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EDUCATION AND NATIONALISM IN THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA: A

POLICY ANALYSIS OF EDUCATIONAL REFORM FROM 1974 - 1991

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of

Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Dorothy Darinka Soljaga, M.Ed. *****

The Ohio State University

1998

Dissertation Committee: Approved by

Professor Robert Lawson, Adviser

Professor Antoinette Errante

Professor Charles Gribble Adviser College of Education UMI Number: 9911275

UMI Microform 9911275 Copyright 1999, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.

This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 ABSTRACT

Yugoslavia provides a salient portrayal of the resounding effect of nationalism in the late 1980s and early 1990s. In efforts to explain the disintegration of the nation, education has been given scant attention. This study examines the Constitution of 1974, the resulting laws and educational policy documents and the effects of education’s role in fostering brotherhood and unity among the South Slavs. An analysis of archival documents along with public sentiment engrossed in interviews tentatively confirm that sporadic ethnic hostility, economic depressions and ever-present Communist dogmatism, are reflected in subsequent educational policies and reforms. Dedicated to my fanuly and to ail who suffered the wrath of nationalism

U l ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Throughout researching and writing, I have been blessed by generous people who left worthwhile impressions on my life and this accomplishment. I would like to thank Dr. Lawson, whose guidance and patience continually inspired me.

Dr. Errante and Dr. Gribble my committee members. Dr. Nada Svilar and Ana

Zunjic steadfast sources of motivation, Zorica and Milica Jovanovic for constant support, Kole Soljaga, a dear assistant and thinker, Mr. Mile and Mrs. Dobrila

Zivkov for sharing their time and tireless talents, Tanja Rafailovic, Strina Beba,

Diane Zamiska, Sladjana Brankovic and Ivan Cukanic, Ms. Iskra Maksimovic and the Ministry of Education in Belgrade, Diane Tomich, Mira Kozul and my devout mother, my earnest father and my dear brothers. Please accept my sincere gratitude and may God bless you all.

IV VITA

March 11, 1973 Bom - Cleveland, Ohio

June 1994 B.S. Education, The Ohio State University

August 1995...... M.Ed. Theory and Practice, The Ohio State University

1995 - 1996...... Teacher, Worthington Schools

EDELDS OF STUDY

Major Reid: Education TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Abstract ...... ii

Dedication...... iii

Acknowledgments...... iv

Vita...... V

List of Tables ...... viii

List of Abbreviations...... ix

Chapters:

1. An Overview of Yugoslavia, Education and Nationalism...... 1

1.1 Setting...... 2

1.2 Background...... 13

1.3 Statement of the Problem...... 39

1.4 Objectives of the Study...... 40

1.5 Definition of Terms ...... 43

1.6 Assumptions and Limitations...... 46

1.7 Significance of the Problem...... 48

2. A Discussion of Education and Nationalism in the Yugoslav Context...... 52

VI 2.1 Conceptions of Nationalism...... 53

2.2 Nationalism in the Yugoslav Context...... 66

2.3 Yugoslav Education and Nationalism...... 82

3. An Analysis of Yugoslav Education and Nationalism...... 108

3.1 The Pioneer’s Textbook...... 108

3.2 The Constitutions...... 116

3.3 Goals of Lessons in History...... 120

3.4 Tasks of Teaching History...... 121

3.5 Operating Tasks for the Rfth Grade ...... 122

3.6 The Rfth Grade History Curriculum...... 124

3.7 The Sixth Grade History Curriculum...... 126

3.8 The Seventh Grade History Curriculum...... 133

3.9 The Eighth Grade History Curriculum...... 144

3.10 Reforms in 1984/5 and 1990/1...... 150

4. Conclusions About Education and Nationalism in the Former Yugoslavia.. 165

4.1 Discussion...... 165

4.2 Conclusions...... 174

4.3 Suggestions for Further Study...... 187

4.4 Summary...... 189

Bibliography...... 192

V ll LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

2.1 National Composition of Yugoslavia, 1961-1991...... 69

2.2 Excerpts form the Syllabus of General Education and

General Technical Subjects for the Occupation of Mathematics-

Computer Programming Operative and Natural Sciences

Operative (Level IV)...... 87

3.1 Synopsis of the 1976 Rfth Grade History Curriculum...... 125

3.2 Synopsis of the 1976 Sixth Grade History Curriculum...... 133

3.3 Synopsis of the 1976 Seventh Grade History Curriculum...... 141

3.4 Synopsis of the 1976 Eighth Grade IBstory Curriculum...... 150

3.5 Comparison of 1976,1984/5 and 1990 Rfth Grade History

Curricula...... 151

3.6 Comparison of 1976,1984/5 and 1991 Sixth Grade KGstory

Curricula...... 153

3.7 Comparison of 1976,1984/5 and 1991 Seven± Grade History

Curricula...... 156

3.8 Comparison of 1976,1984/5 and 1991 Eighth Grade History

Curricula...... 159

V lll LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

DFJ—Democratic Federation of Yugoslavia

FNRJ—Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia

KCSC—Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes

KPJ—Communist Party of Yugoslavia

LCS—League of Communists of Serbia

LCY—League of Communists of Yugoslavia

NDH—Independent State of Croatia

NOB—National Liberation Battle (WW IT)

NOR—National War for Liberation (WW H)

NOP— National Liberation Movement

NOVJ—National Liberation Army of Yugoslavia

SAP—Socialist Autonomous Province

SFRJ—Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

SR—Socialist Republic

IX CHAPTER 1

AN OVERVIEW OF YUGOSLAVIA, NATIONALISM AND EDUCATION

Throughout perhaps all of Europe, Yugoslavia provides the most salient portrayal of the resounding effects of the sweeping returns to nationalism in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The breakup of Yugoslavia both astounded and perplexed the world in terms of its violence and complexity. Economic, political and historical theories have been proposed to explain the fracturing of the Land of the South Slavs.’ However, an overlooked venue of scholarly inquiry has been education. In fact, the social construction of education, especially in the period from 1974 into the 1980’s, provides.sig n ificantinsight into the return to nationalism, and the eventual dissolution of the country. Educational policy making and practice, exemplifying rigid communist control over state institutions, illustrates the Yugoslav path to Marxism. The ethnic outbursts, economic depressions and political dogmatism, interspersed throughout the history of Yugoslavia, are reflected also in educational policies

and reforms. The purpose of this research study is to explore the relationship between education and nationalism in Yugoslavia. From a historical and intra-national perspective, the history of Yugoslavia and, to a greater extent, her documented

' see Woodward, Banac, Dragnich, Denitch, Lampe, Singleton and others referenced in the bibliography for various perspectives regarding reasons for the demise of Yugoslavia.

1 history of education are examined in efforts to describe evolutionary trends. Within the corresponding historical framework, exploration of educational policies in relation to the conflict-ridden issue of nationalism in Yugoslavia is ascertained. Scrutiny of educational policies is used to discover characteristics of the implementation and disintegration of nationality ties, and thus, the upheaval of nationalism. Details follow at the end of the chapter and as is

conventional in an historical work, I have included the methodology section in this chapter. First, attention is directed at developing the most significant periods of the history of the South Slavs, from the first unification, of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (KSCS) in 1919 to the 1945 creation of the People’s Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, later renamed the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRJ). This discussion provides the framework for the analysis of the recurring themes of nationalism and chauvinism, with focus on the role of education within these spheres. Through the treatment of education, the issue of diversity in reference to national histories, languages, religions and traditions as they relate to nationalism is evaluated. Specific

educational policies and practices, established within the KSCS and SFRJ are

inspected in relation to their success or failure in solidifying Yugoslav Socialist patriotism.

Setting

The former Yugoslavia was one nation containing six republics (Serbia, Croatia, Montenegro, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia and Slovenia) five nationalities (Serbian, Croatian, Bosnian, Macedonian and Slovenian) four languages (Serbian, Croatian, Macedonian, Slovenian) three religions (Orthodoxy, Catholicism and Islam) two alphabets (Latin and Cyrillic). While the very diversity indigenous to the South Slav state, both in the post-World War I and post World War II periods, may raise speculation for reasons as to the ultimate disintegration, it is important to be fully apprised of the setting. In order to discuss the initial creation of the KSCS, it is necessary to be acquainted with the fundamental historic organizations of the South Slavic people. The Slavs migrated from the north-east of Europe beginning in the fifth century AD, corresponding to the dissolution of the Roman Empire. While the primary social structure was that of tribal association, the invading Christian crusaders converted the former-pagans and created a sense of unity resulting in the formation of the first Croatian Kingdom followed by the Serbian Kingdom. By the tenth century, three Slavic people are distinguishable- Serbs, Croats and

Slovenes.^ During the Great Schism of the Churches, the Croatians opted for the Catholic branch, while the Serbs remained Orthodox. The B o g o m ils, another religious sect, are reputedly heralded as the ancestors of the Muslim religion in Bosnia. Later, as the Croatian regency was transferred to the Hungarian monarchy, the Croatians joined the Slovenes as part of the Habsburg empire until the post-World War I dissolution of the monarchy. The Serbs occupied by the Ottomans, to whom they lost sovereignty on June 28, 1389, reestablished their kingdom only after 1878. In the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, education was, due to the distinct national situations, decidedly a separate institution for each of the three named nationalities in the future-KSCS. The Croatian

* Fred Singleton, A Short History of the Yugoslav Peoples. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985: p. 14. Nagodba or Compromise of 1868 returned control of the educational system from the Habsburgs to the Croatian Church and then in 1874 to the jurisdiction of the Croatian Sabor (Parliament). The Gaj ideology of Illyrianism postulated that the South Slavs were indeed one people, originating from the ancient

Illyrians, orchestrated by the Croat, Ljudvit Gaj, at the conclusion of the 19th century. Due to its popularity, especially with the intellectuals, the first Croat- controlled schools were inundated with a Slavic “brotherhood” message. Ivan Filipovic, a leading Croatian scholar illustrates, “Croats and Serbs, in our unity is our hope, and the school must, it can alone clear the way to creating that national unity” ^ Thus, despite the nationalist agendas of some Croats, the schools chose to emphasize the commonalties among the Slavic people. Indeed, “in textbooks, the idea of a common language of the Serbs and Croats received attention; the students were urged to respect each other’s religions, traditions and cultures.”^ For the Croats, the idea of Slavic unity was more favorable than continued Habsburg domination. At times, this unity was focused on Slavism with overt Croatian leadership, but nevertheless, the early Croat schools, from 1874 to 1918 highlighted basic Illyrian principles. Education in Slovenia, however, remained exclusively under the control of the Habsburgs. The schools were organizedaccording to the Austro- Hungarian systems and emphasized allegiance to the Habsburg monarchy. Although Slovenians and other minorities in the Empire were guaranteed the right to establish schools in the mother tongue of the population if there was a

^ Charles Jelavich, South Slav Nationalisms: Textbooks and the Yugoslav Union before 1914. Ohio State University Press, Columbus, 1990: as quoted in Jelavich’s work, pp. 41-42.

