The Divergent International Response to China's Xinjiang's Policy
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North Korea-South Korea Relations: Never Mind the Nukes?
North Korea-South Korea Relations: Never Mind The Nukes? Aidan Foster-Carter Leeds University, UK Almost a year after charges that North Korea has a second, covert nuclear program plunged the Peninsula into intermittent crisis, inter-Korean ties appear surprisingly unaffected. The past quarter saw sustained and brisk exchanges on many fronts, seemingly regardless of this looming shadow. Although Pyongyang steadfastly refuses to discuss the nuclear issue with Seoul bilaterally, the fact that six-party talks on this topic were held in Beijing in late August – albeit with no tangible progress, nor even any assurance that such dialogue will continue – is perhaps taken (rightly or wrongly) as meaning the issue is now under control. At all events, between North and South Korea it is back to business as usual – or even full steam ahead. While (at least in this writer’s view) closer inter-Korean relations are in themselves a good thing, one can easily imagine scenarios in which this process may come into conflict with U.S. policy. Should the six-party process fail or break down, or if Pyongyang were to test a bomb or declare itself a nuclear power, then there would be strong pressure from Washington for sanctions in some form. Indeed, alongside the six- way process, the U.S. is already pursuing an interdiction policy with its Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI), which Japan has joined but South Korea, pointedly, has not. Relinking of cross-border roads and railways, or the planned industrial park at Kaesong (with power and water from the South), are examples of initiatives which might founder, were the political weather around the Peninsula to turn seriously chilly. -
SYSTEMIC REFORM at a STANDSTILL: a FLOCK of “Gs” in SEARCH of GLOBAL FINANCIAL STABILITY by Roy Culpeper, President, the North-South Institute
SYSTEMIC REFORM AT A STANDSTILL: A FLOCK OF “Gs” IN SEARCH OF GLOBAL FINANCIAL STABILITY by Roy Culpeper, President, The North-South Institute Commonwealth Secretariat/World Bank Conference on Developing Countries and Global Financial Architecture Marlborough House London, 22-23 June 2000 1 SYSTEMIC REFORM AT A STANDSTILL: A FLOCK OF “Gs” IN SEARCH OF GLOBAL FINANCIAL STABILITY by Roy Culpeper, President, The North-South Institute1 Introduction The subject of “Global Governance” became topical in the 1990s with a rash of financial crises, the most far-reaching and dramatic one having started in East Asia in mid-1997 and spread around the world before subsiding during the course of 1999. It is worth recalling, however, that the subject of Global Governance has been a hardy perennial since the breakdown of the original Bretton Woods system a quarter century ago. Its antecedents include the debate on the New International Economic Order in the 1970s; the North-South Summits of the early 1980s; the UNCED negotiations in Rio de Janeiro in 1992; and the chain of ensuing UN conferences throughout the decade – the Vienna conference on Human Rights, the Social Summit at Copenhagen, the Beijing Conference on gender and development, and the Cairo conference on Population and Development. While these discussions have produced a few tangible results, their impact on Global Governance has been minimal. Although it may sound unpleasant to believers in the rationality of a more equitable world order, perhaps a large reason for the failure of these many attempts to reform the global order is that they have been dominated by the poor and the powerless, while the rich and powerful have not been persuaded of the need for significant changes to the status quo. -
International Economic and Financial Cooperation: New Issues, New Actors, New Responses
International Economic and Financial Cooperation: New Issues, New Actors, New Responses Geneva Reports on the World Economy 6 International Center for Monetary and Banking Studies (ICMB) International Center for Monetary and Banking Studies 11 A Avenue de la Paix 1202 Geneva Switzerland Tel (41 22) 734 9548 Fax (41 22) 733 3853 Website: www.icmb.ch © 2004 International Center for Monetary and Banking Studies Centre for Economic Policy Research (CEPR) Centre for Economic Policy Research 90-98 Goswell Road London EC1V 7RR UK Tel: +44 (0)20 7878 2900 Fax: +44 (0)20 7878 2999 Email: [email protected] Website: www.cepr.org British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 1 898128 84 7 International Economic and Financial Cooperation: New Issues, New Actors, New Responses Geneva Reports on the World Economy 6 Peter B Kenen Council on Foreign Relations and Princeton University Jeffrey R Shafer Citigroup and former US Under Secretary of the Treasury Nigel L Wicks CRESTCo and former Head of HM Treasury Charles Wyplosz Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva and CEPR ICMB INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR MONETARY AND BANKING STUDIES CIMB CENTRE INTERNATIONAL DETUDES MONETAIRES ET BANCAIRES International Center for Monetary and Banking Studies (ICMB) The International Center for Monetary and Banking Studies was created in 1973 as an inde- pendent, non-profit foundation. It is associated with Geneva’s Graduate Institute of International Studies. Its aim is to foster exchange of views between the financial sector, cen- tral banks and academics on issues of common interest. -
