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Herodotus and the Emergence of Meroe

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Herodotus and the Emergence of Meroe HERODOTUS AND THE EMERGENCE OF MEROE STANLEY M. BURNSTEIN In 1926 Wilhelm Spiegelberg published A variety of Old Persian epigraphical' a now classic monograph, The Credibility and iconographic documents point to the of Herodotus' Account of Egypt in the Light recognition by the late Napatan kings of of the Egyptian Monuments' Since then the Persian king as their suzerain. Kush is few Egyptologists or classicists have doub- listed as one of the countries that provided ted the validity of his conclusion that "what ivory for the construction of the palace of Herodotus has to say about Egyptian Darius I at Susa (Dsf, 1. 43). Kush also ap- history of his own and the immediately pears in an inscription of that same king as preceding age is in the highest degree the southernmost subject people of his em- trustworthy."' There is now little risk that pire (DSh, 11.5-6) and is regularly listed in Herodotus' evidence on first millenium the so-called peoples lists of Darius I and Egyptian affairs will be neglected. Quite the Xerxes which are explicitly stated to be contrary. The danger is that his authority lists of the peoples ruled by those kings will be accepted uncritically on subjects for (DNa, DSe, XPh).4 Finally, Kushites are which his own text reveals him to be poorly depicted on the throne bearer reliefs from informed and that contradictory evidence Persepolis and elsewhere as one of the will be either ignored or explained away. A peoples who support the King,' and a particularly clear example of this problem Kushite delegation is included on the is provided by the current state of two apadana reliefs from Persepolis which closely related questions, the nature of the illustrate the various peoples of the empire relationship between late Napatan Nubia who came to Persepolis during the reign of and Persia and the date of the emergence Xerxes bringing as gifts to him typical of Meroe as the chief residence of the late products and animals of their countries as Napatan kings. part of the celebration of the New Year festival.6 Any doubt as to the country ' An earlier version of this paper was delivered to A. Wilson, Herodotus in Egypt (Leiden, 1970). the 1980 Annual Meeting of the American Research 3. The Old Persian inscriptions are cited according Center in Egypt in San Francisco, California on April to the edition of Roland G. Kent, Old Persian Grammar 13, 1980. I should also like to express my thanks to Texts Lexicon, 2nd. ed. (New Haven, 1953). Professor Carolyn Dewald of the Department of 4 Under the form t'nbSj it occurs on the Suez Classics of the University of Southern California for stelae (G. Posener, La premiere domination perse en her comments on an earlier draft of this study. Egypte (Cairo, 19361 p. 70, 9, 1. 22 and p. 187) and the 1. Die Glaubwiirdigkeit von Herodots Bericht fiber recently discovered statue of Darius I from Susa (Jean Agypten im Lichte der agyptischen Denkrifdler Yoyotte, "Une statue de Darius decouverte a Suse: les (Heidelberg, 1926). inscriptions hieroglyphiques Darius et l'Egypte," Jour- 2. The quotation is from the English translation. nal Asiatique, 260 (1972) 259, 1. 22). For rnbSj and Kg The Credibility of Herodotus' Account of Egypt, trans. as general terms for Nubia in late Egyptian see Karola A.M. Blackman (Oxford, 1927) 39. Among the few doub- Zibelius, Afrikanische Orts- und Volkernamen in ters are William Arthur Heidel, Hecataeus and the hieroglyphischen und hieratischen Texten Egyptian Priests in Herodotus, Book II, Memoirs of the (Wiesbaden, 1972) 141-142 and 165-169. American Academy of Arts and Sciences. 18.2 (Boston, 5. Gerold Walser, Die Volkerschaften auf den 1935) 49-134; and 0. Kimball Armayer, "The Homeric Reliefs von Persepolis (Berlin, 1966) 51-67 passim. A?P, Influence on Herodotus' Story of the Labyrinth". The 1. 28. Classical Bulletin, 54 (1978) 68-72. For balanced 6. Walser (supra n. 5) 100-102, plates 30, 81. and assessments see Thomas W. Africa, "Herodotus and 82. For the connection of the reliefs with the New Year Diodorus on Egypt", JNES. 22 (1963) 254-258; and John festival see Walser (supre n. 5) 20-26. 