IKIZUIKIZUSIZAKISIZAKI ORTHOGRAPHY STATEMENT

SIL International UgandaUgandaTanzaniaTanzania Branch

IkizuIkizuSizakiSizaki Orthography Statement Approved Orthography Edition

Acknowledgements Many individuals contributed to this document by formatting the structure, contributing the language data, organizing the data, writing the document and by giving advice for editing the document. This document was authored by Holly Robinson, and it is an updated and expanded version of the Ikizu Orthography Sketch, which was authored by Michelle Smith and Hazel Gray. Additional contributors from SIL International include: Oliver Stegen, Helen Eaton, Leila Schroeder, Oliver Rundell, Tim Roth, Dusty Hill, and Mike Diercks. Contributors from the Ikizu language community include: Rukia Rahel Manyori and Ismael Waryoba (Ikizu Bible translators), as well as Kitaboka Philipo, Bahati M. Seleman, Joseph M. Edward, Magwa P. Marara, Mwassi Mong’ateko, Ibrahimu Ketera, Amosi Mkono, Dennis Paul, Nickson Obimbo, Muhuri Keng’are, Matutu Ngese.

© SIL International UgandaUgandaTanzaniaTanzania Branch

P.O Box 44456 00100 Nairobi, Kenya

P.O. Box 60368 Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania

P.O. Box 7444 Kampala, Uganda

Approved Orthography Edition: April 2016

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Contents

1.1.1. Introduction ...... 555 1.1 Classification ...... 5 1.2 Data ...... 5 1.3 Dialects ...... 5 1.4 Format and purpose of this orthography statement ...... 5 2.2.2. Phonology ...... 666 2.1 Vowels ...... 6 2.1.1 Vowel Inventory ...... 6 2.1.2 Phonemic Vowel Length ...... 9 2.1.3 Vowel Length in Conditioned Environments ...... 12 2.2 Consonants ...... 13 2.2.1 Consonant Inventory ...... 13 2.2.2 Palatalized Consonants ...... 15 2.2.3 Labialized Consonants ...... 17 2.2.4 Prenasalized Consonants ...... 19 2.3 Tone ...... 19 3.3.3. Morphophonology ...... 202020 3.1 Vowels ...... 20 3.1.1 Vowel Harmony Processes ...... 20 3.1.2 Vowel Adjacency at Morpheme Boundaries ...... 33 3.1.3 Vowel Length in Classes 5, 9 and 10 prefixes ...... 39 3.2 Consonants ...... 41 3.2.1 Elision of /ɾ/ ...... 41 3.3 Intervocalic Semivowels ...... 42 4.4.4. Word Boundaries ...... 444444 4.1 Copula ...... 44 4.2 Locatives ...... 45 4.2.1 Nominal...... 45 4.2.2 Verbal ...... 47 4.3 Associatives ...... 47 4.4 Conjunction ...... 49 4.5 Reduplication ...... 51 4.5.1 Verbal ...... 51 4.5.2 Nominal...... 51 4.5.3 Demonstratives ...... 52

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4.6 Compound words ...... 53 4.7 Interrogative and adverbial enclitics ...... 53 5.5.5. Punctuation ...... 555555 5.1 Capitalization ...... 55 5.2 Quotation marks ...... 56 6.6.6. Loan words ...... 575757

7.7.7. List of difficult words ...... 575757

Appendix A: Ikizu Noun Class Chart ...... 585858

Appendix B: History of Ikizu Orthography Developmenttt ...... 616161

References ...... 636363

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1.1.1. Introduction 1.11.11.1 Classification Ikizu is a Bantu language spoken in the Mara Region of Tanzania by approximately 55,000 people (Lewis, Simons and Fennig 2016). It is classified in the Kuria E.40 branch of Bantu, and is part of the Lacustrine languages, a name given because of the proximity to Lake Victoria. In the New Updated Guthrie List, it is classified as E402 (J) within the E40 RagoliKuria Group (Maho 2003:645). In Swahili, the language name is Kiikizu, and in Ikizu, it is Ikiikiizʉ. The ISO 6393 code is [ikz]. Also listed under this same ISO 6393 code is Sizaki, a very closely related language variety which is listed as a dialect of Ikizu. See Section 1.3 concerning dialects of Ikizu. 1.21.21.2 Data The data in this orthography statement comes from a variety of sources, including the Ikizu people who attended SIL orthography development and orthography testing workshops in the Mara region between the years of 2007 and 2009, as well as ongoing research by SIL linguists and Ikizu translators. Trial Orthography status was granted to Ikizu in 2009 (see the Ikizu Orthography Sketch). Additional orthography testing was carried out among Ikizu and Sizaki speakers in 2014, and changes and additions based on that research are also included in this document. The authors of this document are grateful to all Ikizu and Sizaki speakers who have dedicated their time to accomplish this work. 1.31.31.3 Dialects Ikizu and Sizaki are closelyrelated ethnolinguistic groups. Though they are considered to be different ethnic groups, their language is nearly identical, with 95% lexical similarity (Hill et al, 2007:43). Where there are any differences, the data provided in this paper is Ikizu, not Sizaki. Nonetheless, this orthography is intended for use by both the Ikizu and Sizaki language communities. Sizaki readers have had no trouble reading books in the Ikizu orthography. Aside from Sizaki, Zanaki is the next most similar language to Ikizu. Though Zanaki and Ikizu have 87% lexical similarity, they are considered to be separate languages (Hill et al., 2007:2831, 43). Note that all three language varieties change ProtoBantu *dʒ to /z/. 1.41.41.4 Format and purpose of this orthography statement This orthography statement is designed to show the proposed approved orthography of IkizuSizaki and the reasons behind the orthographic decisions which were made.

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Some changes of previous decisions have been made in light of what has been learned during various orthography testing events and based on ongoing use of the orthography by SIL translators. See Appendix B for a more detailed description of orthography testing events and changes which have taken place since orthography development began in 2007. Data is written using the orthography as much as possible. In some sections, however, data is also written phonemically and/or phonetically, especially in the discussion of vowels in sections 2.1 and 3.1. Showing both the orthographic and phonemic representations together is done in order to avoid confusion between the IPA symbols for Ikizu vowels and their corresponding orthographic symbols, which are quite distinct from one another. All phonemic or phonetic transcriptions are indicated by the use of phonemic slashes (//) or phonetic brackets ([]). Orthographic brackets (<>) are used when necessary, but any data not otherwise in brackets shall be assumed to be in orthographic form. All glosses are listed first in Swahili, the national language of Tanzania, then in English. The following sections focus on phonology, morphophonology, wordboundary and punctuation rules.

2.2.2. Phonology 2.12.12.1 VoweVowelslslsls

2.1.1 Vowel Inventory Ikizu has seven vowels at four vowel heights. There is also contrastive length, as described in 2.1.2. Table 2.1.1a below lists the vowel phonemes sorted by vowel height (also referred to as “degree” throughout this document), with ‘1’ showing the highest vowels and ‘4’ the lowest. For each vowel, the table shows the vowel phoneme, the selected grapheme for each vowel, an example and glosses.

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Table 2.1.12.1.1aaaa:: Vowel inventory with examples

Height Phoneme Grapheme Ikizu Example Swahili English

1 /i/ ihiti [ihiti] fisi hyena

2 /e/ <ɨ> ɨɨɨk ɨkkkɨɨɨɨttttɨɨɨɨ [ekete] hirizi necklace

3 /ɛ/ eketeme [ɛkɛtɛmɛ] umivu pain

4 /a/ amabamabh hhhagaagaagaaga [amaβaga] nyakati time

3 /ɔ/ obobobh ob hhhototoototo [ɔβɔtɔtɔ] udongo soil

2 /o/ <ʉ> ʉʉʉk ʉkkkʉʉʉʉggggʉʉʉʉrrrrʉʉʉʉ [okogoɾo] mguu leg

1 /u/ umumura [umumuɾa] mvulana boy

Ikizu speakers who are literate in Swahili’s fivevowel orthography often first group together the phonemes /e/ and /ɛ/ and write them as , and similarly /o/ and /ɔ/ are grouped together as . 1 Tables 2.1.1b and 2.1.1c below show a number of minimal pairs with contrast between 1 st and 2 nd degree vowels in verb stems. Many of these examples also give evidence of a vowel harmony process which spreads leftward from the stem to the prefix. Vowel harmony in prefixes is discussed in section 3.1.1.2 below. Table 2.1.1b: Vowel minimal pairs: 1 ststst and 2 ndndnd degree vowels /u/ and /o/ Orthography Phonemic Phonetic Swahili English /u//u//u/ ukutuka /okotuka/ [ukutuka] kuchimba to dig /o//o//o/ ʉkʉtʉka /okotoka/ [okotoka] kutukana to insult /u//u//u/ ukutuma /okotuma/ [ukutuma] kushona to sew /o//o//o/ ʉkʉtʉma /okotoma/ [okotoma] kutuma to send

1 Despite Ikizu speakers’ association of the degree 2 vowels with Swahili and , the additional vowel graphemes <ɨ, ʉ> were chosen for Ikizu. Using graphemes based on midvowel letters might have been a more logical choice, nonetheless <ɨ, ʉ> are working well for Ikizu readers and writers. 7

Table 2.1.1c: Vowel minimal pairs: 1 ststst and 2 ndndnd degree vowels /i/ and /e/ Orthography Phonemic Phonetic SwSwSwahili Sw ahili English /i//i//i/ uku ringa /oko ɾiŋga/ [uku ɾi iŋga] ku kunja to fold /e/e/e//e /// ʉkʉrɨnga /okoɾeŋga/ [okoɾeeŋga] kuimba to sing /i//i//i/ uku kira /oko ki ɾa/ [ukuki ɾa] ku nyamaza to be quiet /e/e/e /// ʉkʉ kɨra /oko ke ɾa/ [okoke ɾa] ku vuka to cross over /i//i//i/ ukw ibha /oko iβa/ [ukwi iβa] ku iba to steal /e/e/e /// ukw ɨbha /oko eβa/ [ukwe eβa] ku sahau to forget

Tables 2.1.1d and 2.1.1e below show minimal pairs with contrast between degree 2 and degree 3 vowels. Table 2.1.1d2.1.1d:: Vowel minimal pairs: 2 ndndnd and 3 rdrdrd dddegreedegree vowels /e/ and //ɛ/ɛ/ɛ/ɛ/ OrtOrthography hography Phonemic Phonetic Swahili English /e//e//e/ ʉkʉ rɨnga /oko ɾeŋga/ [oko ɾee ŋga] ku imba to sing ///ɛɛɛ/// oko renga /oko ɾɛŋga/ [ɔkɔɾɛɛ ŋga] ku komea to cea se /e//e//e/ ʉkʉ rɨra /oko ɾeɾa/ [oko ɾeɾa] ku lia to cry ///ɛɛɛ/// oko rera /oko ɾɛɾa/ [ɔkɔɾɛɾa] ku lea to raise /e//e//e/ ʉkʉmɨra /okomeɾa/ [okomeɾa] kumeza to swallow ///ɛ/ɛɛɛ//// okomera /okomɛɾa/ [ɔkɔmɛɾa] kumea to grow (eg. plants) /e//e//e/ ukwɨga 2 /okoega/ [ukweega] kujifunza to learn ///ɛɛɛ/// ukw ega /oko ɛg a/ [ukw ɛɛg a] ku iga to imitate

2 See Table 3.1.1.2g and surrounding discussion concerning the augment vowel raising which occurs as a result of labialization of the infinitive prefix. 8

Table 2.1.1e: Vowel minimal pairs: 2 ndndnd and 3 rdrdrd dededegreede gree vowels /o/ and //ɔ/ɔ/ɔ/ɔ/ Orthography Phonemic Phonetic Swahili English /o//o//o/ ʉkʉ bh ʉra /oko βo ɾa/ [oko βo ɾa] ku potea to lose ///ɔ/ɔɔɔ//// okobhora /okoβɔɾa/ [ɔkɔβɔɾa] kuoza to rot /o//o//o/ ʉkʉ kʉra /oko ko ɾa/ [okoko ɾa] ku kua to grow ///ɔɔɔ/// oko kora /oko kɔɾa/ [ɔkɔkɔɾa] ku fa nya to do /o//o//o/ ʉkʉ tʉʉra /oko too ɾa/ [okotoo ɾa] ku weka to put ///ɔɔɔ/// oko toora /oko tɔɔɾa/ [ɔkɔtɔɔɾa] ku okota to pick up /o//o//o/ ʉkʉhʉʉra /okohooɾa/ [okohooɾa] kuponda to pound ///ɔ/ɔɔɔ//// okohoora /okohɔɔɾa/ [ɔkɔhɔɔɾa] kumenya to peel

2.1.2 Phonemic Vowel Length Vowel length is contrastive in Ikizu, and there are minimal pairs distinguished only by length. To indicate length, the same vowel is written twice. The examples below show minimal pairs for length in both noun and verb stems. All seven vowels have phonemic short and long counterparts. Table 2.1.2a: Vowel length minimal pairs (nominal) Ikizu Swahili English /i//i//i/ umuh iiiri mjumbe messenger /ii//ii//ii/ umuh iiiiii ri ndugu relative /a//a//a/ ɨkɨs aaagi kitambaa cloth /aa/ ɨkɨs aaaaaa gi ndorobo tsetse fly

Table 2.1.2b: Vowel length minimal pairs (verbal) Ikizu Swahili English ///ɔ/ɔ/ɔ/ okoh ooora kupona to get well ///ɔɔ/ɔɔ/ɔɔ/ okoh oooooo ra kumenya to peel /o//o//o/ ʉkʉt ʉʉʉra kuweza to be able /oo/ ʉkʉt ʉʉʉʉʉʉ ra kuweka to pu t /u//u//u/ ukubhuuuurya kupoteza to loose /uu/ ukubh uuuuuu rya kuuliza to ask

Table 2.1.2c below shows many possible syllable structures for noun stems, with the stem of each word in bold. In noun stems, phonemic long vowels occur almost

9 exclusively in the penultimate syllable. 3 Rare exceptions include the example <ɨkaabhari> ‘mitala’, ‘polygamy’, in which the antepenultimate syllable has a long vowel. Table 2.1.2c2.1.2c:: Vowel length in different noun stem syllable structures

Stem Syllable SwaSwahilihili English syllable Example Structure of Stem Gloss Gloss count

1 CV umuriririri mzizi root

V.CV umwokiokiokioki moshi smoke

2 CV.CV ekegerogero kitu thing

CVV.CV umuniibhiniibhi tajiri rich person

CV.CV.CV orokeregekerege kilima hill

CVV.CV.CV ɨkaabharikaabhari mitara polygamy 3 mtoto infant CV.CVV.CV ekerereenarereena mchanga

CV.CV.CV.CV ʉmʉtabharuchatabharucha mkunga midwife 4 CV.CV.CVV.CV ɨkɨttttʉrʉmʉʉniʉrʉmʉʉni tandu centipede

No vowelinitial stems have been found which clearly have an initial long vowel. Note that long vowels are possible wordinitially in some noun class prefixes. See Section 3.1.3 for examples of these longvowel prefixes. Table 2.1.2d shows some of the possible syllable structures for verb stems. One difference in the distribution of long vowels in nouns and verbs is that in verb stems longer than two syllables, it is more common to have long vowels in the antepenultimate syllable as well as the penultimate syllable.