^p.9. minority population over 40 students, this was rarely actualized. For Slovene nationalists, a critical educational issue was the preservation of the Slovenian language, especially where Germans constituted the majority.^ This educational

situation endured in the Slovene lands until the formation of the KSCS. In the Kingdom of Serbia, education donned a politically charged role from the onset. Stqjan Novakovic, the firstm inister of the Chief Educational Council in the Kingdom of Serbia, established in 1890, saw the role of education as necessary to fostering ethnic unity, which was essential to the future of the Serbian nation.® Education was the tool by which national self- consciousness prepared future citizens to make sacrifices for territorial expansion.’ Furthermore, the schools were instructed to instill a keen sense of identification of Serbia’s enemies, especially Greeks, Bulgarians, Turks, Albanians, Germans, Hungarians and at times even Croats. Versions of the Illyrian ideology were evident in the Kingdom of Serbia, but the schools disseminated these thoughts in a primarily ethnocentric context.* The role of other Slavic people was peripheralized. Nationalist ideas, while perhaps more meaningfully dispersed through other venues, were a necessary component of the elementary schools. Since education, though compulsory, was not universally attended, and since, of those who did attend schools in 1900-1914, about 95% of the children did not attend beyond the fourth grade, the

"p. 40.

"p. 33.

’ p. 16.

'p . 68-97. elementary level was targeted.® Thus, the Serbian schools concentrated efforts at developing nationalism in the early grades. An issue inextricably linked to nationalism and simultaneously to the schools is that of language. In the Slavic lands, the issue of language has historically been controversial. At the end of the nineteenth century, the Serbian and Croatian languages, though intermittently identified by scholars as distinct entities, were unified through the Literary Agreement or Vieima Accord of 1850. The Agreement was ratified by celebrated Serbian scholars such as, Karadzic and Danicic, and prominent Croatian scholars like Sakcinski, Mazuramic and Dementer and centered on the agreement that the ijekavian variant of the stokavian dialect should be the literary language of Serbs and Croats. The issue of alphabet was decided in favor of equal preservation of the Serbian Cyrillic and the Croatian Latin.'® Thus, a foundation was established for the unified conception of a language labeled interchangeably, Serbo- Croatian, Croato-Serbian or Serbian or Croatian. This common foundation was expressed in subsequent school policies. First, in conjunction with the Agreement and the Illyrian movement, the Cyrillic alphabet began to be taught in Croatian schools, around 1861, with a law mandating instruction in the Cyrillic alphabet after 1874." Croatian readers insisted that “the language of the Croats is identical to the language of the Serbs.”'" The Kingdom of Serbia, embracing the “oneness” of the language.

"p. 39.

'°p. 10.

" pp. 41 and 104.

’-p. 104. implemented dual-alphabet instruction in the elementary schools after 1914. Instruction was intermittently by grade level either in Cyrillic or Latin script Therefore, national, educational and language policies merged in early efforts to solidify Slavic unity.

Similarities in the remaining South Slavic languages (Slovenian and Macedonian) were also emphasized, and in fact, the homogeneity of language was enumerated as one of the reasons for the creation of the KSCS. While both Slovenian and Macedonian are similar to Serbo-Croatian, they also have distinct linguistic identities. The Slovenian language, though Slavic, uses the kajkavian dialect and is regarded a distinct language.'^ In Macedonia, the issue of language was intricately tied to nationality questions and because during this period Macedonia was considered “Southern Serbia”, mostly due to “Macedonian uncertainty of allegiance” and “not initially deny[ing] any of their affiliations” the Macedonian language was politically considered a variation of Serbo-Croatian until 1944.’'* As mentioned, the politically favorable, assumed similarity of the South Slav languages provided a foundation for the concept of a unitarist state comprised of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. As the first World War commenced, the concept inched closer to actualization, and the South Slav people, who had never before been united in one state, were considering allegiance to a Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The motivations for unity were numerous and, at times contested from all sides for various political reasons. But, primary

However this fact was overlooked an subordinated in fevor of South Slav unity.

Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics. Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, 1984: p. 308. motivation for the creation of the KSCS was increased social, political and economic sovereignty, especially for the former-Habsburg territories. The 1881 re-establishment of the Kingdom of Serbia, along with the Illyrian movement provided the initial impetus for the creation of a South orJugo-Slecv state.

In Corfu, the fourteen-point declaration of 1917, signed by the Yugoslav

Committee and Nikola Basic's Serb monarchist government laid the foundation for “a constimtional, democratic and parliamentary monarchy, headed by the Karadjordjevic dynasty.”'^ However, only later, when the two groups were joined by the predominantly Slovenian National Council and Montenegrin royalist representatives before the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 was the unification of the South Slavs in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes solidified. This new state encompassed, nearly completely, the territories of the SFRJ republics of Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro and Macedonia, although the latter three territories were incorporated into Greater-Serbia, and thus, not politically recognized as individual nationalities. By ratifying the Vidovdan Constitution of 1918, the people of the KSCS hoped to realize “the clauses guaranteeing equality among nationalities, civic rights and freedom of religion and of political association.”'® However, many problems existed for the newly established “parliamentary democracy”. Aside from the bureaucratic issues of reconciling currencies, transportation networks and governments, the efforts to artificially impose a new nation raised questions about the credibility of leaders. Singleton

John R. Lampe, Yugoslavia as History: Twice There Was a Country. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996: pp. 102-4 and Singleton p. 127.

Singleton, p. 143. explains, “leaders attempted to impose from above, on a heterogeneous mix of different social and cultural groups a common set of rules and a common political and economic order.”” The Karadjordje regent, attempted to dispel uncertainty and appease the massive peasant population over the creation of the KSCS by adopting a policy of “the land to those who till it.” This attempt at appeasement was scorned, and due to complex ethnic relations, nationalist sentiments flared. The government was transformed from a parliamentary kingdom to an authoritarian kingdom and finally, in final efforts at stability, into the Regency Council. The Sporazum (Agreement) of 1939 was the Regency Council’s effort at satisfying Croat demands for self-rule. Within the Sporazum were the elements necessary to declare the autonomy of Croatia as a province and to reestablished the Croatian Sabor. The Sabor resumed control of internal policies, including education, but “there were no specific provisions for minority rights.”'® Thus, as the second World War, approached, a heightened tension existed among the nationalities of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.”

The role of education in this period is intriguing, especially since the schools, although, supposedly centralized were left to the discretion of the local authorities. As a result, most schools used the same textbooks as in the pre- KSCS era.^® This phenomenon was notably prevalent in the numerous rural

” ibid.

Lampe, p. 192.

”The KSCS was renamed the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1928, in efforts to reduce ethnic tensions. Yugo means “South” and thus Yugoslavia became the Kingdom of the South Slavs.

“ Jelavich, pp. 25-38. areas, where schools, per se, were sparse, resulting in low national levels of literacy. In Slovenia, an historically more industrialized and thus less rural area, the amount of illiteracy during this period was about 9%, yet in Macedonia, Bosnia and Kosovo levels of illiteracy reached 80%. With an average of half the nation being illiterate, educational policies were directed at remedying this woe, with the consequent reliance on the pre-KSCS reader as the literacy base.

The use of the earlier textbooks might have neutralized the issues of nationalism and chauvinism in Croatia, given time.” However, as evidenced by the necessity of the Sporazum, time was not a luxury afforded to Yugoslavia.

Therefore, did education fail? Or, were the calls for autonomy and thereby increased nationalist sentiments even attributable to the educational system? Did the KSCS educational programs and policies contribute directly to nationalism and chauvinism, leading to the dissolution of the nation? Or, is the educational system merely a reflection of greater social problems? Due to the lack of sweeping program and policy reforms and restructuring, it would seem logical that education, despite the grandiose plans of some “Ulyrianists” did not have the political potency required to weave the new social fabric. With the significant illiteracy rates and haphazard treatment of schools in the rural areas, education did not seem able to play a central role in political socialization. Illiteracy levels of about 50% in the post-World War I period and in the immediate post-World War II period, indicated that education failed in the paramount goal of raising literacy levels. Efforts at constructing a

Singleton, p. 134.

“ Jelavich addresses this issue throughout his work, the predominant Illyrian emphasis was evidenced throughout the pre-KSCS readers and in Croatia especially.

10 new national identity fared similarly.^ The treatment of education is further illustrated when Croatian tensions erupted resulting in theSporazum. The decision-making power over education was readily forfeited back to the nationalist authorities. Such control would hardly be relinquished by a nation dedicated to creating a new national consciousness. In fact, the Kingdom lacked

any sort of aggressive, mnovative educational approach to creating unity. Therefore, despite the common language policies, the dual instruction in both alphabets and the Illyrian approach to history, subsequent policies toward education were impotent in neutralizing the nationalist and chauvinistic tendencies of the Yugoslav nations. So, at the onset of World War II, the Kingdom of the South Slavs evolved into a battleground over nationalism. The establishment of the

German-sponsored Independent State of Croatia (NDH) realized the nationalist claims of the Croatian people, culminating in the desire to “convert a third, exterminate a third and relocate a third” of the Serbs living in the NDH.‘“ This, along with the nationalistally-motivated campaign of the Cetniks (Serb

royalists), the communistic agenda of the Partisans (an ethnically-mixed faction) and the Axis offensives complicated situations in the former Kingdom. Educationally, in areas where education was a viable institution, nationalist programs of indoctrination predominated and nationalism and chauvinism flourished. In Croatia, the anti-Illyrian ideologies of language distinctiveness were implemented with the outlawing of the Cyrillic alphabet.^

^ Jelavich and Lampe both discuss identity formation during this period and the lack of crystallization of a Yugoslav identity.

