UC Merced Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology
Title Chia and the Chumash: A Reconsideration of Sage Seeds in Southern California
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Journal Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, 8(1)
ISSN 0191-3557
Author Timbrook, Jan
Publication Date 1986-07-01
Peer reviewed
eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 8, No. 1, pp. 50-64 (1986) Chia and the Chumash: A Reconsideration of Sage Seeds in Southern California
JAN TIMBROOK, Dept. of Anthropology, Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History, 2559 Puesta del Sol Rd., Santa Barbara, CA 93105.
A-IURING several years of research on Chu by a brief comparative summary of sage seed mash ethnobotany, I have sought information use among other southern California peoples. from a wide variety of sources. The most It is then suggested that the prevailing fruitful of these have been John P. Harring views in the archaeological literature have ton's unpublished ethnographic and linguistic been derived from incorrect interpretations field notes, ^ the extant plant specimens in of ethnohistorical data and from errors in the Harrington collection at the National historical documents. Finally, I comment on Anthropological Archives, and historical resource availability and food preferences as documents written by early observers of they relate to the question of sage seed Chumash culture. exploitation. When the available data were compiled on This problem is important because it Chumash use of sages (the genus Salvia), it affects our assumptions that settlement loca became apparent that information collected tion depends on accessibility to critical by Harrington did not agree with the picture resources such as water and food supplies. presented in most published writings on the The identification of these food resources is Chumash. On the one hand, the archaeolog a key to interpreting the archaeological re ical literature generally asserts that the cord and, in turn, to developing an under Chumash and their ancestors ate seeds of all standing of subsistence and settlement pat four of the most abundant local sage species: terns in prehistoric southern California. one annual herb (commonly known as chia CHIA AND THE CHUMASH [Salvia columbariae]), and three perennial shrubs (black, white and purple sages [Salvia Chumash methods of preparing food from mellifera, S. apiana, and 5. leucophylla], chia seeds are described repeatedly through respectively). Archaeologists have begun to out Harrington's notes: the seeds were apply the vernacular term "chia" to the toasted in soapstone oUas or with hot coals seeds of all these species of sage plants. in a basket, then pounded before being eaten But, according to Harrington's consultants, either mixed with water into a thin gruel or the Chumash ate the seeds of only one sage molded into dry cakes. According to species, the annual Salvia columbariae, and Harrington's Chumash consultants, the that was the only one to which they applied pounding was done in a mortar, not in a me- the name "chia." In this paper the term tate or on a shallow milling stone. Both "chia" refers only to that species, following Fernando Librado of Ventura and Maria So- the usage of Harrington's consultants and lares of Santa Ynez said that chia meal or most botanical reference works. drink was consumed a little at a time, be The available information on Chumash tween bites of other foods, to vary the taste use of sage seeds is presented first, followed and cleanse the palate (Harrington MS). [50] CHL\ AND THE CHUMASH 51
Harrington's notes offer little evidence to as itepesh, "chia" or "chia fina" ["fine" or support the use of seeds from the three lo "delicate chia"], and paj, "chia gruesa" cal sage species which are large, woody ["coarse chia"]. Harrington's Kitanemuk shrubs. The plant from which chia seeds consultants also spoke of "chia" and were collected was described by Fernando "another kind of chia," the latter being less Librado: "The chia is low and never grows preferred. This "other kind" has been over two feet high." Several consuUants identified from a specimen as thistle sage discussed methods of harvesting chia seeds (Salvia carduacea). (Harrington MS): Chia may be considered an item of high They just put a basket under it and hit it cultural significance, according to linguistic with a seedbeater. It is easy to pick. clues. Most of Harrington's consultants provided names for chia in one or more They beat it into a basket 1 ft. in diam Chumashan languages (Table 1), but few eter and 6-8" high. Empty this mto a larger basket... knew names