France's "Alt-Left"
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Political System of France the Fifth Republic • the Fifth Republic Was
Political System of France The Fifth Republic • The fifth republic was established in 1958, and was largely the work of General de Gaulle - its first president, and Michel Debré his prime minister. It has been amended 17 times. Though the French constitution is parliamentary, it gives relatively extensive powers to the executive (President and Ministers) compared to other western democracies. • A popular referendum approved the constitution of the French Fifth Republic in 1958, greatly strengthening the authority of the presidency and the executive with respect to Parliament. • The constitution does not contain a bill of rights in itself, but its preamble mentions that France should follow the principles of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, as well as those of the preamble to the constitution of the Fourth Republic. • This has been judged to imply that the principles laid forth in those texts have constitutional value, and that legislation infringing on those principles should be found unconstitutional if a recourse is filed before the Constitutional Council. The executive branch • The head of state and head of the executive is the President, elected by universal suffrage. • France has a semi-presidential system of government, with both a President and a Prime Minister. • The Prime Minister is responsible to the French Parliament. • A presidential candidate is required to obtain a nationwide majority of non- blank votes at either the first or second round of balloting, which implies that the President is somewhat supported by at least half of the voting population. • The President of France, as head of state and head of the executive, thus carries more power than leaders of most other European countries, where the two functions are separate (for example in the UK, the Monarch and the Prime minister, in Germany the President and the Chancellor.) • Since May 2017, France's president is Emmanuel Macron, who was elected to the post at age 39, the youngest French leader since Napoleon. -
Electoral Performance and Policy Choices in the Front National
Electoral Performance and Policy Choices in the Front National James Shields* School of Languages and Social Sciences, Aston University, Birmingham B4 7ET, UK *Correspondence: [email protected] This article proposes a two-level analysis of the Front National (FN) in the 2017 French presidential and parliamentary elections. The first level focuses on the electoral performances of Marine Le Pen and the FN and analyses both elections in terms of gains and losses at the polls. The second level considers FN policy and argues that the party went into these elections with a programme targeting both left-leaning and right-leaning voters, attempting a policy synthesis that partly fitted and partly subverted Kirchheimer’s paradigm of the ‘catch-all’ party. Both levels of analysis link to a number of strategic considerations prompting debate within the party over the direction to take in order to improve its future electoral prospects. 1. Far-right populism, the Front National and the electoral context of 2017 The literature on radical right-wing populism has tended to treat the French Front National (FN) as a test case in the making (Camus and Lebourg 2017; Mudde 2017; Akkerman, de Lange and Rooduijn 2016; Benveniste 2016; Judis 2016; Beauzamy 2013; Reynié 2011). As Europe’s premier far-right populist party, the FN has plotted a gradual upward course in both elections and opinion polls since its initial breakthrough in the mid-1980s. While other far-right parties have either perished or been drawn into collusion with mainstream parties (de Lange 2012), the FN has sustained its solitary advance, making a virtue of its outsider status (Perrineau 2014). -
L'avenir En Commun
L’Avenir en commun Version actualisée – avril 2020 1 SOMMAIRE SOMMAIRE ........................................................................................................ 2 INTRODUCTION : LE MONDE D’APRÈS PEUT COMMENCER MAINTENANT ................................................................................................... 3 Chapitre 1 : Face à la crise démocratique, convoquer l’assemblée constituante de la 6e République ........................................................................ 5 Chapitre 2 : Face au chômage et à l’urgence sociale, partager les richesses, mettre au pas la finance .................................................................................... 17 Chapitre 3 : Face à la crise climatique, la planification écologique .............. 29 Chapitre 4 : Face à la crise européenne, sortir des traités européens ............ 38 Chapitre 5 : Face à la guerre, instaurer l’indépendance de la France au service de la paix ............................................................................................... 43 Chapitre 6 : Face à la grande régression, choisir l’objectif du progrès humain ........................................................................................................................... 49 Chapitre 7 : Face au déclinisme, porter la France aux frontières de l’Humanité ........................................................................................................ 58 COMMENT LE PROGRAMME « L’AVENIR EN COMMUN » A ETE MIS A JOUR ............................................................................................................ -
