Monarchs' Names and Numbering in the Second Bulgarian State
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Studia Ceranea 5, 2015, p. 267–310 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.05.09 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Ian S.R. Mladjov (Bowling Green) Monarchs’ Names and Numbering in the Second Bulgarian State* n modern historiographical practice, Bulgaria’s rulers over the ages are assigned Iconsecutive ordinal numbers without distinction between monarchs who reigned under different titles, for example: Boris I (852–889), Boris II (969–977), and Boris III (1918–1943), or Simeon I (893–927) and Simeon II (1943–1946)1. Such numeration has only been assumed formally by modern rulers, reigning after 18782. Its application to medieval monarchs is convenient and relatively unexcep- tional when compared with historiographical practices in other modern societ- ies. There are, however, certain inconsistencies that have been introduced into the names and numbering of monarchs due to a combination of oversight and misunderstanding. Names like Ivan II Asen, Mihail II Asen, Georgi I Terter, Ivan IV Smilec, and Mihail III Šišman, which are found commonly in the historical literature, are inaccurate or inconsistent in various ways. A re-examination of the subject, focusing on double names, yields a regularized and improved naming and numbering system with only minor effective emendation. * Although the editorial board follows the principle of Anglicizing / Latinizing the personal and family names of historical figures, their spelling in this text has been left unaltered at the special insistence of the author [Editors’ note]. 1 Of these, Boris I was a king (rex in papal letters, although the old generic term for monarch used in contemporary Bulgarian sources, knjaz, subsequently came to designate the usually non-sovereign title of prince), Boris II was emperor (car/ tsar), and Boris III was king (roi des bulgares in diplomatic usage, although he used the traditional medieval title of tsar); Simeon I was king and then emperor, and Simeon II, king. This is not the place to discuss the titles of Bulgarian monarchs at length, and the usage has been based on comparisons to that in the contemporary diplomatic languages (Greek and Latin in the Middle Ages); compare note 138 below. Names are provided in standardized mod- ern forms in the various vernaculars (e.g., Ivan, not Ioann), including, for non-Latin-based alpha- bets, forms in scientific transliteration (e.g., Teodora for Теодора, Theodōra for Θεοδώρα). 2 The only possible attestation of a similar numbering in a medieval Bulgarian source might be found in a Bulgarian gloss to the Middle Bulgarian translation of the Chronicle of Kōnstantinos Manassēs, where the duration of Byzantine domination in Bulgaria was qualified as extending even to the emperor of the Bulgarians Asen, the first (даже и до Асѣнѣ, ц(а)рѣ блъгарѡм’ пръвааго) [in:] М. А. САЛМИНА et al., Среднеболгарский перевод хроники Константина Манасии в славянских литературах, София 1988, p. 234. 268 Ian S.R. Mladjov I. Basic Typology of Names After Bulgaria’s conversion to Christianity in the 860s, Bulgarian rulers bore per- sonal names that can be categorized according to three basic types, not including names assumed when taking holy orders: (1) Secular names drawn from the folk traditions of Bulgars and Slavs, like Boris, Vladimir, Presian, Boril, and Smilec; (2) Baptismal names drawn from the Biblical and Christian traditions current in contemporary Byzantium, like Mihail, Simeon, Petăr, Roman, Samuil, and Ivan; (3) Double names usually formed by pairing two names from the other two types with each other, like Gavril Radomir, Ivan Vladislav, Todor Svetoslav, Ivan Sracimir, and Ivan Šišman. In such cases the Christian baptismal name precedes the secular folk name3. Such double names are not confined to monarchs, and can be found among nobles and commoners alike4. This phenomenon is also well-attested in Serbia5. In Kievan Rus’ double names were also common until the late 13th century, but they 3 On double names see Н. КОВАЧЕВ, Двойни лични имена в българската антропонимия, БЕ 31 / 4, 1984, p. 367–371, and also the remarks of П. НИКОВ, Българо-унгарски отношения от 1257 до 1277 година, СБАН 11, 1920, p. 53, an. 2. 4 Nobles, for example: Georgi Vojteh [В. Н. ЗЛАТАРСКИ, История на българската държава през средните векове, vol. II, България под византийско владичество (1018–1187), София 1934, p. 138; Ἡ συνέχεια τῆς χρονογραφίας τοῦ Ἰωάννου Σκυλίτση, ed. E. Tsolakes, Thessalonica 1968 (cetera: Continuator of Skylitzēs), p. 163: Γεώργιος ὁ Βοϊτάχος (= ΕΜΣ.ΙΜΧΑ, 105)], Aleksij Slav [И. БОЖИЛОВ, Фамилията на Асеневци (1186–1460), София 1985, p. 95–98, № I 11; Стара българска книжнина, vol. II, ed. И. ДУЙЧЕВ, София 1944, p. 30–35, № 15: Ἀλέξιος Δεσπότης ὁ Σθλάβος (cetera: Книжнина, vol. II)], Jakov Svetoslav (Книжнина, vol. II, p. 64, № 27: Iіакова С[вѧ]тослава деспотѣ), Ivan Dragušin (Х. МАТАНОВ, Нови сведения за родственици на деспот Елтимир / Алдимир / , ГСУ.