for any of the other species. Lucrecia Garcia, the Barbareiio consultant They would pile chia and thrash chia with who collected the specimens, was the only the seedbeater. one who provided names for Salvia leuco The use of a hooked pole to pull the seed phylla and S. mellifera. These appear to be heads over the basket was confirmed by descriptive terms rather than true names, as some consultants and denied by others. one component of the binomial ['olkopkop Some described holding the gathering basket "herb"] was also applied to several kinds of between the knees, or "beating the bush" grasses. If no true names existed for the with the seedbeater, which might indicate a woody perennial sage species, or if the relatively large plant. names could not be recalled by Harrington's Nonetheless, most of the evidence favors consultants, it might indicate these plants chia being a low, herbaceous plant. The two were less important to the Chumash. local sage species which best fit this When California Indian people began to description are Salvia columbariae, commonly speak Spanish, a second set of vernacular called "chia," and S. carduacea, thistle sage names was introduced. People seem to have (Fig. 1). A third herbaceous species, 5. applied these new names to the indigenous spathacea, hummingbird sage, has a sticky categories. Harrington's Chumash consul involucre which would prevent harvesting of tants used the Spanish common name "chia," seeds with a seedbeater. like the Chumash word 'itepesh, to refer to At least two Chumash consultants men both the seeds and the plant itself. I have tioned that there were two kinds of chia, not found any indication in Harrington's although no labeled specimens are extant to field notes or plant specimens that the Chu confirm this. A Ventureno consultant said mash people themselves applied the term that "there are two kinds of chia, a coarser "chia" to the seeds of more than one kind and a finer kind. The finer kind is pre of sage. While the Chumash did eat the ferred" (Harrington MS). In addition to his young shoots of woody perennial sages and own notes, Harrington's collection contains used the leaves and shoots in medicine and some notebooks written by Ventureiio Juan offerings, Harrington's notes do not indicate Estevan Pico, who worked with Henshaw in that the seeds of these plants were ever the 1880s. Pico listed the two kinds of chia collected. 52 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY
Chia (Salvia columbariae)
Fig. 1. The "two kinds of chia" described by Chumash and Kitanemuk consultants (3/8 natural size). CHIA AND THE CHUMASH 53
Table 1 CHUMASH NAMES FOR SALVIA SPECIES Species BarbareAo Ventureno Ineseno Spanish 5. ap(an no name recorded identified from specimen collected and labeled by Harrington's consultant Lucrecia Garcia, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution. Harrington (MS) went through Jepson's All of the southern CaUfornia groups for 1925 manual and noted that the sage family whom information is available ate the seeds included the following plants: "chia, white of at least one to as many as all four of sage, black sage, yerba buena." He equated these species. Cahuilla and Luiseiio ate all chia with Salvia columbariae and the four kinds (Bean and Saubel 1972:136; Spark- Barbareiio Chumash name 'ilepesh, but did man 1908:196). The Tubatulabal and Kitane not give Spanish or Chumash names for the muk ate seeds of two species, chia sage and other species. He, too, apparently was thistle sage (Voegelin 1938; Harrington MS); certain that the category "chia" did not the Costanoan ate only chia (Levy 1978:491; include the other sage species listed. Bocek 1984:253). None of the groups sur veyed seem to have eaten seeds of purple SAGE SEEDS sage (5. leucophylla). IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA Most southern California peoples made Is the Chumash information gleaned from distinctions between one kind of sage seeds Harrington's notes consistent with patterns and another. Preference was usually ex among other southern California Indian peo pressed for chia, S. columbariae. For ex ples? A survey of the ethnographic litera ample, species of sages were used for seed ture turned up fairly good data for six flour by the Diegueiio, "especially Salvia groups (Cahuilla, Luiseiio, Diegueiio, Tiibatu- columbariae, chia" (Luomala 1978:600); and labal, Costanoan, and Kitanemuk), and less among the Luiseiio the seeds of chia were adequate for four more (Salinan, Fernan- "much more esteemed than any other" deiio, Gabrielino, and Serrano). (Sparkman 1908:196). Kitanemuk consultants Both the seeds and green parts of