References--391-406 8/12/04 11:33 AM Page 391
11--References--391-406 8/12/04 11:33 AM Page 391 References Aghion, Philippe, Philippe Bacchetta, and Abhijit Banerjee. 2000. Currency Crises and Mon- etary Policy with Credit Constraints. Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. Photocopy. Aghion, Philippe, Philippe Bacchetta, and Abhijit Banerjee. 2001. A Corporate Balance Sheet Approach to Currency Crises. Photocopy. www.hec.unil.ch/deep/textes/01.14.pdf. Alesina, Alberto, and Guido Tabellini. 1990. A Positive Theory of Fiscal Deficits and Gov- ernment Debt. Review of Economic Studies 57: 403–14. Allen, Franklin, and Douglas Gale. 2000a. Optimal Currency Crises. New York University. Photocopy (April). www.econ.nyu.edu/user/galed/occ.pdf. Allen, Franklin, and Douglas Gale. 2000b. Comparing Financial Systems. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Allen, Mark, Christoph Rosenberg, Christian Keller, Brad Setser, and Nouriel Roubini. 2002. A Balance Sheet Approach to Financial Crisis. IMF Working Paper 02/210 (December). Washington: International Monetary Fund. www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2002/ wp02210.pdf. Arbelaez, Maria Angelica, María Lucía Guerra, and Nouriel Roubini. Forthcoming. Debt Dy- namics and Debt Sustainability in Colombia. In Fiscal Reform in Colombia, ed. J. Poterba. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Banque de France. 2003. Toward a Code of Good Conduct on Sovereign Debt Renegotiation. Issues paper prepared by Banque de France staff. Paris: Banque de France. Bartholomew, Ed, Ernest Stern, and Angela Liuzzi. 2002. Two-Step Sovereign Debt Restruc- turing. New York: JP Morgan Chase and Co. www.emta.org/keyper/barthol.pdf. Becker, T., A. S. Richards, and T. Thaicharoen. 2003. Bond Restructuring and Moral Hazard: Are CACs Costly? Journal of International Economics 61: 127–61. -
The Korean Financial Crisis of 1997: Onset, Turnaround, and Thereafter, Which I Originally Authored in Korean in 2006
The Korean Financial Crisis of 1997 Onset, Turnaround, and Thereafter Public Disclosure Authorized Kyu-Sung LEE Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized The Korean Financial Crisis of 1997 The Korean Financial Crisis of 1997 ONSET, TURNAROUND, AND THEREAFTER Kyu-Sung LEE © 2011 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank and the Korea Development Institute 1818 H Street NW Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org All rights reserved 1 2 3 4 14 13 12 11 The findings, interpretations, and conclusions herein are those of the author and do not reflect the views of the World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorse- ment or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material in this publication is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work without permission may be a violation of applicable law. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission to reproduce portions of the work promptly. For permission to photocopy or reprint any part of this work, please send a request with complete information to the Copyright Clearance Center Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA; telephone: 978-750-8400; fax: 978-750-4470; Internet: www.copyright.com. -
RBA Annual Report 2000
INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL CO-OPERATION international financial and Canada); and the IMF/World Bank, with co-operation around 180 members. The former was too The three years since the Asian crisis began narrow to carry out the necessary consultation have seen a substantial push within the and co-ordination among countries, while the international community for reform of the latter was too large to allow decisive actions to international financial system. The problems in deal with emerging problems. Asia (and in Eastern Europe and Latin America The initial response of the international as well) not only damaged the growth perform- community was to set up the G22, an ad hoc ance of the countries directly affected, but had group of 22 countries including those affected repercussions on major financial markets, and by the crisis. This group was able to make quick brought a recognition on the part of the progress on a number of issues, but the feeling international financial community that was that its membership was not balanced, changes should occur in the so-called inter- with some claiming that Asian countries (which national financial architecture. The RBA made up 10 of the 22) were over-represented. believed that it should contribute as strongly In the event, that group has been replaced as possible to this work, given the potential for by two new international groupings, which major changes to the shape of international seem to have a greater degree of permanance financial markets to emerge from the process. than the G22. The two groupings are the Financial As a result, the RBA increased significantly the Stability Forum and the G20. -