3 It is common to have conditioned (that is, nonphonemic) long vowels in other stem syllables, but conditioned length is not written in the orthography. See the following section (2.1.3) for examples of conditioned vowel length. 10

Table 2.1.2d2.1.2d:: Vowel length in different verb stem syllable structures

Stem Syllable syllable Ikizu Swahili English Structure of Stem count

1 CV kʉbhabhabhabha kuwa to be

2 V.CV ukwikaikaikaika kushuka to descend

CV.CV ʉkʉttttʉraʉraʉraʉra kuweza to be able

CVV.CV ʉkʉttttʉʉraʉʉra kutua to unload

3 CV.CV.CV ʉkʉzaganazagana kufurahi to be happy

CVV.CV.CV ʉkʉbhbhbhbhʉʉranaʉʉrana kushtaki to accuse

CV.CVV.CV okosereetasereeta kuezeka to thatch

The only known cases in which a long vowel occurs wordfinally are in the words in Table 2.1.2e below. Table 2.1.2e2.1.2e:: WordWordfinalfinal vvowelowel length

Ikizu Swahili English

iyaa ee (exclamation)

pee weupe sana very white (idiophone)

awɨɨ hivi this

chwee kabisa completely

Long vowels occur in other environments as well, especially derived long vowels which result from two vowels meeting at a morpheme boundary. Derived long vowels are discussed in Section 3.1.2.3 below. Phonemic long vowels also occur in some tense or aspect morphemes, such as the habitual /haa/ and conditional /ɾaa/ prefixes. Another vowel length rule concerns writing long vowels in prefixes of some nouns in classes 5, 9 and 10. See Section 3.1.3 for more details.

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2.1.3 Vowel Length in Conditioned Environments Phonetically, vowels sound longer before prenasalized consonants and after palatalized and labialized consonants. However, the length in these environments is not phonemic but conditioned, and there is no contrast between short and long vowels in this environment. Therefore, although the vowels sound long, they are written as short, as they are not perceived as being of the same length as phonemically long vowels. 4 Table 2.1.3a gives examples of each of these environments within noun stems. Table 2.1.32.1.3aaaa:: Vowel length in conditioned eenvironmentsnvironments Syllable Example Swahili English Structure of Stem

CwVCV ikikwkwkwkwɨraɨraɨraɨra kiatu shoe

CyVCV umubbbbhhhhyimiyimi mwindaji hunter

CVNCV esongeonge chungu soldier ant

Note that the consonants are underlyingly /kj, gj, sj/, and vowels following these consonants are usually pronounced long like other vowels following palatalized consonants. Vowels following these three consonants are written short even though they might sound long. In all cases they follow the same rules as other palatalized consonants. See Section 2.2.2 for more examples of these and other palatalized consonants. An exception to the rule concerning conditioned vowel length is when the vowel in question occurs across a morpheme boundary. For example, when a vowel initial stem has a prenasalized consonant, the vowel of the prefix and the vowel of the stem create a long vowel. This vowel is written long even though it appears to be in a conditioned environment. See examples in Table 2.1.3b below.

4 Research was done among both Ikizu and Sizaki speakers concerning their perception of vowels in conditioned environments. Though both groups pronounce these vowels as noticeably long, both prefer to write them short. The Sizaki in particular did not perceive these vowels to sound long. 12

Table 2.1.32.1.3bbbb:::: Long vvowelowelowelssss written in conditioned environments Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English abhɨɨndi [aβeendi] /aβaendi/ mwenye shauku eager person araanga [aɾaaŋga] /aɾaaŋga/ anakataa he is refusing 3SG IPFVrefuse FV twaangirɨ [twaaŋgiɾe] /toaaŋgiɾe/ tulikataa we refused 1PL PST refuse PST See Section 3.1.2 for more details concerning vowel length across morpheme boundaries. 2.22.22.2 ConsonantConsonantssss

2.2.1 Consonant Inventory The consonants of Ikizu are shown according to their manner and place of articulation in Table 2.2.1a. Graphemes are listed for each consonant, with the phonetic realization in square brackets as necessary. Table 2.22.2.1a.1a.1a.1a:: Consonant inventory Manner of Voicing/ velar/ labial alveolar palatal articulation nasalization glottal Stops voiceless p t k voiced d g prenasalized mb nd nk, ng Fricatives voiceless s sh [ʃ] h voiced bh [β] z prenasalized nz Affricates voiceless ch [t ʃ] voiced j [dʒ] prenasalized nj [ndʒ] Sonorants nasal m n ny [ɲ] ng’ [ŋ] oral w r [ɾ] y [j]

The voiced bilabial consonant is generally pronounced as a fricative [β], unless it is prenasalized, as in .

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The oral alveolar sonorant is a flap, [ɾ]. Ikizu speakers do not usually confuse it with the Swahili or pronounce it as [l]. The digraph is the voiced palatal nasal [ɲ]. This digraph was chosen because it is the Swahili grapheme for the same consonant. Note that this is different than the palatalized alveolar nasal, which is written as (see section 2.2.2 below). The trigraph is the voiced velar nasal /ŋ/. This trigraph was chosen because it is the Swahili grapheme for the same consonant. Although it is the nasal used to prenasalize the velar , the alveolar nasal is written, as in , which also follows the Swahili orthography. All of the consonants can occur rootinitially and rootmedially, except for the prenasalized consonants, which are only rootmedial. Stems of many class 9/10 nouns appear to begin with prenasalized consonants, but these prenasalized consonants are formed by the combination of a nasal prefix and the initial consonant of the noun stem. Table 2.2.1b gives examples of each consonant in both steminitial and stemmedial position. A blank in the table indicates that the consonant does not occur in that position. Table 2.2.1b: Consonant positionpositioninging in noun stems

StemStem Swahili English StemStem Swahili English initial medial

ppp rippppapa bawa wing ripappppa bawa wing

ttt ʉbhʉtttta upinde bow ribhatttti doa spot

kkk ʉmʉkkkkama upepo wind okobhokkkko mkono arm

bhbhbh ribbbbhhhhaga wakati time ribhɨbbbbhhhhɨ tanuu kiln

ddd riddddʉʉma mhindi maize hooddddo koikoi heron

ggg ekeggggeso kisu knife ribhiggggi pango cave

mbmbmb rigembmbmbmbe jembe hoe

ndndnd rigandndndnda rundo heap

ngngng ʉrʉbhangngngngʉ baraka blessing

nknknk esegenknknknke chembe arrowhead

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StemStem Swahili English StemStem Swahili English initial medial

sss ʉrʉssssarʉ ushanga bead ikibhussssɨ tumbili monkey

shshsh urushshshsha tawi branch ikishʉshshshshʉ kipaji forehead

hhh ɨkɨhhhhanga bufu skull riguhhhha mfupa bone

zzz ikizzzzuri kifaranga chick ɨhaazzzzi shoka axe

nznznz ribhanznznznza zizi cattle pen

chchch ichchchchɨngu sangara Nile perch omohochchchcha mtumishi servant

jjj umujjjje mji town amasaajjjjo makombo crumbs

njnjnj ɨkɨsanjnjnjnjo mchanga mixture nyiko

mmm orommmme umande dew ritemmmma ini liver

nnn ʉbhʉnnnnara utomvu sap rigannnnʉ hadithi story

nynyny ʉrʉnynynynyaki nyasi grass umuginnnni mgeni guest

ngngng’ng ’’’ ɨngngngng’’’’ʉndu kondoo sheep engongngngng’’’’o bunduki gun

www omowwwwesa mvuvi fisherman oroteewwwwa ufagio broom

rrr ʉbhʉrrrra tumbo intestines ikikwɨrrrra kiatu shoe

yyy obhoyyyyenze shungi la lion’s ribhabhayyyyʉ papai papaya simba mane

Note that when occurs across morpheme boundaries, it is underlying the combination of the nasal /n/ and the alveolar flap /ɾ/. The alveolar flap alternates to [d] when prenasalized. Ikizu speakers clearly perceive the surface form of this combination as and naturally write it this way.

2.2.2 PalatalizPalatalizeded Consonants Palatalization and labialization occur both rootinternally and across morpheme boundaries. Rootinternal palatalized and labialized consonants are likely the result of a historical process, whereas palatalization and labialization at morpheme

15 boundaries are easily analyzed as a synchronic process of glide formation resulting from vowel hiatus. Consonants which can be palatalized rootinternally are . Also, note that the consonants are underlyingly the palatalized consonants /kj, gj, sj/. Therefore, even across morpheme boundaries, when are palatalized, they surface as . Table 2.2.2a shows examples of stem internal palatalization. Table 2.2.22.2.2a:a: Palatalization

Example Swahili English

ryryry ubhuryryryryakari harusi wedding

tytyty ukutytytytyʉrʉka kupiga chafya to sneeze

bhybhybhy umubhybhybhybhyimi mwindaji hunter

shshsh ikishshshshoko ukoo clan

chchch umuchchchchɨrʉ kiongozi wa dini ya asili traditional religious leader

jjj umwojjjja mwoshaji one who washes

A wider variety of consonants are palatalized rootfinally when the causative extension /i/ is suffixed to the final consonant of a verb root. Additional consonants which are palatalized in this position are . There are no palatalized examples of in any environment. A few examples of palatalized prenasalized consonants have been observed, such as and (which is underlyingly /ngj/). When the alveolar nasal is palatalized by the causative extension, it is pronounced as [nʲ]. This combination cannot simply be written as , because already represents the palatal nasal [ɲ]. In order to avoid confusion between the palatal nasal /ɲ/ and the palatalized alveolar nasal /nʲ/, the former is written as , and the latter is written as . Table 2.2.2b below includes examples of .

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Table 2.2.2b: Palatalized alveolar nasal >>>

Example Swahili Gloss English Gloss

ukuziin'ya kuuma to sting

ʉkʉtaan’ya kuamua to decide

ukwitʉʉran'ya kujifungua kuzaa

Phonetically, and are not identical, and Ikizu speakers can easily distinguish them. Therefore, the decision to write them differently not only represents the phonetic difference but also is important to mark the causative in a potentially ambiguous situation. The Ikizu cannot, however, disambiguate the palatal nasal /ɲ/ and a palatalized palatal nasal /ɲʲ/. Even if is rootfinal in a verb, they cannot easily hear a difference when the causative extension is added to it. As a result, such causatives are not written as * but remain unmarked as . This has not shown to be a problem for comprehension, especially since there are very few examples which could potentially be ambiguous. Finally, note that palatalization has effects on the vowel quality of preceding vowels, often raising vowels one degree of height. The effect of palatalization on preceding vowels is always written, i.e. the word is written as pronounced. For examples, see Section 3.1.1.3 concerning vowel harmony in stems. Also, recall that vowels following palatalized consonants are often phonetically long, particularly in nonfinal positions within the word. However, within stems these vowels are written short. See Section 2.1.3.

2.2.3 Labialized Consonants As with palatalization, labialization occurs both rootinternally and across morpheme boundaries. Rootinternal labialized consonants are likely the result of a historical process, whereas labialization at morpheme boundaries is easily analyzed as a synchronic process of glide formation resulting from vowel hiatus. Almost all consonants can be labialized both rootinternally and across a morpheme boundary, including . There are no examples of labialized rootinternally, yet one example has been found of being labialized by the passive extension /u/. Recall that are underlyingly /kj, gj, sj/; they are inherently palatalized and cannot also be labialized. The consonants are never labialized. The only prenasalized consonant which is labialized rootinternally

17 in the data is . There are a few examples of , and across morpheme boundaries. Table 2.2.3a gives examples of steminternal labialization. Table 2.2.32.2.3a:a: Labialization

Example Swahili English

twtwtw itwtwtwtwiga twiga giraffe

gwgwgw ukugwgwgwgwaga kuchunua to skin (an animal)

kwkwkw umukwkwkwkwame mpini handle

mwmwmw ikimwemwemweso dhabihu sacrifice

rwrwrw umurwrwrwrwɨrɨ mgonjwa sick person

nywnywnyw umunywnywnywnywa kinywa mouth

bhwbhwbhw riibhwbhwbhwbhwɨ jiwe stone

pwpwpw ukupwpwpwpwɨgurya kubweka (kama mbweha) to bark (like a jackel)

swswsw umuswswswswa mchwa termite

The passive verbal extension is written as <w>, so many verbs can have labialization on their final consonant. The addition of the passive suffix affects vowel harmony in some cases but not in others (see Section 3.1.1.3). Stem vowels which are raised because of the passive extension are written as they are pronounced. That is, surface forms, not underlying forms, are written. For example, rather than writing the underlying form * ‘kuzaliwa’, ‘to be born’, the surface form is preferred. Note, also, that there are some exceptional nouns which have labialized steminitial consonants, and yet their prefixes are not raised. See Section 3.1.1.2 concerning vowel harmony in prefixes and Section 3.1.1.5 for exceptions. Also, recall that vowels following labialized consonants are often phonetically long, particularly in nonfinal positions within the word. However, within stems these vowels are written short. See Section 2.1.3.