various Magdalena Olivas and Eugenia Mendez said sage species were employed in food, medicine that the "other kind of chia," thistle sage, and ceremony by Indian peoples throughout was "not very good-tasting but [they] used much of California. The species used for to gather it when [they] did not have much seeds included two perennial shrubs, white pahinatshr [chia] ... it is not flavorful" sage (5. apiana) and black sage (S. melli (Harrington MS). fera), and two annual herbs, chia (5. colum Names in Takic languages (Table 2) con bariae) and thistle sage (S. carduacea). firm that southern California peoples distin- 54 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY Table 2 TAKIC NAMES FOR SALVM SPECIES Tribe Salvia t^iana S. carduacea S. columbariae S. mellifera Cahuilla qas'ily palnat pasal qas'ily (Bean and Saubel 1972:136-138) Luiseiio kashil palil pashal kanavut (Sparkman 1908:229) Femandeno — — pasill — (Kroeber 1908:12) Gabrielino — — pah-see* — (Merriam 1967:436-437) Gabrielino — — pasal — (Crespi 1769; A. Brown personal communication 1986) Serrano — — pa-he-natch* — (Merriam 1967:436^37) Kitanemuk — pahinait** pahinatshr — (Harrington MS) No name recorded. Merriam's "wild Hax" (see Note 1). Identified from specimen in John P. Harrington collection, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution. guished between kinds of sage. The term the word "chia" means "sage seeds" and for Salvia columbariae is fairly uniform that it encompasses several local species of throughout much of the area.^ The same Salvia. One recent textbook on California word was recorded among the Hokan- archaeology states that "acorns and chia speaking Salinan (Mason 1912:206). Each of (sage) seeds were notable" among Chumash the other sages seems to be given its own plant foods (Moratto 1984:118). Interior name, although the two woody species are sites in the Chumash area, it goes on, were called by the same name in Cahuilla. The occupied by both inland and coastal people differences within the latter folk taxon were "who hunted deer, caught salmon, and probably recognized but not considered gathered acorns, sage seeds, and other important. vegetal products" (Moratto 1984:141). In central and southern California, then, The broad interpretation of the term the relatively high cultural significance of "chia" seems to have developed something Salvia columbariae compared to other sages like this: (1) We know from ethnohistoric is suggested by the fact that its seeds were sources that "chia seeds" were used by the universally described as "the most highly Chumash. (2) We know that "chia" is a esteemed." In fact, it was the only one of kind of sage. (3) We know that, in Chumash the five most widespread sage species territory today, other kinds of sage are reported to have been eaten by every group perhaps more common than true chia and in whose territory it occurs. The Chumash that seeds of these more common species would not be inconsistent with the southern were used by Indians elsewhere in California. California pattern if they had eaten only (4) Therefore [in a great leap of logic], the this one species of sage seeds. Chumash and their ancestors must have re lied on several species of Salvia, and "chia" CHLV IN THE and "sage seeds" are for all practical ARCHAEOLOGICAL LITERATURE purposes synonymous terms. In the follow Most authors today assume or imply that ing section I will discuss the origins of this CHL\ AND THE CHUMASH 55 broad view, argue that it is based on false inclined to think that chia refers to the premises, and point out particular instances edible seeds of all Salvia spp. It is where data should be interpreted differently. difficult to imagine that the small and The merging of "chia" and "sage seeds" relatively scattered S. columbariae could have had much dietary importance by can be traced back to efforts by King (1967) itself (see Smith 1976:246). Taken with to interpret archaeological millingstone as other species of its genus, it could have semblages in the Santa Monica Mountains. provided substantial dietary bulk. He suggested that, in the list of identified usable plants present in the vicinity of this There are two problems with scarcity as site, the various species of the genus Salvia, justification for broadening the term. First, or sages, represented a major resource. evidence presented below indicates that 5a/- According to ethnohistoric accounts, he said, via columbariae was more common in Chu the seeds of sages and grasses were prepared mash times than it is today. In addition, with a millingstone (King 1967:57). He Harrington's consultants told him that chia proposed that the four