Singleton, p. 177.

II In addition. Ante Starcevic, a late nineteenth century Croatian scholar and journalist, who propagated a virulent Croatian nationalist ideology, regained popularity, with many institutions, certainly including schools, devoting much attention to his anti-Serb theories’®.

Education in the other lands of the former Yugoslavia adopted similar school-related language policies. Nationalist agendas were prevalent in Serbia and Slovenia, as citizens fought to preserve their ethnic identity and culture.

Schools became an extension of the war, an arena through which victors propagated a new order. For example, the German-occupied lands of Slovenia again suffered from language suppression as German occupiers demanded punishment of students if they used their mother tongue and not German in school.^’ Sadly, during this time, education became a vehicle by which national hegemony and cultural inferiority were disseminated and reinforced. The only

exceptions to the nationalist schools were those established by the Partisans, who embraced ethnic diversity and advocated “brotherhood and unity” in hopes of procuring a South Slav Communist state.^*

Josip Broz “Tito," a Croat-Slovenian, recruitedC om m unist supporters along with disenchanted Slavs to create an army dedicated to liberating the people of Yugoslavia. The Partisans, as they were called, fought, at various

times throughout the War, the Cetniks, the Ustasha (of the NDH), the Germans

“ R. J. Crampton, Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century. Routledge, London and New York, 1994: p. 201.

Richard West, Tito and the Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia. Carroll and Graff Publishers, Inc., New York, 1994. In the first three chapters of his book. West provides a surprisingly scholarly and thorough account of early ethnic identity formation in the South Slavs.

^ Singleton, p. 168.

^ Lampe briefly treats the role of partisan schools during and post WW II.

12 and the Italians. Throughout the regions they liberated, the Communist message was dispersed. Future promises of ethnic and economic equality, in the most stringent sense, were made, and the War was re-named and re-christened, by

Tito, as the Narodna Oslobodilacka Borba-NOB (National Struggle for Liberation). As the War concluded, victory was clearly in favor of Tito and his Partisans.

Bacl^ound With the end of World War H, Tito assumed power in the remnants of the former Kingdom and the new People’s Federal Republic of Yugoslavia emerged (later renamed the SFRJ-Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia).

Tito established his government of former Partisans and quickly sought the reconciliation and solidification of the South Slav peoples through C om m unist doctrine. The initial Constitution of 1946, was careful to reaffirm minority rights, which were not specifically addressed in the KSCS Constitution. Specifically, the Constitution stated, “all citizens are equal before the law; there can be no discrimination on grounds of ethnic origin, property status, level of education or religious belief....”^’ With such a magnanimous foundation, the evolution to a Marxist society began. The movement began with a heavy reliance on Soviet interpretations of Marxism. These early years of educational policy in Yugoslavia were overtly Soviet in essence, with Leninist and Stalinist interpretations of Marx prevalent in the entire organization of the system.^® However, as Yugoslavia adopted a

29 Singleton, p. 209.

13 unique route to Marxism (a precipitate of the 1948 Yugoslav expulsion from the Cominform and subsequent split with the USSR), the government adopted decidedly different policies. The hostility between the USSR and Yugoslavia fueled LCY policies in the proceeding decades with counter-Soviet motivation. The Yugoslav government abhorred Soviet influence and was careful, at least initially, to extract it from the educational system. In fact, throughout the history of the SFRJ, the educational system and the political system have had an intimate relationship, one characterized by the dominance of politics. From its conception, education was not, in actuality, under the jurisdiction of pedagogues, but of politicians, for all educational reforms were drafted by politicians. Pedagogues were only consulted when blame for inefficient policies was appropriated.^* The dominance of the political system squelched original pedagogical discoveries and explorations and demanded only affirmations of the system. As the political sphere shurmed Soviet influences the alternative was the development of the system ofsamoupravljene or self-management. Initially the idea of Tito’s Cabinet and of Milovan Djilas specifically, the concept of self­ management was introduced to refocus centralized control and thus the inherent responsibility of the Communist government. It sought to decentralize power by establishing a largely bureaucratic approach to government, especially in economic affairs. Complex unions of laborers were delegated the power to set state quotas and self-manage industry. This ideology offered a unique route to

Nikola Potkonjak, Razvoj Svatanja o Knostitutivnim Komponentama Pedagogije u Jugoslaviju (1944/45-1001/2). Institute za Pedagogiju I Andragogiju Filozofskog Fakultet u Beograd, Beograd, 1994. This phenomenon will be explored in further detail in Chapter 2.

Potkonjak discusses this occurrence and it is presented in great detail in Chapter 2.

14 tite fulfilment of Marx’s vision of a Communist society. At first, self­ management was proposed for industry, but by 1963, the self-management system “extended to the health services and education, thereby adding social self-management to worker self-management.”^^ Indeed, the role of self-management in the later post-World War II educational system was significant, although not necessarily actualized, at least in the first decades. This overlapping of political and educational policies does, however, emphatically illustrate the continuous future dependency of education on the political system. Education did not follow an autonomic road governed by pedagogues, but with the installation of Tito, it became directly dependent on the political state and the Communist parties. Therefore, after World War II, the educational system was very homogeneous and controlled, relying on the dominance of the Communist Party to unify the system and subsequently the country. The stringency in the Communist drive to industrialization was paralleled by the aggressive educational policies of accountable compulsory education and mandatory literacy programs, even for adults. Language agendas became redefined with the reemergence of Serbo-Croatian or Croato-Serbian. Also, Slovenian and Macedonian were constitutionally recognized as official state languages.

Education, from 1945 to the late-1960s, under the careful observation of the Communist Party, actively sought to neutralize ethnic nationalism and chauvinism. The League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY), though comprised of representatives sent firom the Leagues of the respective republics, doggedly usurped republic control of education and maintained strict.

Crampton, p. 309.

15 centralized unifonnity in reforms and policies. The Yugoslav Constitution exemplifies this control by setting the precedent for the realization of an educational system devoted to the preservation of the civil rights therein guaranteed.^^ So, in conjimction with the politically directed role, educational laws and policies were inundated with controlled mandates advoca'uug the necessity of developing “brotherhood and unity” and especially Yugoslavian socialist patriotism.

Tito’s overarching policy of bratstvu i jedinstvu (brotherhood and unity), an aggressive campaign at forging a Yugoslav emotive identity, forbade prejudices and discrimination toward any of the country’s minorities.^'' Through innovative national holidays, slogans, songs and especially the Tito

“cult of personality,” all propagated by the social institutions and especially the schools, Yugoslavs were persuaded to divest themselves of past ethnic-specific nationalism and adopt the novel creation of Yugoslav identity, for the sake of the nation. These ideas filtered into the development of curriculum and textbooks devoted to the aforementioned concepts. Supplemented by a stringent system of equality, one that, at times, through its zealousness sacrificed the intellectual capabilities of students, the educational system strove to reassure minorities and squelch separatists. Yet, despite the rigid structure of education in this period, not all nationalities were content, and nationalist sentiments did fester. One such example was evidenced on the seventeenth of March, 1967, when Croatian intellectuals denounced the 1954 Novi Sad Agreement, which reaffirmed the

' This idea is further cultivated in Chapter 2 through the review of Potkonjak’s work and Mitic.

16 Vienna Accord emphasizing the unity of the Serbian and Croatian languages/^

The drafting of the nationalist 1967 Deklaracija (Declaration), “asserting the separate existence of a Croatian linguistic and literary tradition, and denying the validity of Serbo-Croatian as a historic language,” was explained by some as a temporary backlash to the economic depression rampant during that time/^

Others viewed the Deklaracija, along with the 1968 establishment of the

University of Kosovo, which provided instruction in the Albanian language, consequently producing a surplus of unemployable Albanian-speaking intelligentsia, as a foreshadowing of future events/^

It would seem that the initial calls for autonomy did foreshadow the nationalist and chauvinist tensions that erupted into the “Croatian Spring” of

1969-71, during which Croats and other nationalist organizations in different republics and provinces (e.g. Albanians, Macedonians) demanded greater autonomy. Tito responded to the ultimatums with a series of purges. Not only were the Croatian perpetrators of the “Spring” purged, but in deference to equality alleged Serbian, Slovenian, Albanian and Macedonian “nationalists” were also purged. The centrally imposed purge may have resulted in “the

^‘‘West, pp. 200 and 244-6.

Crampton, p. 310.

^ Singleton, p. 247.

” Crampton, p. 350.

17 eradication of a generation dedicated to anti-nationalist policies.”^*

Nevertheless, the insurrection, met by Tito’s crackdown, also provided the catalyst for a new Constitution.

The period beginning in 1974 commemorates the ratification of a new

Constitution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRJ). The

Constitution, infamous for its comprehensiveness, length and complexity, was proposed by the lifetime president of the government, the army and the

Communist Party, Josip Broz Tito. Tito and his Cabinet of former Partisans developed the 406 clauses contained in the Constitution of 1974 to quell nationalist sentiments and satisfy regional demands for greater autonomy.

While the refinements of the Constitution were multiple, most significantly it established the foundation for a more decentralized nation. Notably giving veto power to all the Socialist Republics and, surprisingly, the Socialist Autonomous

Provinces (SAPs) of Vojvodina and Kosovo which subsequently resulted in autonomy equal to that of the republics.^®

With this final step toward complete autonomy, education no longer had

any tangible renmants of central authority, but followed the social agendas of the respective Republics and Provinces. In addition, the Constitution redirected

Bogdan Dentich, Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1994: p. 54.