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2.2.4 Prenasalized Consonants The six prenasalized consonants are listed in the consonant inventory in Section 2.2.1, but more examples of each are given here. Table 2.2.4 shows a variety of prenasalized consonants in examples with the stem shape of CVNCV. Table 2.2.4: PrenasalizPrenasalizeded consonants Example Swahili English

mbmbmb ribhimbmbmbmba uvimbe swelling

ndndnd ʉmʉgʉndndndndʉ shamba field, farm

ng rigingngngnga kisiwa island

nknknk esegenknknknke chembe arrowhead

nznznz umusinznznznzi mchinjaji butcher

njnjnj ekerenjnjnjnjo mfano example

Prenasalized consonants can also be formed across a morpheme boundary. This is common in noun classes 9 and 10 in which the nasal prefix is adjacent to a steminitial consonant, thus creating a prenasalized consonant. Other examples are in verbs which have the first singular object marker /n/ adjacent to a steminitial consonant. Recall that vowels before prenasalized consonants are often phonetically long, but within stems these vowels are written short. See Section 2.1.3.

2.32.32.3 Tone Ikizu has lexical tone on nouns, but this tone does not have a high functional load and therefore is not written in the orthography. See Aunio et. al. (forthcoming) and Aunio and Robinson (forthcoming) for a brief description of Ikizu nominal tone patterns. Ikizu also has a variety of grammatical tone melodies, but none of them are contrastive, and they are not written in the orthography.

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3.3.3. MorphophonMorphophonologyology 3.13.13.1 VoVoVowelsVo wels

3.1.1 Vowel Harmony Processes Ikizu has a pervasive form of height harmony in which vowels in prefixes, stems and suffixes can alternate to harmonize with other vowels in the word. Most harmony in Ikizu moves from right to left, but some verbal suffixes receive leftto right harmony from the verb root. Within stems and suffixes, leftwardspreading harmony involves a 1 st degree vowel to the right raising leftward vowels by one degree. That is, underlying 3rd degree vowels are raised to 2 nd degree vowels, and underlying 2nd degree vowels are raised to 1st degree vowels. The process applies iteratively unless interrupted by the low vowel /a/, which is opaque. That is, it is exempt from vowel raising and also blocks leftward raising from continuing. See Sections 3.1.1.1 concerning harmony in noun stems and 3.1.1.3 concerning leftward harmony in verb stems and suffixes.5 A different form of leftwardspreading harmony occurs across the prefix stem boundary. Most prefixes are underlyingly 2 nd degree vowels, and these vowels can be either raised or lowered depending on the vowel quality of the first stem vowel. This leftward spreading harmony is also iterative, unless interrupted by /a/. See Section 3.1.1.2 concerning prefix harmony. And finally, rightward spreading occurs from verb roots to suffixes if the suffix has a 2nd degree vowel underlyingly. See Section 3.1.1.4 concerning rightwardspreading harmony. The overarching rule for writing Ikizu vowels is to write surface vowel quality after all vowel harmony processes have been appliedapplied.... The following sections describe in detail the specific harmony processes that occur, which can serve as a guide for spellchecking Ikizu vowels. The first three subsections below further describe the leftwardspreading height harmony introduced in the previous paragraphs. The fourth subsection concerns the less common rightwardspreading harmony which affects some verbal suffixes. The final subsection lists the known exceptions to these harmony processes. Finally, recall that there is a mismatch when comparing Ikizu’s orthographic vowel symbols and the corresponding IPA symbols. Therefore, in the discussion of vowel harmony, in order to avoid confusion, we use a combination of orthographic, phonetic and/or phonemic transcription as deemed necessary. Note that the vowel

5 Kuria and Simbiti have some similar types of height harmony as Ikizu. For a description of height harmony in Kuria, see Chacha and Odden (1998), Parkinson (1996) and Cammenga (2004). 20 qualities written in the orthographic form always directly correlate with the vowels in the phonetic form, since surface vowel qualities are always written.

3.1.1.1 Vowel Harmony in Noun Stems Ikizu height harmony results in cooccurrence restrictions in noun stems. The following table shows such restrictions with examples (all written orthographically). The examples in parentheses indicate the combinations which can cooccur on the surface, but not underlyingly. Table 3.1.1.1a3.1.1.1a:: Vowel cocooccurrenceoccurrence restrictions 1st degree height 2nd degree height 3rd degree height 4th degree V2 i u ɨ ʉ e o a V1 i ribhigi rizimu abhasimbɨ iriinʉ wiise riringo rigiha u riguri ribhuru ingugɨ ʉmʉtabhurʉ rihute amaruguzo riguha ɨ (abhagɨndi) (mɨɨzu) ribhɨbhɨ ritʉngɨrʉ x x ribhɨɨka ʉ (abharʉgi) (abhahʉku) rikʉrɨ risʉʉsʉ x x rɨrʉʉma e x x x x rigembe rigego rihemba o x x x x risore rirobho ekekobha a rihari ritatura abhanasɨ risaarʉ ritare ritango ring’ana

Vowels of 2nd degree and 3 rd degree heights cannot cooccur in a stem unless a 4 th degree vowel intervenes. The 1 st and 2 nd degree vowels can cooccur on the surface in any order, but they cooccur underlyingly only if the 1 st degree vowel is to the left. Since vowel raising moves from right to left, a 2 nd degree vowel to the right will not be affected by a 1 st degree vowel to the left. When the 2 nd degree vowel surfaces to the left of a 1 st degree vowel, the 2 nd degree vowel is underlyingly (or historically) a 3rd degree vowel which has been raised one degree. This explains why 3rd degree vowels cannot occur to the left of a 1 st degree vowel on the surface; even if these vowels are adjacent underlyingly, the 3 rd degree vowel is raised to a 2 nd degree vowel in the surface form. The low vowel /a/ can cooccur with any other vowel. The vowel is opaque; it is not affected by vowel harmony, and it blocks harmonic processes from continuing past it. Clear evidence of this leftwardspreading vowel raising is observed in nominal forms derived from verb roots. Evidence of 1 st degree vowels raising 2nd degree vowels is in Table 3.1.1.1b below. These words have underlying /e, o/ in the stems, as seen in the two infinitive verbs. In the derived nouns, which have /i/ as a derivational suffix, the 2 nd degree vowels are raised to be 1 st degree vowels.

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Table 3.1.1.1b3.1.1.1b:::: VowVowelel harmony with underlying /e, ooo/o/// in the root Underlying Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English root ʉkʉrɨma [okorema] /okoɾema/ kulima to farm /ɾem/ umurimi [umuɾimi] /omoremi/ mkulima farmer ʉkʉgʉra [okogoɾa] /okogoɾa/ kununua to buy /goɾ/ riguri [ɾiguɾi] /ɾigoɾi/ bei price

Similarly, the 3 rd degree vowels /ɛ, ɔ/ are raised to be 2 nd degree vowels when followed by a 1 st degree vowel. Table 3.1.1.1c below shows evidence of this. The first three words share a root with an underlying /ɔ/, and then the three words in the second set all have the same root, which contains an underlying /ɛ/. Table 3.1.1.1c3.1.1.1c:::: Vowel harmony with underlying //ɛ,ɛ, ɔɛ, ɔ/ɔ /// in the root Underlying Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English root okoroga [ɔkɔɾɔga] /okoɾɔga/ kuroga to bewitch obhorogo [ɔβɔɾɔgɔ] /oβoɾɔgɔ/ uchawi witchcraft /ɾɔg/ ʉmʉrʉgi [omoɾogi] /omoɾɔgi/ mchawi sorcerer okogenda [ɔkɔgɛnda] /oko gɛnd a/ kusafiri to travel orogendo [ɔɾɔgɛndɔ] /oɾogɛndɔ/ safari journey /gɛnd/ ʉmʉgɨndi [omogendi] /omogɛndi/ msafiri traveler

3.1.1.2 Vowel Harmony in Prefixes The leftwardspreading height harmony described in stems is similar to harmony patterns in prefixes. In both cases, vowels are affected by vowels to their right. The differences is that in stems, only 1 st degree vowels trigger vowel harmony, whereas in prefixes all 1 st and 3 rd degree stem vowels spread total height harmony to prefix vowels. With the exception of the class 5 prefix and those prefixes with the low vowel /a/, all other prefix vowels have 2nd degree height underlyingly. Since the low vowel /a/ is neutral to harmony, the underlying forms of nominal prefixes can be seen in nouns which have /a/ as the first stem vowel, as in Table 3.1.1.2a below. Examples from noun classes 7 and 9 represent frontvowel prefixes, whereas the class 15 infinitive represents backvowel prefixes. Note that the class 5 prefix has the 1st degree

22 vowel /i/; this prefix does not harmonize. 6 The class 6 prefix has the 4 th degree (low) vowel /a/, which also does not harmonize. Table 3.1.1.2a3.1.1.2a:: Underlying prefix vowels with stems with neutral vowevowell /a/ ClClClassCl assassass Prefix Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English 7 /eke / ɨkɨbhara [eke βa ɾa] /eke βa ɾa/ mbuga grassland 9 /e/ ɨtara [etaɾa] /etaɾa/ taa lamp 15 /oko/ ʉkʉbhara [okoβaɾa] /okoβaɾa/ kuhesabu to count 5 /ɾi/ ribhaara [ɾiβaaɾa] /ɾiβaaɾa/ upande side 6 /ama/ amabhaara [amaβaaɾa] /amaβaaɾa/ pande sides

Recall also that /a/ interrupts leftward spreading harmony. Therefore even if the second stem vowel is a high vowel, an initial /a/ in the stem blocks spreading, and the underlying height 2 prefixes will surface unchanged. See examples in Table 3.1.1.2b below. Table 3.1.1.2b: Vowel /a/ in the stem blocks height harmony in prefixes Class Prefix Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English 1 /omo/ ʉmʉramu [omoɾamu] /omoɾamu/ shemeji brotherin law 7 /eke/ ɨkɨsaagi [ekesaagi] /ekesaagi/ ndorobo tsetse fly

When the first vowel of the stem is a 1 st degree vowel, either or , the 1st degree vowel height spreads leftward to the prefix, making it also a 1 st degree vowel. The prefix retains its underlying front/back features, but its vowel height totally harmonizes with the stem. See examples in Table 3.1.1.2c below. Because the class 5 prefix has 1 st degree height underlyingly, it simply remains so. Table 3.1.1.2c3.1.1.2c:: Prefix harmharmonyony with 1 ststst degree stem vowels ClClClassCl assassass Prefix Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English 7 /eke/ ikiguha [ikiguha] /ekeguha/ mfupa bone 9 /e/ isuma [isuma] /esuma/ paa antelope 15 /oko/ ukubhisa [ukuβisa] /okoβisa/ kuficha hiding 5 /ɾi/ ribhina [ɾiβina] /ɾiβina/ mchezo game 6 /ama / amabhina [ama βina] /ama βina/ michezo games

6 The one exceptional form in which the class 5 prefix harmonizes is <ɨrɨɨtʉ> ‘jitu, giant’, which is from the root /Vtʉ/. See Section 3.1.2.3 for more explanation of these vowelinitial stems in which the initial vowel is unspecified for vowel quality. 23

When the first vowel of the stem is a 2 nd degree vowel, either <ɨ> or <ʉ>, the stem vowel is already in harmony with the underlying 2 nd degree vowels of the prefix. See examples in Table 3.1.1.2d below. Because the class 5 prefix has 1 st degree height underlyingly, it simply remains so, and it does not affect the 2 nd degree vowels in the stem. Table 3.1.1.2d3.1.1.2d:: Prefix harmony with 2 ndndnd degree stem vowels Class Prefix Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English 7 /eke / ɨkɨgʉrʉ [ekego ɾo] /eke go ɾo / mlima mountain 9 /e/ ɨmbɨzɨ [embeze] /emβeze/ nguruwe wild pig mwitu 15 /oko/ ʉkʉhɨta [okoheta] /okoheta/ kupita to pass 5 /ɾi/ rigʉnzʉ [ɾigoonzo] /ɾigonzo/ gamba shell, scale 6 /ama/ amagʉnzʉ [amagoonzo] /amagonzo/ magamba shells, scales

When the first vowel of the stem is a 3 rd degree vowel, either or , the prefix vowel lowers to be a 3 rd degree vowel as well. Again, the one exception is class 5, which does not change. Also, the class 6 lowvowel prefix does not change. See examples in Table 3.1.1.2e below. Table 3.1.1.2e3.1.1.2e:: Prefix harmony with 3 rdrdrd degree stem vowels ClClClassCl assassass Prefix Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English 7 /eke/ ekekobha [ɛkɛkɔβa] /ekekɔβa/ mdomo lip 9 /e/ ehoko [ɛhɔkɔ] /ehɔkɔ/ tundu hole 15 /oko/ okogega [ɔkɔgɛga] /okogɛga/ kubeba to carry 5 /ɾi/ rimero [ɾimɛɾɔ] /ɾimɛɾɔ/ koo throat 6 /ama / amamero [amam ɛɾɔ] /ama mɛɾɔ/ koo throats

The same harmony rules seen in nouns also apply to inflected verbs with any number of prefixes. Unless harmony is interrupted by the vowel /a/, it applies iteratively all the way to the left edge of the word. The following table shows one verbal example for each of the seven vowels. Each verb has the first person plural subject prefix /to/ followed by the conditional prefix /ko/, the third person singular object prefix /mo/, followed by the verb root and final vowel. In the surface forms of the resulting verbs, those with a 3 rd degree vowel in the root have all 3 rd degree vowels in the prefixes as well. Those with a 2 nd degree or 4 th degree vowel in the root have 2nd degree prefixes on the surface. 24

Table 3.1.1.2f3.1.1.2f:: Height harmony in verbs with multiplemultiple prefixes. Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English tokomobhoha [tɔkɔmɔβɔha] /tokomoββββɔhɔhɔhɔha/ tukimfunga if we tie him tokomogega [tɔkɔmɔgɛga] /tokomoggggɛgɛgɛgɛga/ tukimbeba if we carry him tʉkʉmʉtʉma [tokomotoma] /to ko mo tomtomtom a/ tukimtum a if we send him tʉkʉmʉhɨta [tokomoheta] /to ko mo hethethet a/ tukimpita if we pass him tukumurusha [tukumuɾuʃa] /tokomoɾuʃɾuʃɾuʃɾuʃa/ tukimtoa if we remove him tukumubhisa [tukumuβisa] /tokomoββββisisisisa/ tukimficha if we hide him tʉkʉmʉraga [tokomoɾaga] /tokomoɾagɾagɾagɾaga/ tukimwaga if we tell him goodbye

Finally, note that labialized and palatalized consonants can also affect vowel harmony, since the labial and palatal components of these consonants often behave like 1 st degree vowels, raising leftward vowels to 1 st degree height. See the examples in Table 3.1.1.2g, which have degree 2, 3 or 4 vowels in the stem, but the prefixes have 1 st degree vowels. Table 3.1.1.2g3.1.1.2g:: Prefix harmony with labialized and palatalized consonantsconsonants Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English ikiswa [ikiswa] /ekeswa/ kichuguu termite hill ityɨnyi [itjeeɲi] /etjeɲi/ mnyama animal ukubhyɨma [ukuβjeema] /okoβjema/ kuwinda to hunt ubhwato [uβwaatɔ] /oβoatɔ/ mtumbwi canoe ichakurya [it ʃaakuɾja] /eke akurja/ chakula food

In the final two examples in the chart above, we see that prefix raising also occurs when the vowel of the prefix labializes or palatalizes before a vowelinitial stem. In this case, the augment vowel is raised. See more examples in Section 3.1.2.1 below. Note that there are some exceptional forms in which labialized consonants do not raise preceding vowels, which indicates that there are also semivowels which pattern like 2 nd degree vowels. This is described more in Section 3.1.1.5 below.