principal species of was consumed "a httle at a time," not that Salvia which are found in dense concentra it "provided substantial dietary bulk." tions throughout the area-annual chia (5. Citation of comparative ethnographic data columbariae) and especially three larger, was also used to support the argument for shrubby species, black, white, and purple probable massive exploitation of sage seeds sage (S. mellifera, S. apiana, and 5. leuco by the Chumash. A passage was quoted from phylla, respectively)~would provide a depen Barrows (1900) about the cultivation of mem dable source of food and large quantities of bers of the genus Salvia in the New World seeds, which can be gathered over a long (King 1967:57). When taken in context, harvest season. These four species are however, the original passage actually per shown in Figure 2. tains to the use of wild S. columbariae by With regard to Chumash use of sages. the Cahuilla (Barrows 1900:64), not to the King interpreted too broadly the ethnohis use of other sage species by southern Cali toric sources upon which he based his as fornia peoples. As noted above, purple sage sumptions about exploitation and preparation was one species which was not exploited for of available species. For example, Harring seed, despite its widespread distribution and ton's Chumash data published by Craig (1967) high productivity. are cited, but actually include uses ordy for It appears that King, Craig, and subse "chia," not other kinds of Salvia; and the quent authors have mistakenly applied the seeds are described as being pounded in a name "chia" and the known utilization of mortar, not a millingstone. this one species to all kinds of sage in the Abundance is another issue that has been Chumash region. The case for Chumash raised. Following King, various authors have consumption of several kinds of sage seeds, observed that the plant botanists call and for the synonymy of the terms "chia" "chia," Salvia columbariae, is relatively and "sage seeds" rests on misinterpretation uncommon compared to other species in Chu of ethnographic data and the unwarranted mash territory. As Home (1981:276-277) extension of observed availability to assumed said: exploitation. The name "chia" is ordinarily taken to mean S. columbariae ... I am, however, 56 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY Fig. 2. Salvia species that yield edible seeds and possibly were used by the Chumash, according to King (1967). Upper left, chia (Salvia columbariae); upper right, white sage {Salvia apiana); lower left, purple sage (Salvia leucophylla); lower right, black sage {Salvia mellifera). CHIA AND THE CHUMASH 57 understood by the reader, the translator may HISTORICAL SOURCES prefer to minimize use of foreign language Early historical documents have also been terms, substitute the English "sage" for cited to support extensive chia use by the Spanish "chia," and inadvertently distort the Chumash. Explorers' accounts frequently meaning. According to Crespi's original dia mention "chia" as a food of the southern ries, for example, the explorers were pre California Indians, which was presented or sented with bowls or baskets of "chia de sold to expedition members. refrescar" or "chia para refrescar," which Closer examination of these documents seems to be a refreshing liquid prepared shows that many of the instances of explor from chia seeds (A. Brown, personal com ers receiving chia from the Indians actually munication 1986). The published version occurred among groups other than the Chu refers to "baskets of sage and other seeds" mash. The most detailed information is (Bolton 1927:149, 152). A San Fernando found in Crespi's journals of the summer of Mission document lists native "pinoles o 1769 and the spring of 1770. These indicate semillas" (gruels or seeds) including "chia, that the food offered changed from one re en idioma pasill" (Muiioz and Nuez 1814). gion to another. Chia was prominent all When published, the chia of the original through the interior valleys from the document has been modified to become Juaneiio-Gabrielino border to the Thousand "foods" including "chia (seeds of sage) Oaks vicinity in eastern Chumash territory; called pasill in their language" (Kroeber from there to the Santa Barbara Channel 1908:12) or shortened still more to "sage (in roasted yucca heads were common; and along their language called pasill)" (Geiger and the Channel the gifts were all in fish (A. Meighan 1976:85). If one must rely on Brown, personal communication 1986). published versions of these documents, their Another widely-quoted early visitor was limitations must be kept in mind. describing areas other