND WIFE ABUSE

Level of Attitudes Abusive Resultant Wife Abuse Toward Acts Injuries (Acts & Injuries) Traditionalism Resultant Injuries Level of Wife .937 Abuse (Acts & .0001 Injuries) \ Attitude .255 .226 Toward .002 .005 Traditionalism

N = 150 146 The respondents in the battered group who scored higher in the direction of level of abuse in the Abuse Scale, also scored in the direction of Attitude toward Korean Traditionalism. At the same time, the Women in the nonbattered group who scored lower in the Abuse Scale, also scored in the direction of having less traditional attitude on the measurement of Attitude toward Korean traditionalism. The Scattergram shown in Figure 8 indicates the lineal relationship between the level of abuse and the attitude toward Korean traditionalism (p < .05). Results from the above analysis do confirm the hypothesis that the more traditional Korean immigrant women are, the more likely to experience wife abuse. 147 Rigid Sex Role Performance

A measure of the sex role performance was obtained by the response to the question of how the couple divided household tasks in their home. For the response, thirteen household tasks were given as follows: cooking, washing dishes, laundry, driving the car, shopping for groceries, buying clothes, paying bills, taking care of children, talking to the school teacher about children, making the bed, cleaning the house making decisions to buy something (television, furniture, etc.), and making decisions to purchase housing. The respondents were then asked to check their role in the home in terms of their relative performance of each of these items. Each response was then assigned the number one (1) for certain role performance which is corresponding to the normative Korean standard concerning division of household tasks in the family (Hurh and Kim, 1984). When the sex role performance is contradictive of the normative Korean standard concerning division of the household tasks as defined by Hurh and Kim, data was assigned the number minus one (-1), and when both husband and wife perform the task, a zero (0) was assigned. Category A refers to the rigid sex-role expected by the wife alone. Category B refers to the role expected to be performed by both the husband and 148 the wife, and Category C refers to the husband performing a role alone (see Table 22). From viewing the table, it was observed that in most of the respondents' families from battered and nonbattered groups, the wives predominantly performed most of the household task items. In the remaining three task items— paying bills and making decisions to buy something (television, furniture, house, etc.)— Korean husbands were substantially involved. The reasons for these results were due to the management of the family budget, which requires bookkeeping, planning of family and other financial decisions, which is compatible with the husband's role as the main breadwinner in the family (Hurh and Kim, 1984). An exception to these patterns of clear division of sex role performance is found from the observation of nonbattered families when wives can share some tasks with their spouses. However, even in this situation, the husband's sharing in the battered home is very limited to his rigid traditional sex role in the family. This is another indication of the persistence of the rigid traditional division of sex role performance in the battered Korean families. This observation leads us to the question of why the rigid sex role persists so pervasively in the Korean battered immigrant families. Obviously, as Hurh and Kim (1984) indicated the past traditional socialization of the respondents may be a major factor. This is supported by the fact that a much larger majority of both battered husbands and wives adhere to the rigid sex 150

TABLE 22. DISTRIBUTION OF RESPOCENTS' SEX-RCLE PERFORVWCE IN THE HDUSEHXD TASKS BY BATTERED AM) NOBATTERED WOVEN AM) SPOUSE

Battered Nonbattered Totals Wife Husband Both Wife Husband Both No. No. No. No. No. No. Category Task Items (%) 1%) {%) (96) (%) (96) No. % A Cooking 77 13 48 12 150 100.0 (51.3) ( 8.6) (32.0) ( 8.0) A Washing dishes 69 2 19 40 2 18 150 100.0 (46.0) ( 1.3) (12.7) (26.7) ( 1-3) (12.0) A Laundry 66 4 20 35 4 21 150 100.0 (44.0) ( 2.6) (13.3) (23.3) ( 2.6) (14.0) B Driving the car 13 42 A4 14 41 150 100.0 (8.6) (28.0) (22.7) ( 3.3) ( 9.3) (27.3) A Shopping for 43 2 45 20 40 150 100.0 groceries (28.7) ( 1.3) (30.0 (13.3) (26.7) A Buying clothes 55 2 33 30 3 27 150 100.0 (36.7) ( 1.3) (22.0) (20.0) (2.0) (18.0) C Paying bi1 Is 39 32 19 16 20 24 150 100.0 (26.0) (21.3) (12.7) (10.6) (13.0) (16.0) A Taking care of 61 28 27 0 33 150 100.0 the children (40.7) ( 0.6) (18.7) (18.0) ( 0.0) (22.0) B Talking to school 13 21 12 43 150 100.0 teacher about (3*3) ( 8.7) (14.0) ( 8.0) ( 3.3) (28.7) chiIdren A Making the bed 67 22 27 4 29 150 100.0 (44.6) ( 0*6) (14.6) (18.0) ( 2.6) (19.3) A Cleaning the House 68 21 23 4 33 150 100.0 (45.3) (ole) (14.0) (15.3) ( 2.6) (22.0) B Make decision to 18 30 42 48 150 100.0 buy something (12.0) (20.0 (28.0 ( 4?-6) ( 3.3) (32.0) (TV. Furniture., etc.) B Making decision to 10 43 37 5 4 51 150 100.0 buy a house ( 8.0) (28.7) (24.7) ( 3.3) ( 2.6) 34.0) 151 role patterns regarding the performance of sex role than nonbattered families. As shown in Table 23, about 58% of the battered family which is 35% of total respondents show high congruency to the rigid sex-role performance in their house. On the other hand, only seventeen percent of the nonbattered family (7% of the total 150 cases) perform the rigid sex-role in dividing household tasks. Interestingly, twenty-three percent of the nonbattering families (57% of nonbattered cases), share the same sex role while there is sixteen percent sharing in the battering home (28% of the battered cases). The result from the data supported the significant differences of performing sex-role between the two groups (x2 = 25.14, p < .05, P = 18.49, p < .05). Thus, the rigid sex role performance is clearly seen as associated to wife abuse. It is substantiated that battered couples are more rigidly interacting into the female and male sex-role stereotype. The hypothesis that the more rigid the sex roles Korean immigrant couples perform, the more likely they are to experience wife abuse was substantiated. 152

TABLE 23. CONGRUENCY OF THE RIGID SEX-ROLE BY BATTERED AND NONBATTERED KOREAN FAMILIES

Battered Nonbattered Women Women Total No. No. No. (%) (%) (%) High congruency to 52 10 62 rigid sex-role (34.7) ( 6.7) (41.3) Sharing sex-role 25 34 59 (16.7) (22.7) (39.3) Low congruency to 13 16 29 rigid sex-role ( 8.7) (10.7) (19.3) Total 90 60 150 (60.0) (40.0) (100.0) x2 = 25.14, p < .05

TABLE 24. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF LEVEL OF ABUSE BY RESPONDENTS' CONGRUENCY TO THE RIGID SEX-ROLE

Source df SS ms F P-value Rigid 2 2,714.9536 2,714.9536 18.49 Significant* Sex Role Error 147 16,442.0726 146.8042 Total 149 19,157.0263 * p < .05 153

Stress Evoking Factors

A measure of the stress evoking factors was obtrined through the variables which are the indicators of conflicting situation within an individual due to the differences between Korean and American cultures. Situations which can be considered as a source of frustration such as status inconsistancy, language dificulty and lack of socializability. Status Inconsistency; In the battered women, the current employment level for women tended to be lower than the employment level in Korea. The study actually shows seventy-two battered women came from higher employment levels than their current low level of employment. Where they were once either semiprofessionals or held clerical positions in Korea, they now hold manual level positions in the United States. By contrast, only thirty-eight nonbattered women came from higher employment levels to current lowered employment levels (see Table 25). This result shows significant differences between the two groups (x^= 5.11, p<.05) In the battering group, the current employment level for men also tended to be lower than that for pre-immigration employment status in Korea. Of the total 150 cases, 35% of men from the battering group (58% of the 154

90 battering cases) are experiencing status inconsistency in their current employment level when compared to their pre-immigration status. In contrast, only seven percent of 155

