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MEDIAEVISTIK internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinare Mittelalterforschung

Herausgegeben von Peter Dinzelbacher und Albrecht Classen

P6T6R LANG Frankfurt am Main • Berlin • Bern • Bruxelles • New York • Oxford • Wien MEDIAEVISTIK Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung

herausgegeben von Prof. Dr. Peter Dinzelbacher und Prof. Dr. Albrecht Classen

Beratergremium:

Prof. Dr. Régis Boyer, Sorbonne, Paris - Prof. Dr. Jean-Marie Cauchies, Facultés Universitaires Saint-Louis, Bruxelles - Prof. Dr. Dr. Bernhard Haage, Universität Mannheim - Dr. Werner Heinz, Sindelfingen - Prof. Dr. Joachim Herrmann, Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin - Prof. Dr. Dr. Gundolf Keil, Universität Würzburg - Prof. Dr. Jacques Le Goff, École des Hautes Études en Sci­ ences Sociales, Paris - Univ.-Ass. Dr. Romedio Schmitz-Esser, Universität München - Prof. Dr. Pierre Toubert, Membre de l'Institut, Paris

Redaktion: Dipl. Rpfl. Olaf Wagener B.A., Universität Heidelberg

Beiträge werden druckfertig in deutscher, englischer, französischer oder italienischer Sprache elektronisch an die Herausgeber erbeten, ausgenommen Autoren aus Amerika, die sich direkt an Prof. Classen (s.u.) wenden sollten. Für unverlangt eingesandte Manuskripte wird keine Haf­ tung übernommen. Die Verfasser tragen für ihre Beiträge die Verantwortung. Eine Verpflichtung zur Aufnahme von Entgegnungen besteht nicht. MEDIAEVISTIK publiziert keine anderweitig erscheinenden Aufsätze. Rezensionsexemplare werden mit der deutlichen Beschriftung "kostenloses Rezensionsexemplar" an Verlag und Herausgeber erbeten. Für eine Besprechung bzw. Rücksendung unverlangt einge­ sandter Bücher kann keine Gewähr geleistet werden. MEDIAEVISTIK erscheint einmal jährlich in einem Band. Bezugspreise: Abonnement sFr. 96.-- / EUR 66.--, Einzelband sFr. 110.--/EUR 75.70, jeweils zuzüglich Porto und Verpackung. Abbe­ stellung des Abonnements ist nur zum 31. Dezember möglich. Werbeanzeigen und Beilagen durch den Verlag.

Alle Beiträge sind urheberrechtlich geschützt. Übersetzung, Nachdruck, Vervielfältigung auf photomechanischem oder ähnlichen Wege, Vortrag, Rundfunk- oder Fernsehsendung sowie Speiche­ rung und Verarbeitung in Datenverarbeitungsanlagen - auch auszugsweise - sind nur mit schriftlicher Genehmigung des Verlages gestattet.

Anschrift der Herausgeber: Prof. Dr. Peter Dinzelbacher, Hirschenhöh 6, A-5450 Werfen in Salzburg. [email protected] American authors should submit their manuscripts to Prof. Dr. A. Classen, Coll. of Arts, Dept. of German, 301 Learning Services Bldg. University of Arizona, USA 85721 Tucson, AZ. [email protected] Anschrift des Verlags: Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Eschborner Landstr. 42-50, D-60489 Frankfurt am Main. www.peterlang.de Aus dem Inhalt der folgenden Bände:

Heiko Hartmann, Die geblendete Welt. Zur Übertragung und Auslegung der Blindenheilung (Joh 9) im Evangelienbuch Otfrids von Weißenburg

Hendrik Lambertus, Der Weg aus der Welt im Wandel. Welt und Weltfluch in Rudolfs von Ems Barlaam und Josaphat und der altnorwegischen Barlaams saga ok Josaphats vor dem Hintergrund der indischen Buddhacarita-Tradition

Connie Scarborough, Geographical and Allegorical Settings: An Ecocritical Reading of “Afrenta de Corpes” in the Poema de Mio Cid

Albrecht Classen, Winter as a Phenomenon in Medieval Literature: A Transgression of the Traditional Chronotope?

William C. McDonald, Michel Beheim’s Image of Sin: Concerning his Song-Poem: ‘Der besluss über dis buch’ (202), ca. 1470

Kevin B. Reynolds, Pio Rajna: Italy’s First Romance Philologist

Thomas Capuano, The Romance Translations of Geoffrey of Franconia’s Pelzbuch

Beihefte zur Mediaevistik:

F. Rijkers, Arbeit - ein Weg zum Heil? Vorstellungen und Bewertungen körperlicher Arbeit in der spätantiken und frühmittelalterlichen lateinischen Exegese der Schöpfungsgeschichte (2009)

Elisabeth Megier, Christliche Weltgeschichte im 12. Jahrhundert: Themen, Variationen und Kontraste. Untersuchungen zu Hugo von Fleury, Ordericus Vitalis und Otto von Freising (2010)

Andrea Grafetstätter / Sieglinde Hartmann / James Ogier (eds.), Islands and Cities in Medieval Myth, Literature, and History. Papers Delivered at the International Medieval Congress, University of Leeds, in 2005, 2006, and 2007 (2011)

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), „vmbringt mit starcken turnen, murn“. Ortsbefestigungen im Mittelalter (2010)

Hiram Kümper (Hrsg.), eLearning & Mediävistik. Mittelalter lehren und lernen im neumedialen Zeitalter (2011) Mediaevistik 23 ■ 2010 1

Inhalt

Aufsätze

G. Fishhof, Political Intentions and Romanesque Portal Iconography: Saint- Hilaire in Semur-en-Brionnais, Saint Hugh of Cluny and the Dynastic Strate­ gies of the Lords of Semur______11 K. Greßhöner, Rathausbau im späten Mittelalter. Repräsentation und Raum­ bedarf - F orschungsüberblick und Bibliographie______51 S. Luchitzky, Ad succurrendum. Wie starben die Könige von Jerusalem? - Bildteil______105 V. A. Pakis, Contextual Duplicity and Textual Variation: The Siren and Ono- centaur in the Physiologus T radition______115 W. Sayers, A Popular View of Sexually Transmitted Disease in Late Thir­ teenth-Century Britain______187 W. Schäfke, Was ist eigentlich ein Zwerg? Eine prototypensemantische Figu­ renanalyse der "dvergar" in der Sagaliteratur"______197

Rezensionen

Gesamtes Mittelalter

Enzyklopädie des Mittelalters, ed. G. MELVILLE, M. STAUB (A. CLASSEN)______301 M. BULL, Thinking Medieval. An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages (A. CLASSEN)______304 Le sujet des émotions au Moyen Âge, ed. N. PIROSKA, D. BOQUET (P. DINZELBACHER)______307 R. FOSSIER, Le travail au Moyen Age (C. GIRBEA)______308 Faire l'événement au Moyen Age, ed. C. CAROZZI, H. TAVIANI- CAROZZI (C. GIRBEA)______311 Ausmessen - Darstellen - Inszenieren. Raumkonzepte und die Wiedergabe von Räumen in Mittelalter und früherNeuzeit, ed. U. KUNDERT u.a. (M. VERONESI)______314 S. HARTMANN (Hrsg.), Fauna and Flora in the Middle Ages (G. KOMPATSCHER GUFLER)______316 A. PLUSKOWSKI, Wolves and the Wilderness in the Middle Ages (P. DINZELBACHER)______318 2 Mediaevistik 23 ■ 2010

B. SCHNEIDMÜLLER, S. WEINFURTER (Hg.), Heilig • Römisch • Deutsch. Das Reich im mittelalterlichen Europa (C. HAIDACHER)______319 U. KNEFELKAMP, K. BOSSELMANN-CYRAN (Hgg.), Grenze und Grenzüberschreitung im Mittelalter (C. ANTENHOFER)______323 M. MILWRIGHT, The Fortress of the Raven. Karak in the Middle Islamic Period (1100-1650) (O. W AGENER)______326 R. AURIG u.a. ed., Burg - Strasse - Siedlung - Herrschaft. Studien zum Mittelalter in Sachsen und Mitteldeutschland (O. WAGENER)______328 M. CLAUSS, Kriegsniederlagen im Mittelalter. Darstellung, Deutung, Be­ wältigung (O. W AGENER)______330 P. PURTON, A History of the Early Medieval Siege c. 450-1200 und A His­ tory of the Late Medieval Siege 1200-1500 (O. WAGENER)______331 Medieval Clothing and Textiles, 4, ed. R. NETHERTON, G. OWEN- CROCKER (A. CLASSEN)______333 A bon droyt : spade di uomini liberi, cavalieri e santi, ed. M. SCALINI (P. DINZELBACHER)______334 M. Parkes, Their Hands Before our Eyes. A Closer Look at Scribes (A. CLASSEN)______335 G. DROSSBACH, H.-J. SCHIMIDT, Zentrum und Netzwerk. Kirchliche Kommunikationen und Raumstrukturen im Mittelalter (M. BREITENSTEIN) 336 F. AZINFAR, Atheism in the Medieval Islamic and European World (P. DINZELBACHER)______340 J. MOORE, L'acte pontifical et sa critique, ed. R. GROSSE (J. M OORE)___ 341 J.A. FORD, John Mirk’s Festial: Orthodoxy, Lollardy and the Common People in Fourteenth-Century England (R. EASTING)______344 Nonnen, Kanonissen und Mystikerinnen. Religiöse Frauengemeinschaften in Süddeutschland. Hg. v. E. SCHLOTHEUBER u.a. (A. CLASSEN)______347 C.BYNUM, Wonderful Blood. Theology and Practice in Late Medieval Northern Germany and Beyond (A. CLASSEN)______350 A. CUFFEL, Gendering Disgust in Medieval Religious Polemic (A. CLASSEN)______352 M. WALLRAFF, R. BRÄNDLE (ed.), Chrysostomosbilder in 1600 Jahren (P. van GEEST)______355 Zwischen Babel und Pfingsten. Sprachdifferenzen und Gesprächsverständi­ gung in der Vormoderne, ed. P. v. MOOS (A. CLASSEN)______357 Theatron. Rhetorische Kultur in Spätantike und Mittelalter. Ed. M. GRÜNBART (E. PIETSCH-BRAOUNOU)______360 Mediaevistik 23 ■ 2010 3

Text und Kontext. Fallstudien und theoretische Begründungen einer kultur­ wissenschaftlich angeleiteten Mediävistik. Hg. v. J.-D. MÜLLER (M. GRAF)______364 M. PARISSE, Manuel de paléographie médiévale (P. DINZELBACHER)___ 367 S. YEAGER, Jerusalem in Medieval Narrative (A. CLASSEN)______368 The Erotic in the Literature of Medieval Britain. Ed. A. HOPKINS, C. RUSHTON (P. DINZELBACHER)______370 Medieval Obscenities. Ed. N. McDONALD (P. DINZELBACHER)______371 A. Gautier, Arthur (F. P. W EBER)______372 Bestiaires médiévaux, hg. B. Van den ABEELE (J. HAFNER)______380 J. NECHUTOVÂ, Die lateinische Literatur des Mittelalters in Böhmen (F. RÄDLE)______385 M. EMBACH, Trierer Literaturgeschichte. Das Mittelalter (P. DINZELBACHER)______389 The Medieval European Stage 500-1550, ed. W. TYDEMAN (P. DINZELBACHER)______3 91 R. BRANDT, D. LAU (Hgg.), exemplar. Festschrift für Kurt Otto Seidel (C. K NUST)______391 P. SCHICHT, Die Festung Hohensalzburg (H.-W. H EINE)______394 W. METTERNICH, Bildhauerkunst des Mittelalters (K. AMBROSE)______395 The Mind's Eye. Art and Theological Argument in the Middle Ages, ed. J. HAMBURGER, A.-M. BOUCHÉ (P. DINZELBACHER)______396 The Color of Life. Polychromy in Sculpture from Antiquity to the Present, ed. R. PANZANELLI (P. DINZELBACHER)______398 C. VERZAR, G. FISHHOF (Hgg.), Pictorial Languages and their Meanings (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER)______398 D. ZINKE, Meisterwerke vom Mittelalter bis zum Barock im Augustinermu­ seum in Freiburg i. Br. (P. DINZELBACHER)______401 B. PEDDE, Altorientalische Tiermotive in der mittelalterlichen Kunst des Orients und Europas (P. DINZELBACHER)______401 S. EHRICH, J. RICKER (Hgg.), Mittelalterliche Weltdeutung in Text und Bild (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER)______402 J. CHAPELOT, Trente ans d'archéologie médiévale en France. Un bilan pour un avenir (O. W AGENER)______404 Signs on the Edge. Space, Text and Margin in Medieval Manuscripts, ed. by S. L. KEEFER u. R. H. BREMMER (E. HAUSW ALD)______405 H. KRETSCHMER, Lexikon der Symbole und Attribute in der Kunst (P. DINZELBACHER)______410 4 Mediaevistik 23 • 2010

Metzler Lexikon literarischer Symbole. Hrsg. v. G. BUTZER, J. JACOB (P. DINZELBACHER)______411 Metzler Lexikon Literatur- und Kulturtheorie, hg. v. A. NÜNNING (P. DINZELBACHER)______411

Frühmittelalter

Age of Constantine, ed. N, LENSKI / K. GIRARDET, Die Konstantinische Wende. Voraussetzungen und geistige Grundlagen der Religionspolitik Kon­ stantins d. Gr. / E. HARTLEY u.a. ed., Constantine the Great. York's Roman Emperor / R. VAN DAM, The Roman Revolution of Constantine / H. Sc Hl ANGE-SCHÖNINGEN (Hg.), Konstantin und das Christentum / A. GOLTZ, H. SCHLANGE-SCHÖNINGEN (Hg.), Konstantin der Grosse. Das Bild des Kaisers im Wandel der Zeiten (P. DINZELBACHER)______413 Zwischen Spätantike und Frühmittelalter: Archäologie des 4. bis 7. Jahrhun­ derts im Westen. Hg. S. BRATHER (J. JEEP)______416 W. GOFFART, Barbarian Tides. The Migration Age and the Later Roman Empire (A. CLASSEN)______418 Y. LE BOHEC, L'armée romaine sous le Bas-Empire (P. DINZELBACHER) 420 M. SCHAUTA, Die ersten Jahrhunderte christlicher Pilgerreisen im Spiegel spätantiker und frühmittelalterlicher Quellen (M. ALBERI)______421 Tätigkeitsfelder und Erfahrungshorizonte des ländlichen Menschen in der frühmittelalterlichen Grundherrschaft, hg. B. KASTEN (D. FOOTE)______423 Das frühmittelalterliche Königtum. Ideelle und religiöse Grundlagen. Hrsg. F.-R. ERKENS (J. M cGOW AN)______427 É. Ó CARRAGÁIN, C. NEUMAN DE VEGVAR (Hgg.), Roma Felix - For­ mation and Reflections of Medieval Rome (ROMEDIO SCHMITZ-ESSER) _ 432 S. RISTOW, Frühes Christentum im Rheinland (M. ALBERI)______435 D. IOGNA-PRAT, La maison Dieu. Une histoire monumentale de l'Église au moyen-Äge (P. DINZELBACHER)______438 O. BARDENHEWER, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur (P. DINZELBACHER)______439 The Complete Works of Liudprand of Cremona. Trans. P. SQUATRITI (A. CLASSEN)______440 S. WAILES, Spirituality and Politics in the Works of Hrotsvit of Gander­ sheim (C. CARDELLE de HARTMANN)______441 Mediaevistik 23 • 2010 5

Hochmittelalter

Canossa 1077 - Erschütterung der Welt, hg. C. STIEGEMANN, M. WEMHOFF / Vom Umbruch zur Erneuerung? Das 11. und beginnende 12. Jahrhundert, hg. J. JARNUT, M. WEMHOFF (P. DINZELBACHER)______445 H. WITTMANN, Im Schatten der Landgrafen. Studien zur adeligen Herr­ schaftsbildung im hochmittelalterlichen Thüringen (O. WAGENER)______447 The World of Eleanor of Aquitaine, ed. M. BULL, C. LÉGLU (G. GLEBA) _ 448 R.-T. FISCHER, Richard I. Löwenherz / D. BERG, Richard Löwenherz (P. DINZELBACHER)______450 Princely Virtues in the Middle Ages 1200-1500. Ed. I. BEICZY, C. NEDERMAN (A. CLASSEN)______451 W. PURKIS, Crusading Spirituality in the Holy Land and Iberia (I. HEIDRICH)______454 L. ROOS, 'God Wants It!' The Ideology of Martyrdom in the Hebrew Cru­ sade Chronicles and Its Jewish and Christian Background (S. HAEBERLI)__ 457 D. BUSCHINGER, M. OLIVIER, Les chevaliers teutoniques (A. MAD- GEARU)______460 J. HAGBERG, ed., Kloster och klosterliv i det medeltida Skara stift (E. NIBLAEUS)______462 Santo Tomás de Aquino, Suma contra los gentiles, ed. L. ROBLES CARCERO, A. ROBLES SIERRA (P. DINZELBACHER)______465 W.-D. SCHÄUFELE, 'Defecit ecclesia'. Studien zur Verfallsidee in der Kir­ chengeschichtsanschauung des Mittelalters (J. HELMRATH)______465 F. WARNATSCH-GLEICH, Herrschaft und Frömmigkeit. Zisterzienserin- nen im Hochmittelalter (A. CLASSEN)______468 T. ERTL, Religion und Disziplin: Selbstdeutung und Weltordnung im frühen deutschen Franziskanertum (J. M OORE)______470 Y. BONNETAIN, Der nordgermanische Gott Loki aus literaturwissenschaft­ licher Perspektive (A. CLASSEN)______474 L'audience. Rituels et cadres spatiaux dans l'Antiquité et le haut Moyen Âge, ed. J.-P. CAILLET u. M. SOT (S. BRATHER)______477 Liebesmystik als Chance und Herausforderung. Wirkungen von Person und Spiritualität Bernhards von Clairvaux, hg. v. H. SCHWILLUS (E. FRAUENKNECHT)______481 J. SCHULTZ, Courtly Love, the Love of Courtliness, and the History of Sexuality (R. SCHLECHTWEG-JAHN)______482 Bartholomaeus Anglicus, De proprietatibus rerum (G. KOMPATSCHER GUFLER)______488 Pictor in carmine, ed. K.-A. WIRTH (P. DINZELBACHER)______489 6 Mediaevistik 23 • 2010