НЦСВПИД 81, 1987, p. 107–113, and И. БИЛЯРСКИ, Институциите на средновековна България – Второ българско царство, София 1998, p. 58); commoners, for example the copyist Ivan called Dragoslav (Iѡанъ зовом(ь) Драгославъ), in a 1262 gloss in the Com- pendium sent to Russia by Jakov Svetoslav, in Книжнина, vol. II, p. 351–352, № 27; Konstantin the lector, called Voisil the Grammarian (Костандинъ чьт(ь)ць а зовомь Воисиль граматикь) and Geor- gi the presbyter, called Father Radoslav (презвитерю Геѡргию а зовомь поп(о)у Радославѹ) in the 1278 / 1279 gloss to the Svrlig gospels, in Книжнина, vol. II, p. 65–66, № 29; and Georgi called Hrăb (Геѡрьги а зов(о)мь Хр(ь)бь), in a late-14th-century inscription from Zaječar, in Старобългарски надписи / Altbulgarischen Inschriften, vol. II, ed. K. Popkonstantinov, O. Kronsteiner, Wien 1997 (cetera: Надписи, vol. II), p. 208–209; also numerous examples in И. БОЖИЛОВ, Българите във византийската империя, София 1995. 5 Among the Serbian nobility, for example Jovan Dragaš, Grgur Preljub, Jovan Uglješa; there are also the several royal names compounded with Stefan (although in at least some of the cases this might have been a name specifically assumed upon accession to the throne), like Stefan Radoslav, Stefan Vladislav, Stefan Uroš, and Stefan Dušan. Monarchs’ Names and Numbering in the Second Bulgarian State 269 are not found paired together in the same text very often, and the narrative sources tend to prioritize the secular / folk name elements6. In the rare cases where modern Russian historiography indicates the baptismal names, they are placed after the more familiar secular names, probably for convenience (for example, Vsevolod- Dmitrij instead of Dmitrij Vsevolod7). It might be noted, however, that double names do not seem to have been common among women of any class in medieval Bulgaria8, although they are attested in Kievan Rus’9. A rare and apparently late variation of Type 3 is a double name composed of two names both derived from Type 2. Among Bulgarian monarchs, this is attest- ed in the cases of Ivan Stefan (1330–1331) and Ivan Aleksandăr (1331–1371). The first of these deviations can be explained by the desire to advertise the descent from the Serbian Nemanjid kings, each of whom had or assumed the name Stefan by itself or paired with another. The second deviation is perhaps best explained with the lasting fascination with Alexander the Great inherited from the Greco- Roman past, although by this time the name had acquired suitable Christian ante- cedents10. Double names with two Christian elements also occur in Russia, but 6 For example, see the Testament or Admonition (poučenie) of Vladimir II Monomah in the Russian Primary Chronicle, where he identifies himself as having being named Vasilij in baptism (and known) by the Russian name Vladimir (нареч(е)нѣмь въ кр(ь)щн(е)їи Василии, Русьскъıмь именемь Володи- миръ) [in:] Полное собрание русских летописей, vol. I, ed. Е. Ф. КАРСКИЙ, Ленинград 1926–1928, col. 240; The Russian Primary Chronicle, trans. S. H. Cross, Cambridge Mass. 1930 [= HSNPhL, 12], p. 301. On princely names in Kievan Rus’ see the voluminous study of А. Ф. ЛИТВИНА, Ф. Б. УСПЕНСКИЙ, Выбор имени у русских князей в X–XVI вв., Москва 2006. 7 А. Ф. ЛИТВИНА, Ф. Б. УСПЕНСКИЙ, Выбор имени…, p. 505. 8 The occasional designation of women by two names in Bulgarian historiography almost always indicates doubt as to the actual name due to contradiction or ambivalence in the sources: for exam- ple, Anna or Teodora (not Anna Teodora), a daughter of Ivan Asen II: see I. Mladjov, The Children of Ivan Asen II and Eirēnē Komnēnē, BMe 3, 2012, p. 485–486; Anna (not Anna Mária) of Hun- gary, a wife of Ivan Asen II: I. Mladjov, The Children…, p. 485; Ana of Serbia, renamed Domi- nica, meaning Neda (not Ana Neda), the mother of Ivan Stefan: I. Mladjov, The Bulgarian Prince and would-be Emperor Lodovico, BMe 2, 2011, p. 614–615; all three are treated as having double names in Й. АНДРЕЕВ, И. ЛАЗАРОВ, П. ПАВЛОВ, Кой кой е в средновековна България, 3София 2012, p. 40–43. Constructs like Kera Tamara and Kiraca Marija are not double names, but rather names preceded by forms of the Greek term kyra (lady): I. БОЖИЛОВ, Фамилията…, p. 137; the treat- ment of these names in Й. АНДРЕЕВ, И. ЛАЗАРОВ, П. ПАВЛОВ, Кой кой е…, p. 358–360, 364–365, is misleading; as for Keraca Petrica, p. 360, no source actually pairs these two terms: Petrica (Petrissa) comes from a papal letter (for which see Неиздадено писмо на папа Бенедикт XII до майката на цар Иван Александър, ed. and trans. И. ДУЙЧЕВ, ИБИД 14 / 15, 1937, p. 205–210), while Keraca is found in the Synodikon of Boril, ed. И. БОЖИЛОВ, А. ТОТОМАНОВА, И. БИЛЯРСКИ, Борилов Синодик, София 2010, p. 163, fol. 34а. 9 For example, А.