TABLE 25. STATUS INCONSISTENCY IN THE EMPLOYMENT STATUS OP KOREAN WOMEN BY BATTERED AND NONBATTERED KOREAN FAMILIES

Battered Nonbattered Women Women Total No. No. No. (%) (%) (%) Holding lower 72 38 110 employment level (48.0) (25.3) (73.3) compared to pre­ immigration status Holding same or 18 22 40 higher level of (12.0) (14.7) (26.7) employment compared to pre-immigration status Total 90 60 150 (60.0) (40.0) (100.0) x2 = 5.11, p < .05 the men from the nonbattering group (18% of 60 nonbattering cases) came from a higher employment level to a current lower level (see Table 26). This result also shows significant differences between the two groups (x = 25.2, p < .05). Thus, the hypotheses that the more stress evoking factors Korean immigrant women face, the more likely they are to experience wife abuse was fully substantiated with regard to the status inconsistency. 156

TABLE 26. STATUS INCONSISTENCY IN THE EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF KOREAN MEN BY BATTERING AND NONBATTERING GROUPS

Men from Men From Battering Non-battering Group Group Total No. No. No. (%) (%) (%) Holding lower 52 10 62 employment level (34.7) ( 6.7) (41.3) compared to pre­ immigration status Holding same or 38 50 88 higher level of (25.3) (33.3) (58.7) employment compared to pre-immigration status Total 90 60 150 (60.0) (40.0) (100.0) x2 = 25.2, p < .05 157

Language Difficulty: As Table 27 reveals* about ninety percent of battered women reported that they have problems in English ability. About one-fifth of the battered women indicated their English abilities are "poor" or "not at all." By contrast, no one from the non-battering group reported that they cannot speak English at all. One of the most important variables affecting cultural adjustments is Language as indicated by Hurh and Kim (1984). This is true for the respondents in this study in relation to the battering. The results show significant differences between battered and nonbattered women with regard to wife abuse (x = 8.49, p < .05). With such a a limited ability in English, the majority of Korean women must be experiencing a great deal of frustration and stress in daily lives. The hypothesis that the more stress evoking factors Korean immigrant women face, the more likely they are to experience wife abuse was partially substantiated with regard to language difficulty. 158

TABLE 27. RESPONDENTS' ENGLISH PROFICIENCY BY BATTERED AND NONBATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

Battered Nonbattered Women Women Total English No. No. No. Proficiency (%) (%) (%) Good 9 15 24 ( 6.0) (10.0) (16.0) A little 65 39 104 (43.0) (26.0) (69.0) Poor 12 6 18 ( 8.0) ( 4.0) (12.0) Not at all 4 0 4 ( 2.0) ( 0.0) ( 2.0) Total 90 60 150 (60.0) (40.0) (100.0)

= 8.49, p < .05 159

Lack of Socializability: A measure for lack of Socializability was obtained through the variables of frequency of going out, talking to friends or relatives, mobility (driving a car) and participation of clubs and organizations. Social isolation due to the lack of socializability has been written about in the literature as occurring both as part of and as a result of the wife abuse (Walker, 1979; Martin, 1976). Twenty nonbattered women are going out everyday. In contrast seven women from the battering group are hardly ever going outside their home. Data analysis shows the significant difference between these 2 two groups, (x = 12.51, p < .05). At the same time, of the total 150 cases (36%), 55 of the nonbattered women were talking to their friends or relatives at least once a week while another close to half of the battered women are talking to their friends or relatives less than once a week to hardly ever. This is shown in Table 28 (x = 13.66, p < .05). Access to mobility and the ability to drive a car, there is no significant difference between battered and nonbattered women. In terms of participation of clubs and organizations, over one forth of the nonbattered women are participating in a Korean association, another one forth in social clubs or professional meetings in contrast to the battered women. Interestingly, fifty-one of the battered women are attending Korean Churches, while twenty-nine women from the 160

TABLE 28. Respondents' Distribution in Socializability by Battered and Nonbattered Korean Women

Nonbattered Battered Women Women Total No. No. No. (%) (%) (%) Going out Every day 20 18 38 (13.3) (12.0) (25.3) 2 to 3 times a week 23 25 48 (15.3) (16.7) (32.0) Once a week 13 23 36 ( 8.7) (15.3) (24.0) 2 to 3 times a month 4 17 21 ( 2.7) (11.3) (14.0) Hardly ever go out 0 7 7 ( o.o) ( 4.7) ( 4.7) Total 60 90 150 (40.0) (60.0) (100.0) x2= 12.51 p < .05* Talking to Friends or Relatives Every day 14 14 28 ( 9.3) ( 9.3) (18.7) 2 to 3 times a week 24 22 46 (16.0) (14.7) (30.7) Once a week 17 27 44 (11.3) (18.0) (29.3) 2 to 3 times a month 5 18 23 ( 2.2) (11.0) (15.3) 161

Table 28 (continued) Hardly ever go out 0 10 10 ( o.o) ( 6.7) ( 6.7) Total 60 90 150 (40.0) (60.0) (100.0) x2 = 13.66 p < .05* Drive Car Yes 20 21 41 (13.3) (14.0) (27.3) No 40 69 109 (26.7) (46.0) (72.7) Total 60 90 150 (40.0) (60.0) (100.0) 2 x = 1.18 p > .05 Participating Church 29 51 80 (19.3) (34.0) (53.3) Korean Association 15 10 25 (10.0) ( 6.7) (16.7) Other club 11 4 15 ( 7.3) ( 2.7) (10.0) , Professional 3 3 6 ( 2.0) ( 2.0) ( 4.0) No membership 2 22 24 ( 1.3) (14.7) (16.0) Total 60 90 150 (40.0) (60.0) (100.0) x2 = 16.6 p < .05 162

TABLE 29. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF LEVEL OF ABUSE BY RESPONDENTS' FREQUENCY OF GOINT-OUT

Source df SS ms F P-value Going-out 4 2,007.9535 401.5947 2.70 Significant* Error 145 21,137.2967 148.8542 Total 149 23,145.2702 * p < .05

TABLE 30. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF LEVEL OF ABUSE BY PARTICIPATING ORGANIZATION

Source df SS ms F P-value Participation 4 1,603.2450 801.6225 5.23 Significant* Error 145 21,297.5507 153.219 Total 149 22,900.7957

* p < .05 163 nonbattered group are attending churches and the remaining women of the nonbattered group are participating in a variety of organizations, in contrast to 22 battered women of no membership. It seems that more battered Korean women put more emphasize on intimate social relations with fellow Korean women through the ethnic churches where there is a large concentration of Korean immigrants, in spite of their extensive socialization. Table 28 and 30 show the significant relationships between these two groups in relation to participation of extensive socialization (x2 = 16.6, p < .05, F = 5.23, p < .05). It is observed that under circumstances, such as the lack of socialization, the majority of Korean women are experiencing a great deal of stress in their daily lives. Hence, the hypothesis that the more stress evolving factors Korean immigrant women face, the more likely they are to experience wife abuse was substantiated with regard to access to going out, talking to friends and relatives and participation in clubs or other organizations.

Two Career Families and Traditional Families

As reported in Table 31 less than nineteen percent of the total 150 cases from the battering group (32% of 90 battered cases), and thirteen percent of the total 150 cases from the nonbattering group (30% of sixty nonbattered 164 cases), were unemployed at the time of the relationship for which the women were reporting. This shows that the majority of the respondent's families, both husbands and wives, were employed. This shows no significant differences and battered women and nonbattered women could be said to be similar in this area. ANOVA analysis also shows the income from the women's employment as not being significant (F = 0.13). Thus, there is no direct link between unemployment and wife abuse for our sample (see Tabel 32). Other researchers have reported such a relationship (Gelles, 1972; Straus et al., 1980) but it is known who was their informant. Perhaps, like stress from employment status is being used as a means to rationalize undesirable behavior rather than cause and effect relationship (Walker, 1984). The previous analysis indicated that the majority of Korean Women in this study actually bears the heavy burden of performing household tasks. As indicated by a research in the Korean community11 in 1984 (Hurh and Kim), Korean wives are also expected to perform these tasks regardless of their employment status. In this respect employment of the wife makes no difference; she bears the major responsibility of performing household tasks whether she is currently employed or not. In correspondence to this situation, a substantial proportion of Korean battered wives suffered from the stress 165 from the work and performance of the household tasks. Results from the above analysis do not confirm the hypothesis that the level of wife abuse is directly related to the employment status of women.

