Singapore | 26 Sep 2013
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat
ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 12 March 2021 Thailand’s Elected Junta: The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat Paul Chambers* Left: Deputy Prime Minister and Phalang Pracharat Party Leader General Prawit Wongsuwan Source:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Prawit_Wongsuwan_Thailand%27s_Minister_of_D efense.jpg. Right: Prime Minister and Defense Minister General Prayut Chan-ocha Source:https://th.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%9F%E0%B8%A5%E0%B9%8C:Prayu th_2018_cropped.jpg. * Paul Chambers is Lecturer and Special Advisor for International Affairs, Center of ASEAN Community Studies, Naresuan University, Phitsanulok, Thailand, and, in March-May 2021, Visiting Fellow with the Thailand Studies Programme at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Thailand’s Phalang Pracharat Party is a “junta party” established as a proxy for the 2014-2019 junta and the military, and specifically designed to sustain the power of the generals Prawit Wongsuwan, Prayut Chan-ocha and Anupong Paochinda. • Phalang Pracharat was created by the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), and although it is extremely factionalized, having 20 cliques, it is nevertheless dominated by an Army faction headed by General Prawit Wongsuwan. • The party is financed by powerful corporations and by its intra-party faction leaders. • In 2021, Phalang Pracharat has become a model for other militaries in Southeast Asia intent on institutionalising their power. In Thailand itself, the party has become so well- entrenched that it will be a difficult task removing it from office. 2 ISSUE: 2021 No. -
The Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Temple Dispute
International Journal of East Asian Studies, 23(1) (2019), 58-83. Dynamic Roles and Perceptions: The Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Temple Dispute Ornthicha Duangratana1 1 Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand This article is part of the author’s doctoral dissertation, entitled “The Roles and Perceptions of the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs through Governmental Politics in the Temple Dispute.” Corresponding Author: Ornthicha Duangratana, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok 10330, Thailand E-mail: [email protected] Received: 11 Feb 19 Revised: 16 Apr 19 Accepted: 15 May 19 58 Abstract Thailand and Cambodia have long experienced swings between discordant and agreeable relations. Importantly, contemporary tensions between Thailand and Cambodia largely revolve around the disputed area surrounding the Preah Vihear Temple, or Phra Vi- harn Temple (in Thai). The dispute over the area flared after the independence of Cambodia. This situation resulted in the International Court of Justice adjudicating the dispute in 1962. Then, as proactive cooperation with regards to the Thai-Cambodian border were underway in the 2000s, the dispute erupted again and became salient between the years 2008 to 2013. This paper explores the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ (MFA) perceptions towards the overlapping border claim since the Cold War and concentrates on the changes in perceptions in the period from 2008 to 2013 when the Preah Vihear temple dispute rekindled. Moreover, to study their implications on the Thai-Cambodian relations, those perceptions are analyzed in connection to the roles of the MFA in the concurrent Thai foreign-policy apparatus. Under the aforementioned approach, the paper makes the case that the internation- al environment as well as the precedent organizational standpoint significantly compels the MFA’s perceptions. -
Thailand Calls for Enhancing Connectivity Between India and ASEAN (30/12/2011)
Thailand Calls for Enhancing Connectivity between India and ASEAN (30/12/2011) Thailand has called for enhancing connectivity between India and ASEAN and it sees ASEAN-India relations as a significant factor leading to peace, stability, and dynamism in the rise of the greater East Asia region. Foreign Minister Surapong Tovichakchaikul expressed Thailands appreciation for Indias commitment to forging closer links with ASEAN and East Asia during the past 20 years, which is a vital component of Indias "Look East policy. He touched on the issue in his statement at the Sixth Meeting of the ThailandIndia Joint Commission, held in New Delhi on 27 December 2011. The meeting discussed many issues concerning economy, culture, tourism, security and defense, science and technology, and natural resources and environmental management. Regarding connectivity issues, both countries discussed cooperation on the construction of the Trilateral Highway project linking India, Myanmar, and Thailand and on the linking of Dawei Deep Sea Port in Myanmar to ports along the Bay of Bengal, Chennai, and the Pak Bara Deep Sea Port project in Thailand's southern province of Satun. Foreign Minister Surapong said that Thailand and India should work together to enhance connectivity through bilateral and regional undertakings, such as the Trilateral Highway project and the expanded economic corridor by way of a sea link from the port of Dawei to South Asia. He cited the expanding of Thai-Indian relations as a central part of Thailands "Look West policy. According to his statement, bilateral trade between the two countries has grown from 4.7 billion US dollars in 2007 to 6.7 billion dollars in 2010. -