3.1.1.3 Vowel Harmony in Verb Stems and SuffixesSuffixes:: Leftward Spreading In verb stems and suffixes, height harmony can spread leftward (like the harmony in noun stems and prefixes) or rightward, depending on which verbal suffixes are involved. For suffixes which have a 1 st degree vowel, vowel harmony spreads leftward.

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This is the case for the perfective suffix /iɾe/, and sometimes for the passive /u/ and causative /i/ extensions. The perfective, passive and causative suffixes all raise 2nd degree root vowels to 1 st degree height, but they have somewhat different effects on 3rd degree root vowels. While the perfective suffix does raise 3 rd degree roots to the 2nd degree, the passive and causative extensions do not raise 3rd degree vowels. In Table 3.1.1.3a below, four perfective verb forms are listed, each with the 1PL subject prefix /to/ and the perfective suffix /iɾe/. Note the vowel raising in the second and third examples. The first and last examples show that the stem vowel /a/ and the 1 st degree vowel /i/ are unaffected by the perfective suffix. Table 3.1.1.3a3.1.1.3a:: Vowel harmony with the perfective aspect suffix Deg. Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English 4 tʉmarirɨ [toma ɾiɾe] /to ma ɾiɾe/ tumemaliza we have finished 3 tʉtɨmirɨ [totemi ɾe] /to tɛm iɾe/ tumepiga we have beaten 2 tutinirɨ [tutiniɾe] /toteniɾe/ tumekata we have cut 1 tuhizirɨ [tuhiziɾe] /tohiziɾe/ tumeshinda we have overcome

In verbs with the passive extension /u/, the suffix desyllabifies and forms a labialized consonant with the final root consonant. Its height feature still causes raising for 2nd degree root vowels, which are raised to 1 st degree vowels, but 3rd degree vowels are not raised to 2 nd degree vowels as we might expect. The phonological explanation for this inconsistent vowel raising is unknown. See examples in Table 3.1.1.3b below. Table 3.1.1.3b3.1.1.3b:: Vowel harmony with the passive verbal extension Deg. Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English 4 ʉkʉhakwa [okohakwa] /okohakua/ kupakwa to be applied okogegwa [ɔkɔgɛgwa] /okogegua/ kubebwa to be carried 3 okosomwa [ɔkɔsɔmwa] /okosɔmua/ kuchomwa to be pierced ukubhirikirwa [ukuβiɾikiɾwa] /okoβeɾekeɾ kuitwa to be called 2 ua/ ukwibhurwa [ukwii βu ɾwa] /oko ibhor ua/ kuzaliwa to be born ukuhizwa [ukuhizwa] /okohizua/ kushindwa to be overcome 1 ukutugwa [ukutugwa] /okotugua/ kufugwa to be domesticated

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Causative verbs show the same harmony patterns as passive verbs. Like the passive extension, the causative /i/ also desyllabifies, forming a palatalized consonant, and it raises preceding 2nd degree vowels, but not preceding 3 rd degree vowels. Table 3.1.1.3c shows one example for each of the seven vowels. Table 3.1.1.3c3.1.1.3c:: Vowel harmharmonyony with the causative extension Deg. Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English ukugwatya [ukugwatja] /okogwatia/ kushikisha to cause to 4 hold okogegya [ɔkɔgɛgja] /okogɛgia/ kubebesha to cause to carry 3 okosomya [ɔkɔsɔmja] /okosɔmia/ kuchomesha to cause to pierce ukugurya [ukuguɾja] /okogoɾia/ kuuza to sell 2 ukuhitya [ukuhitja] /okohetia/ kupitisha to cause to pass ukubhururucha [ukuβuɾuɾutʃa] /okoβuɾuɾuk kurusha to fly ia/ 1 ukunihya [ukunihja] /okonihia/ kuchosha to make tired

All vowels altered by the addition of a 1st degree suffix are written in their surface form, as pronounced, including the vowel alternations. Orthography testing has shown that Ikizu speakers are better able to understand a word written in its surface form, even in instances of potential ambiguity, than they are able to grasp reading a word written in its underlying form with vowels which do not match their auditory perception. Ambiguity can result when there are verb roots which are distinguished only by a vowel quality difference between 1 st degree and 2 nd degree vowels, since the contrast between these vowels is neutralized when the 2 nd degree vowels are raised. See all known examples of ambiguous perfective stems in Table 3.1.1.3d. The context of a sentence usually disambiguates any potentially ambiguous words.

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Table 3.1.1.3d3.1.1.3d:: Ambiguity in perfective verb stems Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili EngEnglish lishlishlish /tukiɾe/ chimba dig tukirɨ [tukire] /tokiɾe/ tukana curse /tum iɾe/ shona sew tumirɨ [tumiɾe] /tom iɾe/ tuma send /kiɾiɾe/ nyamaza be quiet kirirɨ [kiɾiɾe] /keɾiɾe/ vuka cross over /iβiɾe/ iba steal ibhirɨ [iβiɾe] /eβiɾe/ sahau forget /ɾiŋg iɾe/ kunja fold ringirɨ [ɾiŋgiɾe] /ɾeŋg iɾe/ imba sing

3.1.1.4 Vowel Harmony in Verb Stems and Suffixes: Rightward Spreading Vowel harmony spreads rightward from the stem to verbal suffixes which have a degree 2 vowel underlyingly. This includes the backvowel reversive /oɾ/ and reversivestative /ok/, as well as the frontvowel applicative /eɾ/, stative /ek/ and subjunctive /e/. The following table shows a summary of the two rightward spreading patterns. The pattern illustrated by the applicative also applies for the stative and subjunctive suffixes, while the inversive pattern also applies to the inversivestative suffix. Note that no clear examples have been found in which the root vowel /ɛ/ co occurs with the reversive or reversivestative suffix, which explains the gap in the table.

Table 3.1.1.4a Vowel Harmony in Applicative and Inversive Suffixes Applicative ////eeeeɾɾɾɾ//// following root vowels i ɨ a ʉ uu: ɨr following root vowels e oe o:o er

Inversive ////ooooɾɾɾɾ//// following root vowels i ɨ a ʉʉ: ʉr following root vowels uuu:u ur following root vowels ooo:o or following root vowels eee:e ?

The applicative /eɾ/, stative /ek/, and subjunctive /e/ extensions have a 2 nd degree vowel underlying. These suffixes surface with a 2nd degree vowels following 1st , 2 nd , and 4 th degree vowels. The only context in which these frontvowel suffixes

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alternate is when the stem has a 3 rd degree vowel, in which case the suffix lowers to match the height of the stem. Tables 3.1.1.4b and 3.1.1.4c and 3.1.1.4d give examples of each of these three suffixes. Each suffix is exemplified together with verb roots representing each of the seven vowel phonemes. In Table 3.1.1.4b, glosses of only the basic stem are given. The applicative suffix adds the meaning of ‘to, for, on behalf of’ to the verb, increasing the verb’s valency. Table 3.1.1.43.1.1.4b:b: Vowel harmony with the applicative suffix ////eeeeɾɾɾɾ//// Degree Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English ukubhis ɨra [uku βise ɾa] /oko βis eɾa/ kuficha to hide 1 ukwagurɨra [ukwaguɾeɾa] /okoaguɾeɾa/ kutambaa to crawl ʉkʉbhɨɨkɨra [okoβeekeɾa] /okoβeekeɾa/ kuzika to bury 2 ʉkʉgʉrɨra [okogoɾeɾa] /okogoɾeɾa/ kununua to buy okoreetera [ɔkɔɾɛɛtɛɾa] /okoɾɛɛteɾa/ kuleta to bring 3 [ɔkɔtɔɔɾɛɾa] /okotɔɔɾeɾa/ kuokota to pick okotoorera up 4 ʉkʉ mar ɨra [okoma ɾeɾa] /oko ma ɾeɾa/ kumaliza to finish

Table 3.1.1.4c gives examples of the stative extension, which reduces the valency of the verb and denotes a state of being, e.g. ‘to be plugged up’. The stative extension is not very productive in Ikizu, and many apparent examples of it are in frozen forms, which is why the examples do not all have a known basic stem from which the stative verb is clearly derived. Glosses denote the meaning of the stative form, since there can be significant differences in meaning between basic stems and their stative counterparts. Table 3.1.1.4c3.1.1.4c:: Vowel harharmonymony with the stative suffix //eeeek/k/k/k/ Deg. Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English ukuribh ɨka [uku ɾiβe ka ] /oko ɾiβ eka/ kuzibika to be plugged up 1 ukurut ɨka [uku ɾuteka] /oko ɾut ek a/ kuvutika to be pulled 2 ʉkʉmʉrɨka [okomoɾeka] /okomoɾeka/ kumulika to light up ukwihegeka [ukwihɛgɛka] /okoihɛgɛka/ kuegemea to rely on 3 okotobheka [ɔkɔtɔβɛka] /okotɔβɛka/ kuloweka to be soaking 4 ʉkʉsarɨka [okosaɾeka] /okosaɾeka/ kuharibika be ruined

In the table above, the harmony patterns between the suffix and the preceding stem vowel are the same patterns as found with applicative verbs above and the subjunctive verbs below.

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Subjunctive verbs are shown in Table 3.1.1.4d, all with the 3PL subject prefix /βa/. Glosses of only the basic stem are given. Table 3.1.1.4d3.1.1.4d:: Vowel harmony with the subjsubjunctiveunctive suffix ////eeee//// Deg. Orthography Phonetic PhonPhonemic emic Swahili English bhanihɨ [βanihe] /βanihe/ choka tire 1 bhatugɨ [βatuge] /βatuge/ fuga domesticate bhabhyɨmɨ [βaβjeme] /βaβjeme/ winda hunt 2 bhay ʉngɨ [βajoŋge] /βa jo ŋg e/ chuja strain bhareete [βa ɾɛɛtɛ] /βa ɾɛɛt e/ leta bring 3 bharore [βaɾɔɾɛ] /βaɾɔɾe/ ona see 4 bhatangɨ [βataŋge] /βataŋge/ anza start

The harmony pattern for the inversive suffix is different than the pattern of the frontvowel extensions above, and it is asymmetrical in the way it harmonizes with frontvowel and backvowel stems. The inversive suffix only harmonizes with the back vowels /u, o, ɔ/ in the stem. With frontvowels and /a/ in the stem, the underlying form /oɾ/ surfaces on each occassion. When a back vowel is in the stem, if the stem vowel is the 1st degree /u/, the suffix raises to /uɾ/. If the final vowel of the stem is the 2nd degree /o/, then the suffix will remain at its underlying 2 nd degree form. If the stem vowel is the 3rd degree vowel /ɔ/, the suffix lowers to 3 rd degree /ɔɾ/. Table 3.1.1.4e below shows examples of infinitive verbs with the inversive suffix, which is underlyingly /oɾ/. Recall that no examples have been found of the inversive suffix with /ɛ/ in the stem. Table 3.1.1.4e3.1.1.4e:: Vowel harmony with the inversive //ooooɾɾɾɾ// suffix Deg. OrtOrthography hography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English ukuribhʉra [ukuɾiβoɾa] /okoɾiβoɾa/ kuzibua to unplug 1 ukutungura [ukutu ŋgu ɾa] /oko tu ŋg oɾa/ kukomboa to redeem ʉkʉsɨmbʉra [okosembo ɾa] /oko semb oɾa/ kuchimbua to dig up 2 ʉkʉrʉngʉra [okoɾoŋgoɾa] /okoɾoŋgoɾa/ kuungua to be burnt 3 okogorora [ɔkɔgɔɾɔɾa] /okogɔɾoɾa/ kukunjua to unfold 4 ʉkʉtazʉra [okotazoɾa] /okotazoɾa/ kufungua to open

In summary, the three frontvowel verbal suffixes above are the only alternating affixes in Ikizu which have only two vowel alternations. The inversive suffixes, as well as all nonlow prefixes, have three alternations for each of the non low vowel heights, thus exhibiting total height harmony. The inversive pattern is

30 more complicated, however, since there is asymmetry in its application following frontvowels and backvowels in the verb root.

3.1.1.5 Exceptions to the Vowel Harmony Patterns There are a variety of exceptions to the vowel harmony rules described above, and these are important to understand for checking the correct spelling of Ikizu words. As mentioned above, the overarching rule for writing Ikizu vowels is to write words as they are pronounced in isolation, and this applies even when they do not follow the “normal” harmony rules described above. Exceptions described below include: labialized consonants which do not cause raising of leftward vowels, nominalized verbs whose stem vowels are not raised by the agentive suffix, and a small number of second degree verb stems whose vowels are not raised by some suffixes. Also, recall that third degree vowels are not raised in the context of causative and passive extensions, but that is not dealt with in this section, as examples have already been given in §3.1.1.3. First, there are some nouns which have labialized steminitial consonants, yet prefix vowels to the left are not raised. This indicates that there are likely two types of semivowels: those which function as 1 st degree vowels and cause raising, and those which function as second degree vowels and do not cause raising. 7 See examples in Table 3.1.1.5a below. It is interesting to note that all examples have monosyllabic stems. In each case, the prefix vowel agrees with the stem vowel, without regard to the labialization of the stem consonant.