TABLE 31. EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF KOREAN WOMEN BY BATTERED AND NONBATTERED WOMEN

Battered Nonbattered Women Women Total No. No. No. (%) (%) (%) Employed 61 42 103 (41.22) (28.3) (69.9)

Unemployed 29 18 47 (18.78) (12.7) (30.4) Total 90 60 150 (60.00) (40.0) (100.0)

= 0-008, p > .05 166

TABLE 3 2. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF LEVEL OF ABUSE BY RESPONDENTS' EMPLOYMENT STATUS

Source df SS ms F P-value Employment 1 360.0972 360.0972 2.28 Not Status significant* Error 148 22,782.2967 158.2143 Total 149 23,142.9589 * p > .05

Korean-Korean Couples and Korean-American Couples

Out of the total thirty-five transculturally (K-A) married Korean women, twenty-three women (65%) reported the abusive incidents in there home (see Table 33). For the Korean-Korean married group, 74% (N=67) of the women were reported as battered women (see Table 33). The differences between the two groups were not statistically significant (x = .62, p > .05, F = 6.29, p > .05), as shown in Tables 33 and 34. Although the prevailing impressions derived from various clinical cases indicated the maladjustment of Korean women who were married to American husbands (Kim, 1972), the result from this study does not confirm the more contaminated outlook on an assessment of conjugal relationships among the Korean-American married couple than any other married couple in the Korean immigrant community. 167

TABLE 33. DISTRIBUTION OF WIFE ABUSE IN THE KOREAN-AMERICAN MARRIED COUPLE AND THE KOREAN-KOREAN MARRIED COUPLE

Battered Nonbattered Women Women Total Race of No. No. No. Spouse (%) (%) (%) Korean-American 23 12 35 married couple (15.3) ( 8.0) (23.3) Korean-Korean 67 48 115 married couple (44.7) (32.0) (76.7) Total 90 60 150 (60.0) (40.0) (100.0) x2 = 0.62, p > .05

TABLE 34 ■ ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF LEVEL OF ABUSE BY HUSBANDS RACIAL BACKGROUND

Source df SS ms F P-value Race 1 31.5963 31.5963 6.29 Not Status Significant* Error 148 421.8920 5.0225 Total 149 453.4883 * p >.05 Rather, the findings from the present study do not differ from the Korean-American married Women from the Korean-Korean married women. This finding is consistent with the results of research on the transculturally married 168

Korean wives and American husbands (Lee, 1980) in that the transculturally married American husbands and Korean wives, as a group, did not seem to differ from the general and endogamously married couple in the level of their overall marital adjustment. Howerver, there were some evidence to suggest insights. Overall demographic characteristics of battered women of Korean-Korean couples and Korean-American couples are presented in Table 35. The comparison of demographic characteristics between two groups indicated that there are some difference in regard to their marital status, education and religious affiliation while there are no group differences in terms of length of residence in the United States and income in employment status of battered Women from both groups. The statistical findings on group difference in various demographical background may require some warning. Because over twenty percent of the cells have expected counts of less than five and tables are so sparse, Chi-square may not be a valid test. The findings of ANOVA analysis on overall wife abuse acts, injury, and level of abuse presented significant F scores as shown in Table 36. 169

TABLE 35. DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OP BATTERED WOMEN OP KOREAN-KOREAN COUPLES (K-K) AND BATTERED WOMEN OP KOREAN-AMERICAN COUPLES (K-A)

Battered Battered Women of Women of K-A Couple K-K Couple Total No. No. No. (%) (%) (%) Marital Status Never married 0 1 1 ( 0.0) ( 1.1) ( 1.1) Married 12 58 69 (12.2) (64.4) (76.7) Separated 4 2 6 ( 4.4) ( 2.2) ( 6.7) Divorced 6 3 9 ( 6.7) ( 3.3) (10.0) Widowed 0 0 0 ( 0.0) ( o.o) ( o.o) Living together 1 4 5 ( 1.1) ( 4.4) ( 5.6)

Total 23 67 90 (25.6) (74.4) (100.0) x2 = 19.6; p < .05

Education No formal education 2 1 3 ( 2.2) ( 1.1) ( 3.3) Elementary school 4 4 8 ( 4.4) ( 4.4) ( 8.9) Table 35. (continued) Middle school 6 7 13 ( 6.7) ( 7.8) (14.4) High school 8 23 31 ( 8.9) (26.6) (34.5) Two-year college 2 14 16 ( 2.2) (15.5) (17.7) Four-year college 1 15 17 ( 1.1) (17.8) (18.9) Graduate school 0 2 2 ( 0.0) ( 2.2) ( 2.2)

Total 23 67 90 (25.6) (74.4) (100.0) x2 = 12.71; p < .05 Religion Buddhist 8 9 17 ( 8.9) (10.0) (18.9) Protestant 10 41 51 (11.1) (45.5) (56.7) Catholic 4 4 8 ( 4.4) ( 4.4) ( 8.9) No Religion 2 13 15 ( 2.2) (14.4) (16.7)

Total 23 67 90 (25.6) (74.4) (100.0) x2 = 8.39; p < .05 Length of Residence in the United States 1 year 1 6 7 ( 1.1) ( 6.7) ( 7.8) 2 years 2 2 4 ( 2.2) ( 2.2) ( 4.4) 171

Table 35. (continued) 3 years 4 7 11 ( 4.4) ( 7.8) (12.2) 4 years 1 14 15 ( 1.1) (15.6) (16.7) 5 years 4 10 14 ( 4.4) (11.1) (15.5) 6 years 3 6 9 ( 3.3) ( 6.7) (10.0) 7 years 3 5 8 ( 3.3) ( 5.6) ( 8.9) 8 years 2 4 6 ( 2.2) ( 4.4) ( 6.7) 9 years 1 4 5 ( 1.1) ( 4.4) ( 5.6) 10 years 3 8 11 ( 3.3) ( 8.9) (12.2) Total 23 67 90 (25.6) (74.4) (100.0) x2 = 6.41, p > .6 Family Income Less than $500 2 4 6 ( 2.2) ( 4.4) ( 6.7) $500 to $999 4 7 11 ( 4.4) ( 7.8) (12.2) $1,000 to $1,499 6 12 18 ( 6.8) (13.6) (20.0) $1,500 to $1,999 5 9 14 ( 5.6) (10.2) (15.8) $2,000 to $2,499 1 14 15 ( 1.1) (15.6) (16.7)

$2,500 to $2,999 0 5 5 ( o.o) ( 5 6) ( 5.6) 172

Table 35. (continued) $3,000 to $3,999 3 4 7 ( 3.3) ( 4.4) ( 7.7) $4,000 and over 3 11 14 ( 3.3) (12.2) (15.5) Total 23 67 90 (25.6) (74.1) (100.0) x2 = 9.19, p > .2 Employment Status Employed 17 46 63 (18.9) (51.1) (70.0) Unemployed 6 21 27 ( 6.7) (22.2) (30.0) Total 23 67" 90 (25.6) (74.4) (100.0) x 2 = 0.16; p > .6

TABLE 36. ANOVA ANALYSIS ON BATTERED WOMEN OF KOREAN-AMERICAN COUPLES

Dependent Variable F Value DF Probability Abusive Acts 6.29 Significant * Resultant Injury 12.64 1 Significant ** Level of Abuse 8.36 1 Significant*** (Abusive Acts and Injury)