The International Court of Justice Has Ordered Thailand and Cambodia To
The International Court of Justice has ordered Thailand and Cambodia to create a demilitarized zone around an 11th century Hindu temple, which has become a flashpoint for deadly clashes in a long running border dispute. By Jared Ferrie, Chiang Mai The July 18 ruling comes after a request from Cambodia that the ICJ clarify a 1962 judgment that granted Cambodia ownership of the temple and demarcated the border. Thailand accepted Cambodian sovereignty over Preah Vihear temple, but has maintained that the court had no jurisdiction to rule on the border. Cambodia asked the ICJ to issue a clarification on the 1962 judgment in the hope that a more precisely worded judgment would pressure Thailand to accept the frontier. On Monday, the ICJ said it would review the 1962 judgment as requested – a statement that can be seen to favour Cambodia over Thailand, which initially demanded that Cambodia withdraw its request to the ICJ. Cambodia had also asked the ICJ to order Thailand to remove troops from the disputed area. The court instead issued a map outlining a demilitarized zone and ordered both countries withdraw troops from the area. Many analysts welcomed the even-handed nature of the order “By removing troops from the border and its immediate surroundings, nationalist sentiments will hopefully be diffused and issue can be dealt with in a more sober and reasonable way,” said Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights (CCHR). Leaders on both sides of the border have used the dispute to stoke nationalism for their own political gain. Politicians in Thailand are particularly vulnerable to nationalist groups that accuse them of ceding Thai territory to Cambodia. -
The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 6 The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Complex Operations, and Center for Strategic Conferencing. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, and publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Thai and U.S. Army Soldiers participate in Cobra Gold 2006, a combined annual joint training exercise involving the United States, Thailand, Japan, Singapore, and Indonesia. Photo by Efren Lopez, U.S. Air Force The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics By Zachary Abuza Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 6 Series Editors: C. Nicholas Rostow and Phillip C. Saunders National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. -
Keynote Address by H. E. Yingluck Shinawatra, Prime Minister of Thailand the Royal Thai Government
Keynote Address by H. E. Yingluck Shinawatra, Prime Minister of Thailand The Royal Thai Government Delivered by H.E. Mr. Woravat Auapinyakul Minister Attached to the Prime Minister’s Office at the World Telecommunication and Information Society Day (WTISD) 2012 Bangkok Celebration on 17 May 2012 United Nation Conference Centre, Bangkok, Thailand ________________________ Dr. Xuan Zengpei, Director of Information and Communications Technology and Disaster Risk Reduction Division (IDD), United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, Dr Eun-Ju Kim, Regional Director of ITU Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, Distinguished delegates and participants, Ladies and gentlemen, Good morning, It is an honour for me to deliver keynote address at this World Telecommunication and Information Society Day 2012 Bangkok Celebration, which is jointly organized by the Ministry of Information and Communication Technology, the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, and the International Telecommunication Union. It is another year that the Thai Government, the Ministry of ICT in particular together with ESCAP and ITU are organizing WTISD celebration and I am delighted to see that the three organizations have given importance to this important event because ICTs, as you know, play a significant role in not only national development but also in many aspects of lives. The theme of this year WTISD is also very important – Women and Girls in ICT – and hence I wish to share with you about three things today. First, women and girls and the role of ICT. We must first recognize that women have been increasingly contributing to the social and economic development in many countries. -
Board of Editors