Crampton, 352.

18 the role of education, as evidenced by an excerpt from the Basic Principles of the 1974 Constitution:

Because education is a science and culture, a significant factor of the development of the socialist society, increasing the productivity of laborers, the development of the productive strength of the people, the all-encompassing development of personality, the humanization of socialist self-management relations and the universal advancement of society, the socialist association provides freedom for creativity and creates conditions for the development and advancement of education, scholarly, cultural and artistic creativity so that it is successfully serving the advancement of the creative capability of laborers, the advancement of socialist social relations and the all- encompassing development of freedom and humanist personalities. Education is established on the achievement of present sciences and especially Marxism, as a base of scholarly socialism, serving the training of people for labor and for self­ management and their upbringing in the spirit of the achievements of the socialist revolution, socialist ethics, self- managing democracy, sociahst patriotism, brotherhood and unity, equality among people and nationalities, and socialist intemationalism.''“

The Basic Principle portrays the future role of education within the SFRJ. The initial phrases support the implementation of guided education, while the middle of the passage refers to the necessity of instituting a self-management firamework and finally, the concluding sentence revives the development of

Ustav Socijalisticke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije sa Ustavnim Zakonom za Sprovodjenje Ustava Socialistke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije [The Constitution of the Socialist Federal Republics of Yugoslavia with Constitutional Laws for the Adoption of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia] Petar Mladenovic, ed., Novinska Ustanova, Sluzbeni List SFRJ, Beograd, 1974: p. 18. The original text is in Serbian. I have translated this piece into English, along with the remaining texts which have a foreign titles. I have taken every effort to preserve the original meaning of the text, without polluting interpretation. The original works are property of the Ministry of Education Library in Belgrade and are available there for inspection.

19 Yugoslavian socialist patriotism. These three components: guided education, self-management and patriotic development are the central concerns of the educational system throughout the period from 1974 to the late 1980s.

The estabhshment of the 1974 Constitution had resounding effects on the institution of education. First, the responsibihty for educational law and policy development was again directed to the Republic level and now even the

Provincial level. However, decentralization due to a reemphasis on self- management and as a concession to the Republics and Provinces was now viably recognizable. An example is provided by Serbia: the Skupstina

(Parliament) of SR Serbia began the procedure by drafting laws in coordination with the Constitution of SFRJ and then, more narrowly, with the Constitution of

SR Serbia, these laws were then passed to the Prosvetni Savet (Educational

Union) of SR Serbia, where the laws were translated into policy, then being relinquished to the complex self-management unions, which developed plans and programs accordingly, finally receiving refinement and implementation at the district school system level. This new procedure fulfilled the republic and provincial desires for autonomy while relying solely on thedominant

Communistparty members present at each level of the system to create continuity'".

^'Bogdan Denitch. Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1994. This idea is a central theme throughout Denitch’s work.

20 Next, the new Constitution reaJBBnned and even required that education reinforce unifying ideologies (also present, but not to the same extent, m the past constitution). Hence, much of the language regarding nationalism and patriotism adopted even more rigid characteristics. The defibued role of the schools was to wholeheartedly combat nationalism and chauvinism while encouraging patriotism. This translated into emphatic policy mandates like the one proposed by Mitic, a League of Communists of Serbia (LCS) representative in the Parliament of the Socialist Republic of Serbia:

The contents of these lectures [in history] need to be projects of the most significant examples of our revolutionary traditions and symbols, in a manner so that they will be relevant and fulfilling to the young generations and with this, contribute to the development of patriotism and their just direction in the traditional fostering of brotherhood and xmity."^

Thus, the role of the school was to forcibly replace ethnic nationalism and chauvinism with brotherly unity and Yugoslav patriotism. Therefore, a resounding policy and curricular emphasis was placed on the history of World War n (previously renamed by the Partisans, and thus rather universally referred to as the Narodna Oslobodilacka Borba-'NOB or the Narodna Oslobodicka Rata -the People’s Liberation Battle) with careful attention to the heroic role of the partisans and especially Druze (Comrade) Tito. Tito, endowed with life-time presidency, became the symbol of

Yugoslavia. The country was unified admirationin of Tito and his

Vojislav Mitic, Ed. Reforma Obrazovanja I Vaspitanja u SR Serbiji: Dokumenti. Republicki Sekretarijat za Informacije, KOCMOC, Beograd, 1978: p. 135.

21 accomplishments throughout his youth and the War. The schools of this period were a viable transmitter of this idea. In fact, as students entered the &st grade, they were inducted, in an elaborate ceremony, into Titove Pioniri (Tito’s Pioneers). This youth organization required students to pledge allegiance to Tito and the Socialist Revolution. Development of Yugoslav Socialist patriotism was the founding principle of the Pioneers and its counterpart in the middle and high schools, the Omladinci (though, membership in this organization was not mandatory). Membership in the Pioneers, an integral component of the elementary years, laid the foundation for Yugoslavian identity, through ritual ceremonies held on Tito’s birthday, the required memorization of poems and songs glorifying Tito and the NOB. In addition, work cooperation initiatives, student assistant programs and partner school exchanges reinforced the patriotic tone of the Pioneers. By the mid-1970s pedagogues were granted the opportunity to theorize about the Yugoslavian path to Marxist education. Yet, the two most significant educational reforms implemented during this period,samoupravljene (self­ management) and usmerno (guided) education were top-down mandates from the LCY. Because of these two uniquely Yugoslav reforms in education Nikola Potkonjak, a leading pedagogue and politician (it was extremely rare to be a pedagogue without being political) categorized the period from 1970 to 1986/7 as being the richest in Yugoslavian educational history (1994)'*^. The key elements of the social construction of education from 1974 to the late 1980s are the defined decentralization of government, as ratified in the 1974 Constitution and the implementation of guided education, educational self-

Potknojak discusses these issues at length in his book that is summarized in Chapter 2.

22 management and Yugoslav socialist patriotism. An overview of these themes may help readers to understand the Yugoslavian version of communist/socialist education.

Before, the implementation of guided education, students chose either a vocational or professional track after the eighth grade, however, guided education delayed the decision until after the tenth grade. The two years between the eighth and tenth grades were fortified with a general education curriculum.'*^ Obradovic summarizes the objective of the guided education reform into four broad categories:

(1) a more equal distribution of students from various social backgrounds enrolled in secondary schools of various types; (2) a greater stress on the teaching of specific occupational skills with the intent of achieving a speedier transition from school to work and the continuation of education through work; (3) a weakening of the old dualism in secondary education, breaking down the separation of intellectual and manual labor and promoting greater equality of access to training and employment opportunities; and (4) a closer integration of the school system with the societal and industrial needs of the social system of self-management.'*^

Primarily, however,usmemo education was implemented for two reasons: to provide a longer period of general schooling to the population and to poslpone vocational/professional commitments for two years. Inherent in both reasons is a dogmatic interpretation of equality and a presumed effort to make universally accessible the enlightened education previously available only to the

ibid.

Josip Obradovic, “Early Returns on Educational Reforms in Yugoslavia.” Comparative Education Review, August 1986: p. 389.

23 bourgeoisie. While usmerno education presumably strengthened the general knowledge of the population, it was also blamed for unemployment and intellectual disillusionment. Students were deemed less prepared for the work force, due to the addition of the two years of general education. In fact, the benefits of guided education evade quantification, though Obradovic attempts to evaluate the reform. “It was difBcult to conclude that the goal of increasing general education and cultural levels has been attained. There is a general decline in achievement scores compared with the prereform system of the majority of centers.”^® The relatively unsatisfactory results of guided education were categorically asserted as the failure of pedagogues. The next issue, that of self-management, was a complex system first evidenced in the economic sectors of the SFRJ. Initially, this approach involved the establishment of bureaucratic unions which were responsible for the creation of factory quotas and economic plans. The samoupravljene system was to be an organic venture toward an independent route to Marxism. Social and thereby educational implementation was proposed in the late 1960s. Educational installation though never fully actualized, was partially fulfilled in the mid- 1970s.'" The 1974 Constitution provided the necessary impetus for the substantial reforms required to commence the realization ofsamoupravljene. Educationalsamoupravljene followed the established precedent of the economic sector with a complex construction of bureaucracy. Samoupravljene unions were found throughout the strata of society. The LCY delegated

Obradovic, p. 395.

Nikola Potkonjak, Izabrana Dela. Prva Knjiga, Osijek, 1994.

24 republics and/or provinces to createsamoupravljene committees that oversaw the work of the samoupravljene unions in the respective region. The separate samoupravljene unions consisting of pedagogues, professionals, laborers, teachers, parents and students were created, with each specific union having a defined role in the educational process. The self-management system sought to place the control of educational programs and reforms in the hands of the people. Steps were taken to prevent the abuse of such power, predominantly by the structuring of the system with shared power. Councils not individuals were responsible for decisions. The result was criticized however for its lumbering bureaucracy.'** Like many of the other reforms inundating education in this period, practical adoption was not necessarily plausible and many critics highlighted the bureaucracy of the self­ management system as hindering the development of the nation. Self­ management, like guided education, was blamed both in the economic and educational sector for the deep economic depression of the mid-1980s.'*^ Patriotic development, the third component of social construction in this period, was closely associated with the rationale for education. Education, in the SFRJ was regarded as a socializing factor through which socioeconomic differences were minimized and new social relations and labor habits were formed. Additionally, the role of education was to indoctrinate the youth in

Marxism, without religion or other polluting factors.*"

Simlesa discusses the inefBcacy of the self-management system along with additional authors featured in Chapter 2.

^ Potkonjak, 1994.