* p < .05 ** p < .05 *** p < .05 173

Relationships of Stress Related Symptoms to Wife Abuse

Stress related symptoms were measured by responses to a twenty-two screening score which was originally developed in New York City and replicated in the study for Chinese immigrant women. Additionally, two items were used to measure the symptoms with regard to suicide. This self-report symptoms were assigned a score from zero to four corresponding to the frequencies of symptoms. Scores between sixty-one and ninety-six rated as "high" in stress related symptoms, and scores between twenty-four to sixty rated as "low." The results of stress related symptoms are shown in Figure 10 and Figure 11. Comparisons of battered and nonbattered group as shown in Table 37 supported the significant differences of stress related symptom level between the two groups as expected. All of the battered women in the sample reported experiencing at least some stress related symptoms (i.e., difficulty sleeping, occasional headaches, loss of appetite, etc.). Even though the majority of women could have experienced some symptoms prior to the abusive relationship, there were highly significant differences in the symptom experienced between the battered women and nonbattered women (x = 6.17, p<.05; F = 62.54, p <.05). 174

TABLE 37. RESPONDENTS' DISTRIBUTIONS ON STRESS RELATED SYMPTOMS BY BATTERED AND NONBATTERED WOMEN

Scores of Battered Nonbattered Stress Women Women Total Related No. No. No. Symptom (%) (%) (%) High 47 19 66 (31.3) (12.7) (44.0)

Low 43 41 84 (28.7) (27.3) (66.0) Total 90 60 150 (60.00) (40.0) (100.0) x2 = 6.17, p < .05 175

TABLE 38. CORRELATION MATRIX: RESPONDENTS' STRESS RELATED SYMPTOMS AND WIFE ABUSE

Level of Stress Abusive Resultant Wife Abuse Related Acts Injuries (Acts & Injuries) Symptom Resultant Injuries Level of Wife .937 Abuse (Acts & (p < .05) Injuries) Stress .598 .548 Related (p < .05) (p < .05) Symptom

N = 150

TABLE 39. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF LEVEL OF ABUSE BY STRESS RELATED SYMPTOMS

Source df SS ms F P-value Stress related 1 6,968.8023 6,968.8023 62.54 Significant* symptoms Error 148 16,157.0474 111.4297 Total 149 23,125.8503

* p < .05 v L e e A SCATTERGRAM OF STRESS RELATED SYMPTOMS AND OVERALL LEVEL OVERALL SYMPTOMS AND RELATED STRESS OF SCATTERGRAM A 1 OF ABUSE (ABUSIVE ACTS AND INJURIES) ON THE BATTERED AND BATTERED THE ON INJURIES) (ABUSIVE AND ACTS OF ABUSE noco hi o 50 65-j s 0 10 15 Stress Related Symptoms Related Stress NONBATTERED GROUPS GROUPS NONBATTERED r = 5, .05) .55,<(r p = 20 FIGURE 10.FIGURE 53 35 30 25 Y V 50 176 Stress Related Symptoms SS no to 0 5 10 IS 20 25 30 35 35 30 25 20 IS 10 5 RANGE OF STRESS RELATED SYMPTOMS EXPERIENCED BY RESPONDENTS BY EXPERIENCED SYMPTOMS RELATED STRESS OF RANGE HO S O S 0 S 0 S 0 B S 9 10 D 10 I 10 2 10 3 IO ISO S U ISO 135 130 125 120 IIS 110 IDS 100 95 SO BS 60. ?S 70 SS 60 SS SO NS

FIGURE 11. FIGURE 177 178

The respondents in the battered group Who scored higher in the direction of severe level*? of abuse on the measurement of stress related symptoms. At the same time, the women in the non-battering group who scored lower on the abuse scale, also scored in the direction of having less stress related symptoms on the measurement of Stress Related Symptoms. The Scattergram shown in Figure 10 indicates the lineal relationship between the level of abuse and the Stress Related Symptoms (p < .05). Results from the above analysis do confirm the hypothesis that the level of wife abuse is directly related to the stress related symptoms.

Coping With Wife Abuse

Reviewing Table 40, we find that ninety respondents fall in the battering relationship with their spouse, and the remaining sixty women into the non-battering category. Sixty percent (N = 90) of Korean women in this study experience some degree of wife abuse in their relationship with their spouse. In this section, we shall be concerned about what our respondents do to cope with wife abuse in terms of their knowledge of problem solving methods, servile needs, utilization of patterns of sources of help, and barriers to the use of formal services. 179

Problem Solving Methods The problem solving methods were assessed by asking the women to check the most preferred methods of solving problems from the five suggested methods. As shown in Table 40, the most preferred ways of problem solving for the battered women respectively were: (1) Time will solve the problem (42%): (2) Keep the problem in the family (35%): (3) Praying (27%): (4) Consulting friends and relatives (12%): (5). Seek professional help (5%).

TABLE 40. PROBLEM-SOLVING METHODS AS REPORTED BY BATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

Battered Women No. Percent

Time will solve 38 42.2 Keep it in the family 3 2 35.5 Consulting friends and 11 12.2 Relatives Professional Counseling 4 4.5 Other (Praying) 14 26.6

90 100.0 180

Interestingly, forty percent of the battered women indicated that time will solve the problem. As indicated by Lee (1980), this appears to be a cultural pattern of problem solving methods for Koreans.

Crisis Management

In order to identify the patterns in crisis management a question was asked: When you are in a crisis, where would you go for help? It is interesting to note that over half of the battered women reported they would turn to their husband or minister. They were less likely to turn to their friends, relatives and neighbor for help. Surprisingly, only two percent of the women indicated they would turn to social service agencies for managing their crises. The majority of women did not express a help from their friends, relatives or neighbors. As indicated by Koh (1983), Korean immigrants seem to have less intimate relations with their relatives, friends or neighbors to whom they can freely ask for help in the crisis situation. The results seem to reveal at least two important findings: One, many battered women (n=48) managed their crisis situations by seeking help from their own abusive spouses. Two, there is evidence of tremendous underutilization of social service agencies by Korean women. 181

TABLE 41. PATTERNS IN CRISIS MANAGEMENT AS REPORTED BY BATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

Battered Women No. Rank Husband 48 1 Relatives 13 3 Friends and neighbors 8 6 Minister 28 2 Private clinic 11 5 Social service agency 2 7 No place 12 4 Note: Categories are not mutually exclusive, therefore they will not add up to 100 percent. 182

Contact. With Professional Help

Only seventeen percent of the battered women had sought professional help at some time, whole another three-quarters of the battered women had not had contact with any professional. Of the three battered women who had contacted the police because of the violence, all of them were the cases where their neighbors called the police. Four battered women had seen a Korean internist for treatment of injuries due to battering, three women had consulted an attorney for legal services and five battered Korean women have received services by social workers (see Table 42).

Knowledge of Formal Services

As shown in Table 43, Respondents source of knowledge as formal services are obtained through their friends (10%), Korean newspapers (8%), Korean’Church (4%), Social Service Agency (2%), and the Korean Community Center (6%). These results indicate another seventy percent of the battered women were not aware of formal services at the time of the interview. The reasons of not knowing about formal services is shown in Table 43. One-third of the battered women indicated they do not know where to go. On the other had, close to one-fifth of the battered women indicated they were not aware of formal services because of English, twelve percent were not interested, and six percent indicated they did not have any problem to solve. Furthermore, respondents 183

TABLE 42. CONTACT WITH PROFESSIONAL HELP AS REPORTED BY BATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

Have You Ever Seen A Battered Professional Person Women For Help? No. Percent Korean internist 4 Police 3 Yes: 16.6 Lawyer 3 Social worker 5

No: 75 84.4

Total 90 100.0 184

TABLE 43. KNOWLEDGE ON FORMAL HELP AS REPORTED BY BATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

How Did You Learn Battered About Formal Sources Women of Help? No. Percent Rank Through friends 9 10.0 1 Through Korean community 5 5.5 2 center Through Korean Church 4 4.4 4 Through Korean newspaper 7 7.7 3 Through Social Service 2 2.2 5 Agency 27 30.0

Reasons for Lack of Knowledge on formal Services Language barrier 17 18.8 2 Never interested 11 12.2 3 Don't know where to go 30 33.3 1 I don't have any problem 5 5.5 4 to solve 63 70.0

Total 90 100.0 185 were asked to identify the barriers to the use of formal services. A question was asked: If you know of formal sources of help and need to seek help, yet not utilize those sources, what stops you from using those services? Respondents' response is shown in Table 44. It is not surprising that close to three-quarters of the women considered it to be shameful to friends and neighbors, and another sixty-five percent indicated language problems as one of the major barriers to the use of formal services. Forty-six battered women (51%), indicated they did not know how to approach while thirty four women indicated family rejection as a barrier, and twenty-one women cited transportation problems.