2020-2021 Board of Editors EXECUTIVE BOARD Editor-in-Chief KATHERINE LEE Managing Editor Associate Editor KATHRYN URBAN KYLE SALLEE Communications Director Operations Director MONICA MIDDLETON CAMILLE RYBACKI KOCH MATTHEW SANSONE STAFF Editors PRATEET ASHAR WENDY ATIENO KEYA BARTOLOMEO Fellows TREVOR BURTON SABRINA CAMMISA PHILIP DOLITSKY DENTON COHEN ANNA LOUGHRAN SEAMUS LOVE IRENE OGBO SHANNON SHORT PETER WHITENECK FACULTY ADVISOR PROFESSOR NANCY SACHS Thailand-Cambodia Border Conflict: Sacred Sites and Political Fights Ihechiluru Ezuruonye Introduction “I am not the enemy of the Thai people. But the [Thai] Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister look down on Cambodia extremely” He added: “Cambodia will have no happiness as long as this group [PAD] is in power.” - Cambodian PM Hun Sen Both sides of the border were digging in their heels; neither leader wanted to lose face as doing so could have led to a dip in political support at home.i Two of the most common drivers of interstate conflict are territorial disputes and the politicization of deep-seated ideological ideals such as religion. Both sources of tension have contributed to the emergence of bloody conflicts throughout history and across different regions of the world. Therefore, it stands to reason, that when a specific geographic area is bestowed religious significance, then conflict is particularly likely. This case study details the territorial dispute between Thailand and Cambodia over Prasat (meaning ‘temple’ in Khmer) Preah Vihear or Preah Vihear Temple, located on the border between the two countries. The case of the Preah Vihear Temple conflict offers broader lessons on the social forces that make religiously significant territorial disputes so prescient and how national governments use such conflicts to further their own political agendas. -
Women's Political Participation in Southeast Asia
Worrying Flattening Curve: Women’s Political Participation in Southeast Asia Bridget Welsh While the goal of public health officials has been to flatten the curve of Covid-19, another, less positive, flattening has been taking place over the past few years – the political empowerment of women in Southeast Asia. After decades of gains in the numbers of women in national executives and legislatures and among ordinary women participating in politics, a plateau pattern has emerged. In fact, in some countries – accompanying rising authoritarianism and populism tinged with anti-women rhetoric – we see outright backsliding in female political representation and participation. This chapter examines trends in female political participation/inclu- sion in the ten ASEAN countries and Timor-Leste over the last five years, 2015-2020. It builds on and incorporates the discussion of a similar chapter in an earlier publication, updating numbers and pointing to important developments in recent years.1 The problems for female political par- ticipation noted earlier – exclusionary cultural norms, resistant patriarchal political parties and “dirty” politics – have been compounded by narrowing political spaces and less welcoming environments for female participation. Once again, however, there continues to be conflicting trends. While levels of representation and attitudes towards women participating in politics plateau and even in some places decline, data shows the importance of ordinary women in politics and a modest narrowing of gender gaps in the political participation of ordinary citizens. 1 Bridget Welsh, “Promoting Inclusion: Women’s Political Participation in Southeast Asia,” in Women, Policy and Political Leadership, (Singapore: Konrad Adenaur Stiftung, 2014), pp. 9-25. -
A Coup Ordained? Thailand's Prospects for Stability
A Coup Ordained? Thailand’s Prospects for Stability Asia Report N°263 | 3 December 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Thailand in Turmoil ......................................................................................................... 2 A. Power and Legitimacy ................................................................................................ 2 B. Contours of Conflict ................................................................................................... 4 C. Troubled State ............................................................................................................ 6 III. Path to the Coup ............................................................................................................... 9 A. Revival of Anti-Thaksin Coalition ............................................................................. 9 B. Engineering a Political Vacuum ................................................................................ 12 IV. Military in Control ............................................................................................................ 16 A. Seizing Power -
Deciding About Thailand's Election System