than the Chumash, The Spanish explorers and missionaries and a third may not have presented original were surely influenced by their experiences observations. In 1775, the explorer Pedro in Mexico when they applied the name Fages did not mention chia in his section on "chia" to a native food resource in Califor the Chumash, although he listed "three kinds nia. "Chia" is a Nahuatl word adopted into of chia" as items of Salinan native diet in Spanish. In Mexico it is most often (though the area near Mission San Antonio (Priestley not exclusively) applied to two cultivated 1937:59). Longinos Martinez generalized species. Salvia hispanica and S. chian; the about many different peoples between San term particularly refers to the small, oily Diego and Monterey when he mentioned that seeds of these plants which were received in sage seeds were an important California tribute by the Aztecs and prepared into a Indian food in 1792 (Simpson 1961:46). His drink by mbdng with water (Martinez 1979: material on the Chumash was pirated from 278; Santamaria 1978:371). Seeds of the wild Crespi, however, and there is some question California species have similar characteris whether he ever actually visited the area (A. tics, although the plants which produce them Brown, personal communication 1986). are rather different from those in Mexico. Translation of these documents is part of The widely-distributed folk term "chia" the reason they have been misinterpreted. In and the various North American species to striving to make the documents more easily which it refers could be the subject of 58 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY lengthy discussion, but that is outside the was filled with the fme black seeds of scope of this paper. One further comment is Salvia Columbariae [sic]. These seeds in order. In Crespi's original diaries, copies have been found in receptacles of various of which were provided by Alan K. Brown kinds and placed with other articles in the graves. It was unquestionably used (personal communication 1986), the term by the Indians of former times as well as "chia" seems to refer primarily to the seeds those of the present, and its presence or the preparation made from them. Crespi indicates one of the uses to which the did not really describe the appearance of the mortars were put. The [preparation plant, other than to note that in one place methods] of Chia are corroborated by one it was seen growing in tangles or thickets of Yarrow's diggers living in Santa (matorrales) along with tall bunchgrasses. Barbara, who at once recognized the seed when first discovered in the graves, and The plants were abundant on the plains and then and there mentioned the various river valleys, laden with seeds in late July ways in which it was used at the present and early August 1769, and flowering purple day . . . The identification of this seed is (morada) in April 1770. Presumably Crespi by Dr. J. T. Rothrock, botanist of the knew which plant produced the seeds he had expedition . . . [Abbott 1879:79-80]. received from the Indians, but his descrip tions could be stretched to fit any of the Samples of the seeds collected during sage species in question here. They are too that expedition were recently identified by a vague to permit positive identification. local seed laboratory.^ They are not Salvia A century after the initial exploration of columbariae at all, but red maids (Calandri- Chumash territory, American scientists un nia ciliata), an annual wildflower of the knowingly suffered from confusion caused by same family as miner's lettuce (Portulaca- Spanish vernacular plant names. The botanist ceae). The seeds that John P. Harrington's of an expedition performing geographical Chumash consultants called xutash or "pil" surveys in southern California wrote: and used for ritual offerings were red maids. These seeds have been found in many Chu During the summer of 1875 my attention mash sites, including burial contexts on was called, while in southern California, to a mealy preparation in use among the Santa Rosa Island, the Santa Barbara coast Indians, Mexicans, and prospectors. Upon line and the Santa Ynez Valley (Orr 1968: inquiry, I found it was called "Chia." 200; Yarrow 1879:36-39; Harrington 1928: Further examination proved that it was 177-178). Examples of these archaeological furnished by the seeds of Salvia colum finds are shown in Figure 3. It can be seen bariae Benth. As a matter of archaeolo that chia and red maids seeds are not at all gical interest, it may be noted that similar in form. quantities of this seed were found buried in graves several hundred years old. This Why did Rothrock