The G-20 and International Economic Cooperation: Background and Implications for Congress
The G-20 and International Economic Cooperation: Background and Implications for Congress Rebecca M. Nelson Analyst in International Trade and Finance August 10, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40977 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress The G-20 and International Economic Cooperation Summary The G-20 is an international forum for discussing and coordinating economic policies. The members of the G-20 include Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, South Korea, Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the European Union. Background: The G-20 was established in the wake of the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s to allow major advanced and emerging-market countries to coordinate economic policies. Until 2008, G-20 meetings were held at the finance minister level, and remained a less prominent forum than the G-7, which held meetings at the leader level (summits). With the onset of the global financial crisis, the G-7 leaders decided to convene the G-20 leaders to discuss and coordinate policy responses to the crisis. To date, the G-20 leaders have held four summits: November 2008 in Washington, DC; April 2009 in London; September 2009 in Pittsburgh; and June 2010 in Toronto. The G-20 leaders have agreed that the G-20 is now the premier forum for international economic coordination, effectively supplanting the G-7’s role as such. Commitments: Over the course of the four G-20 summits held to date, the G-20 leaders have made commitments on a variety of issue areas. -
Training Manual
IEA Training Manual A training manual on integrated environmental assessment and reporting Training Module 6 Scenario development and analysis Authors: Jill Jäger, The Sustainable Europe Research Institute (SERI) Dale Rothman, International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) Chris Anastasi, British Energy Group Sivan Kartha, Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) Philip van Notten (Independent Scholar) Module 6 A training manual on integrated environmental assessment and reporting ii IEA Training Manual Scenario development and analysis Module 6 Table of Contents List of Acronyms iv Overview 1 Course Materials 3 1. Introduction and learning objectives 3 2. What is a scenario? 5 3. A very short history of scenario development 6 4. Examples of scenario exercises 7 4.1 Short-term country scenarios – Mont Fleur 7 4.2 Medium-term regional and global scenarios – The UNEP GEO-3 Scenarios 8 4.3 Long term global scenarios – Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 10 5. The purpose, process and substance of scenarios and scenario exercises 13 6. Policy analysis 16 7. Developing scenarios – A complete process 20 7.1 Clarifying the purpose and structure of the scenario exercise 22 7.2 Laying the foundation for the scenarios 28 7.3 Developing and testing the actual scenarios 33 7.4 Communication and outreach 36 References 38 Instructor Guidance and Training Plan 40 Presentation Materials 41 IEA Training Manual iii Module 6 A training manual on integrated environmental assessment and reporting List of Acronyms AIM Asia-Pacific Integrated -
China Views Globalization: Toward a New Great-Power Politics?
Yong Deng and Thomas G. Moore China Views Globalization: Toward a New Great-Power Politics? China is rising in the age of globalization. Although China ini- tially accepted greater interdependence largely out of economic necessity early in the reform era, Beijing has since come to embrace interdependence and globalization with increasing enthusiasm. Yet, the country’s political elites recognize that economic globalization is a double-edged sword for China. Although undoubtedly an engine of national economic growth, if mishandled, this transformative force could very well derail China’s quest for great-power status. Globalization introduces powerful new sources of economic vulnerability. Similarly, the growth of nontraditional threats, such as terrorism and the spread of infectious disease, presents serious global chal- lenges to China’s security. Thus, although Beijing has embraced globaliza- tion overall, the Chinese government has also sought to manage the process by reconfiguring its thinking about security and taking bold steps such as domestic banking reforms and active trade diplomacy to defend the country’s economic interests. The fact that Chinese political elites today perceive is- sues as diverse as capital flows, weapons proliferation, epidemics, terrorism, and cybercrime in terms of globalization suggests that the country’s views on globalization have evolved in tandem with its tumultuous quest for develop- ment, security, and status during the past decade. To the extent that globalization is perceived to be the distinguishing fea- ture of contemporary U.S. hegemony, China’s views on globalization reflect its evaluation of the world order and shape its strategic outlook as an aspir- ing great power. -