A. KUKULKA-WOJTASIK, La dame et l'amour au Moyen-Age. Symboli­ que du portrait amoureux dans la littérature courtoise du XlIe s. (A. CLASSEN)______490 Gautier d'Arras, Eracle, ed. and trans. K. PRATT (A. CLASSEN)______492 H. BRUNNER, Annäherungen. Studien zur deutschen Literatur des Mittel­ alters und der Frühen Neuzeit (A. CLASSEN)______493 Hartmann von Aue, Erec, hg., übers. V. MERTENS (A. CLASSEN)______495 Hartmann von Aue, Iwein, trans. by C. EDWARDS (A. CLASSEN)______496 Wolfram von Eschenbach, Parzival and Titurel. Tr. C. EDWARDS (A. CLASSEN)______497 E. KUMMER, Nibelungenlied. Complete Recording (A. CLASSEN)______498 R. SCHLECHTWEG-JAHN, Macht und Gewalt im deutschsprachigen Alex­ anderroman (M. HERW EG)______499 K. WOLF, Troja - Metamorphosen eines Mythos. Französische, englische und italienische Überlieferungen des 12. Jahrhunderts im Vergleich (O. WAGENER)______502 D. RIEDO, Der Status der Fragen im deutschen hochhöfischen Roman (M. EM BACH)______504 Der goldene Rosenbogen. Deutsche Erzähler des Mittelalters. Übers. M. LEMMER (P. DINZELBACHER)______505 R. SCHIEWER, Die deutsche Predigt um 1200 (J. JEEP) G. BECKMANN, Die Karlamagnüs-Saga I und ihre altfranzösische Vorlage (S. W ALTHER)______506 G. A. BECKMANN, Die Karlamagnüs-Saga I und ihre altfranzösische Vor­ lage (S. H. WALTHER)______507 K. WANNER, Snorri Sturluson and the Edda (B. THORVALDSEN)______511 M. VIDAS, The Christina Psalter (E. K Ö N IG )______514 J. JARNUT, A. KÖB, M. WEMHOFF (Hg.), Bischöfliches Bauen im 11. Jahrhundert (O. W AGENER)______517 J. WIRTH, L'image à l'époque gothique (K. AM BROSE)______519 K. AMBROSE, The Nave Sculpture of Vézelay (P. DINZELBACHER)____ 521 M. FELLER-KNIEPMEIER, Bildgeschichten im Magdeburger Dom. Die fi­ gürlichen Kapitelle im Chorumgang (P. DINZELBACHER)______522 A. FINGERNAGEL (Hg.), Romanik (P. DINZELBACHER)______524 H. STAMPFER, T. STEPPAN, Die romanische Wandmalerei in Tirol (P. DINZELBACHER)______525 Aufbruch in die Gotik, hg. v. M. PUHLE (P. DINZELBACHER)______525 Mediaevistik 23 • 2010 7

S. FULLONI, L'abbazia dimenticata. La Santissima Trinità sul Gargano tra Normanni e Svevi (M. UNTERMANN)______527 D. SCHUMANN, ed., Sachkultur und religiöse Praxis. Studien zur Ge­ schichte, Kunst und Kultur de Zisterzienser (E. den HARTOG)______529 L. HULL, Unterstanding the Castle Ruins of England and Wales (A. CLASSEN)______531

Spätmittelalter

C. ROHR, Extreme Naturereignisse im Ostalpenraum. Naturerfahrung im Spätmittelalter und am Beginn der Neuzeit (P. DINZELBACHER)______533 B. HANAWALT, The Wealth of Wives. Women, Law and Economy in Late Medieval London (G. GLEBA)______534 J. HÖRMANN-THURN und TAXIS (ed.) Margarete "Maultasch (G. VOGELER)______535 J. HÖRMANN-THURN und TAXIS (ed.), Margarete Gräfin von Tirol (V. POSTEL)______537 R. VERNIER, Lord of the Pyrenees. Gaston Fébus (P. DINZELBACHER) _ 540 Sigismund von Luxemburg. Ein Kaiser in Europa, hg. v. M. PAULY, F. REINERT / Sigismund Rex et Imperator. Kunst und Kultur zur Zeit Sigis­ munds, hg. v. I. TAKÁCS (P. DINZELBACHER)______541 B. GLASAUER, Herzog Heinrich XVI. (1393-1450) der Reiche von Bayern­ Landshut. Territorialpolitik zwischen Dynastie und Reich (O. WAGENER) _ 543 Marco Polo and the Encounter of East and West, ed. S. CONKLIN AKBARI, A. IANNUCII (A. CLASSEN)______544 T. LEUCKER, Bausteine eines Mythos: Die Medici in Dichtung und Kunst des 15. Jahrhunderts (S. BOETTCHER)______546 W. CAFERRO, John Hawkwood. An English Mercenary in Fourteenth- Century Italy (F. SENATORE)______549 D. GRUMMITT, The Calais Garrison. War and Military Service in England, 1436-1558 (O. W AGENER)______552 M. VALLERANI, La giustizia pubblica medievale(J. RAINER)______553 T. DEAN, Crime and Justice in Late Medieval Italy (P. DINZELBACHER) _ 561 H. -M. EMPELL, Gutenberg vor Gericht (D. NICHOLAS)______563 H. JANIN, The University in Medieval Life, 1179-1499 (A. CLASSEN)______565 R. SICKERT, Wenn Klosterbrüder zu Jahrmarktsbrüdern werden. Studien zur Wahrnehmung der Franziskaner und Dominikaner im 13. Jh. (P. DINZELBACHER)______567 8 Mediaevistik 23 ■ 2010

B. LÁNG, Unlocked books. Manuscripts of Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe (A. CLAs Se N)______568 G. ADAMS, Visions in Late Medieval England. Lay Spirituality and Sacred Glimpses of the Hidden Worlds of Faith (P. DINZELBACHER)______570 Frati minori e inquisizione. Atti... (J. PETERSON)______572 A Companion to John Wyclif. Late Medieval Theologian, ed. I. LEVY (V. LEPPIN )______574 G. MODESTIN, Ketzer in der Stadt. Der Prozess gegen die Straßburger Waldenser von 1400 / DERS., Quellen zur Geschichte der Waldenser von Straßburg (1400-1401)(P. DINZELBACHER)______577 R. SCHMID, Geschichte im Dienst der Stadt. Amtliche Historie und Politik im Spätmittelalter (O. WAGENER)______578 B. DELAURENTI, La puissance des mots. «Virtus verborum». Débats doc­ trinaux sur le pouvoir des incantations au Moyen Âge (A. SAXER)______580 The Use & Abuse of Sacred Places in Late Medieval Towns, ed. P. TRIO, M. de SMET (P. DINZELBACHER)______582 M. HEINONEN, Brides and Knights of Christ. Gender and Body in Later Medieval German Mysticism (P. DINZELBACHER)______582 T. IZBICKI, Reform, ecclesiology, and the christian life in the Late Middle Ages (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB)______585 D. PERLER, Zweifel und Gewissheit: Skeptische Debatten im Mittelalter (B. SWEETMAN)______587 D. VITALI, Mit dem Latein am Ende? Volkssprachlicher Einfluss in lateinis­ chen Chartularen aus der Westschweiz (E. Pé Re Z RODRÍGUEZ)______590 J. FYLER, Language and the Declining World in Chaucer, Dante, and Jean de Meun (A. CLASSEN)______593 Perceforest. Première partie, ed. G. ROUSSINAU (M. R U S)______595 P. CONTAMINE et al. (eds.), Philippe de Mézières: Une Epistre lamentable et consolable... 1397 (F. W EBER)______597 H. ENGEL, Dantes Inferno. Zur Geschichte der Höllenvermessung und des Höllentrichtermotivs (P. DINZELBACHER)______603 A. LAPPIN, Gonzalo de Berceo. The Poet and his Verses (F. WEBER)_____ 604 Konrad von Würzburg, Pantaleon, ed. T. NEUKIRCHEN (A. CLASSEN)__ 608 Gauriel von Muntabel, tr. S. CHRISTOPH (A. CLASSEN)______609 Sieben weise Meister. Eine bairische und eine elsässische Fassung der "Hi­ storia septem sapientum". Hg. D. ROTH (A. CLASSEN)______610 Johannes Rothe, Der Ritterspiegel. Hrsg., übers. u. komm. v. C. HUBER, P. KALNING (P. DINZELBACHER)______611 Mediaevistik 23 • 2010 9

Sangspruchdichtung. Hg. v. D. KLEIN (M. GRAF)______612 K. WOLF, Hof-Universität-Laien. Literatur- und sprachgeschichtliche Unter­ suchungen zum deutschen Schrifttum der Wiener Schule des Spätmittelalters (B. MURDOCH)______616 A. FEISTNER u.a., Krieg im Visier. Bibelepik und Chronistik im Deutschen Orden (M. BREITENSTEIN)______618 C. KNUST, Mainestu nit, das sy got hab getroestet? Vier Predigten Heinrich Kalteisens OP. (W. W EGNER)______621 550 Jahre deutsche Melusine - Coudrette und Thüring von Ringoltingen (A. CLASSEN)______623 L. McAVOY (ed.), A Companion to Julian of Norwich (M.-F. ALAMICHEL)______625 The Poems of the Pearl Manuscript. Ed. M. ANDREW, R. WALDRON (J. M cGOW AN)______626 William Langland, Piers Plowman. A Parallel-Text Edition of the A, B, C and Z Versions, ed. A. V. C. SCHMIDT (P. DINZELBACHER)______630 P. BROWN, Chaucer and the Making of Optical Space (J. NEAM AN)______631 A Companion to Medieval Scottish Poetry. Ed. P. BAWCUTT, J. WILLIAMS (P. DINZELBACHER)______635 N. PALMER, Bibelübersetzung und Heilsgeschichte: Studien zur Freiburger Perikopenhandschrift von 1462 und zu den deutschsprachigen Lektionaren des 15. Jahrhunderts (J. JEEP)______635 Spätgotik und Renaissance, hg. v. K. KRAUSE (P. DINZELBACHER)_____ 637 La Sainte-Chapelle de Paris: Royaume de France ou Jérusalem céleste? éd. C. HEDIGER (B. SZAKÁCS)______638 The Medieval Imagination. Illuminated Manuscripts from Cambridge, Aus­ tralia and New Zealand, ed. B. STOCKS, N. MORGAN (A. CLASSEN)____ 643 A. de SCHRYVER, The Prayer Book of Charles the Bold (E. den HARTOG) 644 Die Zeichnungen des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts in der Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen, hg. v. H. DICKEL (P. DINZELBACHER)______648 Der Weg zur Kaiserkrone. Der Romzug Heinrichs VII. in der Darstellung Erzbischof Balduins von Trier hg. v. M. MARGUE, M. PAULY u. W. SCHMID (O. W AGENER)______648 J. HÖFLER, Der Meister E.S. (P. DINZELBACHER)______650 U. HEINRICHS, Martin Schongauer (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER)______651 E. MEIER, Die Gregorsmesse (P. DINZELBACHER)______652 10 Mediaevistik 23 • 2010

V. FAVONI, A. SAVORELLI, Segni di Toscana. Identità e territorio attra­ verso l'araldica dei comuni: storia e invenzione grafica (secoli XIII-XVII) (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER)______653 K. LEMÉ-HÉBUTERNE, Les stalles de la cathédrale Notre-Dame d'Amiens (P. DINZELBACHER)______656 Schrecken und Lust. Die Versuchung des hl. Antonius von Hieronymus Bosch bis Max Ernst, ed. M. PHILIPP (P. DINZELBACHER)______657 P. MACARDLE, The St Gall Passion Play. Music and Performance (A. CLASSEN)______658 10.3726/83014_11 Mediaevistik 23 ■ 2010 11

Gil Fishhof

Political Intentions and Romanesque Portal Iconography: Saint-Hilaire in Semur-en-Brionnais, Saint Hugh of Cluny and the Dynastic Strategies of the Lords of Semur

Scholarly discussion of Burgundian Romanesque architecture and sculpture of the 11th and 12th centuries has rarely paid attention to the church of Saint-Hilaire at Se­ mur-en-Brionnais.1 When mentioned, the style of its west portal was related to as crude and rudimentary, and thus the church was rejected from the canon of Burgun­ dian Romanesque,2 and its sculpture was described as expressing the decline of artis­

* This article is based on my Ph.D. dissertation, entitled Patrons, Meanings and Functions of the Architecture and Sculptural Programs of the Romanesque Church of Saint-Hilaire at Semur-en-Brionnais, supervised by Prof. Nurith Kenaan-Kedar and submitted to Tel Aviv University, 2008. I would like to thank Prof. Kenaan-Kedar for her unconditional support throughout all stages of my work, for her careful guidance and inspiring ideas and remarks, and for a friendship dear to me. 1 Essential studies (some ignoring Saint-Hilaire in Semur-en-Brionais altogether and some briefly mentioning it) include: M. Angheben, Les chapiteaux romans de Bourgogne - thèmes et programmes, Turnhout, 2003; K. J. Conant, Cluny - Les églises et la maison du chef d'ordre, Mâcon, 1968; idem, "Deux traditions dans la chronologie du roman bour­ guignon," Annales de Bourgogne, 44 (1972), pp. 94-103; P. Deschamps, "Notes sur la sculpture romane en Bourgogne," Gazette des beaux-arts, 7 (1922), pp. 61-80; C. Edson Armi, Masons and Sculptors in Romanesque Burgundy: The New Aesthetic of Cluny III, Pennsylvania and London, 1983; Z. Jacoby, "La sculpture à Cluny, Vézelay et Anzy-le- Duc: un aspect de l'évolution stylistique en Bourgogne," Storia dell'arte, 34 (1978), pp. 197-205; A. K. Porter, "La sculpture du XIIe siècle en Bourgogne," Gazette des beaux-arts, 62 (1920), pp. 73-94; Ch. Oursel, L'art roman en Bourgogne, Dijon, 1928; idem, L'art de Bourgogne, Paris, 1953; idem, "Les églises martiniennes de l'école romane de Bourgogne - remarques et observations," Les annales de Bourgogne, 3 (1931), pp. 293-299; R. Oursel, Bourgogne romane, La Pierre-qui-Vire, 1974; F. Salet, La Madeleine de Vézelay, Melun, 1948; C. Sapin, Bourgogne romane, Dijon, 2006; N. Stratford, "Romanesque Sculpture in Burgundy. Reflections on its Geography, on Patronage, on the Status of Sculpture and on the Working Methods of Sculptors," in: idem, Studies in Burgundian Romanesque Sculp­ ture, London, 1998, pp. 1-21 (first published in: X. Barral I Altet (ed.), Artistes, artisans et production artistique au Moyen Age, colloque international du CNRS, université de Rennes II, 2-6 May 1983, Paris, 1990, III, pp. 235-250); M. Hamann, Die burgundische Priorat­ skirche von Anzy-le-Duc und die romanische Plastik im Brionnais, Würzburg, 2000. 2 Study of the architecture and sculpture of Semur thus remained in the hands of local eru­ dites or appeared as part of a more general discussion of Romanesque art in the Brionnais. 12 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 tic traditions in the Brionnais.3 It has therefore never been studied in relation to the complex political, social and religious conditions in the Brionnais itself, and even more importantly, in relation to its patrons - the Lords of Semur4 This study will ar­ gue that the sculptural program of Saint-Hilaire's west portal, and especially its lintel, presents a coherent iconographical program, reflecting systematically the attitudes and intentions of the Lords of Semur. The west façade of Saint-Hilaire is divided into three sections separated by wide buttresses carried on high pedestals (fig. 1). These serve as frames delimiting the cen­ tral part of the façade and emphasizing the portal at its center. The arrangement of the portal is fairly complex in comparison to Brionnais tradition, and stresses its impor­ tance. It includes a lintel and a pointed tympanum surrounded by four archivolts adorned with rich vegetal and geometrical motifs. The three inner archivolts are sup­ ported by pillars, which frame the entrance and whose decoration continues that of the archivolts. The tympanum depicts Christ, surrounded by the four symbols of the evangelists (fig. 2). He is frontally seated and surrounded by a mandorla carried by two seraphim. His right hand is raised in blessing while his left is portrayed in extreme foreshorten­ ing, holding a book. His legs are placed on a stool carried by the raised hands and head of a small human figure, depicted only in half-body. It is this representation of the Maiestas Domini that has attracted most criticism and contempt from scholars, who have remarked on the heavy rigid draperies, the crude articulation of the body and lack of proportions, compared to the dynamic movement and delicacy of orna­ ment at Saint-Fortunat at Charlieu and Saint-Julien-de-Jonzy.5