25 Article 5 of the Collection of Laws regarding Preschool, Elementary,

Secondary, Technical and University Education and Upbringing elaborates on the purpose of the schools in Yugoslavia, citing that the students:

should develop a love for SFRJ, unity in the equality of rights among peoples and nationalities, capabilities and readiness for self-protection, and the defense of independence, foster the positive aspects of the NOB, and discipline in the spirit of brotherhood and unity/' This ideology was named Yugoslavian socialist patriotism and it filtered into educational policies and practices. One subject specifically dedicated to the aforementioned idea is that of the social studies. “Its [the social studies’] purpose is to develop Yugoslavian socialist patriotism and proletarian internationalism, brotherhood and unity, and togetherness of our people and nationalities Two other courses developed, primarily to foster Yugoslavian socialist patriotism, wereopste narodna odbrana (people’s general defense) and drustvena samozastita (social self­ protection). The prescribed purpose of the courses is to arm citizens with the theoretical weaponry necessary to guard Yugoslavs from the many international anti-Marxist forces.^^ Tito explains to teachers and students what it is to be Yugoslavian. “Your duty is to work not on integrating nationalities, but on

Mitic discusses this at length in his work that is summarized in Chapter 2.

Miodrag Vidojkovic, Ed. Zbirka Zakona o Predskolskom Osnovnom Serdnjem Visem I Visokom Obrazovanju I Vaspitanju u SR Serbiju, SAP Kosova I SAP Vojvodina. OOUR Savremena Knjiga, Beograd, 1974: p. 68. Mitic, p. 71.

® Tomislav Bogavac, “Udzbenik, Udzbenicka Literatura I Nastavna Sredstva u Funkciju Ostvarivanja Jugoslovenskog Socijalistickog Patriotizma.” in Razvijanje I Negovanje Jugoslovenskog Patriotizma, Nauci I Kulturi I Sekcija Prosvemi Listova Republika I Pokrajina: Beograd, 1984: explains the relevance of these two courses as necessary for the survival of Yugoslavia.

2 6 creating a new socialist Yugoslav man who will beimmune to all negative nationalist characteristics.”^'*

The development of Yugoslav socialist patriotisminfiltrated even the non-school sectors of Yugoslav life. Article 25 of the Laws regarding Primary

Education makes provision for after-school activities, such as youth organizations.^^ These organizations (remnants of Soviet influences) were targeted as being vehicles for the further fulfillment of the three reforms of education during this period, but especially of Yugoslav socialist patriotism. Simlesa blames the youth’s nonconstructive use of free time as contributing to declining national unity. He believes that outside influences such as television, lotto etc. corrupt and contradict the school’s message of the value of labor and the unity of labor.

Despite criticisms, the national question in Yugoslavia seemed settled, because of the delineation of Serb hegemony (“affirmative action”), Tito’s arbitration, the federal and republic leadership in the LCY.“ The autonomic roles of the schools appeased demands for regional sovereignty and three educational reforms were implemented during the 1974 to 1980s period. Guided education, educational self-management and patriotic development were all instituted in efforts to embark on a distinctly Yugoslav path to Marxism and

^ Vasilije Damjanov and Mihailo Pavlov, “Razvijanje Svesti o Radu Kao Ekonomskoj I Moralnoj Kategoriji u Razvoju Licnosti.” in Razvijanje I Negovanje Jugoslovenskog Patriotizma, Nauci I Kulturi I Sekcija Prosvetni Listova Republika I Pokrajina; Beograd, 1984: p. 96.

Jovan Veljkovic, Komentar Zakona o Osnovnom Obrazovanju I Vaspitanju sa Nacrtima Samoupravnih Opstih Akata, Obrascima, Prilozima I Registrom [Commentary on the Laws Regarding Primary Education and Upbringing with Detailed Self-Management Universal Acts, Modifications, Supplements, and Registrations], Prosvetni Pregled, Beograd, 1979: p. 29.

Denitch, p. 38.

27 forge national unity. Yet the constitutional weakening of the federal system along with the 1981 death of Tito foreshadowed the demise of Yugoslavia. The second half of this period begins with significant events surfacing in the mid-1980s and continues to the present. With the death of Tito, Yugoslavia was left with an obvious void in leadership filled by a republic-rotating presidency, but the ramifications of Tito’s death are more encompassing. For instance, the unifying component of the Tito persona found no replacement, and

as economic depression, national tension and eventual secession approached, the lack of Tito’s presence was resoundingly felt. The social and thereby educational reliance on Tito, as an emulated personality with power to unite the nation had satisfactory results while he was

alive. However, with Tito’s death in 1980, there was a visible deficiency in leadership and foundation. Before his death, Tito established a rotating presidency to succeed him, which was a sensible device for diffusing regional jealousies, but it did so primarily by weakening the center, especially without

Tito there to support and control it.^’ “One unanticipated but in retrospect predictable result was that loyalties to the republics, which for the most part meant national loyalties, were kept high, while loyalties to a federal Yugoslavia were kept low.”^* As a result, education, though previously transferred to republic and provincial authority, enjoyed even greater autonomy without Tito

to check nationalist power. A 1984 analysis of the curriculum plans and programs of the republics and provinces revealed the detrimental effects of constitutional

Crampton, p. 388.

Denitch, p. 39.

28 decentralization.^’ Knezevic relates that Tito, indeed, was the paramount figure of brotherhood and unity and that as of his death, educational programs bore a greater though often subordinated burden in sustainingYugoslavian socialist patriotism The purpose of educational programs in literature/language and history were evaluated todetermine the fimdamental support for Yugoslavian socialist patriotism. In SAP Vojvodina, the Socialist Republic (SR) of Montenegro and SR Serbia it was found that the educational objectives were adequate to stimulate patriotic development. However, in SR Croatia the significantcurricular content devoted to ethnic Croatian history and literature was found insufficient to nurture Yugoslavian socialist patriotism. SAP Kosovo fared even worse, despite the curricular revision of 1981 (the previous curriculum was found to be revolutionary in nature). In SRBosnia-

Hercegovina and SR Macedonia, the mechanisms of cultivation were determined to be adequate but not fully developed. The twelfth Congress of the LCY, suspecting such splintering policies and programs issued a mandate to all Ministries of Education to unify the nuclei of their programs, in order to foster Yugoslavian socialist patriotism. The mandate was perhaps issued after the fact, for ethnic sentiments were already erupting. The Serbian Academy of Sciences (SANU) in 1985 issued a Memorandum, in which leading Serbian scholars expressed their dissatisfaction with the anti-federal structure of politics. The members asserted that Yugoslavia was constructed with inbred prejudices favoring Slovenes and

” Milija Knezevic, “Vaspitanje I Obrazovanje Znacaj Programa Kao Osnova za Razvijanje Jugoslovenskog Socijalistickog Patriotizam.” in in Razvijanje I Negovanje Jugoslovenskog Patriotizma, Nauci I Kulturi I Sekcija Prosvetni Listova Republika I Pokrajina: Beograd, 1984.

29 Croats, and that as a result of this bias, anti-Serb sentiment was rampant. The SANU memorandum also asserted that as a result of the 1974 Constitution many Serbs were forced in mass exodus j&om Kosovo. The Memorandum highlighted significant ethnic woes such as cultural and religious discrimination.

The Memorandum was exploited in a pro-Serb nationalist manner by the President of SR Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic and in an anti-Serb, pro-Croat nationalist manner by the President of SR Croatia, Franjo Tudjman. The complex synthesis of the present social characteristics and other factors combusted into war in the former Yugoslavia. While SR Slovenia and SR Macedonia seceded rather peacefully, the fighting in SR Croatia and SR Bosnia- Hercegovina endured for sometime.

The war-time sanctions levied by the UN on Croatia and especially Serbia, to deter their involvement in the Bosnian War and in Krajina, caused powerful repercussion especially in Serbia. Hyper-inflation and a pronounced scarcity of goods led to severe economic instability. In 1995, Serbia and the remaining components of Yugoslavia exchanged their old near-worthless currency for new dinars. The new dinars were equated 1:1 with the Deutsche

Mark (DM). This radical economic measure, at least superficially reassured citizens, but by winter of 1997, the exchange rate was already 3.8 dinars for 1 DM. The consequential inflation, though not as severe as the precedent of the war period, still concerned the citizenry, especially Montenegrins with separatist ambitions.

Further fueling the separatist ambition is the establishment of a superficial democracy in Serbia. On November 17,1996, democratic elections were held in Serbia, with the opposition to the Communist and Socialist parties

30 winning a significant proportion of governmental seats. The victories of the opposition were not, however, recognized by the President of Serbia. The failure to recognize the elections prompted mass demonstrations throughout Serbia. The record-setting demonstrations drew much international attention to developing democracy in Serbia. As a result of the suppressed elections, anxiety increased in Montenegro. The sensationalized resignation of the Montenegrin republic vice-president. Mile Djukanovic, ofiered testimony to Montenegrin tensions. (Perplexingly, Djukanovic revoked his resignation and resumed his post after only a week.) Meanwhile, the present period of education, labeled the fifth period of education in the SFRJ by Potkonjak is categorized as a period of transition and search for a new identity. Throughout this period, there were many meetings of pedagogues, mostly focused on drafting educational reform that would repair the problems of the society. Thus, education was flooded with desperate superficial reforms, struggling to reverse the firactionating course of the nation. Religion was proposed as a balm for the woes and religion courses sprouted in the curriculum of many republics. The addition of religion to the educational programs, however, would seem to have had the reverse effect on a rehgiously diverse nation such as the former Yugoslavia. The study of religion hypothetically could have only served to accentuate the differences of the ethnic and religious populations (Orthodox, Catholics and Muslims). Indeed, the resurgence of religion courses and ethnic-specific history and language curricula was a by-product of decentralization. This greater republican and provincial authority evolved into nationalist loyalties being translated into the programs and %endas of the schools, a phenomenon that as early as 1962, Tito foreshadowed. Tito warned the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia that the removal of state barriers “had gone too far, too quickly and that freedom of expression in writing and speech should not go so far that it allowed the emergence of divisive national chauvinist polemics.”^" Tito’s warning unabided, “divisive national chauvinist polemics” were indeed rampant. Leading Yugoslav pedagogues (Potkonjak, Simlesa, Suvar) observed the occurrences and vehemently urged a return to rigid construction and maintenance of Yugoslavian socialist patriotism and brotherhood and unity. In fact, a stricter interpretation of Marx was encouraged, one reminiscent of the years immediately following World War II. All elementary students were encouraged by desperate Yugoslav pedagogues to leam Marxism only, without religion or other polluting factors.®' This transformation of education, from nurturer of the Yugoslav ideal to propagator of ethnic nationalism, corresponds to political events. For example, the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy, a response to Albanian tensions in Kosovo, highlights the subjugation of the Serbian people resulting from the sacrifice to create Yugoslav unity.®’ The document emphasized among other evidence, the vanishing of the Cyrillic alphabet. While in the Republic of Croatia, all references to the Serbo-Croatian/Croato-Serbian language were exclusively labeled Croatian. These ethnic-specific situations were exploited by the nationalist campaigns of leaders such as Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tudjman and foreshadowed the break-up of the Yugoslav nation. With the

Singleton, p. 245.

