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Challenges Facing Public Administration of Failed State of Somalia

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Challenges Facing Public Administration of Failed State of Somalia Scholarly Journal of Arts & Humanities (https://damaacademia.com/sjah/) Volume 1, Issue 5, pp.60-88, May, 2019 Published by: Dama Academic Scholarly & Scientific Research Society (www.damaacademia.com) Challenges Facing Public Administration of Failed State of Somalia Marven Andey Abstract In Somalia there was no clear vision of how reconciliation should proceed. The United States initially saw its mission as short and limited to opening supply lines so would not have to become involved in Somali politics. Nor did the United Nations have a clear road map for reconciliation. The short-range objectives of the U.S. involvement meant that it was very difficult to take many credible steps to promote reconciliation. The expectation was that the combatants, after years of fighting a civil war, could somehow resolve their differences in a few months. Given such circumstances, it was inevitable that groups without large stocks of weaponry would be leery of collaborating openly and quickly with the United Nations to rebuild local government institutions. Three lessons can be drawn from the Somalia experience. First, future interveners must understand that there is no such thing as a humanitarian surgical strike. Defining a failed state is a second area that needs work. There is understandable reluctance to proclaim trusteeships, given the term's association with colonialism Third, the proper intervention forces must be developed. There has been much talk about the formation of a U.N. army that could intervene in troubled areas, but little action. The purpose of this study to understand the limitations of good administration and get possible solution to generate political recovery and eliminate failed state in Somalia. To reduce poor administration and enhance justice, accountability, public sector management in order to prevent any possible risk that damages the capacity of good governance. Keywords: Challenges Facing Public Administration 1.0 INTRODUCTION Globally failure state is normal around the world, across the territory of Somalia a variety of political, military, tribal and administrative entities seek to govern. Despite some fourteen attempts by the international community to sponsor national peace processes, none of the governments that have emerged and succeeded in establishing their authority or broad legitimacy among Somalis. Indeed, efforts to revive a functional central government have become conflict triggers, as different clans fought for increased representation and resources. Even in the relatively stable regions of Somaliland and Puntland, the effective functioning of the regional administrations is undermined by different clans seeking to influence and control key institutions, revenue and positions Tavistock (1981). .Efforts and aspirations to have a modern functioning public sector often run counter to the traditional and religious forms of governance which have varied legitimacy and influenced across the country. At present, Somalia comprised three principal administrative areas: South Central Somalia, the semi-autonomous Somali State of Puntland, and Somaliland, which unilaterally declared itself an independent republic in 1991. While interlinked ethnically and economically, each of these three regions has evolved differently and faces differentiated levels of stability, development and governance. Large areas of all three regions are ungoverned by formal structures and changes in allegiances continue to shift the borders of each entity Brown (1966). Beyond the formal structures, governance in Somalia is determined by a highly influential informal system. Traditional leadership has primary responsibility for land management and dispute settlement, co-existing with Sharia and secular courts to provide justice. These non-state actors are, therefore, critical for any state led reconciliation, legitimizing the establishment of new councils, mobilizing communities in planning and local development and improving land dispute resolution mechanisms. Access to the formal justice system (police and judiciary) remains limited to the main urban center, and most of the population rely on customary law and their elders to provide justice. In essence, the challenges to governance in Somalia are wide-ranged and cover a mixture of political, institutional, cultural and human resource issues. This demands that the international community pursues a comprehensive and sustained approach to governance strengthening that includes support to the development of responsive institutions, support to inclusive political processes, and the fostering for state-societal relations (including the engagement of traditional authorities, religious leaders and civil society). 1.1 The Background of Somalia as a country: Straggle for Independence as a (country Somalia) Flag of the Somali Youth League (SYL), the nation's first political party, During World War II, Britain regained control of British Somaliland and conquered Italian Somaliland, administering both militarily as protectorates. In November 1949, during the Potsdam Conference, the United Nations granted Italy trusteeship of Italian Somaliland, but only under close supervision and on the condition first proposed by the Somali Youth League (SYL) and other nascent Somalian political organizations, such as Hizbia Digil Mirifle Somali (HDMS) and the ISSN: 2676-2803 (Online) | Impact Factor (IF): 9. 305| Journal DOI: 10.15373/22501991 60 Scholarly Journal of Arts & Humanities (https://damaacademia.com/sjah/) Volume 1, Issue 5, pp.60-88, May, 2019 Published by: Dama Academic Scholarly & Scientific Research Society (www.damaacademia.com) Somali National League (SNL) that Somalia achieve independence within ten years. British Somaliland remained a protectorate of Britain until 1960. To the extent that Italy held the territory by UN mandate, the trusteeship provisions gave the Somalis the opportunity to gain experience in political education and self-government. These were advantages that British Somaliland, which was to be incorporated into the new Somali state, did not have. Although in the 1950s British colonial officials attempted, through various administrative development efforts, to make up for past neglect, the protectorate stagnated. The disparity between the two territories in economic development and political experience would cause serious difficulties when it came time to integrate the two parts. Meanwhile, in 1948, under pressure from their World War II allies and to the dismay of the Somalis, the British "returned" the Haud (an important Somali grazing area that was presumably 'protected' by British treaties with the Somalis in 1884 and 1886) and the Ogaden to Ethiopia, based on a treaty they signed in 1897 in which the British ceded Somali territory to the Ethiopian Emperor Menelik in exchange for his help against possible advances by the French. Britain included the proviso that the Somali nomads would retain their autonomy, but Ethiopia immediately claimed sovereignty over them. This prompted an unsuccessful bid by Britain in 1956 to buy back the Somali lands it had turned over. Britain also granted administration of the almost exclusively Somali-inhabited Northern Frontier District (NFD) to Kenyan nationalists despite an informal plebiscite demonstrating the overwhelming desire of the region's population to join the newly formed Somali Republic. 1.2 Referendum A referendum was held in neighboring Djibouti (then known as French Somaliland) in 1958, on the eve of Somalia's independence in 1960, to decide whether or not to join the Somali Republic or to remain with France. The referendum turned out in favor of a continued association with France, largely due to a combined yes vote by the sizable afar ethnic group and resident Europeans. There were also allegations of widespread vote rigging, with the French expelling thousands of Somalis before the referendum reached the polls. The majority of those who voted no were Somalis who were strongly in favor of joining a united Somalia, as had been proposed by Mahmoud Harbi, Vice President of the Government Council. Harbi was killed in a plane crash two years later. Djibouti finally gained its independence from France in 1977, and Hassan Gouled Abtidon, a Somali who had campaigned for a yes vote in the referendum of 1958, eventually wound up as Djibouti's first president (1977–1991). On 1 July 1960, the two territories united to form the Somali Republic, albeit within boundaries drawn up by Italy and Britain. A government was formed by Abdullahi Issa and other members of the trusteeship and protectorate governments, with Haji Bashir Ismail Yusuf as President of the Somali National Assembly, Aden Abdullah Osman as President, and Abdirashid Ali Shermarke as Prime Minister (later to become President from 1967–1969). On 20 July 1961 and through a popular referendum, the people of Somalia ratified a new constitution, which was first drafted in 1960. In 1967, Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal became Prime Minister, a position to which he was appointed by Shermarke. Egal would later become the President of the autonomous Somaliland region in northwestern Somalia. On 15 October 1969, while paying a visit to the northern town of Las Anod, Somalia's then President Abdirashid Ali Shermarke was shot dead by one of his own bodyguards. His assassination was quickly followed by a military coup d'état on 21 October 1969 (the day after his funeral), in which the Somali Army seized power without encountering armed opposition essentially a bloodless takeover.
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