These references however are mostly descriptive in character and limited in scope. See: J. Virey, Paray-le-Monial et les églises du Brionnais, Paris, 1962 (1926); R. Oursel, A.-M. Oursel, Les églises romanes de l'Autunois et du Brionnais - ancien grand archidiaconé d'Autun, Cluny et sa région, Mâcon, 1956; J.-L. Dosso-Greggia, Semur-en-Brionnais - son passé, Marcigny, 1960. The work of Andre Rhein is exceptional in this respect, being broader in scope. See: A. Rhein, "Eglise de Semur-en-Brionnais," Bulletin monumental, 79 (1920), pp. 183-196. 3 Jean Virey, for example, described the style of the west tympanum as crude (Virey, Paray- le-Monial et les églises du Brionnais, p. 55); while Raymond and Anne-Marie Oursel stated unequivocally that the lintel and tympanum do not constitute true works of art and that the human figures are "apes" that are the mediocre work of an inexperienced artist who knew the examples of Cluny and Charlieu but lacked the ability to follow them (Oursel, Oursel, Les églises romanes de l'Autunois et du Brionnais, pp. 294-295). 4 In this regard one should note the recently published article by Avital Heyman, which will be discussed later. It is also important to note however that Heyman does not study the pro­ gram in relation to the specific conditions within Semur itself, but as connected to the more general historical and political situation in Burgundy, one which has no more specific bearing on Semur than on other settlements in the region. See: A. Heyman, "À l'ombre de Cluny: l'hagiographie et la politique du portail de Saint-Hilaire de Semur-en-Brionnais," Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 50 (2007), pp. 289-312. 5 See note 3. Mediaevistik 23 ■ 2010 13

The lintel depicts the exile of Bishop Hilary of Poitiers and his triumph over the heretic Pope Leo at the Arian council held at Seleucia in 359, during the rein of Em­ peror Constantius II (fig. 3). The legend appears in several 12th and 13th century sources,6 among them the Pilgrims Guide to Santiago de Compostela,7 the Speculum Historiale by Vincent de Beauvais8 and the Golden Legend by Jacobus de Voragine.9 It is also briefly mentioned by Martin Troppau10 and by an anonymous Franciscan friar.11 Although the textual versions of the 12th century are rudimentary, and the de­ veloped form of the legend appears only in the 13 th century, the earlier versions al­ ready contain all of its basic ingredients. According to the legend, during the exile of Saint Hilary, imposed upon him by the Emperor, he arrived at a council held by the Arian Pope Leo. When the Pope heard of his arrival he ordered that no one should greet him or offer him a seat. After a harsh exchange of words between Saint Hilary and the Pope, the latter left the council hall in order to answer nature's call, where he suffered a horrible death, losing his decaying entrails on the privy. At the same time Saint Hilary, seeing that he was not being offered a seat, sat down upon the ground while reciting Psalms 24:1 "The earth is the Lord's, and all that is in it". Upon these words the ground miraculously rose and elevated him to the level of the other bishops at the council. When news of the Pope's wretched death reached the council, the vic­ torious Hilary reaffirmed the bishops' belief in the Catholic faith and sent them back to their dioceses.

What were the role and cult of Saint Hilary in Burgundy?

The cult of saints in Burgundy included several central cycles.12 The first, and oldest of these, narrates the miracles and passion of Saint Bénigne and of others who suf­ fered martyrdom in Burgundy during the first centuries of Christianity.13 A rich

6 For later sources as well as for an analysis of the possible development of the legend see: H. Fuhrmann, "Die Fabel von Papst Leo und Bischof Hilarius," Archiv für Kultur­ geschichte, 44 (1961), pp. 125-162. 7 P. Gerson, A. Stones, J. Krochalis, A. Shaver-Crandell, The Pilgrim's Guide: A Critical Edition, London, 1998, II, pp. 50-51. 8 Vincentius Bellovacensis, Speculum Quadruplex, sive: Speculum Maius, IV, Speculum historiale, XIV, 23, Graz, 1965 (reprint of the 1624 Douai edition), p. 549. 9 Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints, W. Granger Ryan (trans.), Princeton, 1993, pp. 87-89. 10 Martinus Oppaviensis, Chronicon Pontificum et Imperatorum, in: G. H. Pertz (ed.), Monu­ menta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 22, Hanover, 1872, p. 416. 11 Chronica Minor Minoritae Erphordensis ab Urbe cond, in: O. Holder-Egger (ed.), Monu­ menta Erphesfurtensia, Hanover, 1899, pp. 565-566. 12 S. Cassagnes-Brouquet, "Culte des saintes et pèlerinage en Bourgogne du XIe au XIIIe siècle," Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, 29 (1998), pp. 63-77. 13 The cycle tells of the Bishop of Ephesus, who sent three churchmen - Bénigne, Andoche and Thyrse - to Gaul. Upon arriving in Autun they baptized the governor of the city and his toddler son Symphorien, as well as his sister Leonilla and her three sons. Andoche and 14 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 hagiographie corpus connects the stories of these martyrs to one another and creates a complex narrative nexus which connects between the cults of saints who were vener­ ated in different centers in Burgundy, such as Dijon, Autun and Saulieu.14 Other im­ portant cults in Burgundy are related to relics which were transferred to the region in the 9th century in order to protect them from the plundering invaders, such as the rel­ ics of Saint Philibert which were transferred from Noirmoutiers to Tournus.15 The most important cults in Burgundy however, and those that attracted the largest num­ bers of pilgrims in the 11th and 12th centuries, were of course those of Saint Lazarus in Autun and of Sainte Mary Magdalene in Vézelay.16 It is thus clear that the veneration of Saint Hilary was not a central part of the Bur­ gundian cycles of saints, and his worship did not hold a prominent position. Addi­ tional evidence for this also emerges from an examination of the number of churches and chapels dedicated to him between the 5th and 12th centuries, which shows that alongside the Virgin, John the Baptist, Saint Peter and Saint Martin, the majority of sanctuaries in Burgundy were dedicated to Saint Symphorien and to Saint Germain, with only a few being dedicated to Saint Hilary.17 The fact that Saint Hilary was not one of the central Burgundian saints indicates that the decision to depict the council of Seleucia on the lintel at Semur had specific and distinct reasons. This conclusion is reinforced by the fact that portrayals of Saint Hilary at the council of Seleucia are extremely rare in both Medieval and Renaissance art, to the point that only four representation of the subject are known, one from the 12th century,18 the second from the 14th,19 and two additional works from the 15th century.20

Thyrse then made their way to Saulieu where they suffered martyrdom; Bénigne and Sym­ phorien found their death a little later, as did Leonilla and her three sons. See: G. Bardy, "Les actes des martyrs bourguignons et leur valeur historique," Annales de Bourgogne, 2 (1930), pp. 238-239. 14 G. Bardy, "Les martyrs Bourguignons de la persécution d'Aurélien," Annales de Bour­ gogne, 8 (1936), p. 321-348. 15 Cassagnes-Brouquet, "Culte des saintes et pèlerinage en Bourgogne," p. 67. 16 V. Saxer, "Le culte de la Madeleine à Vézelay et de Lazare à Autun: un problème d'antéri­ orité et d'origine," Bulletin de la société des fouilles archéologiques et des monuments his­ toriques de l'Yonne, 3 (1986), pp. 1-18. 17 M. Chaume, "Les plus anciennes églises de Bourgogne," Annales de Bourgogne, 8 (1936), pp. 201- 229. 18 A relief that was part of a sculpted monument which stood at the church of Saint-Hilaire-la- Celle in Poitiers. See: E. Aubert, "Bas-relief de l'église Saint-Hilaire-de-la-Celle à Poitiers", Mémoires de la société nationale des antiquaires de France, 40 (1879), pp. 228-245; T. Sauvel, "Le cénotaphe de Saint Hilaire, "Bulletin de la société des antiquaires de l'Ouest, 14 (1945), pp. 669-686. 19 B. Zsolt Szakâcs, "The Holy Father and the Devils, or could the Hungarian Angevin Leg­ endary have been Ordered for a Pope?," in: B. Nagi, M. Sebok (eds.), The Man o f Many Devices, who Wandered Full Many Ways - Festschrift in Honor o f Jânos M. Bak, Buda­ pest, 1999, p. 52. Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 15

The portrayal of the legend of Seleucia thus raises many questions; in particular what were the reasons behind this unusual choice? I believe that the portrayal of this scene at Semur was meant to express the dynastic conceptions of the Lords of Semur and to serve their political strategies.

The Lords o f Semur and the Church o f Saint-Hilaire

The cartulary of Marcigny-sur-Loire,21 by far the most important source of our knowledge of the origin and early history of the Lords of Semur, contains a genealogy which mentions a certain Freelan as Lord of the fortress of Semur.22 Much contro­ versy surrounds the exact origin of Freelan, and whether it was he or his son Joceran who founded the fortress,23 but it seems clear that in the difficult historical circum­ stances obtaining in Burgundy at the end of the 9th and first half of the 10th century, lie the source of settlement at Semur. In response to the Norman invasions and Au­ vergnate incursions into Burgundy a chain of fortresses was built to hold back the in- vaders.24 The fortress of Semur was most likely one of these, perhaps entrusted to the

20 One depiction of the council can be found in the Book of Hours which Jean Fouquet painted for Etienne Chevalier around 1450. See: C. Sterling, C. Schaefer, The Hours o f Etienne Chevalie - Jean Fouquet, London, 1972, pp. 7-21, pl. 38. We also know that after his victory over the English in Guyenne in 1453, Charles VII donated to the church of Saint-Hilaire-le-Grand an embroidered gown on which the council was depicted, although that depiction has not survived. See: Fuhrmann, "Die Fabel von Papst Leo und Bischof Hi­ larius," p. 153. 21 Regarding the Cartulary and its reconstruction from several different sources by Jean Rich­ ard see J. Richard, Le cartulaire de Marcigny-sur-Loire: essai de reconstitution d'un manu­ scrit disparu, Dijon, 1957, pp. II-V; H. de Chizelle, "Le cartulaire du prieuré de Marcigny: nouvelles recherches," Mémoires de la société éduenne, nouvelle série, 60 (1991-92), pp. 129-142. 22 Richard, Le cartulaire de Marcigny-sur-Loire, p. 1: "Ligne de la généalogie du bien­ heureux père Hugues, abbé de Cluny, fondateur de Marcigny■ Artauld, Joceran comte de Semur, Freelan abbé et Dalmace furent frères, fils de Freelan de Chameliac de Chasteau Signon". 23 For the different views on this and related issues see: H. de Chizelle, Le Brionnais, histoire des institutions, des origines aux temps modernes, Paris, 1992, p. 39; J. Richard, "Aux origines du Charolais," Annales du Bourgogne, 35 (1963), p. 105; C. B. Bouchard, Sword, Miter and Cloister - Nobility and the Church in Burgundy, 980-1198, Ithaca and London, 1987, p. 357. 24 J. Richard, "Châteaux, châtelains et vassaux en Bourgogne aux XIe et XIIe siècles," Cahiers de civilisation Médiévale, 3 (1960), pp. 434-435; idem, "Aux origines du Charolais," p. 105; Chizelle, Le Brionnais, pp. 26-27; F. Vercauteren, "Comment s'est-on défendu au IXe siècle dans l'Empire franc contre les invasions normandes?," Annales du XXXe congrès de la fédération archéologique de Belgique, Brussels, 1936, pp. 117-32; E. Jacquier, "Le châ­ teau de Semur-en-Brionnais et le réseau castral en Bourgogne du sud aux XIe et XIIe siècles," in: N. Reveyron, M. Rocher, M.-T. Engel (eds.), Paray-le-Monial, Brionnais- 16 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 hands of Freelan by Richard "le Justicier", Count of Burgundy.25 From then on the Lords of Semur gained increasing independence and power, and began to spread their political, judicial, and economic rule over much of the Brionnais. In so doing they were part of a larger phenomenon taking place in many regions of France during the 10th and especially the 11th century, characterized by castellans taking advantage of the declining authority of the dukes and counts in order to increase their own power and authority.26 In Burgundy itself the rise in power of established castellans, and the continuous establishment of new fortresses, were recognized as a central phenomenon of the 11th century,27 and in southern Burgundy more than 34 such fortresses were constructed during that period.28 The increasing authority of the Lords of Semur, who emerged as the leading power in 11th and 12th-century Brionnais, was manifested in their fortress. It was built in the first half of the 10th century in the eastern corner of a large plateau situated atop a steep hill surrounded by slopes (fig. 4), which served as a natural barrier and spared the need for an extensive moat. Nothing remains of this first fortress, which was ap­ parently made of wood. Not much later, probably at the beginning of the 11th century, the wooden fortress was destroyed and a stone structure was built in its place. This development is not unique to Semur and Jean Richard has shown that in Burgundy, where the supply of stone is abundant, fortresses were rebuilt in stone as soon as the castellans had reached a level of sufficient importance.29 The building of the first

Charolais: le renouveau des études romanes, Deuxième colloque scientifique international de Paray-le-Monial, 2-4 octobre 1998, Paray-Le-Monial, 2000, pp. 185-199. 25 Chizelle, Le Brionnais, p. 42. 26 These phenomena were demonstrated in a long series of studies. Notable among these are: G. Duby, La société aux XIe et XIIe siècles dans la région mâconnaise, Paris, 1971 (1953), pp. 137-144; J. Fr. Lemarignier, "La dislocation du 'pagus' et le problème des 'consuetudi- nes'," in: Mélanges d'histoire du Moyen Age dédiés à la mémoire de Louis Halphen, Paris, 1951, pp. 401-410; J. P. Poly, La Provence et la société féodale, 879-1166, Paris, 1976; G. Devailly, Le Berry du Xe au milieu du XIIIe siècle, Paris, 1973; A. R. Lewis, "La féodalité dans le Toulousain et la France méridionale, 850-1050," Annales du midi, 76 (1964), pp. 247-259; P. Bonnassie, La Catalogne du milieu du Xe à la fin du XIe siècle: croissance et mutations d'une société, Toulouse, 1975-1976; C. B. Bouchard, 'Strong o f Body, Brave and Noble': Chivalry and Society in Medieval France, Ithaca and London, 1998, pp. 19-23; R. Fossier, Enfance de l'Europe X e-XIIe siècles: aspects économiques et sociaux, Paris, 1982, I, pp. 379-384. 27 Richard, "Châteaux, châtelains et vassaux," pp. 437-438; Bouchard, Sword, Miter and Cloister, p. 27; A. Deléage, La via rurale en Bourgogne jusqu'au début du XIe siècle, Mâcon, 1941, p. 535. A central study of the evolution of judicial structures and patterns of control in southern Burgundy in this period is: G. Duby, "The Evolution of Judicial Institu­ tions. Burgundy in the Tenth and Eleventh Century," in: idem, The Chivalrous Society (trans. C. Postan), Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977, pp. 15-58. 28 Jacquier, "Le château de Semur-en-Brionnais et le réseau castral en Bourgogne du sud," pp. 185-199. 29 Richard, "Châteaux, châtelains et vassaux," p. 435. Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 17 stone structures at Semur thus testify to the Lords' increasing power at the beginning of the 11th century, and it is interesting to note that it parallels in date the first re­ corded marriages of members of the Semur dynasty with the dynasty of the Counts of Chalon.30 At the heart of the fortress is the rectangular central tower, which once rose five storeys high and is surrounded by the thick fortress walls. The gates of the fortress faced towards the plateau and were protected by massive fortifications.31 In addition to the fortress walls, a second wall, of greater circumference, surrounded the upper plateau, thus encompassing the fortress and the other structures of the plateau, most prominently the church of Saint-Hilaire, within a single compound, creating a sort of 'upper town' (fig. 5). Important information about the arrangement of this upper town can be deduced from the various vitae of Saint Hugh of Semur, Abbot of Cluny, who grew up in the fortress at the beginning of the 11th century.32 From the vitae we learn that Saint Hugh was raised with the children of other knights, and practiced with them the foundations of warfare.33 We also read that Saint Hugh attended a school, most

