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The Spirit of Networks: New Media and the Changing Role of Religion in American Public Life

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The Spirit of Networks: New Media and the Changing Role of Religion in American Public Life THE SPIRIT OF NETWORKS: NEW MEDIA AND THE CHANGING ROLE OF RELIGION IN AMERICAN PUBLIC LIFE BY KEVIN HEALEY DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Communications in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2011 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Clifford G. Christians, Chair Professor Robert McChesney Professor John Nerone Assistant Professor Jonathan Ebel ii ABSTRACT The Spirit of Networks examines the implications of new media for the future of American religious politics. I argue that we are at a critical juncture in both media and religion, similar to the early days of radio broadcasting. The outcome of that earlier juncture involved an increase in media commercialization and the proliferation of conservative evangelical broadcasters—developments which paved the way for the emergence of the Religious Right. Today, technological and generational shifts have the potential to alter the course of American religious politics. Younger people are more wary of political partisanship and religious hypocrisy, and are more likely to use new technologies as tools of political engagement. These shifts have led some journalists and researchers to pronounce the death of the Religious Right and the emergence of a new Religious Left. The research presented here assesses the potential outcome of this critical juncture by examining the impact of new media technologies on public discourse at the intersection of religion and politics. Through qualitative analysis of newspaper articles, cable news transcripts, and blog commentaries, I demonstrate how new media tend to generate debates about the authenticity and sincerity of public figures. Pundits and bloggers frequently claim to glimpse public figures‘ ―backstage‖ identity through video clips, instant messages, and e-mails. In this way, the new media environment generates competing ―discourses of authenticity.‖ Occasionally this dynamic favors independent media sources and grassroots activists. For example the Republican sex scandals, which drove some evangelicals away from the GOP, erupted when liberal bloggers exposed the private messages of conservative congressmen. More often, though, established media industries and political organizations manage to exploit the dynamics of new media to their advantage, leading to what Charles Taylor calls shallow or ―flat‖ debates about authenticity. iii The scandal that erupted in the summer of 2010 surrounding the firing of USDA official Shirley Sherrod exemplifies a trend that began during the 2008 election, as video clips of Rev. Jeremiah Wright circulated between cable news and YouTube. Media coverage of Wright, and subsequently of Sarah Palin, demonstrates that traditional media sources often set the terms of debate about religious authenticity. In these debates, religion frequently serves as a proxy for underlying concerns about race. This intersection of religious and racial politics breathes new life into the Religious Right, while pushing ―prophetic‖ social critique to the sidelines. In uncovering these trends, the current research troubles the argument that new media have inherently ―democratizing‖ effects that can resuscitate the public sphere and render industry regulation obsolete. Instead, my work buttresses arguments for the revitalization of professional journalism, tighter regulation of commercial media industries, and the development of independent media sources. The current research also contributes to ongoing debates in cultural theory about the relationship between religious practice, racial identity, and democratic politics. In conclusion I examine the implications of the current research for developments beyond the American context, and offer suggestions for future research. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction CHAPTER 1: A CRITICAL JUNCTURE IN MEDIA AND RELIGION ………..…2 CHAPTER 2: MEDIA, RELIGION, AND THE PUBLIC SPHERE …………….….30 Part 1 Prophets in the Marketplace: Media and Religion in Historical Perspective CHAPTER 3: THE FOUNDING VISION……………………………………….…...60 CHAPTER 4: RELIGIOUS POLITICS AND THE BIRTH OF MASS MEDIA….…74 CHAPTER 5: TWENTIETH CENTURY TRANSITIONS…………….…………….83 CHAPTER 6: PROPHETS AND ADVISORS……………………………………….103 Part 2 Contemporary Case Studies CHAPTER 7: TROUBLE ON THE RIGHT…………………………………..….….118 CHAPTER 8: THE PASTOR IN THE BASEMENT………………………………...149 CHAPTER 9: EVERYONE HERE CALLS HER SARAH……………………….…172 Conclusion CHAPTER 10: FOR A CULTURE AND POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE PROPHETIC…………………………….….………………………………..…..218 APPENDIX A: JEREMIAH WRIGHT TIMELINE…………………………..….