Mitic.

® Gail Stokes, Ed. From Stalinism to Pluralism: A Documentary History of Eastern Europe Since 1945. Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford, 1991: p. 279.

32 dissolution of the SFRJ in 1991, education, at least presently, has expanded a nationalist role and seeks now to solidify the foundations of the new nations. Having summarized the social construction and characteristics of education, some generalizations can be introduced as to the nature and relationship between nationalism, democracy, socialism and education in the former Yugoslavia. The literature suggests that nationalism both in the past and the present has played a significant role in education and the society. The development of a positive component of nationalism—Yugoslavian socialist patriotism—is, in fact a central tenet. Nationalism, however is dedicated to the development of a new national identity based on the remaining ethnic nationalities in the present Yugoslavia. Although the definition of nationalism remains a complex and controversial term, Kupchan has given an exacting definition. “Nationalism is an ideology that calls for the merging of the sentimental nation vyith the functional state.”®^ Inherent in this definition is the separation of the nation and state which further divides the content into the emotive vein of ethnic nationalism and the pohtical vein of civic nationalism. Initially, the tribal and chieftain societal arrangements evidenced by the early Slavs displayed ethnic nationalist tendencies and loyalties, especially rooted in religious and language similarities.^ Ethnonationalism is further developed in Chapter 2. Tito strove to develop the second vein of nationalism—civic nationalism, emphasizing the shared enterprise of statehood. Yugoslav socialist patriotism and brotherhood

® Charles Kupchan, Ed. Nationalism and Nationalities in the New Europe. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1995: p.2.

64 West, pp. 1-24; Banac, pp. 108-111. and unity were constructs dedicated to the realization of civic nationalism encouraging loyalty to the state.

Regardless of the typology of nationalism, Kupchan maintains that there are three stages of intensity: group distinctiveness, group autonomy and group secession.®^ These stages however seem more favorable to a disposition to ethnic nationalism, rather than to civic nationalism. For example, the movement to establish group distinctiveness and the evolution to group autonomy were evidenced in Yugoslavia through the Constitution of 1974. The Constitution addressed growing republic concerns of group distinctiveness (ethnically) and legitimized group autonomy. Inherent in resolution of group distinctiveness and autonomy was a future route to independence. The concessions in the Constitution, granted m hopes of preserving unity, led to eventual group secession and the dissolution of the country.

This granting of greater sovereignty to the republics of Yugoslavia resembles an attempt at consociationalism. As described by Schopflin, “[t]he basic elements of a consociational system include consultation with all groups in order to build support for constitutional change; a veto by all groups over major issues affecting them; a proportionate sharing of state expenditure and patronage; and substantial autonomy for each group to regulate and control its supporters.”®® Tito restructured the legislative powers of the republics by granting veto power to SAP Vojvodina and SAP Kosovo. Thus consociationalism, a tool to preserve unity, inadvertently established the groundwork for the explosion of the ethnic version of nationalism the late

“ Kupchan, pp. 5-6.

Kupchan, p. 48.

34 1980s. Perhaps the loss of state capacity through the communist legacy, ethnic hostility, contusion about economic or political means, scarcity of goods, and the ideas of contagion and emulation are all viable answers to how nationalism could lead to the dissolution of a nation.^^

An interesting reason proposed by Kupchan for ethnic groups to pursue nation status is contagion and emulation. During the anti-Communist revolutionary frenzy of the Post-Cold War, many East European nations were afflicted by the resurgence of nationalism. The decomposition of neighboring former bloc countries into relatively homogeneous ethnic states, set the standard by which a contagion mentality could be dispersed. For example, Djilas explains: “[t]he Slovenes, because of their close ties to Germany and Austria, were particularly keen on leaving the federation and heading toward eventual membership in the European Community.”®* Perhaps the argument can be made that the Croats suffered a similar contagion and, in fact, were overwhelmed by an East European emulation of the West as the standard. The historical postulates of Ivo Banac emphatically disassociate Croats, claiminig that Croats were questionably more ideologically Western than their Balkan (undeniably Eastern) countrymen.®^ Through the proliferation of such ideologically separatist and alienating hypotheses, a strong argument is advanced for an emulation effect, and yet, the Yugoslav example proves that the motivation for the transition from merely ethnic groups to state- claiming nationalities is complex and does not necessarily follow any one path.

” Kupchan, p. 8-9.

“ Kupchan, p. 92.

“ Banac, p. 107-112.

35 Statements about democracy are more difficult in that the hegemony of the Communist system in the post-W.W.II era and the post-1991 replacement of the Socialist Party as an unopposed system makes a meaningful analysis challenging. Nevertheless, efforts at developing democracy were evident both in society and in education in the SFRJ. The institution of self-management in education, though presented as a unique route to communism, was inherently democratic in nature. Self-management, at least theoretically, revolved around relinquishing the control of the state and supplanting it with popular control, evidenced in the self-management unions. This phenomenon evidenced in the first period (for in the mid-1980s samovpravljene was discarded as impractical) shows a commitment to some features of democracy. Democracy also finds expression in Yugoslavia as an equalizer. As early as 1984, Grubor proposed the democratization of education, while qualifying democratization within the scope of Marxism.™ He maintained that education needed to be democratized in terms of students having equal opportunity in education, measured by material mechanisms, e.g. school buses for underprivileged children, the elimination of illiteracy, the modernization of schools. The conclusion can be asserted that due to the Communistic/Socialist orientation of the society, democratic equality of opportunity was an important factor in retainingunity. However, bourgeoisie taints and the development of a

New Class could haveundermined the social and educational development of the nation.”

™ Adam Grubor, Obrazovanje u Procesu Drustvenog Razvoja (Reforma, Ciljevi, Metode.) Narodne Novine I Pedagogski Fakultet. Zagreb, 1984.

See Milovan Djilas, The New Class. Harcourt & Brace, New York, 1957.

36 Regarding democracy as it pertains to statehood, the SFRJ pursued a decidedly different path. The concept of opposition in government was counter to LCY hegemony and since the establishment of the post-World War II LCY, no other political party has exercised tangible power. Even in Serbia today, as evidenced by the 1996 elections, the recognition of a viable opposition party to the Communists and Socialists is politically and therefore educationally contested. When democracy is defined as a state structure that contains a potentially powerful party of opposition, it would seem that Yugoslav democracy is thwarted.’’ However, warnings of the dangers of etatism, defined in Yugoslavia as a state without a party of opposition, are abundant in the literature even firomprom inent Marxists like Tito and Suvar. Why then does etatism seem to be a continuing phenomenon? Perhaps the answer remains in the early dominance of Tito and the LCY. Perhaps, more likely, the central components of the answer to etatism lie not in democracy, but in the Socialist/Communist foundation of SFRJ. In that democracy, per se, requires some independence of other institutions firom Party politics, it seems that Yugoslav democracy was unrealized. In addition, party control of the ends of production continued to hinder the development of democracy. The educational system, due to the previously discussed dependence on the pohtical system, was dedicated to the construction of a uniquely Yugoslavian socialist system. Education donned an active role in socializing Yugoslav citizens. At the meeting of the League of Pedagogues of

” Stephanie Lawson, “Conceptual Issues in the Comparative Study of Regime Change and Democratization.” Comparative Politics, January 1993, pp. 183-205, discusses the concept of democracy in newly democratizing states.

37 Yugoslavia in 1965 Tito warned, “[y]ou have discussed at the Congress of Zagreb Pedagogues, the creation of a socialist man. But we are creating two socialist men—intellectuals and laborers, instead of creating just one.”^^ The polarization, however, continues into the 1974-1980s and present period, with dichotomies such as the creation of: a man loyal to the ethnic groups and in contrast to the nation-state, popular self-management versus etatism. Thus the reforms of 1974, directed education, patriotic solidification and educational self­ management were implemented to boost the support for socialism, while inadvertently feeding the dichotomies. Now, due to the fundamental social and political changes in Yugoslavia, education seems again to be devoted to creating yet another new socialist man.

Education, throughout the 20th century, has been affected by the variety of national histories, languages, religions and traditions of the South Slav people. At the beginning of the century, the genesis of Yugoslav unity was evident. Education in this period sought to unify through an Illyrian approach. Contingent language policies aided in providing the fundamental support of the KSCS. Nationalist and chauvinistic tendencies were subdued in the creation of the Kingdom. The success of the educational policies may be inferred.

However, after the 1918 Constitutional ratification, the remnants of the previous educational policies did not prove potent enough to foster national unity. The significant lack of new, unifying educational policiesepitomized the neglected role of education in the predominantly rural society. Education donned a passive, subordinate function. Nationalist and chauvinistic sentiments erupted, as minorities were neither reassured nor were separatists combated.