TABLE 44. CHARACTERISTICS OF ACCESS BARRIERS TO THE USE OF FORMAL SERVICES AS REPORTED BY BATTERED KOREAN WOMEN

Battered Barriers to the Use Women of Formal Services No. Percent Transportation problem 21 23 .3 Language barrier 58 64.4 Shameful to friends 67 74.4 and Neighbors Social worker 34 37.7 Don't know how to 46 51.1 approach Note: Categories are not mutually exclusive, therefore, will not add up to 100 percent. CHAPTER V

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This chapter is organized into three sections: 1) Summary of the research findings, 2) conclusions based on these results are presented and discussed as well as their implications, and 3) recommendations.

Summary and Conclusions

The major purpose of this study was to investigate whether Korean immigrant women could be significantly affected by cultural conflict during their adjustment period in terms of the occurrence of wife abuse in their homes. The review of the literature revealed a need for more empirically based studies on Korean battered women. Specific study questions were presented in the previous chapter. In order to answer research questions, hypothesis were developed and those research hypotheses are presented in the following discussion with a brief description of the findings of the analysis.

186 187

Hypothesis 1; The level of wife abuse is directly related to the demographic background of the subject.

The hypothesis was tested on the demographical variables of age, marital status, education, religion, length of residence, income, and living arrangement by Chi-square and ANOVA. 2 x and F values were not significant ... in relation to the variables of age, education, religion, or income, indicating that these demographical backgrounds of women did not affect wife abuse in a positive direction, while the length of residence, marital status, and living arrangement would be possible predictors of wife abuse in Korean immigrant families.

Hypothesis 2: The more traditional Korean immigrant women are, the more likely they are to experience wife abuse.

The hypothesis was tested by Chi-square test and ANOVA. o The x and F values were significant, indicating that women's attitudes about traditionali-r-m significantly increased wife abuse in a positive direction.

Hypothesis 3; The more rigid the sex roles Korean immigrant couples performed, the more likely they are to experience wife abuse.

The hypothesis was tested by Chi-square test and ANOVA. The x and F values were significant, indicating that rigid 188 sex-role performance among Korean immigrant couples significantly affected wife abuse in a positive direction.

Hypothesis 4 : The more stress-evoking factors Korean immigrant women face, the more likely they are to experience wife abuse.

The hypothesis was tested by Chi-square test and ANOVA. 2 The x and F values were significant in relation to the variables of status inconsistency, language barrier, lack of socializability (going out, talking to friends and relatives, participating in social organizations), indicating that stress-evoking factors faced by Korean immigrant women significantly increased wife abuse in a positive direction.

Hypothesis 5: The level of wife abuse is directly related to the employment status of women.

The hypothesis was tested by Chi-square test and ANOVA. 2 The x and F values were not significant, indicating that women's unemployment did not significantly affect the wife abuse in a positive direction.

Hypothesis 6 ; The level of wife abuse is directly related to the stress-related symptoms. 189

The hypothesis was tested by Chi-square test and ANOVA. 2 The x and F values were significant, indicating that women's stress-related symptoms in the battered groups significantly relate to wife abuse in a positive direction.

On review of the hypotheses, testings, and results, the following conclusions on this research can be summarized:

1. characteristics of the abuse were identified in group. They included abusive acts, injuries, precipitating arguments, reactive response to abuse, and behavior after abusive incidents. It was found that 60 percent of Korean women experienced wife abuse. The resultant injuries varied from black eyes to physical injury requiring hospitalization. Unlike the other research on American battered women(Carlson 1977; Gelles, 1972; Walker, 1979; Roy, 1977; Martin, 1976; and Gayford, 1975), the present study found drinking problems and problems related to love life to be much less important as causes of argument than in American families. Furthermore, the present study differed considerably from Hefeller's research (1982) on American battered women in that 50 percent of the American women reported they had fought back physically, in contrast to the 190 women in this study, who showed a nonassertive-to-passive reaction to abuse.-

2. Battered Korean women did not differ significantly from those who were not battered on the demographical variables studied except in length of residence, marital status, and living arrangements. This shows a disparity between the current study and researches on American battered women with regard to their demographical variables. For example, there are good indications in researches on American families that certain demographical backgrounds effect wife abuse, such as income, education, and employment (Gelles, 1972; Prescott & Letko, 1977; Roy, 1977). However, the results show no significant relationship between above variables and wife abuse; rather, it is not yet possible to identify one set of demographics which can differentiate between battered and nonbattered women. However, it appears to be directly related to length of residence, that is, the time spent adjusting to the culture of America, and the problems arising in childrearing in a new culture as described earlier.

3. Results from the current study suggested that Korean women with more traditional attitudes experience more abuse that women who are less traditional. It could be argued 191 than the tradition of tolerance and endurance in Korean culture is one aspect of the possible causal factor in wife abuse among Korean immigrants. Results clearly indicated that there was a positive correlation between women's attitudes toward Korean traditionalism and the level of wife abuse. Most battered Korean women try to fulfill traditional images of good wives. In short, they tend to see themselves primarily as wives and mothers rather than as individuals, and believe that they should be submissive and forgiving of their spouse's abuse. Furthermore, "traditional" wives tend to view the relative success of their marriages as a reflection of their worth as human beings (Hofeller, 1983). Therefore, they view "leaving an abusive husband" as threatening in terms of economics and social stigma, as well as evidence of personal failure.

4. The results of the present study indicate that tnere is evidence to suggest that couples who adhere to a rigid Korean sex-role performance are more violent than couples who are less rigid. The Korean man who beats his wife tends to adhere to a rigid stereotyped model of normative Korean masculine behavior, a role requiring that he do hardly any household tasks and make all important family decisions. The batterer may also expect his wife to fulfill a rigid 192 sex-role as well. The battered Korean women are found to be responsible for all household chores. Because the batterer is already insecure, the most innocuous of actions may be perceived as a threat to his "male ego." For example, a Korean man might hit his wife because she did not have dinner ready when he came home; or left dirty dishes in the kitchen sink when she had to rush to go to work; or failed to do laundry on some occasion, etc.

5. There was significant evidence to indicate that stress-evoking factors affect the level of wife abuse. For instance, language problems and social isolation are frequently associated with episodes of battering. The language difficulty of Koreans severely limits their cultural and social activities. Language problems and social isolation is well known as a major obstacle (Yoo, 1977; Koh and Koh, 1974; Lee, 1980; Kom, 1975), causing frustration for Koreans in the process of making a new life in the United States. Especially, social isolation of battered women, due to the lack of socializability, has been written about in the literature as occurring both as a part of and as a result of the violence. It has been suggested that the abuser systematically isolates the woman from others, and that she also withdraws to protect herself from further embarrassment (Walker, 1979; Martin, 1976). 193

The battered women in this study were not likely to be involved in voluntary organizations, other than churches. Although it was not possible to devise a measure for a Christian woman's reason for staying in an abusive relationship, results from interviewing these women do suggest that women who belonged to those churches tended to endure more. However, attending Korean churches may actually contribute to ethnic segregation and therefore to further social isolation. This is only suggestive of the relative importance in determining the possible causal factor contributing to wife abuse Other stresses such as status inconsistency of couples in employment compared to preimmigration status are found to be one indicator in predicting greater occurrences of wife abuse in the Korean family.