Very little has been published on the fortress of Semur. One interesting study is that by E. Decors, Le château de Semur-en-Brionnais - évolution architecturale du château de Saint Hugues, Mémoire de maîtrise, Université Lumière - Lyon II, 2004, pp. 117-118. 30 For different opinions on the difficulties concerning these early marriages between the Lords of Semur and the Counts of Chalon see: Chizelle, Le Brionnais, pp. 43-68; idem, "Aperçu sur le comté de Chalon-sur-Saône au Xe siècle: à propos de la comtesse Aélis," Annales de Bourgogme, 58 (1986), pp. 45-70. J. Richard, "Les comtes de Chalon et leur sanctuaire dynastique," in: Basilique de Paray-le-Monial, l'histoire, l'art, la vie, Actes du 1er colloque scientifique international, Association du ixe centenaire de la basilique, Paray- le-Monail, 28-30 Mai 1992, Paray-le-Monail, 1994, p. 101, note 22; C. B. Bouchard, "Ge­ nealogy and Politics: The Counts of Autun and Countess Adelaide of Chalon" in: idem, 'Those o f My Blood'- Constructing Noble Families in Medieval Francia, Philadelphia, 2001, pp. 135-154. 31 It seems likely that the walls had retained their original path throughout the centuries, espe­ cially since the plan of the fortress is determined in most directions by the slopes of the hill. 32 Even if most of the miraculous details mentioned in the vitae must be treated with caution as part of the genre of hagiography, the architectural and material reality described in these texts can, in my opinion, be studied as a legitimate source, both because they were written not long after the death of Hugh and because the writers include Renaud of Semur - Abbot of Vézelay and Hugh's nephew. On the different vitae of Saint Hugh of Semur see: F. Bar­ low, "The Canonization and the Early Lives of Hugh I Abbot of Cluny," Analecta Bollan- diana, 98/3-4 (1980), pp. 297-334; M. Woesthuis, "The Origins of Anonymus Primus. Vin­ cent of Beauvais, Helinand of Froimond and the Life of Saint Hugh of Cluny," Analecta Bollandiana, 105 (1987), pp. 385-411; L. M. Smith, "Ezelo's Life of Hugh of Cluny," Eng­ lish Historical Review, 27 (1912), pp. 96-101. 33 Gilo, Vita sancti Hugonis abbatis, 2, in: H. E. J. Cowdrey, "Two Studies in Cluniac History 1049-1126," Studi Gregoriani, 11 (1978), pp. 49-50: "Pater siquidem filium militia seculari gestiens accingere, pugne preludiis informabat docte colla equi flectere, / uibrare astam, clipeum circumferre, ledere et non ledi, et cetera manus equestris deliramenta, quibus illud hominum genus desudat inaniter ut cadat infeliciter. Talibus ut assuesceret documentis, immo detrimentis, mittitur cum coeuis in predam. Confutatur quia refutat, deridetur utpote 18 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 probably in the upper town.34 These descriptions allow us to assume the existence in the upper town of buildings that housed the militia of the Lords (Milites castri) as well as the existence of the above-mentioned school, all of which were typical com­ ponents of Burgundian fortresses.35 From the sources thus emerges an image ac­ cording to which the church of Saint-Hilaire was built at the center of an active upper town, where the essential functions for the continuous existence of the dynasty of Semur were concentrated. Thus the link between the Lords of Semur and the church of Saint-Hilaire seems plausible. This connection is also attested to by the documents mentioning the church. One of the most important of these is a charter issued in 1274 by the Lord of Semur, Jean de Châteauvillain, together with the Bishop of Autun, Girard de Beauvoir, in which they elevate Saint-Hilaire to a collegial church while providing it with important privileges.36 The charter thus testifies that as late as the third quarter of the 13th century the Lords of Semur still enjoyed decisive authority in regard to the church built adjacent to their fortress. The direct relations between the church of Saint-Hilaire and the Lords of Semur are made even clearer upon examination of the full scope of topographic and urban developments at Semur in the 11th and 12th centuries, which included the creation of a small settlement on the slopes of the hill outside the upper town, which supplied the growing needs of the fortress while enjoying its protection. Numerous documents tes­ tify to the growing economic activity in this 'lower' town, which included vineyards and a market.37 Clothing and fabrics were also washed and cleaned there.38

qui rebus gerendis incongruus apparens, inertiae se tradidisset et otio. Comitatur Hisrahe- litica Egiptios et alterius urbis municeps cum Babilonicis cuiusdam rusticanae personae substantiolam diripit inuitus. Cuius illiciti non modicus estimator iacturam in posterum ac- cumulanter recompensauit, dampnumque suum homo feneratus annuatim quod semel per- diderat suscepit". 34 Rainaldus Vizeliacensis, Vita S. Hugonis Abbatis Cluniacensis, 1, in: J. P. Migne, Patrolo- giae cursus completus, series Latina, 159, Paris, 1854, col. 894: "Quod ab ipsis pueritiae suae rudimentis satis iam innotescebat, dum aut aecclesiae aut scholis frequentius adhaere- ret, horis tamen fur tivis quia patrem suum timebat, qui militaribus studiis illum applicare volebat. Et cum ei vestis pretiosior ac colorum varietate decentior aptaretur, ipse eam pro abjectiori et simpliciori respuebat" (Edited and published with slight variations also in: R. B. C. Huygens, "Vizeliacensia II, B - vies de Saint Hugues de Cluny par l'Abbé Renaud de Vézelay," Sacris Erudiri - Jaarboek voor Godsdienstwetenschappen, 23 (1978-79), II, p. 524). 35 Richard, "Châteaux, châtelains et vassaux," p. 436; idem, Les ducs de Bourgogne et la for­ mation du duché du X au XIVe siècle, Paris, 1954, pp. 100, 260-262. 36 Archives départementales Saône-et-Loire: serié G, 531, fol. 2. 37 Richard, Le cartulaire de Marcigny-sur-Loire, no. 3, p. 5: "Je Jaufrois donne...[je donne aussy le prieuré de Sault et tout ce qui en dépend. Je donne la vercherie de la terre où il y a une forest, une vigne et un pré. Je donne deux partis de la chapelle et du marché dont la moitié] sub castro de Sinemuro... "; no. 13, pp. 13-14: "...je Jaufrois, seigneur du petit châ­ teau appellé de S em ur. donne au seigneur Dieu et au bienheureux Pierre apôtre et au mon­ astère que j'avois offensé la dixme des plantations des vignes de la nouvelle ville qui est prèz du même château, pour mon pêche que j'ay fait"; no. 10, p. 11: "A la sainte église de Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 19

These sources testify to the transformation which Semur underwent during the 11th century, from a fortress to an economic, agricultural and demographic locus. This process was typical of the time, and among the notable examples are the fortresses of Montbard, Pontailler-sur-Saône and Mont-Saint-Jean. Like Semur, these too are char­ acterized by a clear division between the area designated for the lords of the fortress and their entourage of knights and clerics, and the location of the rest of the popula­ tion in an outer court or in a lower town at the foot of the walls (fig. 6).39 In Semur, a division therefore existed that exploited the natural topography of the hill in order to create an alignment with a clear hierarchy, which served not only a functional-defensive purpose (with the fortress at the highest point) but also a sym­ bolic one, as an expression of the elevated status of the lord.40 The location of the church of Saint-Hilaire within this hierarchy, integrated with the fortress in the upper town, reinforces its interpretation as the castle church of the Lords of Semur.

Narration and Arrangement of the Lintel

The lintel is divided into several sections by architectural sets or furniture. This divi­ sion facilitates the organization of the figures on the lintel into coherent groups. At the same time it helps the development of a narrative on the lintel, as each of the sections forms part of a progressing storyline. Moreover, the division is used to articulate the specific messages and motivations behind the lintel's choice of subjects. On the right hand side41 of the lintel a complex architectural structure, separated from the next part of the narrative, is obviously a representation of a highly luxurious edifice (figs. 7, 8). It features two towers and a lower central part, gates framed by ar-

Dieu de Marcigny...je Jaufrois, fils de Jaufrois cy-devant seigneur de Semur, donne par l'approbation des fidèles et de mes amis toute la dixième partie de la forest qui entoure le chasteau appellé de Semur.. .et de toutes les vignes qui y ont estè édifiées et qui le se­ ro n t. ". 38 Peter the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny, mentions in De Miraculis that Geoffrey III appeared after his death to one of the nuns at Marcigny and told her that demons were trying to snatch away his soul to hell because he had levied new taxes on the clothing and fabrics brought from the vicinity of the fortress of Semur to be cleaned. See: Petrus Venerabilis, De Miraculis, I, 26, J. P. Torrell, D. Bouthillier (eds. and trans.), Fribourg, Suisse and Paris, 1992, pp. 168-170. 39 Richard, "Châteaux, châtelains et vassaux," p. 436. An exceptional study of similar devel­ opments, dealing with the role of architecture in constructing identity in 11th and 12th cen­ tury France is: R. A. Maxwell, The Art o f Medieval Urbanism: Parthenay in Romanesque Aquitaine, Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007. 40 J. Mesqui, Châteaux et enceintes de la France médiévale - de la défense à la résidence, I, Paris, 1991, pp. 15-16, 26-28. 41 In this article description of the sculptural ensemble will refer to the location of certain de­ tails or elements within the cycle from the point of view of the ensemble itself and not from that of a viewer standing in front of it. 20 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 chivolts, neatly chiseled stones carefully arranged in even rows, arched galleries, marble incrustations, and an oculus.42 On top of the low central part of this structure is an image of a standing male figure, its face stiff and even angry and its body and head turned towards the next scene on the lintel. He has his two fists clenched; his right hand is placed across his stomach while his left is directed forward, elbow bent, so that he appears to be furiously brandishing his fist towards the events depicted further along the lintel. While some scholars have identified this figure as a specta­ tor,43 I believe that the clenched fists, as well as the pose turned towards the con­ tinuation of the lintel, connect him to the first figure of the next scene, that of Saint Hilary, thus indicating that the former is in fact the Emperor Constantius (or one of his delegates), exiling Saint Hilary from Gaul. Such identification is supported by the richly adorned structure on which he stands, which I suggest is a palace.44 From the top of the left tower a frieze spans most of the lintel, connecting to an­ other tower on the other side, only the tip of which is visible, adorned with an oculus. The similarities of the tips of both these towers, as well as the frieze stretching be­ tween them, indicate that between the towers an architectural interior is delineated- the hall in which the council is taking place. As both extremities of the lintel lie out­ side the span of the frieze - that is, outside the council hall - it is clear that the figure portrayed on top of the palace can not be a 'spectator', since he stands outside the hall and therefore cannot see into it. Thus the possibility strengthens that he is the Em­ peror exiling Saint Hilary, belonging to an earlier moment in the narrative. On the other side of the lintel, the span of the frieze makes it clear that Pope Leo's shameful death on the privy takes place outside the council hall. I believe, however, that this clear compositional division between the main occurrence within the hall and the two episodes outside it, serves an additional purpose: to emphasize the connection be­ tween Pope and Emperor. Both these men - leaders and propagators of heresy - stand at either side of the lintel as the two forces behind the heretical council taking place in

42 At the base of the right tower is an arched gate, framed by what seems to be capital-bearing columns and two archivolts. Above this gate is a second storey built of neatly chiseled stones carefully arranged in four rows. The two upper storeys of the tower include a tall narrow window and a lobed opening. To the left, the lower central part of the structure is built of a solid base of evenly chiseled stones. A gallery of four arches opens above the base, highlighting the three-dimensional appearance of the structure. Above it, a second solid strip of wall is seen, decorated with a rhombus pattern, indicative of marble incrusta­ tion, a widespread adornment of luxuriant edifices in Antiquity and well into the Middle Ages, such as in the Pantheon, Hagia Sophia, or the gate at Lorsch. The second tower, on the other side of the low middle section, resembles the first, and likewise consists of four storeys. The first is decorated with round flat discs. Larger discs appear on the third level above a window, and an oculus terminates the alignment. 43 D. Grivot, Semur-en-Brionnais - Iguerande, Lyon, 1984, p. 4; Oursel, Oursel, Les églises romanes de l'Autunois et du Brionnais, pp. 294. 44 Heyman, although identifying the figure as Emperor Constance, believes that he is observ­ ing the council in an intimidating manner, and does not describe him as exiling Hilary. See: Heyman, "À l'ombre de Cluny," p. 298. Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 21

the middle. The connection and cooperation between them are also stressed through similar architectural elements which repeat at both ends of the lintel, such as the round oculus of the Imperial palace, which can be seen near Pope Leo as well. This emphasis on the connection between heretical Pope and Emperor is unique to the rep­ resentation in Semur, and does not appear in any of the other (very few) representa­ tions of the subject in Medieval and Renaissance Art. It is therefore one of the most significant keys for understanding the specific motivations and messages of the lintel at Semur. Next on the lintel, Saint Hilary himself appears for the first time. His body and head are turned frontally towards the viewer, he holds a book in his left hand and in his right he holds his gown, tossed over his shoulder. To the left of Saint Hilary and next on the lintel, two bishops are portrayed seated on an elaborate bench and a third one seems to be standing behind them. The fact that Saint Hilary is shown in front of them, under the span of the upper frieze - i.e. within the hall of the council - allows us to assume that he is being portrayed here after his arrival at the council, perhaps while waiting to be accorded a seat. However, the significance of this image is more complex. Since we can only understand the Emperor's angrily brandished fist as being directed at Hilary, the Saint is thus simultaneously portrayed at two different points in time and space - he is concurrently being exiled by the Emperor at the beginning of his journey and also arriving at his destination at the council. By simultaneously por­ traying both ends of the journey, the depiction at Semur gives substantial importance to the road itself - to the long and dangerous journey imposed upon Saint Hilary. This, I believe, is an ingenious artistic device which enables the depiction of a con­ tinuous action by a single figure. Even more significantly, this detail is again unique among known representations of the legend, and is of importance in my interpretation of the lintel's meaning. As appropriate to an important council, the bench on which the bishops are seated is magnificently decorated and is surmounted on a miniature arcade. One of the bish­ ops holds a crosier and the other a scroll. After this first group of bishops Saint Hilary is depicted once more, seated lower than the bishops on a sort of stool and holding a crosier. His stool is cushioned with cloth, apparently in order to distinguish the saintly bishop from the other bishops attending the council. An angel, descending from above in a diagonal flight, is holding an incense burner next to the Saint's head, a sign of the miracle taking place (fig. 9). Saint Hilary's appearance for the second time stresses the narrative character of the lintel. In addition, the saint's location at the center of the lintel has been precisely calculated so that Hilary is located at the end of a clear per­ pendicular axis leading directly from the seated majestic Christ on the tympanum, via the angel, to Hilary himself. This axis emphasizes that the miracle is the result of 22 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010

God's intervention in favor of those who remain steadfast in their belief; and that Hilary is his envoy in fighting the heretics.45 The actual fulfillment of the miracle is made clear further along on the lintel, where, after the depiction of a second group of bishops seated on another elaborate bench, this time adorned with an entangled scroll, Saint Hilary is portrayed for the third time, seated on a chair which resembles an enlarged version of the low stool on which he was seated previously (fig. 10). The similarity between the two chairs in­ cludes even the cushioning cloth. Thus, the actual occurrence of the miracle - Saint Hilary's elevation from his low position to one equivalent to that of the other bishops - is reflected through a sort of miraculous enlargement of his stool. Next to Hilary stands a man whose upper body only is visible. He raises his right hand and points with one finger towards the portrayal of Christ on the tympanum, i.e. towards the revelation of divine truth as preached by Saint Hilary. According to the textual sources of the legend, this appears to be one of the bishops who recognized Saint Hilary's true beliefs after Leo's death had become known to the council.46 In front of Saint Hilary and directly opposite him stands the empty chair of Pope Leo who has left the hall. The opposite position of the two chairs reinforces the strug­ gle and absolute contradiction between Hilary and the heresiarch. Concluding the nar­ rative on the lintel is the horrible death of Pope Leo, seated on the privy, with his soul, portrayed as a small naked figure, being snatched from his mouth by three dreadful looking demons. Thus, the lintel has proven to be the work of a careful designer who was aware of the subtle nuances of the narrative. On both sides, seemingly exterior episodes di­ rectly relate to the central section, leading the viewer to a complex reading of the oc­ currences and of their meanings. Within the council hall, under the frieze, Saint Hilary appears both in the center and on either side, enabling an additional reading of the narrative from the center outwards. The use of various benches, each differently adorned, and of different kinds of chairs and stools, serves to advance the develop­ ment of the storyline. Witnessing this sophisticated arrangement, with its detailed de­ piction of architecture and its tendency towards variation (for example in the different ornamentation of each bench), I believe that it is no longer possible to regard the lintel as mediocre or as deprived of value, but rather as presenting a well-planned program and a meticulously calculated arrangement of narrative.