2 STANLEY M. BURNSTEIN denoted by the term Kush in these texts is Herodotus calls the Long-lived Ethiopians. dispelled by the portrayal of the Kushite His description of them is openly utopian. delegation on the apadana reliefs. Its mem- They are just, without imperial ambitions, bers are shown as Negroid and they bring possess great amounts of gold,are the hand- as gifts a box containing some unknown somest and longest lived of men, eat only substance, elephant tusks, and, most im- meat and milk, and have near their city a portantly, an animal which has been iden- marvelous meadow called the "Table of the tified as an okapi or a giraffe.' Which iden- Sun" which spontaneously produces an tification is correct is unimportant, since abundance of food each day (3.17-25).b0 neither animal can have ranged much fur- Despite its utopian character, scholars are ther north than Meroe in the first millenium almost unanimous in their belief that in B.C. and hence either would suffice to Herodotus' account of the city of the Long-- clearly identify Kush as the Napatan lived Ethiopians is to be found, garbled to kingdom. The Old Persian evidence, be sure, the earliest surviving description of therefore, would seem clearly to indicate Meroe." Herodotus does not make the that Persia exercised some sort of authority identification explicitly" — some even con- over that Kingdom beginning at some in- cede that he was ignorant of it" — but ar- determinate date during the reign of Darius chaeological evidence is adduced as proof I, that is, from sometime between 521 and of its correctness. Specifically, the Table of 486 B.C.° Nevertheless the Old Persian the Sun is identified with the so-called Sun evidence is usually dismissed as irrelevant, Temple excavated near Meroe by Gar- and Persian influence in Nubia is regularly stang in 1910,14 while the victory stela of said to have been confined to the area im- Nastasen celebrating his defeat of a ruler mediately south of Aswan. Typical is the whose name, it was claimed, was a possible recent comment of Karl -Heinz-Priese that rendering of Cambyses has been cited as "the fact Darius and Xerxes list 'Kushiya' proof that the Persian monarch suffered a among the dependent peoples has nothing major defeat in Nubia while attacking more than symbolic significance."' Meroe.15 Implicit in this hypothesis is the denial of all credibility to the Old Persian No other example of a "symbolically documents and the assumption that Meroe significant" entry in the peoples lists has had replaced Napata as the chief residence been identified, but the reason for so of the Napatan kings by the 520's, a full cavalier a treatment of an important body of century before it is attested as such." A primary evidence is not far to seek. Book century ago so daring a hypothesis would three of Herodotus contains a vivid account have been greeted with scepticism and of an allegedly disastrous invasion of Nubia with reason." by Cambyses directed at a people 7. Okapi: L. Sprague de Camp, "Xerxes' Okapi and of the Sudan (London, 1967) 15-16; William Y. Adams, Greek Geography", Isis, 54 (1963) 123-125. Giraffe: Nubia: Corridor to Africa (Princeton, 1977) 294. Walser (supra n. 5) 101-102. 12. The only explicit example of the identification 8. The Suez stelae were dated to ca. 513 B.C. by known to me from antiquity is Pausanias 1.33.4 A George G. Cameron, "Darius, Egypt, and the 'Lands second possible example is Pomponius Mela 3.9.85-88. Beyond the Sea'." JNES, 2 (1943) 307-313; but recent 13. Cary and Warmington (supra n. 11) 285, n. 11. study of them suggests a date after 500 B.C. (Yoyotte 14. John A. Garstang, A.H. Sayce, and F.LI. Griffith, supra n. 4 265-266) as does the style of the new Darius Meroe: The City of the Ethiopians (Oxford, 1911) 25-27. statue from Susa (David Stromach, "Une statue: Cf. Alan B. Lloyd, Herodotus Book II Commentary 1-98 Description and Comment" (supra n. 4) 246). (Leiden, 1976) 124 for a recent example. 9. Karl Heinz-Priese, "The Kingdom of Kush: The 15. For the fullest statement of this view see R. Napatan Period", Africa in Antiquity: The Arts of An- Hennig, "Kulturgeschichtliche Studien zu Herodot: Ill: cient Nubia and the Sudan, 2 vols. (New York, 1978) 1, Der athiopische Feldzug des Kambyses", RhM, 83 80. Cf. the similar dismissal of them as conventional by (1934) 201-206. Jehan Desanges, Recherches sur Tactivite des 16. Most clearly stated by G.A. Wainwright, "The mediterranaeens aux con fins de rAfrique (Vle siècle Date of the Rise of Meroe", JEA, 38 (1952) 75-77; and avent J.-C. -IVe siècle apres J.-C.) (Paris, 1978) 235. A Inge Hofmann, Studien zum meroitischen Konigtum notable exception is Fritz and Ursula Hintze, (Brussels, 1971) 72-73. For a thorough review of the Civilizations of the Old Sudan (Chicago, 1969) 19-20. evidence as a whole see H.F.C. Smith, "The Transfer of 10. The statement in 3.18 that officials put the food the Capital of Kush from Napata to Meroe", Kush, 3 out every night is Herodotus' rationalization (1955) 20-25. of his sources' utopian report. 17. E.g. E.H. Bunbury, A History of Ancient 11. E.g.
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