7 Since surface form writing is preferred, the fact that some labialization does not raise the preceding vowel need not be reflected in distinguishing between /u/labialization and /o/labialization in the orthography. This difference is reflected in the Kuria orthography by writing the relevant vowel symbols instead of the semivowels and . Not writing this distinction in Ikizu will not cause ambiguity in reading or writing. 31

Table 3.1.1.5a: Labialization of stemsteminitialinitial consonants

Orthography Swahili English

ʉkʉtwtwtwtwɨ sikio ear

ʉrʉkwkwkwkwɨ kuni firewood

ʉrʉbhwbhwbhwbhwɨ jiwe la kusagia grinding stone

ʉbhʉkwkwkwkwɨ mahari brideprice

omong’wng’wng’we aina ya mti type of tree

eengwngwngwngwe chui leopard

ɨkɨhwhwhwhwɨ mzuka ghost

Compare the words above to examples in §2.2.3, in which labialized consonants do cause raising in leftward prefixes. There are also occasions in which later stem consonants are labialized without any effect on vowels leftward in the stem. In Table 3.1.1.5b below, third degree stem vowels are not raised when followed by a labialized consonant. Table 3.1.1.5b: Labialization of later stem consonants

Orthography Swahili English

rikorwrwrwrwe konokono snail

eteemwmwmwmwa umbo; tabia form; behavior

ekemerwrwrwrwa chipukizi sprout

omobhohwhwhwhwa mfungwa prisoner

Another set of exceptional words is a group of nominalized verbs in which the stem vowels would be expected to raise preceding the agentive suffix /i/, but they do not. See examples in Table 3.1.1.5c below. Each example has a second degree vowel in the verb stem, and its vowel remains a second degree vowel even in the agentive form. Compare with examples of raised stem vowels in §3.1.1.1 above.

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Table 3.1.1.5c3.1.1.5c:: Vowel harmony exceptions in nominalizednominalized verbs Form Orthography PhPhPhonetic Ph onetic Phonemic Swahili English Verb ʉkʉsɨɨga [o kosee ga ] /okosee ga/ kupenda to love Noun ʉmʉsɨɨgi [omoseegi] /omoseegi/ mpenzi one who loves Verb ukukw ɨra [ukukw ee ɾa] /oko kw eɾa/ kuoa to marry Noun umukwɨri [umukweeɾi] /omokweɾi/ bwana groom harusi Noun ubhukwɨri [uβukweeɾi] /oβokweɾi/ ndoa marriage

Finally, there are also a small number of 2nd degree verb stems whose vowels are not raised by some suffixes. In §3.1.1.3 above, examples show that 3rd degree verb stems are resistant to raising with causative and passive extensions, but they are raised with the perfective suffix, whereas 2nd degree verb stems are usually raised with all three of these suffixes. Table 3.1.1.5d below shows examples of three 2nd degree stems in which the passive suffix does not raise the stem vowel. Even in the perfective forms, the final verb ‘tumependa’, ‘we have loved’ is resistant to raising. The stem is also resistant when the agentive suffix is added (see the table directly above). Table 3.1.1.5d: Vowel harmony exceptions in some second degree verbs Basic Infinitive PassiPassive veveve ////uuuu//// Perfective ////ire/ire/ Swahili English ʉkʉrɨnda ʉkʉrɨndwa turindir ɨ kusubiri to wait ʉkʉsɨnza ʉkʉsɨnzwa tusinzir ɨ kuchinja to slaughter ʉkʉsɨɨga ʉkʉsɨɨgwa tʉsɨɨgirɨ kupenda to love

Despite the various exceptions listed in this section, the harmony patterns described elsewhere in Section 3.1.1 are by far the most pervasive throughout the language.

3.1.2 Vowel Adjacency at Morpheme Boundaries Ikizu vowels behave predictably when adjacent to other vowels at a morpheme boundary. Prefixes with underlying 2 nd degree vowels desyllabify before all other vowels (even identical vowels), except for degree 1 vowels with the same front or back quality. When lowvowel prefixes are adjacent to vowelinitial morphemes with a nonlow vowel, the /a/ of the first morpheme elides, and the initial vowel of the second morpheme is compensatorily lengthened. When two low vowels are adjacent across a morpheme boundary, they assimilate to form a single long low vowel. Each of these processes are discussed in the following subsections.

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3.1.2.1 Desyllabification With the exception of class 5 nominal and agreement prefixes, all other prefixes have either /e/, /o/, or /a/ underlyingly. When either of the two 2 nd degree vowels /e, o/ occur in a prefix adjacent to another vowel, these prefix vowels almost always desyllabify. That is, underlying /e/ palatalizes, and underlying /o/ labializes. The only exception is when the second vowel in the sequence is a degree 1 vowel with the same front or back quality as the prefix. In these cases, instead of desyllabifying, the prefixes harmonize with the stem vowel, being raised to 1st degree height. This creates a long 1st degree vowel. Note also that palatalization and labialization of the prefix always raises the augment vowel to a 1st degree vowel, as is explained in Section 3.1.1.2 above. Table 3.1.2.1a below shows examples of the class 8 prefix /eβe/ (when possible) in combination with a variety of vowelinitial stems, thus illustrating the palatalization and assimilation processes described above. Table 3.1.2.13.1.2.1a:a: Examples of /e/e/e//e /// at a morpheme boundary Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English ibh yar a [i βja aɾa] /e βe aɾa/ vidole fingers ibhyene [iβjɛɛnɛ] /eβeɛnɛ/ vyenewe itself ibhyɨrʉ [iβjeeɾo] /eβeeɾo/ vyeupe white imiisi [imiisi] /emeisi/ michi pestles ibhyogero [iβjɔɔgɛɾɔ] /eβeɔgɛɾɔ/ vipuli earrings ibhy ʉra [i βjoo ɾa] /e βe oɾa/ vyura frogs

As it has already been described in §2.2.2 on palatalization, when the consonants /g, k, s/ are palatalized, the palatalized consonants /gj, kj, sj/ are pronounced as [dʒ, tʃ, ʃ] and written as , respectively. This affects the class 7 prefix /eke/, which appears as before all vowelinitial stems, except for stems which begin with /i/, in which case no palatalization occurs. Table 3.1.2.1b below shows the prefix alternation to before the stem , whereas the prefix surfaces as before the stem . Table 3.1.2.1b: Examples of ///eke/ekeekeeke//// with different stem vowels Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English ichara [it ʃaaɾa] /eke aɾa/ kidole finger ikiirimya [ikii ɾimja] /eke iɾimja/ giza darkness

The 2 nd degree vowel /o/ labializes before vowelinitial stems. An exception is for stems which begin with /u/. Recall that before a 1 st degree vowel in the stem, the prefix harmonizes with the stem vowel, being raised to 1 st degree height. This creates

34 a long 1 st degree vowel across the morpheme boundary. See examples in Table 3.1.2.1c below. Table 3.1.2.1c3.1.2.1c:::: Examples of /o/o/o//o /// at a morpheme boundary Orthography Phonetic PhPhPhonemic Ph onemic Swahili English urwambo [uɾwaambɔ] /oɾoambɔ/ chambo bait ukwenda [ukwɛɛnda] /okoɛnda/ kuhitaji to need ukwɨbha [ukweeβa] /okoeβa/ kusahau to forget umwisi [u mw iisi ] /omo isi / mchi pestle umwobho [u mw ɔɔβɔ] /omo ɔβɔ / shimo hole ukwʉma [ukwooma] /okooma/ kukauka to be dry ukuumya [ukuumja] /okoomja/ kukausha to dry out

Note that even when the two adjacent vowels are both /o/, the vowel of the prefix labializes instead of forming a long vowel, as in above.8 An exception is for those cases in which the initial vowel of the stem is an unspecified vowel (see Section 3.1.2.3 below), in which case a long <ʉʉ> is possible. The class 5 nominal prefix has a 1st degree vowel underlyingly, and it does not harmonize with the noun stem. When the prefix precedes any vowelinitial stem other than those beginning with /i/, the prefix vowel palatalizes. Table 3.1.2.1d shows examples of the class 5 prefix with vowelinitial stems. Table 3.1.2.1d3.1.2.1d:: Class 5 prefix /i/iɾɾɾɾiiii//// with vowelvowelinitialinitial stems Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swa hili English iriirabhuru [iɾiiɾaβuɾu] /iɾiiɾaβuɾu/ cl.5eusi white iryɨmbʉ [iɾjeembo] /iɾiembo/ wimbo song iryene [iɾjɛɛnɛ] /iɾiɛnɛ/ cl.5enyewe itself iryʉndu [iɾjoondu] /iɾiondu/ cl.5dhaifu weak

The class 5 prefix does not normally have an augment, but the augment does appear when the stem is vowelinitial, which explains its presence in the examples above. For the above cases of desyllabification, compensatory lengthening makes the following vowel phonetically longer, but these vowels are written short.

3.1.2.2 Elision Elision takes place across morpheme boundaries and also across word or clitic boundaries. Whether or not elision takes place depends primarily on the specific

8 The fact that the augment vowel is raised to /u/ is strong evidence that the prefix does in fact desyllabify and does not simply become /ʉʉ/. 35 vowels which are adjacent and which order they are in. The most common type of elision occurs when a prefix or clitic ending in /a/ precedes a morpheme or word which begins with a different vowel. In these cases, the /a/ elides, and the second vowel is lengthened (both phonetically and orthographically).9 Table 3.1.2.2a shows examples of elision of /a/ in nominal prefixes before vowelinitial noun stems. Table 3.1.2.23.1.2.2aaaa:: Elision of /a/ in Nominal PPPrefixesPrefixes Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English abheene [aβɛɛnɛ] /aβaɛnɛ/ wenye owners abhiibhi [aβiiβi] /aβaiβi/ wezi thieves abhʉʉbha [aβooβa] /aβaoβa/ waoga cowards amɨɨmbʉ [ameembo] /amaembo/ nyimbo songs am ii sɨgi [ami is egi ] /ama is egi / tumaini hope

Table 3.1.2.2b below shows examples of elision of /a/ in verbal prefixes before vowelinitial verb stems. Table 3.1.2.23.1.2.2bbbb:: Elision of /a/ in Verbal Prefixes Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English bhakeenda [βakɛɛnda] /βakaɛnda/ walitaka they wanted akiibhʉra [akiiβoɾa] /akaiβoɾa/ akazaa she gave birth bharʉʉbhaha [βaɾooβaha] /βaɾaoβaha/ wanaogopa they are afraid

A similar process occurs with clitics such as the conjunction and associative. The conjunction and associatives such as are all subject to elision of their final /a/ vowels. For examples and writing rules, see Section 4.3 on associatives and Section 4.4 on the conjunction. The other common environment for elision involves nominal augment vowels. When a noun is preceded by the copular clitic or the locative clitics or , the noun’s augment elides both in speech and in writing. For examples and writing rules, see Section 4.1 on the copula and Section 4.2 on locatives. Finally, note an exceptional occurrence of elision. The class 10 subject and object verbal agreement prefixes are /ze/ underlyingly. When it is before a consonant, it surfaces with a vowel in the subject prefix (e.g. /zekaheta/ ‘zikapita’, ‘they have passed’), but before a vowelinitial stem, the vowel of the prefix does not

9 Another possible analysis of this data is that the /a/ of the prefix is totally assimilated to the vowel which follows. 36 desyllabify as would be expected. Instead, the prefix vowel elides and the following vowel is lengthened, as displayed with subjunctive verbs in Table 3.1.2.2c below. Table 3.1.2.23.1.2.2c:c: Class 10 verbal prefix elision with vowelvowelinitialinitial verb stems Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English zaanikirɨ [zaanikiɾe] /zeanikiɾe/ zianike you should hang them to dry zeende [zɛɛndɛ] /zeɛnde/ zihitaji they should need zɨɨgɨ [zeege] /zeege/ zijifunze they should learn tuziibh ɨ [tu ziiβe ] /to ze iβe/ tuziibe we should steal them zooge [zɔɔgɛ ] /ze ɔg e/ zipambe they should decorate zʉʉmbakɨ [zoombake] /zeombake/ zijenge you should build them zuumyɨ [zuumje] /zeomie/ zikaushe you should dry them out

Note that the examples and are exceptions to the rule of not writing long vowels before prenasalized consonants, because in these instances there are actually two vowels underlyingly.

3.1.2.3 Assimilation In the two sections above, we have seen that prefixes only have the vowels /o, e, a, i/ underlyingly, and different combinations of these vowels with stem vowels result in different vowel hiatus resolution strategies. In many cases, /o, e, i/ desyllabify before vowelinitial stems, while combinations of /a/ followed by any other vowel usually result in elision of /a/ together with compensatory lengthening of the remaining vowel. A few remaining processes are discussed in this section. When identical vowels are adjacent, there are two different patterns. For the vowels /e/ and /o/, identical adjacent vowels result in glide formation of the first vowel, as already described in §3.1.2.1 above. However, for the vowel /a/, identical adjacent vowels simply form one long vowel of the same quality. See examples of nouns in Table 3.1.2.3a below. Table 3.1.2.3a: IdentIdenticalical adjacent vowels /a/ Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English amaato [amaat ɔ] /ama at ɔ/ mitumbwi canoes abhaana [aβaana] /aβaana/ watoto children amaaru [amaaɾu] /amaaɾu/ mengi many, a lot

The vowels /u, ɔ, ɛ/ never occur underlyingly in prefixes, so there are not examples of these identical adjacent vowels in different morphemes. The vowel /i/ occurs in

37 the class 5 nominal prefix, but no clear examples have been found of it occurring with a stem which begins with the vowel /i/. A final interesting pattern concerns a set of vowelinitial stems in which the initial vowel is unspecified. When the initial stem vowel is unspecified, this vowel slot is filled by the quality of the prefix vowel. There is no desyllabification of prefix vowels; instead, the prefix vowel is simply lengthened. Table 3.1.2.3b below gives examples of this. Underlyingly unspecified vowels are written as /V/. Table 3.1.2.3b3.1.2.3b:: Unspecified vowelvowelinitialinitial stems Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English a. umuucha [umuut ʃa] /omo Vkja/ msichana girl abhaacha [aβaatʃa] /aβaVkja/ wasichana girls b. ʉmʉʉtʉ [omooto] /omoVto/ mtu person abhaatʉ [aβaato] /aβaVto/ watu people ʉgʉʉtʉ [ogooto] /ogoVto/ jitu giant amaat ʉ [amaa to ] /ama Vto / majitu giants ɨrɨɨtʉ [e ɾee to ] /iɾi Vto / jitu giant

The pair of examples in (a) have the same stem, and the examples in (b) have the same stem. The final example is unusual, since the class 5 prefix /iɾi/ actually lowers to the second degree, a pattern which cannot be explained based on the vowel hiatus and harmony patterns seen elsewhere in Ikizu. 10 It had been considered that these unspecified vowelinitial stems may in fact be monosyllabic noun stems and that Ikizu has a rule lengthening the prefix in compensation for such a short word. However, there are many other monosyllabic stems which have only a short prefix vowel. Therefore, the lengthening in the words above must be a result of a feature in those specific stems, not the result of general rule concerning a minimal number of moras in a word. See examples of other monosyllabic noun stems in Table 3.1.2.3c.