45 Richard Hamann has claimed that this apparition of the angel to Saint Hilary emphasizes the later's sainthood. See: R. Hamann, Kunst und Askese. Bild und Bedeutung in der ro­ manischen Plastik in Frankreich, Worms, 1987, p. 229. 46 Heyman identifies the figures of Hilary and of the adjacent Bishop as the two heretic Bish­ ops, Valens and Ursace, who influenced the Emperor's decision to exile Hilary. This identi­ fication, however, ignores certain central details, such as the finger of the Bishop who is adjacent to Hilary and pointing towards the tympanum, and the clear repetition of the way Hilary is previously portrayed. See: Heyman, "A l'ombre de Cluny," p. 296. Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 23

Most importantly in the context of this article, my analysis has shown that empha­ sis was given to several major ideas: the alliance and connection between the Emperor and the heretic Pope; Saint Hilary's long and dangerous struggle for the faith; his be­ ing a true representative of the Lord in fighting heresy; and his final success in con­ verting the heretics to the true faith. I would like to contend that these unique empha­ ses were meant to glorify the tremendous achievements of the greatest descendant of the Semur dynasty - Saint Hugh of Semur - and especially his involvement in differ­ ent stages of the Church reform and the investiture contest. As I will show later, Saint Hugh played a major role in the dynastic conceptions of the Lords of Semur, and his status and fame had a substantial effect on the prestige and power of his dynasty. Thus, this monumental public glorification of his achievements was part of the dy­ nasty's most fundamental political strategy.

Saint Hugh of Semur, The Gregorian Reform and the Investiture Contest

The possibility of a connection between the order of Cluny and the papal reform movement of the 11th and 12th centuries, as well as the exact nature of that connec­ tion, have been heavily debated since the late 19th century.47 While some scholars have seen Cluny as a full partner in the ideas of the papal reform movement, taking an active part in the new initiatives deriving from Rome as the papacy became increas­ ingly determined in its struggle against lay power,48 others perceived Cluny as a con­ servative force that wished to preserve a closer relationship with the secular world (for example, the possibility of receiving donations of churches from secular lords who had decided to retain for themselves some rights over these churches). The latter views have maintained that even if Cluny did set an early example for the reformed papacy, through its release from the secular authority which had been given it upon its foundation, it did so only indirectly and within narrow boundaries, while its main concern remained that of reform within the monastic community itself.49 Views are also varied in assessing Saint Hugh's personal involvement in the in­ vestiture contest, and especially in regard to his direct participation in events at Canossa and in the years that followed. Twice did Saint Hugh try to actively mediate between Pope Gregory VII and Em­ peror Henry IV. The first attempt took place in 1077, when in light of the open rebel­

47 For a convenient overview of the early bibliography of the subject see: H. E. J. Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform, Oxford, 1970, pp. xii-xxxvii. 48 A. Brackmann, Zur politischen Bedeutung der kluniaxensischen Bewegung, Darmstadt, 1955; K. Hallinger, Gorze-Kluny. Studien zu den monastischen Lebensformen und Gegen­ sätzen im Hochmittelalter, Rome, 1950-1951. 49 G. Tellenbach, Church, State and Christian Society at the Time o f the Investiture Contest, Oxford, 1940; Th. Schieffer, "Cluny et la querelle des investitures," Revue historique, 225 (1961), pp. 47-72. 24 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 lion against him Henry traveled to Italy in order to receive the Pope's absolution, which would deny the rebels any justification for their breach of loyalty.50 Hearing of the Emperor's progress, the Pope retreated to Canossa, the fortress of his ardent sup­ porter Countess Matilda of Tuscany. Upon the arrival of Emperor Henry and his en­ tourage, a long period of negotiations commenced until, finally, on January 25th, Henry, dressed as a penitent, presented himself before the gate of the fortress where he stood in the freezing cold for three days until he was finally granted absolution by the Pope and restored to the bosom of the Church.51 Saint Hugh's involvement in the negotiations which led to the agreement between the parties seems clear from the sources. Henry's oath of allegiance to the Church and to Pope Gregory includes a list of attendees that names among others Hugh, Abbot of Cluny.52 In addition, Hugh's name appears among those who took an oath to guarantee fulfillment of the agree­ ment. In fact, due to his monastic vows, Saint Hugh avoided taking an actual oath, but he did commit his support.53 Pope Gregory himself mentions how Abbot Hugh acted together with Countesses Matilda of Tuscany and Adelaide of Turin, when Henry's submission was approved.54 Saint Hugh's second attempt at negotiation followed Henry's siege of Gregory in June and July 1083. The Abbot's support of Pope Gregory and disapproval of Em­ peror Henry was expressed through his decision to meet the Pope first and avoid the customary initial visit to the graves of the Apostles, the route to which was dominated by the Emperor.55 Bonizo of Sutri also mentions that Hugh perceived the Emperor as excommunicated following his capture of Cardinal Odo of Ostia in November 1083.56 Eventually, nothing was to come of this attempt at negotiation. Saint Hugh's involvement in the ongoing crisis is thus clear. Can it be determined, however, that it was characterized by an unconditional support of the papacy? The problem becomes even more acute if we recall that at Cluny there had existed a long

50 H. E. J. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII1073-1085, Oxford, 1998, pp. 153-156. 51 Ibid., p. 156. For a discussion of the meanings of Gregory's move, and especially whether the lifting of excommunication from Henri also included his reinstatement to office see: K. F. Morrison, "Canossa: a Revision," Traditio, 18 (1962), pp. 121-148. 52 E. Casper, Das Register Gregors VII, 4. 12a, in: Monumenta Germaniae Histórica, Episto- lae selectae, 2, Berlin, 1955. 53 Lampertus Hersfeldensis, Annales, in: O. Holder-Egger (ed.), Monumenta Germaniae His- torica, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, 38, Hanover, 1894, under 1077; J. H. Lynch, "Hugh I of Cluny's Sponsorship of Henry IV: Its Context and Consequences," Speculum, 60/4 (1985), p. 823. 54 Casper, Das Register Gregors VII, 4. 12; Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Re­ form, p. 160. 55 Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform, p. 162; idem, Pope Gregory V II1073- 1085, p. 224-225. 56 Bonizo episcopus Sutriensis, Liber ad amicum, in: E. Dümmler (ed.), Monumenta Germa­ niae Historica, Libelli de lite, I, Hanover, 1891, p. 614. Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 25 tradition of close relations with the Holy Roman emperors.57 The question also arises in that Saint Hugh's involvement was not characterized by the sort of venomous at­ tack against Emperor Henry and his supporters which was being conducted by other prominent papal supporters,58 but rather by attempts to negotiate between the two parties and bring them closer. His role as an honest negotiator is also specifically mentioned in his vita by Renaud of Semur.59 In light of these, several scholars have seen Saint Hugh as one who remained "one of the very few genuinely impartial actors in the whole drama",60 and as one who made great efforts not to get involved in the heated emotional rivalry between the two camps. Schieffer claims, for example, that Hugh tried to find solutions to the crisis while taking advantage of the personal relationship he had with both Pope Gregory and Emperor Henry, and that the strict Gregorian ideology remained foreign to him and to Cluny.61 Kohnle emphasizes the dilemma facing Hugh, who on the one hand saw Rome as the guardian of Cluniac freedom, but on the other hand wished to pre­ serve the traditional links with the emperors. According to Kohnle, Hugh did not want to follow unconditionally the political campaigns of the papacy, and thus concentrated

57 For a discussion of the relations between the Holy Roman emperors and Cluny up until and including Hugh's abbacy see: R. G. Heath, Crux Imperatorum Philosophia: Imperial Hori­ zons o f the Cluniac Confraternitas, 964-1109, Pittsburgh, 1976. 58 For the polemical aspects of the investiture contest see: I. S. Robinson, Authority and Re­ sistance in the Investiture Contest: The Polemical Literature o f the Late Eleventh Century, Manchester, 1978; idem, "Political Allegory in the Biblical Exegesis of Bruno of Segni," Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale, 50 (1983), pp. 69-98; K. J. Leyser, "The Polemics of the Papal Revolution," in: B. Smalley (ed.), Trends in Medieval Political Thought, Oxford, 1965, pp. 42-64; P. Healy, "Merito nominetur virago: Matilda of Tuscany in the Polemics of the Investiture Contest" in: C. Meek and C. Lawless (eds.), Victims or viragos?, Dublin, 2005, pp. 49-56. 59 Rainaldus Vizeliacensis, Vita S. Hugonis Abbatis Cluniacensis, 25, col. 903: "Hujus consi­ lium non solum de vicinis, sed etiam de remotis terrarum partibus petebatur; nec a privatis duntaxat personis, sed a magnis ordinibus, regum, imperatorum, pontificum, tam Romanae sedis quam aliarum multarum sedium; quibus cum tanta moderatione aequitatis respondebat ut et Deum in omnibus anteponeret, et benevolum se cunctis exhiberet. Quod in schismate Henrici imperatoris contra Romanam Ecclesiam evidenter ostensum est." (See also, with some differences, the edition by Huygens, "Vizeliacensia" , XXXVII-XXXVIII, p. 540). ("His council was desired, not only by his neighbors, but from the very ends of the earth. He was sought out both by ordinary people and by those in high places - kings and emper­ ors, and bishops of the Roman and of the many other sees. He answered them with such prudence and equity, that he succeeded at once in putting God first in all respects and in showing that he was of good will to all men. This was especially clear in the case of the Emperor Henry's schism from the Roman Church". Translated after Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform, pp. 159-160). 60 N. Hunt, Cluny under Saint Hugh 1049-1109, London, 1967, pp. 145-146. 61 Schieffer, "Cluny et la querelle des investitures," pp. 68-69. 26 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 on intra-Cluniac activities and lessened his involvement in church-wide political ac­ tivity.62 Following Cowdrey however,63 I believe that a comprehensive examination of the remaining sources show that Saint Hugh's position, even though restrained and meas­ ured, reveals his consistent support of the papacy. One of the central questions in assessing Saint Hugh's attitude towards Henry is that he was in fact the Emperor's godfather.64 Hugh's initial consent to serve as god­ father, only one year into his abbacy, reveals the same initial desire to foster Cluny's ties with the empire that had characterized his predecessors.65 But did the fact that he was Henry's godfather influence his position during the investiture contest? As far as is known, Hugh did not actively realize his godfather status or maintain a close con­ nection with the Emperor during the latter's childhood, and there is no evidence that Hugh and Henry even met during the period between Henry's baptism and his coming of age. It thus seems clear that we should not envisage Hugh's involvement in the in­ vestiture contest in terms of a personal relation between him and Henry.66 Further­ more, after recognizing the finality of the breach between Pope and Emperor, Hugh made no additional efforts to contact Henry, and indeed decisively rejected the Em­ peror's appeals for help during the last years of his reign.67 This behavior, especially in light of Cluny's close relations with the Empire prior to the crisis, testifies to Hugh's complete disapproval of Henry and his conduct. It seems, therefore, that we should not see Hugh as a neutral, undifferentiating, mediator, and that it would be more accurate to say that in his involvement in the investiture contest he strove to bring the Emperor closer to Gregory's position, and not vice versa.68 Supporting this interpretation are numerous expressions by Pope Gregory himself, as well as the fact that shortly after the events at Canossa Gregory appointed Hugh to the task of reforming the Abbey of Polirone, which Matilda of Tuscany had placed under his direct protection, a sign that both Gregory and Matilda judged Hugh's con­ duct with approval.69 Pope Gregory's own references to Saint Hugh are especially important since they provide direct knowledge of the way Hugh was perceived in the reformatory circles themselves. They are also important because they were of public nature and used as a crucial political tool by Gregory to create around him a consolidated group of sup­ porters of the reform.70 Among the most explicit references is a letter from Gregory to

62 A. Kohnle, Abt Hugo von Cluny 1049-1109, Sigmaringen, 1993, pp. 110-121, 133-134. 63 See for example his assessment in The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform, p. 147. 64 Lynch, "Hugh I of Cluny's Sponsorship of Henry IV," pp. 800-826. 65 Ibid., pp. 818-820; Heath, CruxImperatorum Philosophia, pp. 173-174. 66 Lynch, "Hugh I of Cluny's Sponsorship of Henry IV," pp. 821-823. 67 Ibid., p. 824. 68 Lynch, "Hugh I of Cluny's Sponsorship of Henry IV," p. 828; Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform, p. 161. 69 Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform, p. 161. 70 I. S. Robinson, "The Friendship Network of Gregory VII," History, 63 (1978), p. 9. Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 27

AlphonsoVI, King of Castile-Leon, in which he states that "The abbot of Cluny will imitate us in what we do, for we walk by the same way, by the same mind, and by the same spirit".71 Similar in tone are Pope Gregory's words to Hugh that "you have given us longstanding proof of being of one mind with us concerning the honor of the Holy Roman church, and of having kept your freedom of action for the performance of a righteousness which, since love has grown cold, has now all but departed from the earth".72 Especially explicit are Gregory's words during the Lent council of 1080, where he clearly emphasizes Cluny's close relation with Rome: "They [Cluny] have always exhibited the liberty and dignity of this Holy See of Rome, upon which they were founded from the beginning; and from generation to generation, they have nobly upheld its authority. For they have never bent their necks before any strange and earthly power, but they have remained under the exclusive obedience and defense of Saint Peter and of this church".73 These statements indicate that the connection be­ tween Rome and Cluny in the time of Saint Hugh was based upon similar conceptions of the desired relations between the Church and the secular powers, and that for Pope Gregory and for many in the reform circles, Cluny under Saint Hugh embodied the goals of the reform, even though occasional disagreements did indeed occur.74 The support of Saint Hugh and of Cluny in the reformed papacy remained firm also under Pope Urban II, who continued Gregory's struggle and reached considerable achievements in the face of both Emperor Henry and his anti-pope Clement III.75 Several sources bear specific witness to the warm relations obtaining between Urban and Hugh. First, immediately following his election Urban wrote to Hugh, using warm personal phrasing that also appears in other correspondence between the two.76 Second, in one of his letters Hugh mentions that many who wished to see the Pope but

71 Casper, Das Register Gregors VII, 8. 3. In translation I have followed H. E. J. Cowdrey, "St. Hugh and Gregory VII," in: Le Gouvernement d'Hugues de Semur à Cluny, Actes du colloque scientifique international, Cluny, Septembre 1988, Cluny, 1990, p. 183 (reprinted in: idem, The Crusades and Latin Monasticism, 11th-12th Centuries, Variorum Collected Studies, Aldershot, 1999). 72 Casper, Das Register Gregors VII, 8. 2; Cowdrey, "St. Hugh and Gregory VII," p. 183. 73 P. Simon (ed.), Bullarium sacri ordonis Cluniacensis, Lyon, 1680, pp. 21-22; Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform, pp. xx, 272-273. 74 For some of these disagreements see: Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform, pp. 143-146; Hunt, Cluny under Saint-Hugh, pp. 143-144. 75 For some of Urban's achievements in this regard see: I. S. Robinson, The Papacy 1073­ 1198 - Continuity and Innovation, Cambridge, 1990, pp. 414-418; Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform, pp. 174-175; G. Schwaiger, "Urban II," in: Ph. Levillain (ed.), The Papacy - an Encyclopedia, 3, New York and London, 2002, p. 1552. 76 R. Somerville, Pope Urban II, The Collectio Britannica, and the Council o f Melfi, Oxford, 1996, I, pp. 41-42, XXII, pp. 84-85, XXXI, pp. 115-116. 28 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 could not reach Rome came to the Abbot of Cluny instead - a testimony to the ideo­ logical and spiritual connections between Rome and Cluny at the time.77 It is thus clear that in wide circles Saint Hugh was considered a firm supporter of the reformed papacy in its struggle against the ambitions of the Emperor and his anti­ pope. I believe therefore that the choice to depict the legend of Seleucia on the lintel at Semur was meant to glorify Saint Hugh as a sort of a 'modern-day Hilary', and to exalt his struggle against the contemporary heretics - the Emperor and his supporters - as a continuation of the blessed endeavor of Saint Hilary in his relentless fight against the heresy of his own time. The unique emphases given to the depiction of the legend at Semur strengthens this interpretation. The pronounced connection between the heretic Pope and Emperor, so central on the lintel, mark both of them as leaders of the heresy. This connection complements Saint Hugh's struggle against the Emperor and his appointed anti-pope. The fact that of all known representations, only in Semur is a prominent place given to the Emperor, helps place the depiction within the con­ text of the struggle between regnum and sacerdotium. The considerable importance given to the road itself, that is, to the long and dangerous journey undertaken by Saint Hilary, serves in my opinion to stress Saint Hugh's tireless efforts and dangerous voy­ ages in service of the Church's cause; while the emphasis on the miracle being the re­ sult of God's intervention in favor of those steadfast in their belief, and on Saint Hilary being God's envoy in the fight against the heretics, was meant to characterize Saint Hugh in the same way. It might even be suggested that the portrayal of Saint Hilary holding his gown, which is thrown over his shoulder in a noble-like manner, may allude to the elevated status and dignity of Saint Hugh and to his noble origin, especially as it is found in the castle-church of his dynasty.