6. There was no significant difference in the level of abuse occurring in two career families and traditional families. As indicated in earlier researches (Hurh, Kim and Kim, 1978; and Koh, 1974) high participation in the labor market among Korean immigrant families compared to their preimmigration employment status is consistent with the results of this study. The results showed that the majority of the Korean women (who previously just stayed home in Korea) were employed since immigration to the U.S. However, 194

There is no direct link between unemployment and wife abuse for our sample. In correspondence to the situation of battered employed women, a substantial proportion of these women suffered stress from the work and from household tasks. Perhaps, their double responsibility may be the precipitating (or facilitating) factor of wife abuse rather than employment status itself.

7. There was no significant differences in the level of abuse occurring in Korean-Korean couples and Korean-American couples. The difference between the two groups were not statistically significant in relation to wife abuse. However, the comparison of demographic characteristics between the two groups indicated that there are some difference in regard to their marital status, education, and religious affiliation.

8. Difference between the stress-related symptom levels of battered and nonbattered Korean women was highly significant even considering that some of the battered women's symptoms may have had no relation to wife abuse. Although it was not possible to identify different types of symptoms both prior to the abuse and during the battering situations, results indicated that abused women clearly experienced severe 195

stress-related symptoms ranging from loss of appetite to attempted suicide.

9. In reviewing the patterns in crisis management and problem-solving methods reported by the battered Korean women, we find significant evidence of underutilization of any professional help. Close to half of the battered women in this study indicated that they felt time would resolve their problems. In a crisis situation, the battered Korean women in this study reported that their own abusive husbands were the primary resource person to turn to for help. The majority of women are hesitant to discuss their problem or to approach friends, relatives, or neighbors. The results show the majority of battered women were not aware of formal services: that they did not know where to go, or were not interested, or felt that the language barrier blocked them from using services of social agencies. Furthermore, the majority of battered Korean women considered that seeking help from a formal source would shame them in front of friends and neighbors. The battered women indicated that they did not know how to approach an agency nor how to communicate to obtain help or that they faced family rejection. Some indicated transportation problems. As defined, the term "battered" did not include verbal abuse. Even though these are undeniably damaging and 196 painful, the overall consensus of feeling among Korean women of the present study was that the verbal abuse is not a actual occurrence of wife abuse. In this respect, there must be a hidden percentage of battered women in the Korean immigrant population in addition to the sixty percent revealed in this study. This estimation shows a great contrast to the cases of wife abuse in American homes. Where there is some level of wife abuse, about 50 percent included verbal and psychological abuse (Straus, 1978). Just reviewing the significant underutilization of services tells us that these battered Korean women are still hidden from societal attention, and they hardly talk about problems with anybody. Their fear is that talking about the wife abuse in too much detail will cause further harm. Nevertheless, most of the battered Korean women in this study did remember the details of the abuse and could relate it when asked direct and specific questions. Most women did report the battering incidents as though they were recalling it. In spite of the emotions and anxieties which the interview aroused, however, many women said that they had felt talking about the abuse had been greatly beneficial, especially those who had held it in herself for years and years without telling anybody. It was not unusual for a woman to say that she had gained new insight and a better 197 understanding of her situation. It appeared that, although actual counseling was not provided, the discussion of wife abuse in an accepting, nonjudgeraental setting was indeed therapeutic as indicated in other researches (Walker, 1984; Hofeller, 1982). The findings and observations of the study pose a challenge to the community to provide appropriate services for these battered women. The fact that very few Korean women sought professional help indicates not only that the cultural pattern of Korean immigrants rejects the idea of professional help, but also that there must be many untreated, unrevealed cases in the Korean populations in the major urban places in the United States, and extending also to other Asian women. They are facing language barriers cultural differences, myths and stereotypes. Therefore, they are in even greater risk in their current situation and in more need of professional help. The better provision of services for the Korean women requires specifically focused programs on wife abuse in general, and specially targeted programs for concentrated areas of the Korean population in specific. Public education should be geared toward specific objectives. There must be a consciousness raising in the Korean immigrant community about the extent and nature of 198 wife abuse. At the same time, battered women themselves need to be reached through counseling agencies, public services and the media (Korean newspapers and radio programs). Korean battered women need to realize that they should not feel guilty or embarrassed about this problem, and that there is help available. For example, communities could distribute handbooks containing information on the myths and stereotypes about wife abuse and also provide resources written in both English and Korean. On the other hand, the violent Korean husbands must somehow be reached. They must be informed that they have no right to abuse their wives. In addition, since abusive men are typically reluctant to seek help, the message should address that it is not weak or unmasculine to get help for this problem. It might be helpful for a professional volunteer group of men to undertake such a task and provide male counselors (Hofeller, 1982). We ar a society still give informal sanction to wife abuse in the Korean immigrant community. For example, current myths about "quiet", "nonproblematic", "self-managing," Asian Americans including Korean immigrants tend to cover and minimize the problems faced by Korean immigrants. In addition to this is the myth that wifebeating is a lower-class phenomenon. Contrary to these beliefs, the present study showed that regardless of the 199 respondent's education and income level, wife beating occurs between Korean couples. The present myths about wife abuse tend to make the battered women feel ashamed and avoid seeking help, and also cause others to view them as undeserving of help. There is a tendency to believe that the Korean woman is battered because she "did something wrong." Therefore, others often do not want to help to help a women who chooses to be mistreated. The battered Korean women herself may also come to believe this myth. Regardless of how she truly thinks, she may begin to suspect that perhaps she really did something wrong. This increases her shame and makes it even less likely she will tell anyone about the abuse occuring behind their closed doors. On the other hand, it might appear that the problem with violent Korean husband is that they are too aggressive. However, many Korean husbands who are violent in their own homes may be quite passive in other situations. By contrast, the batterer may not speak up when he feels exploited. Especially it may be significant for this study in that 52 violent Korean husbands out of a total of 90 batterers are holding lower employment levels compared to their preimmigration status. It is not unusual to find many Korean men with years of professional training, such as doctors, lawyers, etc., holding clerical positions or even manual types of jobs due to the difficulties in licensing 200 and language and cultural barriers. These husbands have a great deal of frustration keeping this anger "bottled-up" inside until he gets home. Then he may overreact with violence to the slightest threat to his status (Hofeller/ 1983). Furthermore, as Hofeller indicated, a truly assertive person is not aggressive. Instead, he stands up for his rights without running "roughshod" over the rights of others, especially those of his own wife. Rather, it should be based on a strong sense of respect for oneself and for others. Thus, the implication on child rearing requires the attention of these Korean immigrant families. The child who is raised to be assertive learns that he does not have to use violence in order to show his rights or fulfill his needs. At the same time, if an "assertive" women believes she has been taken advantage of, she can talk about those feelings at the time. It is obvious she realizes her right to demand a nonabusive relationship and can do what is needed to make sure she is not abused. However, entire communities should accept and encourage Korean women to be assertive and independent, and men should be able to express the more tender, sensitive, and nondominant side. From this respect, these Korean couples could react to each other first, as person to person, and then as male or female, we would, hopefully, begin to interact with each other with 201

better understanding and with fewer incidences of wife abuse.