東南亞研究中心 Southeast Asia Research Centre Michael H. NELSON Regional Research Unit Southeast Asian Studies Program School of Liberal Arts Walailak University The Democrat and Phuea Thai Parties in Thailand’s 2011 Elections: Thaksin Shinawatra Returns to Power Working Paper Series No. 140 February 2013 The Southeast Asia Research Centre (SEARC) of the City University of Hong Kong publishes SEARC Working Papers Series electronically © Copyright is held by the author or authors each Working Paper. SEARC Working Papers cannot be republished, reprinted, or reproduced in any format without the permission of the papers author or authors. Note: The views expressed in each paper are those of the author or authors of the paper. They do not represent the views of the Southeast Asia Research Centre, its Management Committee, or the City University of Hong Kong. Southeast Asia Research Centre Management Committee Professor Mark R. Thompson, Director Dr Kyaw Yin Hlaing, Associate Director Dr Chiara Formichi Dr Nicholas Thomas Dr Bill Taylor Editor of the SEARC Working Paper Series Professor Mark R. Thompson Southeast Asia Research Centre The City University of Hong Kong 83 Tat Chee Avenue Kowloon Tong, Hong Kong SAR Tel: (852 3442 6330 Fax: (852) 3442 0103 http://www.cityu.edu.hk/searc The Democrat and Phuea Thai Parties in Thailand’s 2011 Elections: Thaksin Shinawatra Returns to Power Michael H. Nelson1 The elections of July 3, 2011, were not a routine procedure for determining which party, or coalition of parties, should govern Thailand for the next four years. From the time the outgoing coalition government led by Democrat Party chairperson Abhisit Vejjajiva took over from the remnants of Thaksin Shinawatra’s People’s Power Party (PPP), which had been dissolved by a verdict of the Constitutional Court in December 2008, it had been seen by many as having been formed illegitimately. -
Week 27 (2Nd July 2012 – 8Th July 2012)
Week 27 (2nd July 2012 – 8th July 2012) ASEAN Newspapers Issues pertaining to Thailand ‐ politics Number of article(s): 5 Keywords/criteria used for search: Thailand, Thai Online newspapers included in search: Borneo Bulletin (Brunei) Brunei Times (Brunei) Phnom Penh Post (Cambodia) Jakarta Post (Indonesia) Jakarta Globe (Indonesia) Vientiane Times (Laos) Vietnam Net (Vietnam) Nhan Dan (Vietnam) The Star (Malaysia) The New Straits Times (Malaysia) The Strait Times (Singapore) The Philippine Inquirer (Philippines) The Japan Times (Japan) China Daily (China) The Korean Times (South Korea) Table of Contents THE BRUNEI TIMES 4 7TH / JULY 2012 – THAI COURT DEFERS KEY RULING (AFP) 4 • The article focuses on the Thai Constitutional court’s decision last Friday (6th of July) to defer the ruling of the case of charter amendments till next week. • The court held sessions to hear evidence on the case centering on claims that the ruling Pheu Thai Party sponsored bill to amend the constitution threatens the Thai Monarchy. • Pheu Thai party members deny design of amended constitution to undermine the Monarchy. • It is further reported that “If court judges find that the amendment plans threaten the monarchy, it could lead to the dissolution of the party although would not necessitate Yingluck's departure risking a potential fresh wave of unrest in the volatile nation.” THE PHNOM PENH POST 5 3RD / JULY 2012 BARBED WIRE ROW LATEST AT PREAH VIHEAR 5 • This article relates to the Preah Vihear border dispute. Cambodian Lieutenant General Srey Doek, commander of Military Division 3 at Preah Vihear, said on the 2nd of July that, last month, Thai troops scattered barbed wire and posted markers in front of the temple in violation of the ICJ ruling and have yet to remove them. -
Political Crisis in Thailand and Its Effects on Foreign Relations
IDSA Issue Brief IDSIDSAA ISSUEISSUE BRIEFBRIEF1 Political crisis in Thailand and its effects on foreign relations Sasiwan Chingchit Sasiwan Chingchit is Visiting Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi. January 22, 2014 Summary While the main purpose of the protest movement is to end Thaksin Shinawatra’s influence and expose corruption, the sense of animosity and mistrust towards other countries among the Yellow Shirts and Democrat Party supporters is the by product that is severely affecting Thailand’s external relations with the US, other key partners, and its overall position in Southeast Asia. Disclaimer: Views expressed in IDSA’s publications and on its website are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IDSA or the Government of India. Political crisis in Thailand and its effects on foreign relations 2 There is still no end in sight for Thailand’s political crisis that has lasted for more than seven years since the government of Thaksin Shinawatra was toppled by a military coup in September 2006. Without the intervention by the Thai military, the judiciary or other decision-making forces, Suthep Tuagsuban’s “Shut down Bangkok, Restart Thailand” campaign, which started on January 13, will merely prolong the present political deadlock. Indeed,e it may last even after the February election as the Democrat Party and its anti- government supporters boycott the national poll. But the side-effects of the years-long attempt to root out Thaksin’s influence from Thai politics goes beyond domestic political instability and polarization. On the international front, Thailand’s relations with foreign countries are being jeopardized by political scams aiming to discredit Thaksin and his party-led government.