Saint Hilary and the Polemics o f the Investiture Context

The investiture contest brought with it an unparalleled surge in polemical writings,78 characterized by a venomous and violent tone, and using the Scriptures, the Fathers of the Church, canon law, and interpretations of events from both recent and remote history, as arguments to prove the claims of both sides.79 Within these polemical writings the accusation of heresy was directed at both sides from a very early stage. From the Imperial side, the Pope and his supporters were labeled heretics for turning against the divinely ordained rights of the regnum, while opponents of the papacy were accused of supporting simony.80 In fact, Pope Gregory VII and his circle per­

77 Hugo abbas Cluniacensis, Epistolae, IV, Ad Urbanum II Papam, in: J. P. Migne, Patrolo- giae cursus completus, series Latina, 159, Paris, 1854, col. 929; Hunt, Cluny under Saint- Hugh, p. 146. 78 K. J. Leyser, "The Polemics of the Papal Revolution," pp. 42-43. 79 Ibid., p. 47. 80 Ibid. Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 29 ceived any disobedience to Rome and to the Pope as heresy.81 Thus, in a letter dated May 1080 to the Bishop of Constance, Gregory states that "it is undisputed that he who does not agree with the Roman church is a heretic"82, while Peter Damian writes in regard of the Milanese church that "he who tries to withdraw the privilege which was conferred on the Roman church by the supreme head of all churches undoubtedly falls into heresy".83 In addition to the general condemnation of whoever does not obey Rome, Emperor Henry IV was specifically condemned in similar terms. Bernold of Saint-Blasien wrote for example that Emperor Henry "did not cease to defile holy Church by simonical heresy, namely by investing bishoprics and abbacies in return for payment".84 The councils summoned by Henry were likewise condemned. The Easter council held at Mainz in 1085 was thus labeled "concilium malignantium” and "synagoga Satanae ” 85 Not only Emperor Henry but also his appointed anti-pope Clement III (Guibert of Ravenna) was condemned as a heretic. For example, when after the council at Brixen in June 1080 Gregory unleashed a fierce polemical assault against his adversary, he condemned him as an antichrist and a heresiarch.86 It is therefore important to note that all major components of the Saint-Hilaire lintel - malefactor Pope, his accom­ plice Emperor and even the council itself - appear in the anti-Imperial polemics of the investiture contest while being condemned as heresy. Turning now to examine the models and relation to the past which characterized the anti-heretic polemics of the 11th and 12th centuries, it is important to note that they often regarded contemporary heresies as a continuation of the ancient great heresies of the past, and as belonging to a long and continuous 'chain' of heresy which had threatened the Church from generation to generation.87 According to this line of

81 D. Iogna-Prat, "L'argumentation défensive: de la polémique grégorienne au 'contra petro- brusianos' de Pierre le Vénérable," in: M. Zerner (ed.), Inventer l'hérésie? discours polémiques et pouvoirs avant l'inquisition, Nice, 1998, p. 99. See also idem, Ordonner et exclure - Cluny et la société chrétienne face à l'hérésie, au Judaïsme et à l'Islam 1000­ 1150, Paris, 1998, p. 136; Robinson, Authority and Resistance, pp. 20-22. 82 Casper, Das Register Gregors VII, 7. 24; the translation is after Robinson, Authority and Resistance, p. 23. 83 Petrus Damianus, Opuscula, V, Actus mediolani de privilegio Romanae Ecclesiae, Ad Hil- debrandum cardinalem archidiaconum, in: J. P. Migne, Patrologiae cursus completus, se­ ries Latina, 145, Paris, 1853, col. 91; translated after Robinson, Authority and Resistance, p. 27. 84 Bernoldus monachus S. Blasii, Chronicon, in: G. H. Pertz (ed.), Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 5, Hanover, 1844, p. 431; Robinson, Authority and Resistance, p. 89. 85 Liber canonum contra Heinricum quartum, F. Thaner (ed.), in: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Libelli de lite, I, Hanover, 1891, p. 503; Robinson, Authority and Resistance, p. 91. 86 Casper, Das Register Gregors VII, 8. 5; Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII1073-1085, p. 204. 87 D. Iogna-Prat, "L'argumentation défensive," pp. 94-95. For a modern examination of the rise of heresy as part of the changing mentalities of the high Middle Ages see: P. Dinzel- bacher, "Die Achsenzeit des Hohen Mittelalters und die Ketzergeschichte", in: idem, Kôr- 30 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 thought, all heretic sects, seemingly separate and unrelated, are in fact offshoots of one enemy of the Church. Thus, looking back on the long history of the Church's struggle against heresy, the church leaders tried to make use of the ancient heresies and of their condemnation in order to characterize contemporary sects as heretical.88 Peter the Venerable, for example, mentions the ancient heresies which are the "prede­ cessors" of Peter of Bruis and Henry of Lausanne, and names among others Monta­ nus, Sabellius and Mani.89 He later calls Peter and Henry the "new restorers of an an­ cient error" .90 This line of thought is also expressed in the fact that from the middle of the 11th century and until the first quarter of the 13 th century we know of 14 cases in which contemporary sects were labeled as Arian and dubbed "Arriana haeresis ". An examination of these different cases has shown that the specific content of their doc­ trines had nothing to do with Arianism, but that they were so labeled as a general name for heretics threatening the peace of the church. The 4th-century Arius thus be­ came in the polemics of the 11th and 12th centuries an archetypical heretic whose con­ stant threat to the Church is revealed in each generation by different manifestations.91 This point is of special significance for my interpretation, because the identification of 11th-and 12th-century sects with Arianism strengthens the possibility that just as it was done textually, so too does the visual reference to an Arian council on the lintel actu­ ally refer to and 'mark' contemporary heretics. In fact, an examination of depictions of heretics in Romanesque art reveals the same tendencies, and includes for example the image of Saint John the Evangelist trampling upon the defeated Arius.92

per und Frömmigkeit in der mittelalterlichen Mentalitätsgeschichte, Paderborn, 2007, pp. 197-224. 88 L. Bosworth, "A Thirteenth-Century Genealogy of Heresy," Studies in Church History, 33 (1997), pp. 135-136. 89 Petrus Venerabilis, Contra Petrobrusianos hereticos, 25, I. 7-12, in: J. Fearns (ed.), Corpus Christianorum, ContinuatioMediaevalis, 10, Turnhout, 1968, p. 23. 90 Ibid., 98, 1. 18-21, p. 59; Iogna-Prat, "L'argumentation défensive," pp. 94-95. 91 R. Manselli, "Una designazione dell'eresia catara: 'Arriana heresis'," Bolletino dell'istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo e archivio muratoriano, 68 (1956), 233-246; Y. M.-J., Congar, " 'Arriana haeresis' comme désignation du néomanichéisme au XIIe siècle," Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques, 43 (1959), p. 456. 92 W. Cahn, "Heresy and the Interpretation of Romanesque Art," in: N. Stratford (ed.), Ro­ manesque and Gothic: Essays for George Zarnecki, Woodbridge, New Haven, 1987, p. 33. See also: Idem, "A defense of the Trinity in the Citeaux Bible," Marsyas, 2 (1962-64), pp. 58-62; A. Trivellone, L ’hérésie médiévale et les images: l ’iconographie de l ’hérétique en Occident (fin Xe siècle-1230), thèse de doctorat de IIIe cycle, Centre d'étude supérieures et de civilisation médiévale, Université de Poitiers, 2005. There is a vast body of literature on the way in which the Church's struggle against heresy is reflected in monumental stone sculpture. Much attention has been accorded to the appearance in sculpted Romanesque cy­ cles of specific scenes from the Scriptures that were meant to refute heretical theology. The sculpted façade of Saint-Gilles-du-Gard has received much attention due to the emphasis given there to subjects like the Last Supper and the Crucifixion which, according to some scholars, were included in order to monumentally represent the position of the Church in regard to these subjects in the face of heretical attacks. See among others: M. Colish, "Peter Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 31

Not only contemporary heretics were conceived in terms of their early Christian 'predecessors', but also the churchmen who fought them. Bernold of Saint-Blasien for example, related to Peter Damian as "another Jerome in our times", referring appar­ ently to the fierce struggle and polemical treatise which Jerome wrote against Jovinian and Vigilantius.93 Saint Hilary in particular was considered throughout the Middle Ages as a para­ digmatic champion of the struggle against heresy,94 and was indeed used as a model for later opponents of heresy. Sulpitius Severus, for example, is clear and explicit in writing that "this fact is admitted by all, that our regions of Gaul were set free from the guilt of heresy through the kind efforts of Hilarius alone."95 Gregory of Tours, in his History of the Franks, includes several references which depict Saint Hilary as a defender of the faith and as a model for those doing so after his death. The most nota­ ble of these references is the story of Clovis' campaign against the Arians of Gaul. After Clovis had become frustrated with the Arian presence in Gaul he determined to lead an expedition against them. While his army was camped near Poitiers, a pillar of fire rose from the church of Saint-Hilaire. The pillar seemed to move towards Clovis as a sign that "with the support of the blessed Saint he might the more easily over­ come the heretic host, against which Hilary himself had so often done battle for the faith". 96 This description is especially important for us because it creates a concep­ tual-chronological axis which exactly parallels the one that stands at the heart of my interpretation of the lintel at Semur. For Gregory, the relentless activity of Saint Hilary against the heretics in his lifetime was the basis for his help to Clovis in the latter's struggle against the heretics of his own day. Thus, for Gregory, Hilary was a

of Bruys, Henry of Lausanne, and the Façade of Saint-Gilles," Traditio, 28 (1972), pp. 451­ 460; A. Katzenellenbogen, The Sculptural Programs o f Chartres Cathedral: Christ, Mary, Ecclesia, Baltimore, 1959; V. P. Goss, "Art and Politics in the High Middle Ages: Heresy, Investiture Contest, Crusade," in: X. Barral I Altet (ed.), Artistes, artisans et production ar­ tistique au Moyen Age, Colloque international du CNRS, Université de Rennes II, 2-6 may 1983, Paris, 1990, III, pp. 525-545; G. Fishhof, "Reconsidering the Sculptural Program of Saint-Gilles-du-Gard: The Role and Meaning of its Bases and Socles", in: Christine Verzar, Gil Fishhof (eds.), Pictorial Languages and their Meanings - Liber Amicorum in Honor of Nurith Kenaan-Kedar, The Yolanda and David Katz Faculty o f the Arts, Tel Aviv Univer­ sity, 2006, pp. 93-118. 93 Bernoldus monachus S. Blasii, De excommunicates vitandis, in: onumenta Germaniae Historica, Libelli de lite, II, Hanover, 1892, p. 119; I. S. Robinson, "The 'Colores Rhetorici' in the Investiture Contest," Traditio, 32 (1976), p. 227. 94 For the perception of Hilary in the High Middle Ages see: K. Madigan, "On the High- Medieval Reception of Hilary of Poitier's Anti-'Arian' Opinion: A Case Study of Disconti­ nuity in Christian Thought," Journal of Religion, 78/2 (1998), pp. 213-229. 95 Sulpitius Severus, "Sacred History, " II. 45, in: Ph. Schaff, H. Wace (eds.), Nicene andPost- Nicene Fathers, 2nd ser., 11, Mass., 1995 (1894), p. 119. 96 Gregory of Tours, The History o f the Franks, II. 37, L. Thorpe (trans.), Penguin Classics, 1974, p. 152. 32 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 sort of archetypical saint who assists all those who fight heresy in the different peri­ ods. Venantius Fortunatus described the same episode in words more specific than Gregory. He explains why Saint Hilary enlisted to assist Clovis and describes the saint as one who never ceased his fight against heretics, even after his death: " [Hilary] did not cease to struggle against the forces of heretics in spirit just as in the past in the flesh; he believed that [the emperor] Constantius was returning again as the Arian [king] Alaric to oppose him. Because he still possessed his rich compassion even though [now] reposing in heaven, how strong is his eagerness always on behalf of Catholic Christianity! In the past he spoke words of faith at a council in order to dis­ pute the enemy; now he has presented the weapons of victory on a battlefield".97 Fortunatus' explanation makes use of several ideas which are significant in our con­ text. First, he connects Constantius with his modern-day Arian adversary (Alaric) to the point that the latter is described as another incarnation of Constantius. Second, the victory on the battlefield is presented as a continuation of a specific action by Hilary in his life time - that against the heretics in the council. Thus, in Fortunatus we find the two basic foundations of my interpretation of the lintel - the modern ruler who is conceived of as an image of Constantius, and Hilary's victory at Seleucia as a model which is continued in additional victories against heresy. In later periods of the Middle Ages as well, Saint Hilary continued to be used as a model for those fighting heresy. A central example is provided by Peter the Vener­ able98 in his Liber contra sectam sive haeresim Saracenorum, in which he specifically describes his own work against Islam as the continuation of the labors of the Fathers of the Church against heresy. Thus in the prologus he states that "The reason for my writing these things was precisely the reason which the many great Fathers had. They could not suffer any or the slightest rejection of the Christian faith, nor did they toler­ ate the insane raving of all manner of heretics against sound doctrine".99 Further on Peter illustrates his statement by enumerating many of the early heresies and the Church Fathers who opposed them, while sharpening the connection between his own endeavors and that of the early Fathers: "It is the same for me. Nor must I, though by far inferior and unequal to them, be less zealous for the Church of God, the Spouse of Christ, than they".100 It is significant in our context that among the Fathers that fought heresy Peter mentions Saint Hilary, who for him is thus a venerated model for the fight against heresy.

97 Fortunatus, The Miracles o f St. Hilary, 23, in: R. Van Dam, Saints and their Miracles in Late Antique Gaul, Princeton, 1993, p. 159. 98 For Peter the Venerable's polemical treaties and their dates see: Y. Friedman, "When were Peter the Venerable's Polemical Works Written?," in: P. Artzi (ed.), Bar-Ilan Studies in History I I - Confrontation and Coexistence, Ramat-Gan, 1984, pp. 123-137. 99 Peterus Venerabilis, Liber contra sectam sive haeresim Saracenorum, prologus, in: J. Kritzeck, Peter Venerable and Islam, Princeton, 1964, p. 220. I have followed Kritzeck's translation as given on p. 37. 100 Ibid., pp. 224-225, translation on p. 39. Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 33

These sources, which have not been used in this context before, show therefore that the depiction of Saint Hilary in the council would indeed have been readily un­ derstandable for its viewers as a natural and age-old model for references to later heresies, and to later champions against heresy. Even more conclusive, however, is the fact that Saint Hilary was explicitly used in this manner as part of the polemics of the investiture contest: that is, in the specific context of my interpretation of the lintel. The clearest example appears in the writings of Placidus of Nonantola, a keen supporter of the papal party. In his Liber de honore Ecclesiae he names the saints who did not fear to relinquish their earthly life for the sake of divine truth. Among those he mentions are Hilary of Poitiers, Paulinus of Trier and Eusebius of Vercelli.101 Later on Placidus makes it clear that the modern-day Popes, Gregory VII and Urban II, follow the example of these men, when he writes that: "Even in modern times the Pope Gregory VII, of venerated memory, in fighting for the honor of the sacred Church, suffered multifold and varied tempests, but could not be diverted from the truth, for he was founded on a firm rock. His successor Urban II, in following his ex­ ample, did not renounce himself from sustaining many perils for the spouse of the Lord."102 Thus, for Placidus of Nonantola, Saint Hilary served as a direct model for the actions of the leaders of the investiture contest. The monk Gregory of Catina also exploited the image of Saint Hilary, this time in order to justify the conceptions of the Imperial party. One of the issues which re­ ceived heightened importance as part of the investiture contest was that of whether Imperial status is sanctioned by divine right, so that even if an emperor has sinned no man has the right to depose him.103As a firm supporter of the Imperial party, Gregory of Catina offers a long list of kings who, even though they had sinned, were not de­ posed. He begins his argument with biblical kings, among them of course David, and continues with kings from the early days of the Church. He then mentions Saint Hilary, who was persecuted by Emperor Constantius and exiled.104 The fact that

101 Placidus Nonantulani, Liber de honore Ecclesiae, L. de Heinemann, E. Sackur (eds.), in: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Libelli de lite, II, Hanover, 1892, pp. 637-638: "Igitur postquam tanta observandae veritatis praecepta praemisimus, nunc breviter sanctorum exempla, qui pro veritate non timuerunt praesentem vitam perdere proferamus, et sic Deo auxiliante praesentem libellum de honore sanctae matris aecclesiae ad finem duca- mus... .Sunt et alii sacratissimi confessors, quibus non dictum est, ut idola adorarent, sed ut dogmata sacra mutarent, sicuti beatus extitit Athanasius Alexandrinae aecclesiae prae- sul, Hilarius etiam Pictaviensis et Paulinus Treverensis, Eusebius insuper Vercellensis, qui contra Arrium dimicantes pro veritate Christi pati non dubitaverunt". 102 Ibid.: "Moderno etiam tempore venerandae memoriae Gregorius VII. Papa pro honore sanctae aecclesiae dimicans multas et varias tempestates sustinuit, sed flecti non potuit, quia fundatus erat supra firmam petram. Urbanus etiam eius successor II. Illius sequens exemplum, pro Domini sponsa multa pericula sustinere non renuit". 103 For these issues see: I. S. Robinson, "Gregory VII and the Soldiers of Christ," History, 58 (1973), pp. 169-192; idem, Authority and Resistance. 104 Gregorius Catinensis, Orthodoxa Defensio Imperialis, 8, L. de Heinemann (ed.), in: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Libelli de lite, II, Hanover, 1892, pp. 540-541. 34 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010