10 Similarly, the verb , ‘kuja’, ‘to come’, appears to have an unspecified vowelinitial stem, because when conjugated the initial vowel changes to whatever the vowel of the prefix is, such as , ‘anakuja’, ‘he is coming’. However, if this is true, it is expected to be *<ʉkʉʉza> in the infinitive. This is possibly due to the root historically being inherently palatalized, hence the raising of the preceding vowels. This palatalization has now simplified to /Vz/, but the ability to raise the preceding vowels seems to have remained despite the change. For example: ‘nije’, ‘I should come’, and ‘uje’, ‘you should come’. 38

Table 3.1.2.3c3.1.2.3c:: Monosyllabic noun stems Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English umucha [umutʃa] /omokja/ bidii effort ikiswa [ikiswa] /ekeswa/ kichuguu termite hill ʉmʉbhɨ [omo βe] /omo βe/ mbaya bad person ab habh ɨ [a βaβe] /a βa βe/ wab aya bad people

The words in the table above provide strong evidence against the existence of a general rule requiring a minimum number of moras in a word. Nonetheless, there are other sets of nouns in which there does seem to be a process of prefix lengthening based on the length of the stem. These words are discussed immediately below in §3.1.3

3.1.3 Vowel Length in Classes 5, 9 and 10 prefixes Another morphophonological process involving vowels concerns the length of prefixes in noun classes 5, 9 and 10. Prefix length in these classes varies depending on the length of the stem, and some of this variation is written in the orthography. These three nominal prefixes clearly sound long before monosyllabic noun stems, so the prefixes are accordingly written with long vowels in these shorter words. In any nouns with stems which are two syllables or longer, the prefixes are written short. See examples of class 5 nouns in Table 3.1.3a below. Noun stems are underlined. Table 3.1.3a: Short <ri> and long in class 5 nouns 1111syllablesyllable stems 222 2syllablesyllable stems 333 3syllablesyllable stems riiriiriibhurii bhubhubhu jivu ash riririguha ri guha mfupa bone riririt ri tttɨnɨkaɨnɨka kipande piece riiriirii hhhɨɨɨ vita war ririri saar ʉʉʉ wingu cloud ririri goroobha jioni evening iriiiriiiriinairii nanana jina name riririsabha ri sabha panga machete riririgonera ri gonera gunia gunny sack

Similar examples are found with class 9 /e(N)/ and 10 /ze(N)/ prefixes. If the noun stem is only one syllable, the prefix is very clearly perceived of as long and is therefore written long in most cases. See examples of nouns with monosyllabic stems in Table 3.1.3b below.

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Table 3.1.3b3.1.3b:: Class 9 and 10 prefixes and in nouns with monosyllabic stems Class 9 Class 10 Swahili English ɨɨsɨ zɨɨsɨ nchi land ɨɨka zɨɨka simba lion ee ko zee ko njegere pea ɨn da zɨn da chawa louse ingi zingi inzi fly

Note that the final two examples are written with a short vowel in the prefix, even though the stem has only one syllable. These are exceptions to the rule stated above. The class 9 and 10 prefixes exist in two forms, sometimes occurring with a nasal, sometimes without, e.g. or . When the prefix includes the nasal, the preceding vowel still sounds long, but writing it long would then break another writing rule in Ikizu, which says that long vowels should not be written before a prenasalized consonant. Ikizu speakers felt that it would be best and easiest to simply write the prefix vowels short in cases like ‘inzi, fly’, allowing the normal rule for compensatorily lengthened vowels to take precedence over this convention for writing long vowels in some noun class prefixes. For nouns with stems which have two or more syllables, the class 9 and 10 prefixes are always written with a short vowel, as shown with the examples in Table 3.1.3c below. Table 3.1.3c3.1.3c:: Class 9 and 10 prefixes and in longer nouns Class 9 Class 10 Swahili English ɨkari zɨkari jike female animal 2222syllablesyllable ɨsʉni zɨsʉni aibu shame stems ity ɨnyi zity ɨnyi mnyama animal eteewa zeteewa ufagio broom isigiti zisigiti gogogo type of fish 3333syllablesyllable isirooro zisirooro kumbikumbi flying termites stems esegenke zesegenke chembe razor

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3.23.23.2 Consonants

3.2.1 Elision of ///ɾ//ɾ/ɾ/ɾ/ There are various environments in which the consonant /ɾ/ elides across a morpheme boundary. One instance involves the class 5 nominal prefix /ɾi/. When the class 17 and 18 locative proclitics /ko/ and /mo/ precede a class 5 noun, the prefix consonant /ɾ/ elides, as shown in Table 3.2.1a below. Elision of /ɾ/ causes the locative proclitics to desyllabify. These locative nouns are written as pronounced. See section 4.2.1 for more details concerning writing locatives. Table 3.23.2.1a:.1a: Class 5 prefix consonant elision with locatives Class 5 Noun With locative Swahili English kwibhigi kwenye pango at the place with the cave ribhigi mwibhigi ndani ya pango in the cave kwibhwe kwenye jiwe at the place with the stone riibhwe 11 mw ibhwe ndani ya jiwe in the stone

Another example of /ɾ/ elision involves the combination of applicative and perfective verbal suffixes. When these suffixes cooccur, the /ɾ/ of the applicative elides, and the remaining adjacent vowels assimilate. See examples in Table 3.2.1b below. Note that the vowel quality of the suffix combination varies depending on the quality of the vowel of the applicative suffix, which depends on the vowels of the verb root. See Section 3.1.1.4 for a discussion of vowel harmony in the applicative suffix. Table 3.2.1b: Elision in the appappapplicativeapp licative and perfective suffix combination Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English aamurir iir ɨ [aamu ɾiɾiiɾe ] /aamo ɾeɾeɾiɾe / alimlilia he cried for him amʉkʉrɨɨrɨ [amokoɾeeɾe] /amokɔɾeɾiɾe/ amemfanyia he did for him

A less common environment of /ɾ/ elision involves the combination of the inversive /oɾ/ and perfective /iɾe/ suffixes. When these two suffixes are adjacent, the /ɾ/ of the inversive suffix elides, causing the vowel of the inversive to labialize. Examples are shown below in Table 3.2.1c.

11 Recall that class 5 nouns with monosyllabic stems are written with a long prefix vowel (Section 3.1.3). Though the prefix vowel in the locative form is also pronounced long, e.g. [kwiiβwɛ], in this case the locative spelling follows the normal rule against writing long vowels following a labialized consonant (Section 2.1.3). 41

Table 3.23.2.1.1.1.1cccc:: Elision in inversive and perfective suffixes Orthography Phonetic PhonePhonemic mic Swahili English tʉtazwirɨ [totazwiiɾe] /totazoɾiɾe/ tumefungua we have opened tutukwirɨ [tutukwiiɾe] /totukoɾiɾe/ tumechimbua we have dug up

Other combinations of morphemes with /ɾ/ could also cause elision. In each case, the word is written as it is pronounced slowly in isolation.

3.33.33.3 Intervocalic Semivowels It is very rare to have adjacent nonidentical vowels in Ikizu. By far the most common pattern is to have a consonant between two different vowels. Semivowels can function as a normal consonant between many different sequences of vowels. Examples of appropriate uses of intervocalic semivowels are listed in Table 3.3a below. Examples are listed in the following groups: (a) basic nouns which have a semivowel as a stem consonant, (b) verbs with the reflexive prefix /i/ before vowel initial roots, (c) a verb with a class 9 object prefix /ji/, (d) a referential demonstrative (all of which have the root /jo/), and (e) pronominal forms with class 1 and class 9 agreement. Table 3.3a: Intervocalic ssemivowelsemivowels Ikizu Swahili English oroteewa ufagio broom orogoye kikoa strap a) omowesa mvuvi fisherman iryʉya joto heat riguuwa muwa sugarcane kwiyand ɨka kujiandikisha to register b) kwiyanga kujikataa to refuse oneself kwiyima kujinyima to deny oneself (of something) c) akayitiga akaiacha he left it (class 9 object) d) bhayo hao those (people) (cl ass 2) ʉwʉndɨ mwingine another (person) (class 1) e) ɨyɨndɨ nyingine another (class 9)

Recall that semivowels are also very commonly written together with other consonants to represent palatalization and labialization, as exemplified in sections 2.2.2 and 2.2.3 above.

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Many loan words, especially Biblical names which are translated into Ikizu, are written with intervocalic semivowels in order to fit with the normal Ikizu syllable structure. This also matches the way Ikizu speakers perceive these names to be pronounced best in Ikizu. See examples in Table 3.3b. Table 3.3b: Intervocalic semivowels in loan words and Biblical names Ikizu Swahili English ripaziya pazia curtain ɨngamiya ng’amia camel Ʉmʉyaahudi Myahudi Jew Simiyʉʉni Simeoni Simon Mariyamu Mariamu Mary Kɨɨbhuraaniya Kieburania Hebrew Midiyani Midiani Midian Yɨrɨmiya Yeremia Jeremiah Ibhibhuriya Biblia Bible Yudeya Yudea Judea Suuwa Shua Shuah Bhoowazi Boazi Boaz

There are only two known categories of exceptions to the pattern described above. In the following sets of words, adjacent nonidentical vowels are allowed, since even in pronunciation a semivowel is not pronounced. Table 3.3c shows a small set of class 1a/2a nouns which have a vowelinitial root. When the plural prefix is added, it creates a sequence of adjacent vowels. Each vowel is pronounced in a separate syllable. Table 3.3c: Adjacent vowels in class 1a/2a noun Singular Plural Swahili English unina bhaunina mama yake/yao his/ their mother umwɨtʉ bhaumwɨtʉ kaka (wa mwanamume) brother uuso bhauuso baba yako your father onyoko bhaonyoko mama yako your mother

Finally, Table 3.3d lists several loan words in which the vowel sequence (pronounced as two syllables) is acceptable.

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Table 3.3d: Words written with the vowel sequence Ikizu Swahili English Kaisaariya Kaisaria Caesarea Kaisaari Kaisari Caesar Isumairi Ishmaeli Ishmael Bh ɨtɨsaida Bethsaida Bethsaida Nairi Naili Nile

Note that in the examples of immediately above, the vowel cluster occurs in the penultimate syllable or farther to the left. When this sequence of vowels occurs wordfinally, the preference is to write it as , as in the following examples. TTTableTable 3.3e: Words written with wordwordfinallyfinally Ikizu Swahili English idivaayi divai wine Nagayi Nagai Naggai Abhakorosaayi Wakolosai Colossians

4.4.4. Word Boundaries 4.14.14.1 Copula Underlyingly, the copula is /ne/. Because it has a 2 nd degree vowel, it is affected by vowel harmony and is pronounced as /ni, ne, nɛ/, depending on the vowel height of the following word. Ikizu speakers are highly aware of these different pronunciations and strongly favor that these three different forms of the copula are all written as pronounced. Therefore, the copula occurs in these three forms in the orthography: . The copula is a clitic, and it is written with a hyphen instead of conjunctively. The augment is not pronounced on the word following the copula and is therefore not written. Table 4.1 gives examples of the copula preceding nouns from several classes. The noun class number in the left column.

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Table 4.1: Copula

ClClClassCl assassass Noun With Copula Swahili English

1a1a1a bhaabha nɨbhaabha ni baba is father 111 ʉmʉʉtʉ nɨmʉʉtʉ ni mtu is a person 333 umuri nimuri ni mzizi is a root 999 engoko nengoko ni kuku is a chicken 121212 akataar ʉ nɨkataar ʉ ni kijito is a brook 181818 mʉnyanza nɨmʉnyanza ni ndani ya ziwa is in the lake

Writing the copula with a hyphen helps to distinguish it from the conjunction, which is written as a separate word, but which in some cases is pronounced just like the copula (see Section 4.4 below). 4.24.24.2 Locatives

4.2.1 Nominal The nominal locatives are class 17 and 18 proclitics which are pronounced together with the following noun. They are pronounced and written conjunctively. Classes 17 and 18 both have an underlying 2 nd degree vowel /o/ which alternates according to prefix vowel harmony patterns. These vowel changes are written. When the locatives precede a noun, the noun’s augment vowel elides. Table 4.2.1a provides examples of both classes of locatives, each in combination with a different prefix vowel and one with an initial consonant. Glosses refer to the noun’s meaning in isolation. The addition of the class 17 locative generally adds the meaning of being ‘in the area of’ the noun, whereas class 18 usually means being ‘inside of’ or ‘among’ the noun. Table 4.2.14.2.1aaaa:: Locative clitics with nouns Prefix Noun 171717 181818 Swahili English iii imirigo kumirigo mumirigo mizigo parcels ɨɨɨ ɨhɨtaarʉ kʉhɨtaarʉ mʉhɨtaarʉ vijito brooks eee ekereesa kokereesa mokereesa kidevu beard aaa abhaana kʉbhaana mʉbhaana watoto children ooo omorero komorero momorero moto fire ʉʉʉ ʉmʉgabhʉ kʉmʉgabhʉ mʉmʉgabhʉ mganga doctor uuu umuri kumuri mumuri mzizi root CCC bhazaazi kʉbhazaazi mʉbhazaazi mababu grandfathers

