Islamic Feminisms

Islamic Feminisms: Ideas and Experiences of Convert Women in Britain Laura Zahra McDonald PhD University of York Centre for Women's Studies December 2005 ý +:,, . ,,..-. Abstract The thesis explores the importance of celebrating difference and diversity within feminism, investigating the challenge to welcome different women, including Muslims, living in the social and political context of a post-9/11 world. Within this framework, the research discusses the generation and acceptance of new feminisms, including Islamic feminisms, as part of the process of embracing diversity. The theoretical discussion focuses on the defining characteristics and boundaries of Islamic feminisms, asking what the theoretical and practical implications have for the women involved in such projects and for feminism as a movement. The central themes are directed by and developed from the ideas and experiences of eighteen 'white', British women who have converted to Islam. Their views have helped to explore three interlinked subjects: conversion, identity and hijab. A central theme running through the study is the contrast between regulatory narratives and the actual lived realities of women. For example, whereas regulatory discourses promote an understanding of identities as static and narrow, the lived reality, illustrated by the participants, is that identities are complex, continual and sometimes fluid and changing. This is a process actively generated by individuals and groups. The divide between fictional narratives and women's experiences is understood to have great significance for the roles and responsibilities of feminism: the feminists who participated in this study claim the identity 'Muslim' without wishing to discount their familial and cultural links. They see themselves as British and Muslim and were attracted to Islam, in part, because they find Islam empowering and liberating. They are far from the stereotypical images of the submissive, silent, obedient individual. Many highlighted the extensive rights and entitlements that they gained through their choice to become Muslim. This dissertation seeks to give voice to these women, who can be described as feminists even though some are wary of such terminology. 2 Contents List of Tables 4 Acknowledgements 5 Note on Transliteration & Translations 6 Introduction 7 Chapter 1: Islam, feminisms and diversity 13 Chapter 2: Feminisms, rights and entitlements 46 Chapter 3: Methodologies 73 Chapter 4: Conversion - theories and stories 95 Chapter 5: Identities 131 Chapter 6: Hijab 160 Conclusions 198 Appendix I: Biographies 203 Appendix II: Example of Ahadith on Innovation 206 Appendix III: Content of Email from Lizin to McDonald 207 Glossary 209 Bibliography of references 210 3 List of Tables Table 1: Commonalities & Variations of Participant Backgrounds (%) 82 Acknowledgements It would be difficult to exaggerate the contribution of so many people to this thesis, from its conception to the final touches. It has been principally lead and shaped by the participants - the women who welcomed me, gave up their time and enthusiastically shared their ideas and experiences, and to whom I am extremely grateful. It has also been the enthusiasm of another person, my inspiring supervisor Haleh Afshar, that has not only kept the whole process going, but also made it rewarding and enjoyable. She has advised, supported and guided me throughout - thank you Haleh for being my mentor. A massive thank you is also due to the members of the Centre for Women's Studies, particularly Stevi Jackson, Ann Kaloski Naylor, Trev Broughton and Harriet Badger, who make it a fabulous, friendly environment in which to learn, and have provided me with much help and support. I am also indebted for the kindness, invaluable information and ideas of my examiners Joanna de Groot and Elaheh Rostami Povey, and to Christine Delphy, Richard Kimber, Al Hajj, Hatim Saleh, Al, A and L. Finally, I could never have embarked on, or kept the research going, without the love, help and support of my wonderful and long suffering family and friends - you are the best. Wal-Hamdulillahi Rabbit ^Alamin 5 Note on Transliteration and Translations Where Arabic words have been used, they have been transliterated conventionally, with pressed consonants and lengthened vowels I- underlined: e. g. u- daad - is rendered as d, while alif - is rendered as a. Hamza is symbolised with ' and the letter ayn with A. In relation to verses of the Quran, I was aware of the problematic interpretations found in the most commonly used English translations. Every translation carries a particular interpretation of the meaning, and these have in part, as authors such as El Guindi' have noted, lead to a number of misunderstandings of Quranic meanings, particularly with regards to women. As such, I approached individual scholars in order to confirm meanings. The same process was undertaken for ahadith and other Islamic sources. 