Hilary is mentioned here in support of the claims of the Imperial party does not con­ tradict my arguments, for it is the very use of his image that proves that he was a part of the regular and conventional polemical models of the investiture contest, no matter which side chose to use that image. This tendency to describe contemporary churchmen as the continuators or even new 'manifestations' of the glorious champions of Orthodoxy supports the possibility that, on the lintel at Semur, Saint Hilary may indeed relate to Saint Hugh of Semur and to his activity in defense of the church. It is important to note that this tendency to refer to the events of the investiture contest via models from the early days of the Church is characteristic of the visual arts as well,105 such as reflected in the frescoes of Santa-Maria in Cosmedin,106 La Trinité de Vendôme,107 Sant'Angelo in Formis,108 or the sculptural cycles of the cathedral at Angoulême109 and the monastery of Saint- Silvestro in Nonantola.110

105 On the Art of the Gregorian reform in general see: Goss, "Art and Politics in the High Middle Ages," pp. 525-545; E. Kitzinger, "The Gregorian Reform and the Visual Arts: A Problem of Method," Transactions o f the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, 22 (1972), pp. 87-102; M. Stroll, Symbols as Power - The Papacy Following the Investiture Contest, Leiden, New York, 1991. On the subject of Renaissance and reflection of the past as part of 12th-century art see: E. Kitzinger, "The Arts as Aspects of a Renaissance: Rome and It­ aly," in: R. L. Benson and G. Constable (eds.), Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, Cambridge, Mass., 1982, pp. 637-670; W. Sauerländer, "Architecture and the Figurative Arts: The North," in: R. L. Benson, G. Constable (eds.), Renaissance and Re­ newal in the Twelfth Century, Cambridge, Mass., 1982, pp. 671-710; H. Toubert, "Le re­ nouveau paléochrétien à Rome au début du XIIe siècle," Cahiers archéologiques, 20 (1970), pp. 99-154; D. Glass, "Papal Patronage in the Early Twelfth Century: Notes on the Iconography of Cosmatesque Pavements," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld In­ stitutes, 32 (1969), pp. 386-390. On medieval art and religious reform in general see also: W. Weisbach, Religiöse Reform und mittelalterliche Kunst, Einsiedeln and Zürich, 1945 (on Burgundy see pp. 132-156). 106 A. Derbes, "Crusading Ideology and the Frescoes of S. Maria in Cosmedin," The Art Bulletin, 77/3 (Sept. 1995), pp. 460-478; Stroll, Symbols as Power, pp. 1-15; I. Short, "La pape Calixte II, Charlemagne et le fresques de Santa Maria in Cosmedin," Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 13 (1970), pp. 229-238. 107 J. Taralon, "Les fresques romanes de Vendôme, I. Etude stylistique et technique," Revue de l'art, 53 (1981), pp. 9-22; H. Toubert, "Les Fresques de La Trinité de Vendôme, un témoignage sur l'art de a réforme grégorienne," Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 26 (1983), pp. 297-326; idem, "Dogme et pouvoir dans l'iconographie grégorienne. Les peintures de La Trinité de Vendôme," in: idem, Un art dirigé - réforme grégorienne et iconographie, Paris, 1990, pp. 365-381. 108 H. Toubert, "Le cycle de l'Ancien Testament à Sant'Angelo in Formis - III. Allégorie ty­ pologique et allégorie politique," in: idem, Un art dirigé - réforme grégorienne et iconographie, Paris, 1990, pp. 155-192. 109 A. Tcherikover, "Concerning Angoulême, Riders and the Art of the Gregorian Reform," Art History, 13/4 (1990), pp. 425-457. 110 A. Tcherikover, "Reflections of the investiture Controversy at Nonantola and Modena," Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 60 (1997), pp. 150-165. Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 35

These visual examples have an additional direct bearing on my suggested inter­ pretation of the Semur lintel. In all of these cases, the iconographical program, while manifesting general Gregorian ideas, carries specific local messages as well, usually meant to enhance the prestige of the patrons, manifest local traditions of identity, or raise traditional claims to liberty and rights. As in Semur, these images thus reflect the specific concerns of their patrons. The fresco cycle of La Trinité de Vendôme can serve as an example. The cycle, only partially preserved, includes five scenes depict­ ing Christ's appearances to his disciples after his resurrection. The choice of scenes reveals an emphasis on Saint Peter's supremacy, among others through his depiction seated on a throne at the side of Christ. During the years 1093-1132 the monastery of La Trinité was headed by Geoffroi, one of the hardline supporters of the Papacy in the struggle against Imperial claims. In this context the monumental visual expression of Saint Peter's supremacy was also a declaration of support for Papal superiority. In ad­ dition however, these images served Geoffroi's goals in the complex relationship of the monastery with the Bishop of Chartres. From the earliest stages of its existence the monastery of La Trinité had received ample papal privileges exempting it from the Bishop's authority and subjecting it directly to Rome. In Geoffroi's time controversy again broke out in regard to these privileges, and the abbot turned to Pope Urban II, who ruled in his favor. Thus, Saint Peter's eminence in the Vendôme fresco cycle prominently manifested the monastery’s subjection to one authority alone, that of Saint Peter's successor on the papal throne in Rome. Similarly to the lintel at Semur, such manifestation integrates between a universal Christian meaning and the specific local aims of the patron.111

Saint Hugh and the Dynastic Identity o f the Lords o f Semur

Returning now to the Lords of Semur, I believe that their decision to refer to the deeds of Saint Hugh via the legend of Saint Hilary was neither coincidental nor taken lightly, but reflects their strong intention to place Saint Hugh at the center of their dy­ nastic image; and through an emphasis on his great deeds to publicly and monumen­ tally stress the glorious virtues of his (and their) dynasty, and thus enhance their status and prestige. As will be shown later, the status and position of Saint Hugh were in­ deed crucial and highly beneficial for the Lords of Semur, and thus their emphasis on his glorious image was rooted in sound reality. Belonging to a glorious dynasty is accepted by many scholars as a central compo­ nent of nobility in the Middle Ages.112 Examples of contemporary references to glori­

111 Toubert, "Dogme et pouvoir dans l'iconographie grégorienne," pp. 395-396. 112 Bouchard, 'Strong o f Body, Brave and Noble', p. 3; L. Génicot, "Recent research on the Medieval Nobility" in: T. Reuter (ed.), The Medieval Nobility - Studies on the Ruling Classes o f France and Germany from the Sixth to the Twelfth Century, Amsterdam, New York and Oxfrod, 1978, pp . 23-24. Literature on medieval nobility is vast. For a com- 36 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 ous dynasties in this context are numerous. As part of the description of the Lords of Amboise for example, Lisoi de Bazougers is thus characterized: "He was...a most il­ lustrious man, of the most renowned lineage, outstanding in character, tireless in combat. For physical strength, fierceness of mind, and preeminence in virtue he was deemed distinguished even in distant lands, his reputation spreading far and wide".113 As part of this conception, genealogical literature, which was primarily meant to establish the succession of title and land from generation to generation, and to legiti­ mate the dynasty's rights over these, began to be characterized by an additional com­ ponent, especially after 1100. Gradually, increasing emphasis was given to the cele­ brated acts of the dynasty's ancestors, and to their legacy of honor and virtue as con­ tinued by the current patron.114 Thus, the emphasis on the glorious acts of the ances­ tors was meant to highlight the dynasty's virtues which, like land and title, passed from generation to generation. The memory of ancestral deeds was therefore highly important, becoming a source and a point of reference of noble identity, and helping to define the dynasty's superiority and privilege.115 The desire to illustrate the heroic glorious past of the dynasty led to the invention of legendary ancestors, which were sometimes situated in a mythical and undefined or fabulous ancient past116 and sometimes in a historical past, which although inaccurate,

parative discussion of Historiography see: T. N. Bisson, "Nobility and Family in Medie­ val France: A Review Essay," French Historical Studies, 16/3 (spring 1990), pp. 597­ 613. 113 Gesta Ambaziensium dominorum, in: L. Halphen, R. Poupardin, Chroniques des comtes d'Anjou et des seigneurs d'Amboise, Collection de textes pour servir à l'étude et à l'ensei­ gnement de l'histoire, 48, Paris, 1913, p. 77: "Erat...vir illustrissimus, genere clarissimus, moribus conspicuous, armis strenuous; cujus corporis vigor animique ferocitas et virtutis prestantia etiam in remotis regionibus, fama predicante, insignis habebatur"; C. S. Jaeger, The Origins o f Courtliness - Civilizing Trends and the Formation o f Courtly Ideals 939­ 1210, Philadelphia, p. 202 (my italics). 114 G. Duby, "French Genealogical Literature- the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," in: idem, The Chivalrous Society (trans. C. Postan), Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977, pp. 152, 156. 115 E. Bournazel, "Mémoire et parenté," in: R. Delort, I.-P. Dominique (eds.), La France de l'an mil, Paris, 1990, p. 115; R. H. Bloch, "Genealogy as a Medieval Mental Structure and Textual Form," in: La litterature historiographique des origines à 1500 (Grundriss der romanischen Literaturen des Mittelalters, 11/1, part 3), Heidelberg, 1987, pp. 135­ 156, esp. pp. 144ff; G. M. Spiegel, "Political Utility in Medieval Historiography: A Sketch," History and Theory, 14/3 (1975), pp. 314-325; idem, "Genealogy: Form and Function in Medieval Historical Narrative," History and Theory, 22/1 (1983), pp. 43-53. for a recent comprehensive discussion of the importance of genealogy in the 12th century see Ch. Klapisch-Zuber, L'ombre des ancêtres: Essai sur l'imaginaire médiévale de la parenté, Paris, 2000. 116 See for example the relation between the Lusignan dynasty and the legendary Mélusin, a woman-serpent which brought abundance and wealth: J. Le Goff, "Mélusine maternelle et défricheuse," in: idem. Un autre Moyen Age, Paris, 1999, pp. 295-316 (first published in: Annales: économies - sociétés - civilisations, 26 (1971), pp. 587-603). Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 37 and many times pseudo-historical, would be set in a period less distant and vague.117 Most important in our context is the fact that, in addition to these more or less remote ancestors, the endeavor to construct a noble identity and increase the dynasty's pres­ tige was also achieved by emphasizing dynastical relations to contemporary individu­ als who had only recently reached powerful and prestigious positions or excelled in their deeds and accomplishments.118 A notable example is provided by the Annales Cameracenses, written between 1152-1170.119 The author, Lambert of Wattrelos, a canon at Saint-Aubert, Cambrai, provided the readers with a genealogy and an exten­ sive description of his dynasty, while focusing on those members who had reached high positions in the ecclesiastical or secular hierarchies. The most recent of those mentioned by Lambert had lived only a few years prior to the writing of the annals.120 Another example is of particular relevance to the evocation of Saint Hugh by the Lords of Semur, since it concerns a castellan dynasty that in a parallel manner glori­ fies the deeds of one of its members who had reached an important ecclesiastical of­ fice. Joscelin II, The castellan Lord of Parthenay, became Archbishop of Bordeaux in 1059, and proved his merits in his struggle against the heresy of Berengar of Tours. His successors as Lords of Parthenay commemorated their glorious relative by adapting the surname "Larchevêque", thus turning Joscelin and his illustrious struggle against heresy into a central tenant of their dynastic pride and identity. In fact, on a seal of William III Lord of Parthenay (1170s) is depicted a man battling a lion and wearing a miter, thus expressing the current lord's relation to the celebrated Castellan- Archbishop. This image was also reflected in the monumental sculpted façade of the church of Notre-Dame-de-la-Couldre, situated in close proximity to the fortress of the

117 Among the many examples are those attesting to the desire of noble dynasties to associate themselves with the great senatorial families of Roman Gaul. Thus, the Lords of Déols claimed to be descended from the senator Leocadius who was celebrated as among those who brought Christianity to the region of Berry. The Lastours dynasty in the 11th century included among its celebrated ancestors the 5th-century Bishop Ferréol of Limoges and 7th-century senator Lantarius. See: Bournazel, "Mémoire et parenté," pp. 115-118. 118 In his study of the nobility between the years 1050-1150, which he calls "the age of am­ bition", T. S. Bisson stresses that such deeds as the defense of churches against pagan at­ tacks were an important element in the construction of noble identity, and could even substitute for being born into a celebrated lineage. See: T. S. Bisson, "Princely Nobility in an Age of Ambition (c. 1050-1150)," in: A. J. Duggan (ed.), Nobles and Nobility in Me­ dieval Europe - Concepts, Origins, Transformations, Woodbridge, 2000, pp. 103, 104. 119 Lamberto Waterlos, Annales Cameracenses, in: G. H. Pertz (ed.), Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 16, Hanover, 1859, pp. 509-554; F. Vercauteren, "A Kindred in Northern France in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," in: T. Reuter (ed. and trans.), The Medieval Nobility - Studies on the Ruling Classes o f France and Germany from the Sixth to the Twelfth Centuries, Amsterdam, New York, Oxford, 1979, p. 87. 120 Among others are mentioned the relatives of one of his grandmothers, including Lambert, Abbot of Saint-Bertin, from 1095-1125, Gisla, Abbes of Bourbourg ca.1100-1130, and another Lambert, Abbot of Lobbes from 1137-1149. In fact, the author stresses his mater­ nal line because it is through the distaff side that his dynasty gained its most important connections. See: Vercauteren, "A Kindred in Northern France," pp. 94-96. 38 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010

Lords of Parthenay and interpreted by Robert Maxwell as reflecting the dynastic identity of these Lords. As in Semur therefore, in Parthenay too the fact that a mem­ ber of the dynasty had reached an elevated ecclesiastical status, and moreover, won fame for himself as a champion of Orthodoxy against the dangers of heresy, served as a focal point in the complex process of constructing (and manifesting) a dynastic identity.121 These attempts by noble dynasties to stress and increase their status were not car­ ried out in a vacuum. European nobility was not a closed or completely stable social stratum and such occurrences as the disappearance of dynasties due to the lack of de­ scendants or loss of possessions were not rare.122 Against this background the empha­ sis on glorious ancestors and the deeds of relatives was highly important. For castel­ lan dynasties, such as the Lords of Semur, whose status was not ancient, this effort had special significance. Thus, the decision of the Lords of Semur to glorify Saint Hugh on the lintel of their church coheres with the dynasty's most fundamental goals, among them the attempt to establish its legitimacy in the Brionnais and to raise its status in comparison to other local dynasties in southern Burgundy.

Saint Hugh’s Influence on the Status o f the Lords o f Semur

The importance of Saint Hugh's status and prestige for his dynasty, which lies at the root of my suggested interpretation, is also supported by a detailed chronological ex­ amination of the marital ties of members of the Semur dynasty both before, during and after Saint Hugh's long abbacy, as well as by an examination of the ecclesiastical positions attained by them throughout this period. Two central patterns characterize the marital strategies of the Lords of Semur. The first of these is that of marriages with local castellan dynasties, intended to increase the Lords of Semur's landed property within the Brionnais or larger southern Bur­ gundy. The second pattern is characterized by marriages meant to tie the Lords of Semur to higher and more prestigious and powerful dynasties, both within Burgundy and beyond.123 Examination of this second type of marriage, which is more revealing in regard to the dynasty's status, shows that whereas before Saint Hugh's rise to power they were mostly limited to other dynasties within Burgundy - sometimes to the dy­ nasty of the Counts of Chalon124 - during Saint Hugh's abbacy a daughter of Semur,

121 For the Lords of Parthenay's use of the memory of Joscelin II see: Maxwell, The Art o f Medieval Urbanism: Parthenay in Romanesque Aquitaine, pp. 42-3, 187. 122 Genicot, "Recent research on the Medieval Nobility," pp. 18-22. 123 For the Lords of Semur's double pattern of marriages see: Chizelle, Le Brionnais, pp. 43­ 68. 124 The first possibility of a marriage involving the Counts of Chalon and a member of the Semur dynasty is that of Adelaide, widow of Count Lambert of Chalon, with a certain Geoffrey, who is identified by some scholars as Geoffrey-Joceran of Semur. For the heated argument on the issue see: Bouchard, "Genealogy and Politics: The Counts of Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 39

Constance, married King Alphonso VI of Castile-León. And indeed, certain scholars have claimed that the choice of Constance derives from the close relationship of the kingdom of Castile-León with Cluny, and the desire of King Alphonso to tighten the relationship with the powerful order by marrying a cousin of Abbot Hugh.125 After the 'peak' during the time of Saint Hugh of Semur the marriages secured by the Lords of Semur appear to have returned to their 'pre-Hugh' status. Thus, after 1109 we find that the Lords' marriages were mostly within Burgundy, for example to Matilda, heir to Luzy126 or to Radegonde of Bourbon-Lancy.127 From all this emerges a picture which shows that during Saint Hugh's abbacy, and as a result of his status at the head of the Cluniac order, his dynasty reached its highest importance and an influence on a pan-European level which was never regained after his death.128 It is of course im­ portant to note that there were some exceptions to the rule, such as the marriage of Helias, daughter of Dalmas I "the great" of Semur and his wife Aremburg, to the Duke of Burgundy Robert I, which predated Hugh's rise to power.129 And indeed, Jean Richard perceived these marriages as exceptional within the marriage strategy of the Dukes of Burgundy, who usually married members of dynasties of similar status to their own, far beyond Burgundy. The marriage to a daughter of the much humbler