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When class 5 nouns are written with the class 17 or 18 locatives, the consonant /ɾ/ of the class 5 prefix elides, causing the vowel of the locative to labialize. These locative nouns are written as they are pronounced. See examples in Table 4.2.1b below (repeated from Section 3.2.1 above). Table 4.2.1b: Locative clitics with class 5 nouns Class 5 Noun Class 17/18 Swahili Gloss English Gloss kwibhigi kwenye pango at the place with the cave ribhigi mwibhigi ndani ya pango in the cave kwibhwe kwenye jiwe at the place with the stone riibhwe mwibhwe ndani ya jiwe in the stone

Note that locatives are written conjunctively with proper nouns as well as common nouns, as in the examples in Table 4.2.1c below. The first letter of the proper noun is capitalized. Table 4.2.1c: Locatives with proper nouns Proper Noun With Locative Swahili Gloss English Gloss Tanzania mʉTanzania ndani ya Tanzania in Tanzania Abhiikiiz ʉ kuBhiikiiz ʉ kwa Waikizu for the Ikizu people

The class 17 locative is also used for other adverbial meanings not related to space or time, and it is often translated as ‘kwa’ or ‘for, by, with’ in these instances. Even in these cases, the locative is written conjunctively. 12 See examples in Table 4.2.1d below. Table 4.2.1d: Other uses of the class 17 locative Noun With ʉ>ʉ> Swahili Gloss English Gloss ʉbhʉsakirya kʉbhʉsakirya kwa msaada by help amabhoko kʉmabhoko kwa mkono by hand riraka kwiraka kwa sauti with a loud voice

Finally, there are a couple of instances in which the class 17 locative is written disjunctively, such as with demonstratives and infinitive verbs, as Table

12 At an earlier point some writers began to write some locatives disjunctively when they had a more adverbial, nonlocative sense, in order to distinguish them from those with a clearer locative meaning. However, it proved to be very difficult to consistently distinguish these two uses of the locative form, and all agreed that it is best to write them all conjunctively without regard to the specific sense of the word. This rule has been easier for writers to consistently apply. 46

4.2.1e illustrates. Note that augment vowels are not written on the infinitive following the locatives, since augment vowels are elided in this environment. Table 4.2.1e: Locatives writtwrittenen disjundisjuncccctivelytively Example Swahili Gloss English Gloss kʉ gayo kwa hiyo therefore kʉ kʉbha kwa kuwa because, for kʉ kʉgamba kwa kusema by saying

Infinitives are written with disjunctive locatives because the meaning becomes ambiguous if they are written conjunctively. For example, if the final example were written conjunctively, as in , a first glance at the word would invoke the meaning ‘kukusema’, ‘to talk about you’, in which the first is the infinitive prefix and the second would be interpreted as an object prefix.

4.2.2 Verbal There are also four locative verbal suffixes from each of the classes 16 <ho>, 17 <ku>, 18 <mu> and 23 <yʉ>. Each of these suffixes are pronounced and written conjunctively. The vowels of these suffixes do not seem to undergo vowel harmony. Examples of verbs with locative suffixes are in Table 4.2.2 below. Table 4.2.2: Locative clitics with verbs Class Suffix Ikizu example Swahili English 161616 ho tʉkahikaho tukafikapo we arrived there 171717 ku araryaku anakulako he is eating there 181818 mu ribhuukir ɨmu li me amkamo it woke up inside 232323 yʉ nikiikaray ʉ nikakaako I sat there

4.34.34.3 Associatives Associatives are prepositional clitics which associate two words. The associative is made up of an agreement prefix which agrees in class with the first noun of the construction, followed by the vowel /a/. Table 4.3a shows the basic forms of all Ikizu associatives, as they appear when written before consonantinitial words.

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Table 4.3: Associatives before consonantconsonantinitialinitial words NC Associative NC Associative 1 wa 11 rwa 2 bha 12 ka 3 gwa 13 twa 4 ja 14 bhwa 5 rya 15 kwa 6 ga 16 13 ha 7 cha 19 hya 8 bhya 20 gwa 9 ya 23 wa 10 za

If the second word of the associative construction has an augment vowel, then the /a/ of the associative elides, even in slow speech, and the noun’s augment vowel is compensatorily lengthened. The associative is pronounced together with the following word, but it is written separately. The lengthened augment vowel is perceived by Ikizu speakers as replacing the underlying /a/ of the associative, therefore the vowel alternations are written on the associative, and the following noun is also written with its augment vowel.14 The underlying /a/ is pronounced when the following word has no augment, such as those in noun classes 5, 1a, or 10. Table 4.3b provides examples from several classes. Because the classes of both nouns in the phrase affect the form of the associative, the permutations of possible forms are quite high. The examples below show various associatives in combination with each augment vowel, and the final two examples show the associative when followed by nouns with no augment.

13 Class 17 and 18 locative classes are not listed here, since associatives of these classes are not used as noun modifiers. When a noun with a locative prefix is modified by an associative, the associative agrees with the inherent class of the noun, not with the locative class (Gray 2013: 32). 14 Orthography testing among Ikizu and Sizaki speakers has shown a very high resistence to writing associatives and the conjunction with their underlyingly vowels. Even in the slowest speech, it is considered incorrect to pronounce underlying vowels in these forms. 48

Table 4.34.3bbbb:: Associatives before vowelvowelinitialinitial words Augment Ikizu Swahili English aaa abhaacha bha abharimi wasichana wa wakulima farmers’ girls eee rigembe rye emeremo jembe la kazi work hoe ɨɨɨ ʉbhʉnyaki bhwɨ ɨmɨgʉndʉ nyasi za mashamba farms’ grass iii ʉkʉgʉrʉ kwi ihiiri mguu wa fahali ox’s leg ooo ziisw ɨ zo omorobhya samaki wa mvuvi fisherman ’s fish ʉʉʉ ubhurit ʉ gʉ ʉmʉbhɨrɨ uzito wa mwili body ’s weight uuu umukweri wu umuryakari bwana harusi wa bibi bride’s groom harusi CCC riibhwe rya ribhigi jiwe la pango cave’s stone CCC ʉmʉgʉndʉ gwa nyaamu shamba la paka cat’s field

4.44.44.4 Conjunction The conjunction /na/ ‘na’, ‘and’ is a clitic, much like the associatives in the previous section. The conjunction’s underlying vowel /a/ elides when the following word begins with a vowel. This elision occurs even in the slowest speech. The conjunction is written separately from the following word, but it is written with vowel changes based on its pronunciation with the following word. This results in seven different orthographic forms of the conjunction: . The conjunction is pronounced as and written as when the following word has no augment. As with the associative rule, the initial vowel of the following word is also written on that word, even if it is written in the conjunction as well. Table 4.4a below gives an example with each augment vowel and one with no augment. Table 4.44.4aaaa:: Conjunction Augment Ikizu Swahili English aaa na abh aat ʉ na watu and people eee ne engoko na kuku and chicken ɨɨɨ nɨ ɨbhɨsʉbhɨ na viini and egg yolks iii ni imiri na mizizi and roots ooo no obhosera na uji and porridge ʉʉʉ nʉ ʉbhʉrɨrɨ na kitanda and bed uuu nu umumura na mvulana and boy CCC na nyaamu na paka and cat

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Another similar application of this rule is with a set of possessive verbs with the meaning ‘I have, you have, he has,’ etc. The underlying form of the 1SG verb ‘I have’ is /nena/, which is the combination of the 1SG subject prefix /ne/ and the conjunction /na/. Just like the examples of the conjunction above, the final /a/ elides when a different vowel begins the following word. After this elision takes place, the subject prefix then harmonizes with the following augment vowel. These two processes result in seven different forms of this one word meaning ‘nina’ or ‘I have.’ Examples are given in Table 4.4b. Table 4.44.4bbbb:: Possessive Verbs

Augment Ikizu Swahili English aaa nɨna abhaat ʉ ni na watu I have people eee nene engoko nina kuku I have a chicken ɨɨɨ nɨnɨ ɨbhɨsʉbhɨ nina viini I have egg yolks iii nini imiri nina mizizi I have roots ooo neno obhosera nina uji I have porridge ʉʉʉ nɨnʉ ʉbhʉrɨrɨ nina kitanda I have a bed uuu ni nu umumura nina mvulana I have a boy CCC nɨna nyaamu nina paka I have a cat

The majority of Ikizu and Sizaki speakers who were tested strongly prefer writing the phraselevel pronunciation of the conjunction and the possessive verbs, as written in the table immediately above. They are not bothered by the numerous forms for a single word and instead believe that it actually increases comprehension and is a better representation of their language, compared to always writing despite the varied pronunciations in different contexts. Another similar rule concerns the adverb ‘kama’, ‘like, as’. As with the conjunction, associatives and possessive verbs, the final /a/ of this word also undergoes elision when followed by another vowel, even in slow speech. In keeping with the rules above, this word is also written as pronounced in a phrase. See examples in Table 4.4c, showing three of the seven possible orthographic forms of this word. Table 4.4c: fformsorms Augment IkiIkiIkizu Iki zuzuzu Swahili English aaa ncha amabhuri kama manyoya like feathers uuu nchu umwana kama mtoto like a child ooo ncho omorero kama moto like fire

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4.54.54.5 Reduplication In Ikizu, some stems can undergo a process of reduplication.

4.5.1 Verbal Reduplication of the verb stem (including the final vowel) means that the resultant stem now implies continuous, ongoing action. The reduplicated stem is written together with the rest of the verb as a single word, as in Table 4.5.1. Table 4.5.1: Reduplicated verbs Stem Swahili Englis h Reduplicated verb Swahili English seka cheka laugh okosekaseka kuchekacheka to laugh repeatedly taza kanyaga step on ʉkʉtazataza kukanyagakanyaga to step on repeatedly ʉkʉtʉmbatʉmba kuelea to float kabhya pepesa blink ʉkʉkabhyakabhya kupepesa macho to blink repeatedly tuuma ruka jump ukuukuukutuumatuuma uku tuumatuuma kurukaruka to jump up and down

4.5.2 Nominal Nominal reduplication is also written as a single word. In many cases of nominal root reduplication, the resultant word often appears to have no relationship to the original root, or sometimes it appears that the basic component form is no longer in use. Table 4.5.2 shows the known examples of reduplication, and if possible, its original root.

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Table 4.5.2: Reduplicated nouns Original Swahili English Reduplicated Swahili English noun/verb noun ubhushubhushʉʉʉʉ uso face ikishikishʉshʉ ʉshʉ kipaji forehead ikisubhikisubhɨɨɨɨ kiume male ubhusubhubhusubhɨsubhɨ ɨsubhɨ ujasiri bravery ukubhuna kuvunja to ikibhunabhuna kivunjajungu praying break mantis obhoyenze shungi la lions oroyenzeyenze hariri silk simba main ikikurukuru nyonga small of back akamwarimwari giza la jioni dusk nyamumbunyamumbu fimbo ya throwing gumbugu kurusha stick urunwanwa aina ya mti type of tree ʉmʉkarakara aina ya mti type of tree ekenyegenyege kilimbili wrist

In cases of reduplication, vowel harmony appears to be broken in the resultant noun root, but this is because the process of reduplication happens after the vowels of the original root have harmonized. Thus, we have: ‘ujasiri’, ‘bravery’ instead of *.

4.5.3 Demonstratives Demonstratives are also reduplicated in Ikizu, and they are written conjunctively. As in Swahili, a reduplicated demonstrative makes the distinction that the thing that is being referred to is ‘that very thing’ that was previously discussed. Reduplication is possible for the proximal, referential and distal demonstratives from every class. Some examples are in Table 4.5.3. Table 4.5.3: Reduplicated demonstratives Class Demonstrative Reduplicated Swahili English demonstrative 1 wʉnʉ wʉnʉwʉnʉ huyuhuyu this very person 5 riyʉ riyʉriyʉ hilohilo that very thing 16 hayʉ hayʉhayʉ hapohapo that very place

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As with reduplicated nouns in the previous section, vowel harmony does not apply within reduplicated demonstratives, e.g. .

4.64.64.6 CompCompoundound words As with reduplication, new lexical items can be created by bringing two other word stems together. Since this new word no longer has the combined meaning of the original components, the item becomes a word in its own right, and it is written as one word. In cases where the component words do not include a verb, hence there is no barrier preventing vowel harmony, vowels might be disharmonic throughout the word. Table 4.6: Compound words Word 1 Glosses Word 2 Glosses Compound Glosses okoteokotemamamama ‘kupiga’ amanzi ‘maji’ eketemamanzi ‘dete’ ‘to hit’ ‘water’ ‘kingfisher’ umwumweneeneeneene ‘mwenye’ icharo ‘nchi’ umwenecharo ‘anayemiliki’ ‘owner’ ‘land’ ‘owner’ ukugwa ‘kuanguka’ ribhanza ‘zizi’ ikigwibhanza ‘mwanaharamu’ ‘to fall’ ‘cow pen’ ‘basta rd’ ʉbʉbʉb hhhʉsʉngʉ ‘sumu’ riitriitriit ɨɨɨ ‘mti’ ʉmʉsʉngʉtɨ ‘aina ya mti’ ‘poison’ ‘tree’ ‘type of tree’ taata 151515 ‘baba’ ??? taatabhyara ‘baba mkwe’ ‘father’ ‘father in law’ ʉkʉzanza 161616 ‘kujiachia’ ʉmʉtɨ ‘mti’ ɨkɨzaɨkɨzanz nznznzamamamamʉtɨʉtɨʉtɨʉtɨ ‘kindi’ ‘to let ‘tree’ ‘squirrel’ oneself go’

4.74.74.7 Interrogative and adverbial enclitics There are three additional enclitics in Ikizu which have not yet been covered in the preceding sections on word boundary rules. These include two interrogative and one adverbial enclitic, which are each presented in Table 4.7a below. Each word has a

15 Though is the word for ‘baba’, ‘father’ in many surrounding languages, the Ikizu use the word for father. The word is either an historic Ikizu form, or else the Ikizu borrowed the compound from a surrounding language. Note also that the second half of the compound looks much like the class 8 noun ‘vidole’, ‘fingers’, but there is no clear semantic connection between this noun and the compound form. 16 It is not entirely clear if this verb is related to the compound, but it seems plausible. 53 full form which can be pronounced in isolation, as well as an enclitic form which is always pronounced in phraselevel speech. Table 4.7a: Overview of interrogative and adverbial enclitics Full Form Clitic Form Swahili English ɨkɨ kɨ nini, gani what, which ɨbhwɨ bhwɨ vipi how ɨbhu bhu hivi thus, like this