The Transformation of Jean-Luc Mélenchon: from Radical Outsider to Populist Leader
The transformation of Jean-Luc Mélenchon: From radical outsider to populist leader blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2017/04/22/the-transformation-of-jean-luc-melenchon/ 2017-4-22 A late surge in support for the left-wing candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon has added an extra layer of drama to France’s presidential election ahead of the first round of voting on 23 April. With Mélenchon now polling close enough to the leaders that he has a chance of making it to the second round, Marco Damiani traces his political career and assesses what it might mean for France if he secures an unlikely victory. Jean-Luc Mélenchon. Credits: Pierre-Selim (CC BY 2.0) With the first round of France’s presidential election fast approaching, Jean-Luc Mélenchon has sharply risen in opinion polls to become an unexpected key player in the campaign. As the leader of La France Insoumise (Unsubmissive France), a movement founded in 2016 without any expectation of victory, Mélenchon, a political outsider, has come to embody one of the main expressions of change in the eyes of voters. But who is Mélenchon? And what are the reasons for his sudden personal success? Political history Born in Tangier in 1951, Mélenchon was a university student during the French protests of May 1968, becoming the leader of the student movement at the University of Besançon. He graduated in philosophy in 1972, but politically he was a “Lambertist”, a member of the French Trotskyist movement, and after 1971 he joined the Socialist Party of François Mitterrand. With the Socialist Party, from 2000 to 2002, he was proclaimed Minister of Vocational Education in the government of the gauche plurielle led by Lionel Jospin. -
Intentions De Vote Île-De-France
Intentions de vote Île-de-France Note à la commission des sondages Février 2021 15 place de la République 75003 Paris Les indications générales sur le sondage Nom de l’organisme ayant réalisé le sondage : OpinionWay Nom et qualité du/des commanditaire(s) du sondage : LREM Nom et qualité de l’acheteur du sondage : LREM Gratification sous forme de points cumulables, dont le Existence d’une gratification : montant s’élève à 0,50 € pour un questionnaire complété. « Toute personne a la droit de consulter auprès de la Commission des sondages la notice prévue par l’article 3. Cette commission rend publique cette notice sur son service de communication au public en ligne. http://www.commission-des-sondages.fr/notices/ » Notice à la Commission des sondages – Février 2021 2 La méthodologie Echantillon de 1017 personnes inscrites sur les listes électorales, issu d’un échantillon de 1112 personnes, représentatif de la population de la région âgée de 18 ans et plus. L’échantillon est constitué selon la méthode des quotas, au regard des critères de sexe, d’âge, de catégorie socioprofessionnelle, de catégorie d’agglomération et de département de résidence. L’échantillon a été interrogé par questionnaire auto-administré en ligne sur système CAWI (Computer Assisted Web Interview). Les interviews ont été réalisées du 19 au 21 janvier 2021 L’enquête a été réalisée dans le cadre d’une enquête ad hoc. La colonne de référence que nous avons choisie pour le résultat publié des intentions de vote est le redressement sociodémographique + vote au premier de l’élection présidentielle de 2017 sur les certains d’aller voter. -
Debout La France !
DEBOUT LA FRANCE ! Le projet de Nicolas Dupont-Aignan pour l’élection présidentielle 2017 1 LE PROJET PRESIDENTIEL DE NICOLAS DUPONT-AIGNAN La France mérite qu’on se batte pour elle. Je veux la sauver avec un projet présidentiel à la fois ambitieux, concret et solide, fruit de milliers de rencontres avec les Français et de centaines d’heures de travail avec des acteurs de terrain et des experts reconnus. Pour le porter, je suis entouré d’une équipe d’hommes et de femmes honnêtes, compétents, gaullistes et patriotes. Je suis candidat à la présidence de la République car je sais qu’une autre politique est possible. Je suis le candidat qui veut rendre le pouvoir aux Français. Je suis le candidat de l’ordre, indispensable pour vivre ensemble. Je suis le candidat du travail, du mérite et de la relance économique. Je suis le candidat de la justice sociale pour rassembler les Français. Oui, je veux une France à nouveau debout, capable de défendre ses intérêts, d’affirmer ses valeurs, de retrouver sa cohésion et sa place dans le monde. Nicolas DUPONT-AIGNAN Député-Maire d’Yerres (91) Président de Debout la France Candidat à la présidence de la République 2 MORALISER ET REFONDER LE SYSTEME POLITIQUE ........................................................................ 14 LE CONSTAT ...................................................................................................................................... 14 NOS MESURES ................................................................................................................................... 14 A. MORALISER LA VIE PUBLIQUE ................................................................................................................ 14 B. REDUIRE LE TRAIN DE VIE DE LA CLASSE POLITIQUE AVEC UN PARLEMENT PLUS RAMASSE ET PLUS EFFICACE ......... 15 C. REMETTRE LE CITOYEN AU CENTRE DU JEU DEMOCRATIQUE ET REVENIR A L’ESSENCE DE LA VE REPUBLIQUE ........ 15 EUROPE : REMPLACER L’UNION EUROPEENNE PAR UNE COMMUNAUTE DES ETATS EUROPEENS . -