1 EI Guindi, F. 1999:ix 6 Introduction The attack on New York's Twin Towers on the 11th September 2001 was an atrocity that ushered in a new era in a battle that had quietly raged for some years. Suddenly, the general population in countries all over the world were made aware that they could become 'collateral damage' in a physical as well as rhetorical war between two polemic and polarised discourses. The killing of citizens in New York was swiftly followed by the killing of citizens in Afghanistan, and the death toll of people deemed by each discourse as 'of the enemy' has risen ever since. Building on old narratives, the self- styled opposing figureheads Bush and Bin Laden claim freedom, righteousness and glory yet purvey propaganda and destruction. At the most extreme end the discourses are being used to justify killing and torture and on a more subtle level, have initiated shifts in relations between individuals, groups and nations. One such shift has occurred around a point on which the discourses agree: the active and explicit promotion of a narrative that places 'East and 'West' as dichotomous and incompatible. The terms 'East' and 'West' are used in this context as euphemisms for 'Muslim' and 'non-Muslim'. Although this type of othering is not new, having existed in various forms for centuries, it has become far more potent since the 2001 attacks. The impact of this narrative can be observed in Western countries such as Britain in the endless media debates on 'the clash of civilisations', 'enemies within', and 'community relations' and in the counter claims of self-appointed 'clerics' denouncing 'infidel governments'. The physical brutality of the narrative as produced by both discourses has been tragically felt by, for example, the individuals injured and killed in the London bombings of 7th July 2005 and in Islamophobic attacks. This pitting of non-Muslim and Muslim against each other was the starting point of my research: how do people directly affected manage, and what do they experience? I decided that a useful way to explore the impact of the East/West binary would be to carry out 7 research with individuals who are Western and Muslim. That is, to ask how people whose presence contradicts such narratives live and negotiate their identities. As a feminist, I wanted to explore these relations of power and their impact on women. As well as contending with other forms of domination, women must contend with the additional controlling power imposed upon them because of their gender. I decided to speak to a group to whom I belong: 'white', British women who have converted to Islam. This category seemed ideal, as such women hold indisputable membership to both labels - Western and Muslim. In addition, I wanted to find out whether they thought that their choice to become Muslim is viewed by the non- Muslim individuals around them and British society in general to be particularly problematic in the current climate. Similarly, I wished to explore how women view the narratives from outside and within the Muslim community that state that as Muslims they can no longer be British. From my feminist perspective, I hope that the research might help address a further layer in the imbalance of power: like other Muslim women, while appearing as subjects in media reports, the voices of converts are rarely heard and little academic interest has been paid to theme. The research is based on informal interviews and focus groups with eighteen women who volunteered to participate after contacting me as a result of snowballing via friends, acquaintances and Muslim organisations. As their biographies in Chapter 3 indicate, the women are from diverse backgrounds, are different ages and converted at different times of their lives. The fieldwork was carried out on each participant's terms: meetings were organised through emails or by telephone and I travelled to the location a woman or a group of women suggested - usually their homes - in order to do the interviewing. It was through their co-operation and enthusiasm that the research material was generated; it is their words that permeate 2 Similar research on specifically British converts includes that of Myfanwy Franks (2000,2001) 8 the thesis and in which the themes explored were discussed and developed. Feminism became a general framework and subject for the thesis, surfacing during the course of the research as a common interest for the women and for me. Therefore, it was important that the aims, content and way that the research was actually done, remained true to this interest. In the case of the methodologies used, both in the gathering and analysis of the research, feminist criteria were essential. For example, as further discussed in Chapter 3, effort was made to meet and speak with participants in ways that sought to reduce the power relations between us, while the qualitative style focuses on the words and ideas of each individual. Furthermore, the analyses of those words are not only provided by me, but by the women themselves.

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