…261 APPENDIX B: SARAH PALIN TIMELINE………………………………………..263 REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………….....266 1 INTRODUCTION 2 CHAPTER 1 A CRITICAL JUNCTURE IN MEDIA AND RELIGION In the 2004 election, the Bush administration waged a "values campaign" to rally its evangelical base—with some considerable success. However, many evangelicals had already grown wary of the Bush administration, and of the incumbent leadership within the conservative evangelical community itself. At the same time, the Religious Left shifted into high gear in response to the 2004 election, holding conferences on "spiritual activism" and declaring "an end to the monologue" of the Religious Right. The result has been a major upheaval in terms of leadership, issue framing, and press coverage of religion in the public sphere. Conservative "dissidents" such as Joel Hunter and progressive evangelicals such as Jim Wallis have begun a campaign to re-focus public discourse about religious issues to include social justice concerns such as environmentalism and poverty. The United Church of Christ launched a successful marketing campaign touting its commitment to inclusiveness toward gays and lesbians. More recently, Barack Obama reached out to religious progressives during his presidential campaign, and enjoyed their overwhelming support in the general election. All of these developments, furthermore, have taken place in the midst of a "critical juncture" in media, as incumbent industries struggle to maintain their dominance against the backdrop of an expanding blogosphere and an active media reform movement. Taken together, these developments may present an opportunity for religious progressives to reshape the terms of religious politics in American culture. However, the dynamics of the new media environment pose significant challenges as well, including the continued dominance of traditional media and the tendency of journalists to favor conservative leaders, overlook the diversity of the Religious Left, and focus attention on ―hot button‖ issues. 3 Trouble on the Right In recent years, tensions have increased between evangelicals and the Republican Party. Disillusionment with the GOP, and George W. Bush in particular, had been growing among evangelicals since the 2000 election. Bush failed to take up a federal marriage amendment after the election, and though he scored points with his Faith-Based Initiatives, insiders like David Kuo (2006) claimed to see the writing on the wall: the administration was more interested in politics than compassion. Bush‘s 2005 Supreme Court nomination of Harriet Miers generated a significant rift among conservatives, with some like James Dobson supporting it while others saw it as evidence that the administration was embarrassed by its association with religious conservatives (Kirkpatrick, 2005). Tensions among evangelical leaders have also increased. A prominent figure like Pat Robertson enjoys significant mainstream media exposure, but gathers only marginal support among evangelicals compared to conservative talk-show host James Dobson (Lawton, 2007). And while Robertson and Dobson have both been quite partisan, prominent ―mega-church‖ pastors like Joel Hunter and Rick Warren have rejected partisan politics and sought to embrace issues like environmentalism and poverty. These leaders‘ shift in focus is consistent with polls indicating that concerns among evangelicals have moved from social issues like gay marriage and abortion to health care and foreign policy (―Evangelicals,‖ 2007). Meanwhile the Rev. Sam Rodriguez, a key leader among Latino evangelicals, notes the increasing influence of this key demographic: Latino evangelicals are more conservative than whites in some ways, but they do not identify with the Religious Right and do not want to belong to a particular political party (―It‘s Not Either/Or,‖ 2008). Some evangelicals have also become concerned that Christianity has a serious ―image problem‖ among young people, who increasingly see Christianity as 4 hypocritical and too involved in partisan politics (Barna Group, 2007)1. This difference holds even among young, white evangelicals, who have begun to question their ties to the GOP (Cox, 2007) Sociologist Michael Lindsay describes these tensions as an argument between populists and cosmopolitans (McKenzie, 2007). However described, the developments over the last several years have created a sort of leadership vacuum. While conservative incumbents like Tony Perkins criticize the new shifts in focus, others like Mike Huckabee have tended to embrace them (Silk, 2008b). In fact, before Huckabee announced that he wanted to be McCain‘s Vice President (―Huckabee Says,‖ 2008), Mark Silk suggested that he was never running for office at all, but for the leadership of a renewed Religious Right (Silk, 2008a). There are some indications that the power of the Religious Right has declined significantly.
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