YELLOW VEST’ MOVEMENT the Ongoing Mobilisation of Yellow Vest Adherents Is Arguably the Most Enduring and Significant Social Movement in France Since May 1968
BRUSSELS OFFICE IDEOLOGICAL DIVISIONS IN THE ‘YELLOW VEST’ MOVEMENT The ongoing mobilisation of yellow vest adherents is arguably the most enduring and significant social movement in France since May 1968. It will have profound political consequences, though it is still too early to gauge their extent. Today, one of the most pressing questions for understanding what these long-term consequences might be is the political direction taken by the movement. This article highlights the atypical, even paradoxical political profile of this movement, which is caught in a dilemma between unifying its demands, and the strength in numbers this gives it, and the deep ideological differences that continue to divide it. We will begin by reviewing the mainly material factors underpinning the yellow vests’ need for unity. Next, we will examine the ideological fault lines running through the movement, in particular its penetration by the far right. Finally, we will outline some thoughts on how this influence could be countered and challenged. These thoughts will be based mainly on the results of a survey conducted by our research group Quantité Critique (Critical Mass) among groups of yellow vests organising actions via social media on Facebook. The survey was carried out in the first two weeks of December and involved six Facebook groups spanning the entire country. A digital copy of the questionnaire was distributed among these groups. Participation in the survey was voluntary. In all, 572 responses were collected, providing extensive information about the yellow vests, their life circumstances (family and economic situation, socio-demographic data, etc.) and political opinions (commitments to political parties, trade unions or associations, voting habits, political views and values). -
ISS Forum 20
H-Diplo | ISSF Forum, No. 20 (2019) issforum.org Forum Editors: Michael C. Behrent and Diane Labrosse Web and Production Editor: George Fujii Introduction by Michael C. Behrent H-Diplo/ISSF Policy Forum on the 2019 European Elections Published on 7 June 2019 Permalink: http://issforum.org/forums/europe-2019 Shortlink: http://tiny.cc/ISSF-Forum-20 PDF URL: http://issforum.org/ISSF/PDF/ISSF-Forum-20.pdf Contents Introduction by Michael C. Behrent, Appalachian State University ....................................... 2 Essay by Eszter Babarczy, Moholy-Nagy University of Art (Budapest) ................................... 6 Essay by Olivier Costa, CNRS, Sciences Po (Bordeaux), Collège d’Europe (Bruges) ............... 8 Essay by Olivier Costa, CNRS, Sciences Po (Bordeaux), Collège d’Europe (Bruges) Translated for H-Diplo by Michael C. Behrent ....................................................................... 12 Essay by Laura Fasanaro, Roma Tre University (Rome) ......................................................... 16 Essay by Till van Rahden, Université de Montréal ................................................................. 21 © Copyright 2019 The Authors | H-Diplo/ISSF Forum 20 (2019) Introduction by Michael C. Behrent, Appalachian State University lections to the European Parliament are in many respects the ugly duckling of the European election cycle. They lack the obvious importance and immediate repercussions of presidential and parliamentary elections, yet they undeniably embody the core of the European ideal, even in its Ecurrent battered and beleaguered state. The European Parliament’s 751 members are, after all, directly elected by the European Union’s 500 million citizens. In recent decades, the Parliament’s role in the EU’s institutional architecture has deepened, giving members a prominent role in drafting legislation and approving the EU’s budget. Yet the Parliament’s rising stature has not been matched by equal levels of public awareness of its role. -
Macron Leaks” Operation: a Post-Mortem
Atlantic Council The “Macron Leaks” Operation: A Post-Mortem Jean-Baptiste Jeangène Vilmer The “Macron Leaks” Operation: A Post-Mortem Jean-Baptiste Jeangène Vilmer ISBN-13: 978-1-61977-588-6 This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Indepen- dence. The author is solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. June 2019 Contents Acknowledgments iv Abstract v Introduction 1 I- WHAT HAPPENED 4 1. The Disinformation Campaign 4 a) By the Kremlin media 4 b) By the American alt-right 6 2. The Aperitif: #MacronGate 9 3. The Hack 10 4. The Leak 11 5. In Summary, a Classic “Hack and Leak” Information Operation 14 6. Epilogue: One and Two Years Later 15 II- WHO DID IT? 17 1. The Disinformation Campaign 17 2. The Hack 18 3. The Leak 21 4. Conclusion: a combination of Russian intelligence and American alt-right 23 III- WHY DID IT FAIL AND WHAT LESSONS CAN BE LEARNED? 26 1. Structural Reasons 26 2. Luck 28 3. Anticipation 29 Lesson 1: Learn from others 29 Lesson 2: Use the right administrative tools 31 Lesson 3: Raise awareness 32 Lesson 4: Show resolve and determination 32 Lesson 5: Take (technical) precautions 33 Lesson 6: Put pressure on digital platforms 33 4. Reaction 34 Lesson 7: Make all hacking attempts public 34 Lesson 8: Gain control over the leaked information 34 Lesson 9: Stay focused and strike back 35 Lesson 10: Use humor 35 Lesson 11: Alert law enforcement 36 Lesson 12: Undermine propaganda outlets 36 Lesson 13: Trivialize the leaked content 37 Lesson 14: Compartmentalize communication 37 Lesson 15: Call on the media to behave responsibly 37 5. -