Implications for Social Work Practice

Results from the present study indicate Korean immigrants experience many types of problems and in fact have some problems unique to their community. The results also indicate a social worker's response, to the needs of battered Korean immigrant women, is generally inadequate. Coupled with the misunderstanding perpetuated about Asians, including Koreans as "model minority," the Korean community is denied the resources necessary to alleviate or solve the problems (Kim and Brown, 1985) Therefore, the social worker's sensitiveness, which are fundamental social work values, need to incorporate with the concerns for the uniqueness of the Korean battered women and their families inorder to resolve the problem of wife abuse with all possible helping efforts. Within this approach, the following discussion would be useful in micro and macro social work intervention with Korean immigrant individuals and families. The majority of Korean women feel discomfort in reaching out to counseling services, especially, to those newly arrived immigrants with limited English ability. Most of them have been accustomed to controling their negative feelings and have not been used to expressing their 202 emotions. Therefore, the worker should take greater responsibility and play a more direct role. He/she may find it essential to focus on external factors until some level of trust and comfort is established (Dhooper and Tran, 1986). The social worker must be sensitive to the issues of shame and guilt which these battered Korean Women are experiencing. Also there is strong needs for keeping confidentiality in working with these battered clients. The findings from this study showed many battered women have stress related symptoms. In this respect, the multiple helping roles as counselor, health educator, guide, family therapist, or a member of an interdisciplinary team in the workers approach, must be utilized in order to effect the full sociocultural intervention on Korean battered women and families. The social worker who is bilingual and bicultural. or who has special knowledge of cross-cultural approaches, would also help for a better assessment and planning for its required intervention. Furthermore, efforts and plans to sensitize social work professionals of the unique problems faced by Korean immigrant battered families should be initiated. To accomplish this task. Social work intervention with these Korean immigrants and extended Asian Americans, must begin with a reiteration of the social work commitment to the ideals of justice and true equality for all Americans 203

(Dhooper and Tran, 1986). Racism should not be a major stumbling block and the social work profession must assume a leadership role to eliminate existing institutional racism which is maintained by a lack of concern for, and an awareness of problems experienced by Korean battered women and families. Social work intervention must be appropriate to the background resources, needs, and the culture of the battered Korean women. Social workers need to determine the extent of underutilization of Korean immigrants in social services. Then, social workers should play a leading role in defining needs and modifying policies to the delivery of services to Korean battered women and families. Moreover, researches on the cross-cultural, ethenocultural social work approach, should be encouraged, and their implications for social policy and clinical practice need to be emphasized in social work education.

Recommendations

Results of the present study suggest that there are a number of issues which should be investigated more fully. To begin with, since this study is the first on Korean battered women, it is suggested to replicate this research in other urban areas of the United states with a larger sample of women. 204

Second, it would be valuable to investigate Korean battered women still living in Korea to learn what are the differences and similarities in level of abuse, problem-solving patterns, and other possible causal factors. Third, studies should focus on the prebattering stage of abusive relationships. The data could be compared to a similar period in nonbattered couples, thereby providing ways of identifying patterns of interaction associated with wife abuse. Forth, future research should be designed to investigate the relationship between the battered women and her children. It should be noted how the battered woman's lack of confidence and self worth affect her patenting. Fifth, information is needed regarding the character and quality of childhood experiences of both batters and the battered woman, as well as of nonbattered couples. It is necessary to compare battered and nonbattered couples on several variables directed toward specifying the childhood experience of growing up in the context of Korean culture. Finally, since research has indicated that wife abuse is a widespread phenomenon among the Korean immigrant population, it is suggested that future studies include American-American couples, so as to allow a comparison of the two groups. 205

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221 222 Part I: Demographic Information

1. Age:

2. What is your marital status?

(1) Never married (4) Divorced (2) Married (5) Widowed (3) Separated (6) Living together

3. What is the highest grade in school you have completed?

(1) Elementary school (1-6)______

(2) Middle school (7-9)______

(3) High school (9-12) ___

(4) 2-year college ___

(5) 4-year college ___

(6) Graduate or professional school ______

(7) Other (describe) ___

4. What is your religion?

(1) Buddhism (4) Confucianism (2) Protestant (5) No religion (3) Catholic (6) Other (describe)

5. How long have you lived in the United States? years

6. What is your monthly family (you and your husband's) Income?

(1) Less than $500 (5) $2000-$2499 (2) $500-$999 (6) $2500-$2999 (3) $1000-$1499 (7) $3000-$3999 (4) $1500-.$ 1999 (8) $4000 or more Are you employed? Yes _ No ____ If employed, what Is your monthly Income?

Is your husband Korean? Korean Non-Korean

With whom do you liv e now?

(1) Spouse ___ (5) Friend (2) Son(s) (6) Grandchildren (3) Daughter(s) ___ (7) By myself (4) Other relative ___ (3) Other (describe)

If you live with your children, list ages and sex of children

What is your housing arrangement? (1) Own home ____ (2) Rented apartment ____ (3) Relative's home ____ (4) Other (describe) ____ 224

Fart II: Sltuaclonal Factors

1. Please answer the following questions who does the different chores In your home.

Wife Husband Both

(1) Cooking — ______(2) Washing dishes ... _ (3) Laundry .. ------——

(4) Driving the car .. ------(5) Shopping for groceries -■ — ...... (6) Buying clothes — . - ... ------(7) Faying hills — —— ,. — (8) Taking care of children .n — ..... — — (9) Talking to school teacher about ------children (10) Making bed (11) Cleaning the house —— ------

• v (12) Making decisions to buy something ------(TV, furniture, etc.) (13) Making decisions to buy a house . , —

2. Would you say relationships between you and your husband is d ifferen t from when you were in Korea? •

_____ B etter _____ Same Worse 225

3. May I ask what your job is?

Now In Korea (1) Unemployed (2) Housewife (3) Studenc (4) Manual work (5) Skilled work (6) C lerical, saleswoman (7) Semi-professional, manager (8.) Professional, self-employed

”V 4. May 1 ask your husband's job? Now In Korea

(1) Unemployed (2) Student

(3) Manual work (4) Skilled work (5) Clerical, salesman (6) Semi-professional, manager (7) Professional, self-employed

5. How many times a week do you go out to do work, shopping, or for other things? (1) Everyday ____ (2) 2-3 times a week ____ (3) Once a week ____ (4) 2-3 times a month (5) Hardly ever go out _____ 226

6. What types of friends do you have? (1) Korean friends (2) American friends (3) Both

7. How often do you talk to any of your friends or relatives? (1) Everyday ___ (2) 2-3 times a week _____ (3) Once a week ____ (4) 2-3 times a month ___ (5) Hardly ever ___

8. Do you speak Korean, English, or both languages at home? (1) Only Korean ____ (2) Only English _____ (3) Both ____

9. How well do you know English? (1) Good (2) A little (3) Poor (4) Not a t a ll

10. Which newspaper do you read? (1) Korean newspaper (2) American newspaper (3) Both

11. Do you cook only Korean food a t home? (1) Always (2) Most of the time (3) Sometimes (4) Hardly ever

12. Do you drive a car? (1) Yes (2) No 227

13.- Do you listen to local news programs on TV or radio? (1) Always (2) Host of the time (3) Sometimes (4) Hardly ever

14. Do you belong to any clubs, churches, or organizations? (1) Korean churches (temples) _____ (4) Professional (2) Korean association ___ (5) Political meetings (3) Other social clubs ___

15. How often do you participate in the activities of those clubs or meetings? .(1) 2-3 times a week _____ (3) 2-3 times a month _____ (2) Once a week (4) Hardly ever _____ 228 Parc III: Attitude Toward Korean Traditionalism

1. A Korean women shouldn't leave her husband once she is already married. (1) Always______(2)' Most of the time _____ (3) Sometimes______(4) * Hardly ever______2. Would you say Korean women should obey her husband? (1) Always ___ (2) Host of the time _____ (3) Sometimes _____ (4) Hardly ever ___

3. Do you believe the Korean proverb? ("If a hen crows a household will crumble") (1) Always _____ (2) Moat of the time _____ (3) Sometimes _____ (4) Hardly ever ___ 4. Do you believe a woman's place is: (1) To be married, stay home and have children _____ (2) To be married, have children and a career ____ (3) To be married, have no children, and career____

5. Have you thought about marrying non-Korean, or only Korean? (1) Korean only__ __ (2) Non-Korean _____ (3) Both______

6. Has your marriage been arranged? (1) Arranged marriage ___ (2) Marriage from dating ___ (3) Combined '

7. Do you show affection to your husband in public (i.e., holding hands when you walk) (1) Always ____ (2) Most of the time ___ (3) Sometimes ___ (4) Hardly ever _____ 229 8. Do you aay« "I love you" to your husband?