Latin American Research Centre
Latin American Research Centre REPORT ON TRADE NEGOTIATIONS IN AGRICULTURE: THE WTO, FTAA, AND A FUTURE COMMON AGENDA FOR BRAZIL AND CANADA A conference sponsored by the THE CANADA VISITING RESEARCH CHAIR IN BRAZIL STUDIES COMPILED BY Annette Hester LARC On September 23rd, 2003 a group of academics, government officials and business leaders gathered at the University of Calgary, under the auspices of the Latin American Research Centre, to discuss issues related to international trade negotiations in agriculture. This was the opening event for the Canadian tour of the first holder of the Canada Visiting Research Chair in Brazilian Studies, Dr. Marcos Sawaya Jank. This innovative collaborative project (York University, University of Western Ontario, L’Université du Québec á Montréal and University of Calgary) was the brainchild of the former Brazilian ambassador to Canada, Henrique Valle, Ed Dosman from York and Ted Hewitt from Western Ontario. The conference’s main objective was to distill, from global and hemispheric issues in agriculture trade, those issues on which Brazil and Canada can work together. The rationale was that by determining a priori where the two countries have the same strategic interests, cooperation would be much easier to obtain, and consequently, building a coalition would follow naturally. In order to bring this discussion to life we counted on the support, participation, and hard work from several fronts. The stage was set by a presentation given by the Alberta Minister for International and Intergovernmental Relations, the Honourable Halvar Jonson, and discussion was kept on track by the competent presence of Denise Brown, director of the Latin American Studies Program here at the U of C. -
Building G20 Outreach
Article Building G20 Outreach: The Role of Transnational Policy Networks in Sustaining Effective and Legitimate Summitry Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/globalsummitry/article-abstract/1/2/171/2363028 by guest on 16 June 2020 Steven Slaughter School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Deakin University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia. E-mail: [email protected] G20 outreach processes, in the form of the Think 20, Labour 20, Business 20, and Civil 20, Youth 20, and Women 20, are a formal attempt by G20 leaders to engage various social sec- tors with G20 policymaking. This essay contends that G20 outreach processes are best under- stood as transnational policy networks, which are involved in widening the field of policy communication and deliberation. The importance of these transnational policy networks rest upon their role in developing and disseminating G20 policy priorities and principles; and are an attempt to enhance the legitimacy and influence of the G20 and its policy proposals. We agree that, in order to strengthen its ability to build and sustain the political consensus needed to respond to challenges, the G20 must remain efficient, transparent and accountable. To achieve this, we decide to ... pursue consis- tent and effective engagement with non-members, regional and international organisations, including the United Nations, and other actors, and we welcome their contribution to our work as appropriate. We also encourage engagement with civil society. G20 Cannes Summit Final Declaration 2011 (G20 2011) The difficulty in balancing the effectiveness and representativeness of the Group of Twenty (G20) has led to sustained questions about its legitimacy (Cooper 2010; Rudd 2011; Cooper and Pouliot 2015). -
Shedding Light on Political Corruption in Indonesia's Coal Mining Sector
Shedding Light on Political Corruption in Indonesia’s Coal Mining Sector Table of Contents 2 Table of Figures Table of Boxes Table of Tables Chapter 1 5 Introduction – Filling in the Gap 1.1 Background 9 1.2 Report Objectives Chapter 2 11 The Frame – Dissecting Corruption in the Mining Sector 2.1 Corruption in state-society relations 13 2.2 Assessing corruption risk in Indonesia Chapter 3 15 Corruption in Coal Mining – The Game of Political Exposed Persons 3.1 The game 20 3.2 The chummy coal sector and influx of PEPs Chapter 4 23 Toba Sejahtra – A General in the midst of East Kalimantan’s Political Corruption 4.1 East Kalimantan political corruption map: new landscape, old structure 28 4.2 Toba Sejahtra – business, politics, and conflict of interest 37 4.2.1 Abandoned open mining pits and water pollution in mining sites 40 4.2.2 Multiple cases of land disputes Chapter 5 45 Conclusion – Ending Business as Usual 47 Bibliography Table of Figures 13 Figure 1. Extractive industry/mining value chain 29 Figure 2. Map of Toba Sejahtra business group 34 Figure 3. Map of PEPs in Toba Sejahtra coal-mining business Table of Boxes 19 Box 1. The business of politics in Indonesia 22 Box 2. Some PEPs behind the coal 31 Box 3. All the Luhut’s men 32 Box 4. TOBA and their power plant business expansion 36 Box 5. Rakabu Sejahtra – Who is in the Driver’s Seat? 41 Box 6. The Curious Case of Kimco Armindo 42 Box 7. Local Farmers against PKU 1 44 Box 8.