make this mistake? proves that the use of the seed reaches Even when well acquainted with the flora of back into the remote past [Rothrock 1878: a region, field botanists are not always able 48-49]. to recognize seeds not associated with the The burial caches of seed remains mentioned plant that produced them. Probably the by Rothrock were described in more detail crew member on the 1875 survey was famil by the archaeologists of the expedition. For iar with the local chia (Salvia columbariae) example, a sandstone mortar found at Dos or the seeds called "chia" in Mexico and, Pueblos unaware that the local Indians had used any CIHA AND THE CHUMASH 59 Fig. 3. Comparison of chia with red maids seeds (actual size). Upper row: left, red maids {Calandrinia breweri); right, chia {Salvia columbariae), blackened by toasting. Both are fresh seed collected by the author, 1986. Lower row: left, "chia" from Dos Pueblos; center, "chia" from La Patera (Goleta); right, "miners' lettuce" from Ranch House site, Santa Rosa Island. These three archaeological samples are actually all red maids {Calandrinia ciliata). For information on collector, date of collection, catalogue number, and botanical analysis, see Note 3. Other kinds of seeds, may have leapt to the some quantity is illustrated by a report of a conclusion that this was it. Rothrock's er Nomlaki woman who had in her possession roneous identification of red maids seeds as "a remnant of 6 or 7 pounds" of Salvia Salvia columbarie was probably influenced by columbariae seeds, having gathered them the his worker's opinion. previous year in the Sacramento Valley; she These archaeological seed caches, along valued them for making "soup" (Chesnut with explorers' references to "chia," have 1902:384). These seeds were identified, one been used as evidence in favor of the argu must assume correctly, by the U.S. Depart ment that the Chumash made such great use ment of Agriculture. of "chia" that it could not possibly be In the past. Salvia columbariae often restricted to one relatively sparse annual covered many acres in the plains and chap species. The present examination has shown arral of Cahuilla territory and was usually that this historical evidence does not in fact readily available near most villages. The support the broad interpretation of the term Cahuilla actually managed chia stands by "chia." burning them periodically to facilitate the next season's growth (Bean and Saubel 1972: RESOURCE AVAILABILITY 137). This species is known to be encour AND FOOD PREFERENCES aged by fire. Like the Cahuilla, the Chumash If chia was so important in Chumash sub burned grasslands for management of wild sistence, the question goes (Smith 1976:246), food crops (Timbrook et al. 1982). where were sufficient quantities obtained? Harrington's notes contain many com The second part of this question is addressed ments about how common chia once was. first. Kitanemuk consultants said "there used to That chia could in fact be obtained in be lots of chia here in the Tejon region. 60 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY everywhere, in the mountains and the plains Table 3 also." A Ventureiio Chumash said he NUTRITIVE CONTENT OF SALVIA SPECIES* remembered seeing old women picking chia (after Gilliland 1985) Water Protein Fat Carbo kcal/ on the sides of the hills at Ventura, and Species hydrate 100 g. that there had once been quite a patch of S. apiana 8 10 12 65 410 chia on the hillside near the Paderon Blanco S. columbariae 8 22 20 45 448 S. leucophylla 11 15 11 59 395 but he assumed it was all gone by the time S. mellifera 9 8 9 70 394 he was interviewed by Harrington; Luisa Salvia spp. Ygnacio, a Barbareiio, said she saw Jose mean 9 14 13 59 412 Venadero silinahuwit gathering chia on her • Figures are percentages rounded to nearest ranch at a canyon near Santa Barbara, "but whole number. later when they turned cows in where the them did so. If the Chumash were among chia was, it disappeared-they ate it, maybe" those who did not, perhaps it was because (Harrington MS). they preferred chia for some reason over the Today, Salvia columbariae is not seen seeds of other sage species and had enough along the heavily developed coastal plain, other plant and animal food resources that although it is still plentiful on disturbed they did not have to rely on less preferred soils in the foothills and in the back seeds. country. Harrington's consultants noted a The basis of this preference may have significant reduction in chia distribution and been taste, which is correlated with certain abundance, which is due to three principal nutritional aspects (Table 3). Seeds of factors: introduction of grazing animals, Salvia columbariae have been found to be at especially cattle, turned loose in grasslands least half again as high in protein and twice and chaparral; introduction of non-native as high in fat as seed from the three woody weeds, especially annual grasses, which com perennial sages found in Chumash territory pete with indigenous species; and cessation (Gilliland 1985:46). High protein and fat of Chumash burning practices which had content means these seeds would be more promoted growth of chia and other economic filling or satisfying to the consumer, and plants until about 200 years ago. Thus, even perhaps have a richer or "better" flavor. in relatively undeveloped areas, the plant This could very well account for the prefer communities we see today may have been ences expressed by the Chumash, Kitanemuk, rather different in Chumash times. Luiseiio, and others. Those California peo Now, to return to the first part of the ples who regularly ate other, less tasty question, were chia seeds "so important" in Salvia species may have done so because Chumash subsistence? It is hkely that the they could not afford to be choosy. actual volume of chia used may not have been quite so large as had been assumed be CONCLUSIONS fore the massive archaeological seed caches, To conclude the evidence and arguments formerly thought to be chia, were reassessed. presented in this paper, I make two impor Chia seeds were, however, very much relish tant suggestions for the future. First, it ed and unquestionably significant in a quali has been shown that native peoples very tative sense. clearly distinguished chia sage from other Some other California peoples used the species of Salvia. Therefore, translators and seeds of several sage species, but not all of southern California archaeologists are urged CHL\ AND THE CHUMASH 61 to be more careful about the implications of techniques and the possibility of good pres their own folk taxonomy and to refrain from ervation of carbonized plant remains in some using "chia" and "sage seeds" as synony sites, there is some chance that we may yet mous terms. be able to determine whether, several Second, it is obvious that further archae thousand years ago, the early ancestors of ological testing should precede broad gener the Chumash used the seeds of just one or alizations about Salvia species exploited by of several species of Salvia. the Chumash, particularly if these generali Glassow (1979) commented on the prob zations are to be the basis for hypotheses lem of scant or absent archaeological confir about economy, human ecology, and settle mation of key assumptions about subsistence ment pattern. For example, the switch from ecology based on ethnohistoric and environ metate and mano to mortar and pestle in the mental data. His concern is appropriate to Middle Period is often taken as an indication the present question about Salvia. Harring of a shift away from small, hard seeds and ton's data should not be taken as the final toward the development of acorns as a prin authority on Salvia use. But until archaeo cipal food resource. However, Deetz (1970: logical evidence can be marshalled to show 118) suggested that grinding-implement size that species other than 5. columbariae and shape were more likely to have been de actually were used, we should not assume termined by demands for community mobility that any species available, edible, and used than by the plant material being processed. by other groups was necessarily used by the Even though metates were superseded by Chumash or their ancestors. stone mortars after the Early Period, we The arguments in this paper address the Icnow that in historic times the small seeds Chumash in the historic and late prehistoric of red maids, grasses, chia, and several kinds periods. As of now, there is no real evidence of sunflowers were still being exploited and that the Chumash ate seeds of any species ground with the mortar and pestle. Michael of Salvia other than 5. columbariae (chia) Glassow (personal communication 1986) sug and perhaps 5. carduacea (thistle sage). gested that, even in early times, milling- This is not a mystery. Preferential selection stones need not have been intended exclu of foods with better flavor-which in turn is sively for sage seed processing. related to nutritional factors-has been Very little archaeobotanical work has included in some general models of hunter- been done in the Chumash region. In the gatherer subsistence, but has been largely most thorough study yet conducted (Hammett ignored in the literature on southern and Wohlgemuth 1982), charred seeds were California prehistory. It may