Ikizu speakers naturally write these words only in their cliticized form, because at the phrase level they are always pronounced together with the preceding noun or verb. The agreedupon rule is that both conjunctive and disjunctive writing is acceptable. Though we acknowledge that conjunctive writing will be most common, there are rare occasions in which special emphasis on the enclitic could be best represented with disjunctive writing. Table 4.7b gives examples of the writing options for all three enclitics, with <ɨkɨ> in group (a), <ɨbhwɨ> in group (b) and <ɨbhu> in group (c). For all three words, the initial /ɨ/ vowel is written in disjunctive writing, whereas it is not written in conjunctive writing. Table 4.7b: Writing options for interrogative and adverbial encencliticslitics Full Form Clitic Form Swahili English

(Disjunctive) (Conjunctive) ʉrangʼa ɨkɨ ʉrangʼakɨ utanipa nini? what will you give me? (a) nendengo ɨkɨ nendengokɨ ni kiasi gani? how much is it? nɨmangʼana ɨkɨ nɨmangʼanakɨ ni maneno gani? which words are they? ɨbhɨɨrɨ ɨbhwɨ ɨbhɨɨrɨbhwɨ imekuwa vipi? how has it been? nibhwɨnɨ ɨbhwɨ nibhwɨnɨbwɨ nimepata vipi? what have I got? (b) yandikirwɨ yandikirwɨbwɨ imeandikwaje? how is it written? ɨbhwɨ akabhuga ɨbhu akabhugabhu alisema hivi he said li ke this ʉkʉrirɨ ɨbhu ʉkʉrirɨbhu umefanya hivi you have done like (c) this okore ɨbhu okorebhu ufanye hivi you should do like this

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Finally, note that all three of these short words have some lexicalized forms which are always written conjunctively. These are combinations of the three enclitics with either the adverb or the copula , as shown in Table 4.7c below. Table 4.7c: Lexicalized forms written conjunctively Lexicalized form Swahili English kwak ɨ kwa nini why kwabhwɨ kwa vipi how nɨmbwɨ ni vipi how is it nɨkɨ ni nini what is it kwɨbhu kwa hiyo therefore

Ikizu speakers do not seem to easily associate each of these “frozen” forms with their individual parts, so writing these words disjunctively would be quite difficult for writers and would also make the meaning less immediately accessible to readers.

5.5.5. Punctuation Ikizu punctuation follows the standards used in Swahili for the period, comma, exclamation mark, question mark, colon, and quotation marks.

5.15.15.1 Capitalization The first letter of a word should be capitalized if it starts a sentence or a quotation.

NNNereendaN kuja yɨɨka. ‘Nataka kwenda nyumbani.’ ‘I want to go home.’

Bhaabha akabhuga, “TTTTʉrɨngɨ Ikiikiizʉ.” ‘Baba alisema, “Tuimbe kwa Kiikizu.”’ ‘Father said, “Let’s sing in Ikizu.”’

For capitalization of proper nouns, the first letter of the proper noun should be capitalized rather than the first letter of the root of the word. For example:

After a regular verb: Abhaatʉ bhanʉ bharabhirikirwa AAAbhiikiizʉ.A ‘Watu hawa wanaitwa Waikizu.’ ‘These people are called the Ikizu people.’

After an associative: iryɨmbʉ ryi IIIkiikiizʉI ‘wimbo wa Kiikizu’ ‘song of Ikizu’ 55

After a copula: Iriina ryaye nɨYYYYohana. ‘Jina lake ni Yohana.’ ‘His name is John.’ After a conjunction: Abhasimbiti na AAAbhiikiizʉA ‘Wasimbiti na Waikizu’ ‘The Simbiti and the Ikizu’

The only exception to this rule is when the locative clitic is found on proper nouns. In this case, the clitic is not capitalized, and the capitalization remains on the first letter of the proper noun.

Niriikara mʉBBBBhhhhatanzania. ‘Ninaishi katikati ya Watanzania.’ ‘I live among Tanzanians.’

If the locative proper noun combination is found at the beginning of a sentence then the first letter of the clitic is also capitalized.

MMMʉN M NNNyamuswa mʉnʉ rigwirɨ rirʉgʉ ryu ubhurwɨrɨ bhwi ikipindupindu. ‘Mwenye Nyamuswa humu mumeanguka janga la ugonjwa wa kipindupindu.’ ‘Within Nyamuswa there occurred a calamity of the cholera disease.’

5.25.25.2 Quotation marks Quotation marks, <“, ”>, are used in Ikizu for the quotation of speech.

Nawe umuhiri akamʉbhʉʉrɨra, “““Zakaaria,“ ʉtʉʉbhaha!…”””” (Luka 1:13) ‘Lakini malaika akamwambia, “Zakaria, usiogope!...”’ ‘But the angel told him, “Zechariah, do not be afraid!...”’

As in English and Swahili, the speech introducer is followed by a comma immediately prior to the quotation. The first word of the quotation is also capitalized, and the final sentence of the quotation is closed with a period, exclamation mark or question mark, before the closing quotation mark <”>.

Umuhiri akabhuga, “Ninyɨ Gabhuryɨri, nikwimɨrɨra mʉbhʉtangɨ bhwa Mungu.”.”.”.” (Luka 1:1920) ‘Malaika akasema, “Ndimi Gabrieli, ninasimama mbele ya Mungu.”’ ‘The angel said, “I am Gabriel, who stands in the presence of God.”’

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6.6.6. Loan words Loan words in Ikizu are generally altered to fit normal Ikizu phonemes and syllable structures. Sometimes vowels in steminitial syllables and penultimate syllables are considered to be long vowels when pronounced in Ikizu, and they are written as such. A few example Biblical loan words are as follows: Table 6: BiblicBiblicalal lal loanl oan words in Ikizu Ikizu Swahili English Abhayaahudi Wayahudi Jews Yɨɨsu Kiriisitʉ Yesu Kristo Jesus Christ Abhurahaamu Abrahamu Abraham Bhɨtɨrɨhɨɨmu Bethlehemu Bethlehem

7.7.7. List of difficult words Words which do not follow normal vowel harmony patterns could be confusing for some Ikizu spellers and spellcheckers. See Section 3.1.1.5 for specific examples of vowel harmony exceptions. Words with long vowels at morpheme boundaries are sometimes spelled with a short vowel by mistake, especially when this contradicts the rule for compensatory lengthening. See examples in Table 7 below. Table 7: Words with difficult vowel length Orthography Phonetic Phonemic Swahili English akii kara [akiika ɾa] /a ka ika ɾa/ alikaa s/he sat, stayed araa nga [a ɾaaŋga] /a ɾa aŋg a/ anakataa s/he refuses tʉkɨɨmba [tokeemba] /tokaemba/ tuliimba we sang

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Appendix AA:: Ikizu Noun Class Chart The following chart shows all the noun classes in Ikizu, together with an example and Swahili and English glosses for each of the possible vowel harmony variations of each prefix.17 Class Prefix Example Swahili Gloss English Gloss 111 umu umumura mvulana boy ʉmʉ ʉmʉkangati kiongozi leader omo omohocha mtumishi servant 1a1a1a ∅ maamɨ mjomba uncle 222 abha abhamura wavulana boys 2a2a2a bh a bh amaam ɨ wajomba uncles 333 umu umuri mzizi root ʉmʉ ʉmʉgʉndʉ shamba farm omo omoko mbuyu baobab tree 444 imi imiri mizizi roots ɨmɨ ɨmɨgʉndʉ mashamba farms eme emeko mibuyu baobab trees 555 ri ritare mwamba rock 666 ama amatare miamba rocks 777 iki ikichanʉrʉ kichanio comb ɨkɨ ɨkɨmʉʉ ri ndama calf eke ekegero kitu thing 888 ibhi ibhichanʉrʉ vichanio combs ɨbhɨ ɨbhɨmʉʉri ndama calves ebhe ebhegero vitu things 999 in inzugu tembo elephant ɨn ɨnzage pundamilia zebra en enzoka nyoka snake 9a9a9a i ibhuuri fuzi shoulder blade ɨ ɨhabhiri ng’ombe jike cow e eng’ete tegu tapeworm 101010 zi n zinzugu tembo (wengi) cows

17 Note that class 23 is not included in this table, since it is relatively rare, has few if any inherent nouns, and has possibly only one case of being used derivationally. See Gray 2013 (21ff.) for more information on class 23. 58

Class Prefix Example Swahili Gloss English Gloss zɨn zɨnzage pundamilia (wengi) zebras zen zenzoka nyoka (wengi) snakes 10a10a10a zi zibhuuri mafuzi shoulder blades zɨ zɨhabhiri mang’ombe jike cows ze zeng’ete mategu tapeworms 111111 uru urusiri kamba rope ʉrʉ ʉrʉbharu ubavu rib oro orohembe pembe horn 121212 aka akataarʉ kijito brook 131313 181818 ʉtʉ ʉtʉtare miamba midogo small rocks 141414 ubhu ubhukima ugali ugali ʉbhʉ ʉbhʉrɨrɨ kitanda bed obho obhosera uji porridge 151515 uku ukubhisa kuficha hiding ʉkʉ ʉkʉtw ɨ sikio ear oko okobhora kuoza rotting 161616 aha ahagero mahali brideprice 171717 kʉ kʉnyanza kwenye ziwa around the lake 181818 mʉ mʉnyanza ndani ya ziwa in the lake 191919 ihi ihisuuhu vidogo small (things) ɨhɨ ɨhɨtaaro vijito brooks ehe ehezoka vinyoka small snakes 202020 ugu ugutyɨnyi mnyamna mkubwa beast ʉgʉ ʉgʉʉtʉ jitu giant ogo ogozoka joka large snake

18 Some of the augmentative and diminutive classes, especially classes 13, 19 and 20, have a limited use in modern normal Ikizu speech. Though these examples are understood, they sometimes seem unnatural to Ikizu speakers if the words appear outside of the proper context. 59

Ikizu Noun Class Pairings The Ikizu singular and plural noun class groupings are shown below. Plural classes are mentioned in order of frequency.

Class Sing. Prefix Class Plural Prefix 111 umu /ʉmʉ /omo 222 ab ha 1a1a1a ∅ 2a2a2a bha 333 umu/ʉmʉ/omo 444 imi/ɨmɨ/eme 555 ri 666 ama 101010 zi/zɨ/ze 777 iki/ɨkɨ/eke 888 ibhi/ɨbhɨ/ebhe 999 in/ɨn/en 101010 zin/zɨn/zen 9a9a9a i/ɨ/e 10a10a10a zi/zɨ/ze 111111 uru/ʉrʉ/oro 101010 zin/zɨn/zen 888 ibhi/ɨbhɨ/ebhe 141414 ubhu/ʉbhʉ/obho 121212 aka 888 ibhi/ɨbhɨ/ebhe 191919 ihi/ɨhɨ/ehe 131313 utu /ʉtʉ /oto 141414 ub hu/ʉb hʉ/ob ho 6 ama 151515 uku/ʉkʉ/oko 666 ama 202020 ugu/ʉgʉ/ogo 666 ama

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Appendix BB:: History of Ikizu Orthography Development This is a record of the history of the Ikizu orthography, including initial orthography development workshops, as well as a variety of events or types of changes affecting the orthography. Significant milestones, including testing and approval events, are listed, including the date and a short description of which issues were tested or discussed. Major orthography changes are also listed, along with the date the change was made and a short description of the circumstances. Details of specific rule changes are primarily focused on changes which were made from the time trial orthography status was granted until approved orthography status was granted.

Date Place and/or group Event or Orthography issues tested or changed 1620 October Word collection Ikizu speakers gathered to translate the 1700 2006 workshop Wordlist into Ikizu to be used as data for orthography workshops 12 February – 2 First and second Experimental Orthography created during the March; Orthography course of two threeweek workshops, the first 16 April – 5 Workshops of which focused on the alphabet, and the May 2007 second on morphology and word boundary rules. 20082009 Orthography testing Various orthography testing events at SIL at SIL office office, working towards “Trial Orthography” status 2009 Trial Orthography Status Granted by SIL UTB 20102011 Orthography testing Informal testing and feedback from Ikizu during literacy participants during a series of literacy workshops workshops at SIL office; no orthography changes made at this time. 1718 March Reading Group in Issues tested: general, vs. , 2014 “Salama A” village writing compensatorily lengthened vowels, (16 people who length of class 5 and 10 prefixes, writing the previously had conjunction transition literacy training and then a 3day seminar)

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11 April 2014 Second testing event Additional feedback and testing of the with Reading Group following issues: general, writing in “Salama A”, this compensatorily lengthened vowels, length of time with significant class 5 and 10 prefixes, possessive copula reading practice and 'nina' forms a week of writing training (19 people) 2325 April 3day literacy and Issues tested: general, vs. , 2014 orthography seminar writing compensatorily lengthened vowels, in village of length of class 5 and 10 prefixes, conjunction, Nyamatoke, with possessive copula 'nina' forms mix of 21 Sizaki and Ikizu speakers 22 May 2014 Ikizu Language Reviewed the issues tested FebApril 2014; Committee Meeting committee gave approval for all (11 people) recommendations, which were based on the results of orthography testing: • Change to • Write CL vowels short • Write class 5 and 10 prefix vowels short in bisyllabic and greater nouns • Write phraselevel pronunciation of conjunction and ‘nina’ forms

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Cammenga, Jelle. 2004. Igikuria phonology and morphology: a Bantu language of SouthWest Kenya and NorthWest Tanzania . Köln: Köppe.

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Chacha, Chacha, and David Odden. 1998. The phonology of vocalic height in Kikuria. Studies in African Linguistics 27 (2): 129158.

Gray, Hazel. 2013. Locatives in Ikizu. Leiden: Leiden University MA thesis.

Gray, Hazel, and Michelle Smith. 2010. Ikizu Orthography Sketch. Unpublished Manuscript. SIL International, UgandaTanzania Branch.

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Lewis, Paul, Gary Simons & Charles Fennig (eds). 2016. Ethnologue: Languages of the world . Nineteenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version: www.ethnologue.com .

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Parkinson, Frederick. 1996. The representation of vowel height in phonology . Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio State University.

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