^ Grubor. The post-World War II educational system, inherently aggressive and constructive, perhaps overextended itself in appeasing minorities and squashing separatists. Initially, though, the educational system was radical in pursuit of the policies of brotherhood and unity and the creation of Yugoslavian socialist patriotism. The intimate ties of the political and educational system were based on Communist hegemony and the construction of a new Yugoslav identity. Yet, the evolving autonomy of the republics, after Tito’s ascendancy, led to a return to ethnic nationalism and chauvinism, and eventually the dissolution of Yugoslavia. This brief analysis of the historical and educational context of the national histories, traditions, languages and religions of the Slavic people of the former Yugoslavia reveals some ever-present trends. First, nationalism and chauvinism have been recurring themes throughout both the KSCS and the SFRJ. Education, along with other political mstitutions, was constantly challenged by the diversity. Therefore, in efforts to create unity, education adopted both passive and aggressive agendas with which to reassure the minorities and combat the separatists. Presently, due to the decisive fracturing of Yugoslavia and the subsequent creation of independent nations, education is not oriented to Slavic unity. However, a true gauge of the effectiveness of the educational system may be evidenced only in the future relations of the South Slav people. Only then can the lingering legacy of the system be sufficiently evaluated.

Statement of the Problem

39 The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the contemporary history of education in Yugoslavia from 1974 until dissolution of Yugoslavia with an emphasis on the Yugoslav version of communist/socialist education. In addition, the intent is to describe the Yugoslav context of democracy and the historical and contemporary characteristics of nationalism. From the data on the period from 1974 to the late 1980’s and the description of the present situation, conclusions can be drawn about the tensions between Yugoslav socialist patriotism and nationalism, and specifically education’s role in maintaining unity and stability. The focal question here is the role of educational pohcy in developing Yugoslav socialist patriotism. Answers are sought in research of educational policies and reference to nationalist ideologies throughout the history of Yugoslavia. The main source of data is an extensive examination of archival documents addressing the role of education in post-World War 11 Yugoslavia, specifically from 1974 to 1991. Interviews are used to aid in interpreting the relationship of educational policy and reform in the state. The significance of the educational system in maintainingYugoslav patriotism instead of ethnic- specific nationalism is the central historical question. Through the scrutmy of educational policies, characteristics of the implementation and disintegration of nationality ties in general and in educational practice can be illustrated.

Objectives of the Study This historical research study demonstrates either the role that nationalism plays in the educational system or the lack of nationalism in the

40 educational system. In order to fulfill such criteria, the study analyzes the Constitution of 1974 to establish the fundamental goals of the Yugoslav educational system. In addition, the Constitution of SR Serbia is referenced in the study. Next, from SR Serbia, a collection of laws drafted as a result of the Constitution is inspected. Educational reforms translated into plans and programs in the Prosvetni Glasnik of SR Serbia provide a holistic understanding of the system. Since the reforms followed political mandates, there is a significant time lapse between the documented reform and the resulting plan and program. Nevertheless, plans and programs are studied from 1976,1984/5, 1990 and 1991. In order to make the study manageable, I have selected the history portion of the curriculum for analysis and have focused regionally on SR Serbia. The questions to be addressed in the study include: Was education a significant medium for the propagation of nationalism? Which educational policies were implemented that sought to ensure the welfare of Yugoslav socialist patriotism? How did changes in educational policy positively or negatively effect nationalism? How did the educational policies implemented after 1974 seek to safeguard the development of Yugoslav socialist patriotism and suppress ethnic nationalism? Which specific historical topics were the foci of educational reform? Why were these the foci? What is the future of nationalism, as transmitted by education, in the remaining provinces of Yugoslavia? What role can be ejqjected for both nationalism and education in the present Yugoslavia? Answers to these questions are sought here from the 1974 Constitution, subsequent drafted laws, resulting educational policy, and qualitative interviews

41 with a former minister of government, three school directors, fifteen teachers and twenty students. Hypotheses for the study are 1.) constitutional mandates for the development of Yugoslav socialist patriotism are reflected in educational policy and specifically in the history curricula; 2.) stringent national policies for the uniBcation of all nationalities are reflected in the history curriculum; 3.) a loosening of policy mandates before 1991 is directly related to radical decentralization and secession; 4.) educational policy will affect the polity; 5.) public sentiment on the role of education corresponds to the political policies. It follows that after the restructuring of the nation, educational policies require redefinition in terms of the remaining nationalities. This raises questions of A.) continuity of the historical process and B.) current expectations for the role of the school in political socialization. That is. A.) is the nationalist definition similar in stringency though different in group reference and thus a mere revision of the pre-1991 policies and/or B.) is the direction to diversity, thereby charging the schools with responsibility for instilling the new nationalism of the separate republics? In addition to the examination of recent educational policy, the use of interviews aids the interpretation of these questions.

In reference to all the hypotheses, if sufficient evidence is not found to support the proposed conclusions then the null hypotheses will be accepted. The null hypotheses are: 1.) constitutional policies for the development of Yugoslav socialist patriotism were not reflected in educational policy; 2.)

stringent national policies for the unificationof all nationalities were not reflected in the history curriculum; 3.) educational policy did not appear to affect resulting attitudes; 4.) a loosening of policy mandates does not appear to

42 be a singular factor in the breakup of Yugoslavia; 5.) public sentiment does not correspond to educational policy changes. The data is evaluated to either confirm or disconfirm the hypotheses. Definition of Terms

In order to set the parameters for the study, a conceptual definition of terms is necessary. The constitutive formal denotation of the term is presented and/or followed by the operational or informal interpretation of how the term will be used in this study. Yugoslavia—As of 1974, Yugoslavia was a nation comprised of the

Socialist Republics of Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Croatia, Bosnia- Herzegovina, Slovenia and the Socialist Autonomous Provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina. The country identifies the post-World War II era as its official birthday and highlights Josip Broz Tito as its most influential leader. Also known as “The Land of the Slavs,” “Yugoslavs... describe their country as one that has two alphabets, three religions, four languages, five nationalities and six constituent republics.”’" (Doder,xiii). Within this context, the constitutive states were granted rights of self-determination. As of 1991, Yugoslavia (Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) refers to the region consisting of the remainingtwo Socialist Republics of Serbia and Montenegro.

SR Serbia— Facts About the Socialist Republic of Serbia explains, “The Constitution states the Socialist Republic of Serbia is a self-managing socialist democratic socio-political communityof working people and other citizens and of equal nations and nationalities.”” After 1991, SR Serbia remained one of two republics in Yugoslavia, still retaining the political capital of Belgrade.

Dusko Doder, The Yugoslavs. Vintage Books, Nwe York, 1979: p. xiii.

43 Citizenship— Citizenship may be to some degree either communal or contractual. Conover and Searing define communal citizenship as citizens having the right and being expected to participate in politics for their and society’s good.’® The quality of communal citizens depends on the act of participation and the character of public spirit The individual’s relationship to the community is in the order of solving problems in common through shared political structures. Contractual citizenship requires that citizen’s be bound by a “social contract.” Political activity is private, “a means of protecting and furthering one’s private interests.”” Operationally, Yugoslavia strove for

communal citizenship, through samoupravljene. However, citizenship dissolved to the contractual level along with the fall of self-management. Brotherhood and unity— Brotherhood and unity became the slogan of Tito’s partisans in the NOB and the central tenet to establishing emotive ties among the ethnically diverse South Slav people. Suvar explains, brotherhood

and unity are the positive aspect of the NOB, “equality among peoples, rejection

of all degrading and enslaving consciousness, rejection of narrow-minded nationalism, small town patriotism, localism, particularism, and primitivism.” Yugoslav Socialist Patriotism—Operationally, Yugoslavian Socialist Patriotism is the “togetherness of our people and peoples and the feelings of

” Facts About the Socialist Republic of Serbia, Republican Secretariat for Information, Belgrade, 1977: p. 19.

Pamela Johnston Conover and Donald D.Searing, “Democracy, Citizenship and the Study of Political Socialization.” in Developing Democracy, Sage, London, 1994: p.4.

” Conover and Searing.

^ Stipe Suvar, “Razvijanje 1 Negovanje Jugoslovenskog Socijalistickog Patriotizam.” in Razvijanje 1 Negovanje Jugoslovenskog Patriotizma, Nauci 1 Kulturi 1 Sekcija Prosvetni Listova Republika 1 Pokrajina: Beograd, 1984: p. 12.

44 solidarity, humanism, loyalty, samoupravljene socialism and the fulfillment of the duties which the citizens of our nation have.”™ Yugoslav Socialist Patriotism embodies all the efforts to create an emotive Yugoslav ethnic identification, based on socialist constructions. It sought to unify the land of the South Slavs and to obliterate ethnic-specific identification. Nationalism— Operationally, nationalism is defined as loyalty to a nation.*® In Yugoslavia, nationalism is perceived as anti-socialist and counterrevolutionary, attacking brotherhood and unity, while confirming the hegemony of an ethnic nationality and encouraging bureaucratic monopoly in favor of one ethnicity.*’ Nationalism has a definite negative connotation in the

Yugoslav context. Education— “Because education is a science and culture, a significant factor of the development of the socialist society.... Education is established on the present sciences and especially Marxism, as a base of scholarly socialism, to serve the training of people for labor and for the self-management and their

upbringing in the spirit of the achievements of the socialist revolution, socialist ethics, self-managing democracy, socialist patriotism, brotherhood and unity, equality among people and peoples and socialist intemationalism” (Constitution of SFRJ, 18). As defined by the Constitution of 1974, education had stringent political guidelines.

” Mitic, p.71.

In the interest of brevity only a skeletal definition of nationalism is provided here. Chapter 2 is devoted to fiilly exploring and developing a working definition of nationalism for this dissertation.

Suvar.