be particularly recovered from a hearth feature at a site in relevant among groups like the Chumash, Malibu Canyon, on the southeastern border where the economic base was secure enough of Chumash territory. The investigators to permit the luxury of choice. were able to attribute some of the seeds to the genus Salvia. Unfortunately, identifica NOTES tion to species was not possible, either from 1. To extract all ethnobotanical material from the comparative collection developed for the Harrington's notes, the entire collection of orig inal Chumash documents-some 300,000 pages- project or by consulting commercial seed was examined in detail at the National Anthro testing laboratories. Further seed studies pological Archives. This process began in 1978 are urgently needed. With new flotation and was completed before the notes were pub- 62 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY lished on microfdm (Harrington 1986). The ed Corps of Engineers, in charge, pp. 70- itors have agreed that providing reel and frame 92. Washington: Government Printing citations for Harrington references in this article Office. would significantly delay its publication, and Bard, Cephas L. have accepted citations as "Harrington MS." 1894 A Contribution to the History of Med This exception to the revised 1985 style guide icine in Southern California. Southern for the Journal should not be taken as a prece dent by other authors. California Practitioner, August 1894:3- 29. 2. The Gabrielino and Serrano words recorded by Merriam (1967:436-437) were for a plant he Barrows, David P. called "wild flax." Clearly he was referring to 1900 The Ethno-Botany of the Coahuilla In chia, although he did not use that term. Many dians of Southern California. Chicago: authors have noted similarities in the mucilage- University of Chicago Press. producing properties of flaxseed and chia (e.g.. Bard 1894:4). Bean, Lowell J., and Katherine S. Saubel 1972 Temalpakh: Cahuilla Indian Knowledge 3. The identifications of the archaeological and Usage of Plants. Banning, CA: seed samples were made on 18 March, 1986, by Malki Museum Press. A. Meyr, N. Vivrette, and H. Barnett of Ransom Seed Laboratory, P.O. Box 300, Carpinteria, Bocek, Barbara California. Results were as follows: 1984 Ethnobotany of Costanoan Indians, Cali Analysis report #F 1732 (Smithsonian cat. no. fornia, Based on Collections by John P. 18600, collected by Paul Schumacher at Dos Harrington. Economic Botany 38(2): Pueblos, 1875): Calandrinia ciliata. 240-255. Analysis report #F 1734 (Smithsonian cat. no. Bolton, Herbert E. 62658, collected by H. C. Yarrow at La Patera, 1927 Fray Juan Crespi, Missionary Explorer 1875): Calandrinia ciliata. on the Pacific Coast 1769-1774. Berke Analysis report #F 1733 (SBMNH cat. no. ley: University of California Press. 131.60B/3291 [I. 1851A], coUected by David Banks Rogers on Santa Rosa Island, 1927): Calandrinia Chesnut, V.K. ciliata. 1902 Plants Used by the Indians of Mendo cino County, California. Contributions ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS of the U.S. National Herbarium VII. This paper was originally presented under the Craig, Steve title "Comments on Chumash Use of Salvia" at 1967 The Basketry of the Ventureno Chu the 8th Ethnobiology Conference in Albuquerque, mash. Los Angeles: University of Cali March 1986. I am grateful to the many people fornia Archaeological Survey Annual who offered encouragement. Particular thanks Report 9:78-149. are due to Michael Glassow for his excellent suggestions, to Alan K. Brown for providing Deetz, James J. F. translations and interpretations of the Crespi 1970 Archaeology as a Social Science. In: diaries, and to Nancy Vivrette for her interest in Current Directions in Anthropology, A. archaeological seed identification. Fischer, ed., pp. 115-125. Bulletin of the American Anthropological Associa REFERENCES tion 3(3):Part 2. Abbott, C.C. Geiger, Fr. Maynard, O.F.M., and Clement W. 1879 Mortars and Pestles. United States Meighan Geographical Surveys West of the One 1976 As the Padres Saw Them: California Hundredth Meridian, Vol. VII, Archaeo Indian Life and Customs as Reported by logy, Lt. G. M. Wheeler, U.S. Army the Franciscan Missionaries 1813-1815. CHIA AND THE CHUMASH 63 Santa Barbara: Santa Barbara Mission King, Chester Archive Library. 1967 The Sweetwater Mesa Site (LAn-267) Gilliland, Linda E. and its Place in Southern California 1985 Proximate Analysis and Mineral Com Prehistory. Los Angeles: University of position of Traditional California Native California Archaeological Survey Annual American Foods. Master's thesis. 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