Le Climat Politique En Hauts-De-France Pour Les Élections Régionales De 2021
Le climat politique en Hauts-de-France pour les élections régionales de 2021 Ifop-Fiducial pour LCI et Le Figaro FD / LJ N° 118234 Contacts Ifop : Frédéric Dabi / Louise Jussian Département Opinion et Stratégies d'Entreprise TEL : 01 45 84 14 44 [email protected] JUIN 2021 Sommaire - 1 - La méthodologie ............................................................................................ 1 - 2 - Les résultats de l'étude ................................................................................... 4 - A - Le climat électoral ..................................................................................... 5 L’indice de participation au premier tour de l’élection régionale de 2021 en Hauts-de- France ..................................................................................................................................... 6 L’intention de vote au premier tour des élections régionales ............................................... 9 La sûreté du choix au premier tour des élections régionales .............................................. 12 L’intention de vote au second tour des élections régionales : hypothèse quadrangulaire . 15 L’intention de vote au second tour des élections régionales : hypothèse triangulaire ....... 18 - B - Les habitants de Hauts-de-France et leur région ...................................... 21 La satisfaction à l’égard du président du Conseil régional ................................................... 22 Les thèmes prioritaires pour les mois qui viennent ............................................................ -
Populism in France Gilles Ivaldi
Populism in France Gilles Ivaldi To cite this version: Gilles Ivaldi. Populism in France. Daniel Stockemer. Populism Around the World. A Comparative Perspective, Springer, pp.27-48, 2018, 978-3-319-96757-8. 10.1007/978-3-319-96758-5_3. halshs- 01889832 HAL Id: halshs-01889832 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01889832 Submitted on 3 Apr 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Pre-print Populism in France Gilles Ivaldi, URMIS, CNRS-University of Nice [email protected] This is a pre-print version of: Ivaldi, Gilles, “Populism in France”, which has appeared as a book chapter in: Daniel Stockemer (ed.) Populism around the world: A Comparative Perspective, Cham: Springer, pp.27-48 (https://www.springer.com/us/book/9783319967578) Abstract This chapter examines the supply and demand sides of populism in France. It looks at the two main populist actors i.e. the Front National (FN) and La France Insoumise (LFI). The FN exemplifies the typical radical right populist organiZation, primarily mobiliZing grievances over immigration, while LFI shows a left-wing egalitarian and socially inclusive profile. Electoral support for populism in France is fuelled by economic instability and voter distrust of mainstream politics and of the EU. -
Rapport Sur Les Élections Européennes Des 25 Et 26 Mai 2019
THÉMA Rapport sur les élections européennes des 25 et 26 mai 2019 Novembre 2019 Les collections CSA © Conseil supérieur de l’audiovisuel Rapport sur les élections européennes Sommaire I. LE TRAITEMENT DE L’ACTUALITÉ ÉLECTORALE ....................................................... 9 1. Le cadre juridique applicable aux médias audiovisuels 9 2. La couverture de l’actualité électorale 10 3. Le respect du principe d’équité 11 4. La période de réserve 12 5. La lutte contre la manipulation de l’information 13 6. Le traitement des saisines 14 7. L’évaluation de la couverture de la campagne électorale 16 II. LA CAMPAGNE OFFICIELLE AUDIOVISUELLE ......................................................... 17 1. Les décisions du Conseil 17 2. Production et diffusion des émissions de la campagne officielle 21 3. Les coûts des émissions de la campagne audiovisuelle officielle 22 4. Le recours de La France insoumise 23 III. LES PROPOSITIONS D’ÉVOLUTION ....................................................................... 24 1. Les contraintes liées au calendrier des opérations électorales 24 2. Les difficultés liées à la mise en œuvre du IV de l’article 19 de la loi du 7 juillet 1977 25 3. La diffusion des émissions de la campagne officielle audiovisuelle 26 ANNEXE......................................................................................................................... 29 1. Textes adoptés par le Conseil supérieur de l’audiovisuel 29 3 Rapport sur les élections européennes Synthèse Les 25 et 26 mai 2019, les électrices et les électeurs français ont élu leurs 79 représentants au Parlement européen. Marqué par un regain de la participation, ce scrutin était organisé pour la première fois depuis 1999 dans le cadre d’une circonscription nationale unique. Il constituait surtout le premier rendez-vous électoral majeur depuis l’élection présidentielle et les élections législatives de 2017.