Autun and Countess Adelaide of Chalon," pp. 149-154; idem, Sword, Miter and Cloister, pp. 309-10; F. Cucherat, "Semur-en-Brionnais - ses barons, ses établissements civils, ju­ diciaires et ecclésiastiques depuis l'an 860 jusqu'à nos jours," Mémoires de la société édu- enne, 15 (1887), pp. 275-276; Chizelle, "Aperçu sur le comté de Chalon-sur-Saône"; J.-L. Bazin, Les comtes héréditaires de Chalon-sur-Saône: 880-1237, Chalon-sur-Saône, 1911, p. 18. In the next generation marital ties between the Lords of Semur and the Counts of Chalon become certain, with the marriage of Mahut of Chalon, sister of Count Hugh of Chalon (987-1039), to Geoffrey I of Semur. Among their many children would be Thi- baud - future Count of Chalom. For these marriages see: Chizelle, "Aperçu sur le comté de Chalon-sur-Saône," pp. 58-66; Richard, "Les comtes de Chalon et leur sanctuaire dy­ nastique," p. 101. 125 See: C. J. Bishko, "Fernando I and the Origins of the Leonese-Castilian Alliance with Cluny," in: idem, Studies in Medieval Spanish Frontier History, Variorum reprints, Lon­ don, 1980, p.81 (First published in Spanish in: Cuadernos de Historia de España, 47-48 (1968), pp. 31-135, 49-50 (1969), pp. 50-116); Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregor­ ian Reform, pp. 225-226, 230. See also J. F. O'Callaghan, "The Integration of Christian Spain into Europe: the Role of Alfonso VI of León-Castile," in: B. F. Reilly (ed.), Santi­ ago, Saint-Denis and Saint Peter - The Reception o f the Roman Liturgy in León-Castile in 1080, New York, 1985, pp. 101-120. 126 Chizelle, Le Brionnais, pp. 53-54. 127 Ibid., pp. 54-57. 128 This phenomenon was mentioned by Noreen Hunt, but without supporting it with a de­ tailed chronological study. See: Hunt, Cluny under Saint Hugh, p. 148. 129 E. Petit, Histoire des ducs de Bourgogne de la race Capétie, I, Paris, 1885, pp. 371-372. Helias appears alongside Robert in several donation charters to different monasteries in the 1040s, such as a donation to Saint-Béninge in Dijon in 1043 and several donations to Saint-Germain-de-pres. See: G. Chevrier, M. Chaume, Chartes et documents de Saint- Béninge de Dijon, Dijon, 1943, p. 104, no. 324; Chizelle, Le Brionnais, p. 48. 40 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010

Lords of Semur is explained by Richard as resulting from the need of the new Duke to receive the support of Helias' uncle - the Count of Chalon, as well as from the vast territories of the Lords of Semur in the Brionnais and in the vicinity of Autun and Lyon.130 The situation is even more unequivocal concerning the ecclesiastical positions reached by members of the Semur dynasty. Whereas throughout the 10th and first half of the 11th century we hear of only one notable position held by a son of Semur - that of the Abbot of Savigny131 - after Saint Hugh's election to office in 1049 the situation changed dramatically and many members of the dynasty attained high eccle­ siastical positions. Notable among them are Hugh, Abbot of Saint-Germain in Aux- erre132 and later Bishop of the same city,133 Gervais, another Abbot of Saint- Germain,134 and Renaud, Abbot of Vézelay and later Archbishop of Lyon.135 In sev­ eral of these positions we can detect Saint Hugh's personal involvement in the elec­ toral process, and it is worth noting that both Saint-Germain in Auxerre and Sainte- Madeleine in Vézelay were points of friction between Cluny and the local powers, which necessitated Hugh's personal intervention.136 In these places it was logical for

130 J. Richard, "Sur les alliances familiales des ducs de Bourgogne aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles," Annales de Bourgogne, 30 (1958), pp. 42-3; idem, Les ducs de Bourgogne, p. 11. 131 Richard, "Aux origines du Charolais," p. 105, note 2; Bouchard, Sword, Miter and Clois­ ter, charte on p. 358. For a different identification of this abbot of Sauvigny, one which does not mention Semur see: H. de Chizelle, "Chamilly et les seigneurs de la maison de Semur-en-Brionnais," Mémoires de la société d'histoire et d'archéologie de Chalon-sur- Saône, 41 (1972), pp. 44-45. 132 C. B. Bouchard, Spirituality and Administration: The Role o f the Bishop in Twelfth- Century Auxerre, Cambridge, Mass., 1979, p. 27. 133 M. Chauney, "Le recrutement de l'épiscopat bourguignon aux XIe et XIIe siècles," Anna­ les de Bourgogne, 47 (1975), p. 196; Bouchard, Spirituality and Administration, pp. 37­ 38. 134 Bouchard, Sword, Miter and Cloister, p. 428. 135 R. K. Berlow, Social and Economic Aspects o f the Early History o f Vézelay (Ninth to Twelfth Centuries), Ph. D. dissertation, New York University, 1971, p. 153; N. Stratford, "Vézelay - introduction historique, des origines au XVIIIe siècle," in: idem, Studies in Burgundian Romanesque Sculpture, London, 1998, pp. 153-170 (first published as part of L. Saulnier, N. Stratford, La sculpture oubliée de Vézelay, catalogue du musée lapidaire, Paris and Geneva, 1984, pp. 1-11). 136 As for example in the case of Hugh, Abbot of Saint Germain in Auxerre. When, in the late 11th century, regular life was deteriorating in the abbey, Bishop Humbaud turned to the Pope with the request to depose the Abbot. The Pope gave his consent and suggested that a monk from Cluny, Marmoutiers or Chaise-Dieu be elected to this office. See: P. Labbe (ed.), De gestibus abbatum S. Germani, Novae bibliothecae manuscriptorum libro- rum, I, Paris, 1657, p. 577. Bouchard mentions the difficulties which the choice of a Cluniac monk would have caused the Bishop. If the monastery was to become a Cluniac priory, it would escape the Bishop's authority and be directly subject instead to the Abbot of Cluny. In the end a compromise was reached between the Bishop, Abbot Hugh of Cluny and the Count of Auxerre and Nevers. Hugh of Cluny was asked to instate a Cluniac monk not as prior but as Abbot in Saint Germain. The latter would thus still have Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 41 him to appoint his own relatives to the sensitive positions. In other places Hugh's di­ rect involvement was not possible, such as in the election of Gervais as Abbot of Saint-Germain, since the event took place in 1115, after Hugh's death. It seems logical however that Hugh's reputation played a role in these cases as well.137

to show allegiance to the bishop, but would institute Cluniac customs in the monastery. The relative authority of the bishops and of the Abbot of Cluny in nominating future ab­ bots was left vague. See: Ex gestis abbatum S. Germani Autissiodorensis, in: F. Clément, M. J. J. Brial (eds.), Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, XII, Paris, 1781, p. 306; Bouchard, Spirituality and Administration, p. 27. Thus in 1100 a group of monks arrived at Saint Germain, led by Hugh, nephew of Hugh of Cluny, and who became the new abbot. This affair reveals the direct involvement of Hugh of Semur in the appoint­ ment of his nephew to the office of abbot. In light of the tension which the issue caused between Cluny and the Bishops of Auxerre, as well as the disagreement regarding Cluny's exact authority, it seems likely that the appointment of his own nephew was meant to increase Hugh's personal control over this monastery. 137 Here too Hugh, Abbot of Saint Germain, may serve as a good example. As already men­ tioned, the abbacy was not his last ecclesiastical position and in 1115 he left his office to become Bishop of Auxerre. However, his appointment to this office too was accompanied by difficulties. After news broke of the death of Humbaud, the previous bishop, some of the canons had hurried to elect Hugh as the new bishop. Others, led by Humbaud's nephew Ulger, who himself aspired to being elected to the office, objected to Hugh's election and gained the support of King Louis VI. In response Hugh turned to Pope Pas­ chal II who gave him his support and invested him as bishop. Returning from Rome, Hugh was given a laudatory welcome by the inhabitants of Auxerre, and King Louis VI withdrew his objection. See: Chauney, "Le recrutement de l'épiscopat bourguignon aux XIe et XIIe siècles," p. 196; Bouchard, Spirituality and Administration, pp. 37-38; L.-M. Duru (ed.), Gesta Pontificum Autissiodorensis, Bibliothèque historique de l'Yonne, I, Auxerre, 1850, pp. 410-411. Paschal's decisive support of Hugh deserves our attention. Bouchard claims that it would have been logical to expect the Pope's support of Ulger, as he had already supported the latter's nomination as provost. Since Paschal had entered Cluny as a novice and spent his youth there as a monk during the abbacy of Saint Hugh, it seems reasonable in my opinion that his stay at Cluny, and especially his relationship to Saint Hugh, could have been a factor in his decision to support the renowned abbot's nephew. Hugh's election as bishop took place six years after the death of Hugh of Cluny so it is certainly not a case of the Abbot of Cluny's direct involvement in the election of his nephew. However, an examination of the geographical, social and ecclesiastical ori­ gins of the Bishops of Auxerre between the years 961-1274 may indicate some important points. The overwhelming majority of the Bishops of Auxerre throughout those 300 years came from the secular clergy, usually from within the ranks of the canons. In fact, throughout the entire period only four monks were elected as bishops, the first in 961 and the others sequentially starting with Hugh in 1115 and ending with Alain in 1152. Bou­ chard explains this surge in the election of monks as bishops in the first half of the 12th century as reflecting the immense prestige of the church reform which was then at its height. It is thus possible, in my opinion, that in light of this situation the familial relation to Hugh of Cluny helped Hugh, Abbot of Saint Germain, in his struggle to be elected as bishop. See: C. B. Bouchard, "The Geographical, Social and Ecclesiastical Origins of the Bishops of Auxerre and Sens in the Central Middle Ages," Church History, 46/3 (1977), 42 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010

This parallel examination of marital strategies on the one hand and of ecclesiasti­ cal positions on the other, reveals an equivalent phenomenon, indicating that Saint Hugh's beneficial influence on the status of his dynasty was not limited to a single domain, but was comprehensive and decisive. It is this influence that constituted a central motivation behind the desire of the Lords of Semur to manifest their glorious dynastical ties via the sculptural program of their castle church. In conclusion, my suggested interpretation explains the iconography of Saint- Hilaire's lintel in relation to the specific conditions in Semur itself, and as an expres­ sion of the attitudes and intentions of its patrons - the Lords of Semur.138 The study of

pp. 283-284 and table on p. 278; Chauney, "Le recrutement de l'épiscopat bourguignon aux XIe et XIIe siècles". 138 Avital Heyman has recently suggested a different interpretation of the sculptural program of the west façade of Saint-Hilaire and especially of its narrative lintel. She has inter­ preted the lintel as related to the papal schism between Victor IV, who was supported by Friedrich Barbarosa, and Alexander III, who was supported by Louis VII King of France. The schism brought with it the risk of confrontation between King and Emperor, led to the excommunication of Friedrich and Victor as heretics, and heightened the risk of a possible invasion by Friedrich into Burgundy. Although Heyman admits that there is no evidence of the involvement of the Lords of Semur in the political events connected with the schism, from its beginning in 1159 and through the 1160s, she claims that the choice to depict the legend of Saint Hilary on the lintel at Semur reflects the fear of the local in­ habitants of the suffering that might be inflicted on them by Friedrich Barbarosa and his supporters (such as the Count of Chalon Guilliume). In addition, she contends that this choice reflects the criticism of the Lords of Semur and the local population in regard to Cluny, due to Cluny's support of Victor. Therefore, she sees Pope Leo's terrible death de­ picted on the lintel as relating to the death of Victor in 1164. See: Heyman, "À l'ombre de Cluny," pp. 307-312. I believe that this interpretation is unlikely for many reasons: First, there is no evidence whatsoever of an involvement of the Lords of Semur in the schism. Therefore this inter­ pretation does not answer the question of why this extremely rare depiction of the legend of Saint Hilary was depicted specifically in Semur and not in the countless other churches which shared the pan-Burgundian fear of an invasion by Friedrich. A second weakness to Heyman's interpretation lies in the claim that the Lords of Semur expressed, via the sculpture of their church, their alleged criticism of Cluny. In making this claim Heyman completely ignores the architecture of the church, and especially the chapel of Saint-Michael which is located on the other side of the lintel. The clear reference of this chapel to Cluny, constituting a positive citation, or translation, of a major element from the great abbey church, thus poses major difficulties in accepting Heyman's interpreta­ tion, which relies on isolated components of the church while ignoring those parts that do not suit her theory. On the chapel of Saint-Michael and its relation to Cluny see: Conant, Cluny - Les églises et la maison du chef d'ordre, p. 104; idem: "Five Old Prints of Cluny," Speculum, 3 (1928), pp. 401-404. On the general function of such chapels in the Cluniac contex see the many works of Krüger: K. Krüger, "Architecture and Liturgical Practice: the Cluniac Galilaea," in: N. Hiscock (ed.), The White Mantle o f the Churches: Architecture, Liturgy, and Art around the Millennium, Turnhout, 2003, pp. 138-159; idem "La fonction liturgique des Galilées clunisiennes: les exemples de Romainmôtier et Payerne," in: N. Bock, P. Kurmann, S. Romano, J.-M. Spieser (eds.), Art, cérémonial et Mediaevistik 23 · 2010 43

the lintel thus enables a better understanding of the complex influences of patronage on Romanesque art, of the intricate ways in which Romanesque sculpture took part in the struggle of noble dynasties to increase their status and prestige, and the multi­ layered ways in which the iconography of that sculpture expressed the perceptions of its patrons.

Dr. Gil Fishhof, Department of Art History Tel-Aviv University Tel-Aviv, 69978, Israel fishhofg@post. tau. ac. il

liturgie au Moyen Age, Actes du colloque de 3e cycle romand de lettres, Lausanne­ Fribourg, 24-25 mars, 14-15 avril, 12-13 mai 2000 (Etudes lausannoises d'histoire de l'art 1) Rome, 2002, pp. 169-190; idem, "Tournus et la function des Galilées en Bourgogne," in: C. Sapin (ed.), Avant-nefs & espaces d'accueil dans l'église entre le IVe et le XIIe siècle, Actes du colloque international du CNRS, Auxerre, 17-20 juin 1999, Paris, 2002, pp. 414-424; idem, Die romanischen Westbauten in Burgund und Cluny, Berlin, 2003. 44 Mediaevistik 23 ■ 2010

list o f illustrations

Fig. 1: Church o f Saint-Hilaire in Semur-en-Brionnais, general view o f west faqade, third quarter o f 12t century. Mediaevistik 23 • 2010 45

Fig. 2: Church o f Saint-Hilaire in Semur-en-Brionnais, west façade, tympanum and lintel, third quarter o f 12th century.

Fig. 3: Church o f Saint-Flilaire in Semur-en-Brionnais, west fagade, lintel, Saint Hilary o f Poitiers at the council o f Seleucia, third quarter o f S2th century. 46 Mediaevistik 23 · 2010

Fig. 4: Semur-en-Brionnais, view from the foot o f the hill towards the fortress o f the Lords o f Semur (at the right).

Fig. 5: aerial, view o f Semur-en-Brionnais. At the right - the fortress o f the lords o f Semur; at the left: the church o f Saint-Hilaire. Mediaevistik 23 • 2010 47

Fig. 6: approximated plan o f medieval Semur-en-Brionnais showing the division between the upper and lower town. From: J.-L. Dosso-Greggia, Semur-en-Brionnais - son passé, Marcigny, I960.

Fig. 7: Church o f Saint-Hilaire in Semur-en-Brionnais, linteI (detail): Emperor Constantius exiling Hilary, and Hilary before the seated Bishops. 48 Mediaevistik 23 ■ 2010

Fig. 8: Church o f Saint-Hilaire in Semur-en-Brionnais, lintel (detail): Emperor Constantius exiling Hilary.

Fig. 9: Church o f Saint-Hilaire in Semur-en-Brionnais, lintel (detail): The miracle o f the ele­ vation o f Hilary, and the death o f heretic pope Leo. Mediaevistik 23 ■ 2010 49

Fig. 10: Church o f Saint-Hilaire in Semur-en-Brionnais, lintel (detail): seated Hilary, and one o f the Bishops. MEDIAEVISTIK Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung

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Gertrud von Helfta, Legatus divinae pietatis 5, 25, 1, ed. J.-M. Clément u.a., Sources Chrétiennes 331, Paris 1986, 206.

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Henri Focillon, L'art des sculpteurs romans, Paris 31982.

Mario Sanfilippo, Archeologia, Medioevo e manualistica, Quaderni medievali 23, 1987, 241-248.

Francis Rapp, Zur Spiritualität in elsässischen Frauenklöstern am Ende des Mittelalters, in: Frauenmystik im Mittelalter, hg. v. P. Dinzelbacher, D. Bauer, Ostfildern 1985, 347-365.