(1) Always (2) Often (3) Sometimes (4) Hardly aver

9* Who makes the most dtdiioiu is your home? (1) Wife (2) Husband (3) Both

10. Do you have a joint bank accqunt with your husband* a single account of * your own* or both? (1) Joint (2) Single (3) Both

11. Do you cook only Korean food at home?

(1) Always (2) Host of the time (3) Sometimes (4) Hardly ever

12. Do you think men are superior than women? (1) Always (2) HoBt of the time (3) Sometimes (4) Hardly aver

13. Do you prefer a man to be a boss in the home? (1) Always (2) Host of the time (3) Sometimes (4) Hardly ever

14. Suppose you are not married* would you marry a man without your family member's approval? (1) Tea (2) perhaps (3) Hardly ever (4) No IS. Even is husband la abusive* Korean wife should forgive him. (1) Always (2) Host of the time (3) Sometimes (4) Hardlv ever 230 Part IV: The Abuse

1. Please mark any of the Items below which apply to you. (1) My (2) My (3) My (4) My (5) My (6) My (7) My

(8) My

(9) My

(10) My

(U) My

(12) My (13) My (14) My

(15) My

(16) My

(17) My

(18) My

(19) My

(20) My

Have you

(1) Bruises

(2) Black eye

(3) Minor cuts or burns (4) Cuts, burns, or bruises requiring medical attention ^___ (5) Concussion ___ (6) Damage to teeth ___ (7) Broken bones ___ (8) Joint injury ____ (9) Spinal injury ___ (10) Injury to Internal organs ___ (11) Miscarriage ___ (12) Emotional/mental distress requiring medical care _____ (13) Physical injury requiring hospitalization ___ (14) Other (describe) ___

When was the first time your husband was abusive toward you?

(1) In Korea ____ (2) After immigration ___ (3) Not applicable _____

On the average, how often have violent or abusive acts taken place?

(1) ______evey (2) 12 3 4 5 6 (circle one) times a week (3) 12 3 4 (circle one) times a month

(4) 123456789 10 11 (circle one) times a year

If you have responded to your husband's abuse, place a check in the appropriate column.

(1) Fight back physically (2) Fight back verbally (3) Order him to stop

(4) Stare at him (5) Screem for help 232 (6) Cry, beg him to stop (7) Try to protect self (8) Try to leave scene (9) Go stay elsewhere Call police (10) Try to ignore it - do nothing

6. What was the opening argument immediately before the incident?

(1) Children ___ (7) Other Women (2) Money ___ (8) In-laws & relatives (3) Sex (9) Chores and responsibilities (A) Religion ___ (10) Food, cooking (5) Outside activity ____ (11) Other men (6) Drinking ___ (12) Employment (13) Friends and associates

7. What do you do after an abusive incident? (Check all responses that occur) (1) Cry _____ (6) Watch TV __ (2) Apologize (7) Leave the house __ (3)' Eat (8) Go to sleep __ (A) Drink (9) Make love __ (5) Use Drug(s) (10) Think about revenge __ (11) Other (describe) ____

8. Do you know any Korean women which may Include yourself who have been battered by husband?

(1) Yes (2) No (3) Don't Part V: Stress-Related Symptoms (please check appropriate column) 233

1. 1 feel weak all over much of the time.• (1) Always _____ (3) Sometimes (2) Moat of the time _____ (4) Hardly ever

2 . I have had periods of days, weeks, or months when I couldn't take care of things because I couldn't "get going". (1) Always ____ (3) Sometimes _ _ _ (2) Most of the time ____ (4) Hardly ever ______

3. In general, would you say that most of the time you are experiencing spirit fluctuations? (1) Always______(3) Sometimes ______(2) Most of the time _____ (4) Hardly ever _ _ _

4. Every so often; 1 suddenly feel hot all over. (1) Always (3) Sometimes (2) Most of the time ____ (4) Hardly ever

5. Have you ever been bothered by your heart beating hard? (1) Always ____ (3) Sometimes (2) Most of the time ____ (4) Hardly ever

6. Would you say your appetite is changing? (1) Always ____ (3) Sometimes (2) Most of the time ____ (4) Hardly ever

7. I have periods of such great restlessness that I cannot s it long in a chain (cannot sit still very long). (1) Always ____ (3) Sometimes _____ (2) Most of the time ____ (4) Hardly ever______

Are you the worrying type (a worrier)?, (1) Always (3) Sometimes (2) Most of the time (4) Hardly ever 234 9. Have you ever been bothered by shortness of breath when you were not exercising or working hard? (1) Always (3) Sometimes ______(2) Most of the time (A) Hardly ever ____

10. Are you ever bothered by nervousness (irritable, fidgety, tense)? (1) Always _ _ _ (3) Sometimes (2) Most of the time _____ (4) Hardly ever

11. Have you ever had any fainting spells (lost consciousness)? (1) Always ____ (3) Sometimes _____ • (2) Most of the time .(A) Hardly ever ____

12. Do you ever have any trouble in getting to sleep or staying asleep? (1) Always . (3) Sometimes ____ (2) MoBt of the time _____ (A) Hardly ever'

13. I am bothered by acid (sour) stomach several times a week. (1) Always _____ (3) Sometimes ____ (2) Most of the time (A) Hardly ever ____

1A. My memory seems to be a ll right (good). (1) Always (3) Sometimes ____ (2) Most of the time _____ (4) Hardly ever ____

15. Have you ever been bothered by "cold sweats"? (1) Always (3) Sometimes ____ (2) Most of the time (A) Hardly ever ____

16. Do your hands ever tremble enough to bother you? (1) Always . (3) Sometimes ____ (2) Moat of the time —(A) Hardly ever ____

17. There seems to be a fullness (clogging) in my head or nose much of the time. (1) Always _____ Sometimes _____ (2) Most of the time (4) ‘Hardly ever ____ 235 18. I have personal worries that get me down physically (makes me physically ill). (1) Always _____ (3) Sometimes (2) Most of the time _____ (A) Hardly ever

19. Do you feel somewhat apart even among friends (apart, isolated, alone)? (1) Always (3) Sometimes ____ (2) Most of the time ____ .(4) Hardly ever ____

20. Nothing ever turns out for me the way I want It to (turns out, happens, comes about, i.e., my wishes aren’t fulfilled). (1) Always ____ (3) Sometimes _ _ _ (2) Most of the time ____ (4) Hardly ever _____

21. Are you ever troubled with headaches or pains in the head? (1) Always (3) Sometimes ___ (2) Most of the time ____ (4) Hardly ever ___

22. You sometimes can't help wondering if anything is worthwhile anymore. (1) Always (3) Sometimes ____ (2) Most of the time ____ (4) Hardly ever ____

23. Have you had a thought about suicide? (1) Always (3) Sometimes (2) Most of the time _____ (4) Hardly ever

24. Have you attempted suicide? (1) Yes (3) Don't know (2) No (4) No answer 236 Part VZ: Service Utilization

1. If you have a personal problem, how would you solve it? (1) Time will solve (2) Keep it in the family (3) Consulting friends, relatives (4) Professional counseling (5) Other (describe)

2. When you are in a c risis, where would you go for help? (1) Husband _____ (5) Private clinic ___ (2) Relatives _ (6) Social service agency (3) Friends, neighbors _____ (7) Other (describe) ____ (4) Minister ____ (8) No place ___

3. If you know any formal sources of help, how did you learn? (1) Through friends ____ (4) Through Korean (2) Through Korean community center _____ newspaper ___ (3) Through Korean church _____ (5) Through social service agency ___ (6) Other (describe) ___

3a. If you don't, what are the reasons for lack of your knowledge? (1) Language barrier ____ (3) Don't know where to go ____ (2) Never interested ____ (4) Other (describe) ___

4. Have you ever seen a professional person or been to professional place for help? (1) Yes ___ (2) No ____

5. If you know of formal sources of help and need to seek help, yet not utilize those sources, what stops you from using those services? (1) Transportation problem ______(2) Language barrier ______(3) Shameful to friends and neighbors ______(4) Family rejection _____ (5) Don't know how to approach ______(6) Other (describe) ______237 6. What would you consider as most needed services for the Korean battered woman?

7. What types of programs do you mostly want to participate? APPENDIX B QUESTIONNAIRE WRITTEN IN KOREAN

238 T*

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