45 Assumptions and Limitations

This study is limited to the importance of educational policy as significant to the development or absence of nationalism and patriotism. It does not purport to conclude that national identification is solely the result of educational policy. The important socializing role of other factors such as textbooks, audio-visual media materials, teacher nationality, teacher education, classroom ethnicity composition, hidden curriculum and extra-curricular activities are recognized but beyond the scope of the study. The role of agents such as family, church and media also contribute to socialization and may have a lesser, equal or greater impact. Future studies can extend the investigation to other agents in the Yugoslav context. Similarly, this research study does not inspect the Constitutions, laws or plans and programs of other Socialist Republics or Socialist Autonomous Provinces of the former Yugoslavia. Without supporting literature from which to base a comprehensive research study, such an endeavor would result in insufficiently explored generalities. The great diversity of the Yugoslavia makes a regional extension involving the differing languages and curricula exciting but beyond the purpose of this research. Thus the plans and programs of the remaining SRs and SAPs are not analyzed here. The plethora of reforms at the policy level, inundated the educational system at all levels. In fact, perhaps the most challenged to keep abreast of the current reformed policy were the school directors and the teachers. The constant flood of reforms overwhelmed the implementers, as expressed in various personal interviews. Consequently, this study caimot determine a

46 quantitative ratio of mandated policies realized in individual classrooms. Regardless of the reform situation in Yugoslavia and despite the accountability efforts by higher administration, the realization of curriculum mandates in individual classrooms is uncertain globally. Therefore, this study does not presume that a 100% transfer of policy to classroom was present. Indeed, this study does not base its value on such an assumption, but highlights the value for analysis of stated policy intention. Also, because these dilemmas and conclusions are not limited to the Yugoslav scenario, they may have cross- cultural resonance. Logically, the drafted Constitution, laws and plans and programs reflect the Yugoslav evolving vision for citizenship development. At the very least, the reforms reflect the ruling political regime’s interpretation of what the educational system should do to educate future generations. Since the LCY and the LCS directed such mandates, the data synthesize that perspective of the development of patriotism. Due to the multitude of reforms, it is clear that this perspective was continually reviewed and updated. Although every effort has been employed to develop an unbiased, qualitative study, it must be assumed that as with any governmental policy, the perspective presented in documents is an interpretation of the actual situation. The data and conclusions developed in this study will be based on an analysis of documents provided by Ministry of Education archives in Belgrade, Yugoslavia The data were obtained from the library and clarified with occasional assistance firom an official of the Ministry. In efforts to obtain a maximum of primary sources, the original documents were analyzed. All translations were the efforts of the author. Also, interviews were conducted with educators, administrators

47 and students who actually experienced the time-frame of the study. These sources provide an accurate foundation for the research within its limitations.

Significance of the Problem

Because presently throughout the world, former nations are dissolving

into new nations, it is important to understand the precursor to the dissolution—

nationalism. Especially relevant in this exploration is the study of education’s

role in the development of patriotism and nationalism. One way to find such

answers is through the comparative, contextual study of how individuals are

socialized to citizenship. Conover and Searing identify three socialization

variables: community characteristics, cultural values and traditions and social

institutions. Since social institutions are relevant to the discussion of

educational policy it is important to note that Conover and Searing determine that social institutions create a socialization setting within which children in their formative years develop a sense of values, identity, citizenship and civic

orientation.^^

The analysis of Yugoslav educational policy over a spectrum of fifteen

years illustrates the evolution of concepts presented to students. This policy

reflects some degree of the development of school children’s sense of patriotism

and nationalism. Reasons for studying such a phenomenon are explained by

48 Conover and Searing: “We study political learning among children...because children will in the future become adult citizens who apply their pre-adult learning to affecting the political system through electoral behaviour and political support.”*^ Once, theories like the endurance model established that political beliefs acquired during childhood remained relatively unchanged throughout adulthoodT Even Conover and Searing admit, based on American research from the 1970s, that while early political socialization has significance, it is not predictive of future behavior.*^ Nevertheless, analysis of the vehicles of political socialization here, namely educational policy reform, reveal structural input variables which are a necessary aspect of political-educational research.

Indeed, a most plausible venue for this study is the history curriculum.

Dekker explains that governments manipulate the educational curriculum of direct political socializing courses such as history.*® This manipulation is revealed in the pohtically prescribed directives for the development of citizens.

The Yugoslav case can provide abundant room for comparison due to the

^ Conover and Searing, p. 24-5.

= p. 26.

p. 30

pp. 28-31.

“ Henk Dekker “Socialization and Education of Young People for Democratic Citizenship Theory and Research.” in Education for Democratic Citizenship in Europe: New Challenges for Secondary Education. Swets and Zeitlinger, Lisse, 1992: p.4.

49 historical non-aligned politics of the country. Non-alignment makes Yugoslavia and education in Yugoslavia an important source of information for democratic, socialist and communist societies, since the nation contained political aspects of all three forms.

This study should result in noteworthy implications for the field of comparative education by providing an extensive ideographic report of education’s effect on nationalism in Yugoslavia. Because of the scarcity of such literature, it should contribute to respective historical and political discussions of nationalism. The discourse surrounding the study of education and nationalism in Yugoslavia should provide insight to scholars in these fields as well as to policy makers in all multicultural nations. The role of education cannot be neglected in any serious contemplation of nationalism. In addition, the proposed research study may provide insight to the political, educational and national affairs of the former Yugoslavia.

Due to the trend of creating ethnic-specific nation-states and means of representation this research study has global ramifications. The Yugoslav case provides predictive conclusion in a contextual fimnework to which other

educational systems may be compared. Hopefully, this piece of scholarship can

facilitate future interpretation regarding nation-building and radical educational

reform. Perhaps the study will provide a sense ofverstehen regarding aspects of

social and political reform. In an international world, the circumstance of

50 diversity and different strategies for dealing with those relationships, calls for educational policy research and comparison.

51 CHAPTER 2

A DISCUSSION OF EDUCATION AND NATIONALISM IN THE

YUGOSLAV CONTEXT

This chapter surveys the literature regarding nationalism conceptually, nationalism in the Yugoslav context, education in the former Yugoslavia, and

education and nationalism, per se, in Yugoslavia. The issues of education and nationalism are intricate and complex in any instance, but especially the

Yugoslav case. To focus the literature on this dissertation, I follow each set of

summaries with an account that guides principles. The discussion of nationalism as a concept evolves from the work of Veredy, Gellner, Hobsbawm

and Connor. A notion of Yugoslav nationalism is generated from Woodward,

Sunic, Kardelj, Dragnich, and Lengyel. An understanding of the Yugoslav

educational system and nationalism and education as symbiotic ideologies is

garnered from the reports of various world organizations and Yugoslav authors.

From the critical analysis of this encompassing literature base, the framework of this dissertation is assembled.

52 CONCEPTIONS OF NATIONALISM

The dissolution of the former Yugoslavia has been a phenomenon explored by many genres of authors. Catherine Veredy, an anthropologist,

studied socialism in general and probed for answers to the question, “What was

Socialism, and What Comes Next?” As a result of her study of Eastern

European nations, Veredy concluded that, “the collapse of socialism came in part from the massive rupture produced by its collision with capitalism’s speedup”®’ Specifically, Veredy cites the foreclosure of significant loans from the West on the East. Aside from the Socialism versus Capitalism dichotomy established, Veredy discusses practical components of the reality of socialism and through this perspective inspects reasons for the collapse and its ramifications, such as a resurgence of nationalism.

Nationalism in Eastern Europe is proposed as a natural extenuation of

“Socialism’s divided self.”®® In fact, Veredy claims that socialism established a

“social schizophrenia” in its citizens.®® The Communist government defined itself in terms of dichotomy, against class enemies, against the bourgeoisie

West, against internal dissidents.®" As this “Us versus Them” mentality

" p . 36.

**p.92.

" p . 94.

" p . 93.

53 transferred to the masses, coupled with economic shortages and political dogmatism, a political opposition was solidified. With the proclaimed decay of socialism, the void of the government as foe was replaced with national identifications. The opposition entrenched by communism prevailed with the simple substitution of ethnicity.

Certainly the historical precedent for such transfer was established, especially in federations, such as the former Yugoslavia, which had relatively homogeneous nationalist republics. The increasing decentralization of the republics conveniently coincided with the replacement of ethnic identities as the

“Other” instead of the LCY. Verdery’s explanation of the resurgence of nationalism in former Communist nations is an interesting departure firom the typical evidence of historical ethnic tensions and economic difficulties as root causes. In fact, extending Veredy’s theory, it would seem that inspection of educational policy and reforms would refiect a manifestation of the “socialist szichophrenia” that eventually led to the development of separate states.

Ernest Gellner, in Nations and Nationalism, delves into historic venues for the propagation of nationalism. By dividing the evolution of society into three stages: the pre-agrarian, the agrarian, and the industrial, Gellner highlights the division of labor, crediting the phenomenon for the creation of the state.

The situation of statehood was optional in the agrarian age, but inescapable in

” Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1983.

54 the industrial age and thus the industrial age is proported to be the birthplace of nationalism/^ Gellner defines nationalism as “the striving to make culture and polity congruent, to endow a culture -with its own political roof, and not more than one roof at that.” According Gellner, the congruence or lack thereof of the boundaries of the state with the limits of the nation provide fertile breeding for nationalism.®" Gellner’s definition of nation warrants attention in this or any discussion of nationalism:

(1) Two men are of the same nation if and only if they share the same culture, where culture in turn means a system of ideas and signs and associations and ways of behaving and communicating. (2) Two men are of the same nation if and only if they recognize each other as belonging to the same nation. In other words, nations maketh man-, nations are the artifacts of men’s convictions and loyalties and solidarities. A mere category of persons (say, occupants of a given territory, or speakers of a given language, for example) becomes a nation if and when the members of the category firmly recognize certain mutual rights and duties to each other in virtue of their shared membership of it. It is their recognition of each other as fellows of this king which turns them into a nation, and not the other shared attributes, whatever they might be, which separate that category firom non-members.

In an analysis of Yugoslavia, specifically, the initial definition of nation is especially relevant to the immediate post-World War II period, in which Tito

®’-p. 5-50.

""p. 43.

^ p . 4.

p. 7.

55 strove to unify the nation by constructing a new and uniquely Yugoslavian culture. The second discussion of nation pertains to the post-1974 era during which as a result of decentralization, republics donned the status of nations, and the incongruence between nation and state was poignantly evident. The state in this instance was the greater Yugoslavia, unable to solidify the Yugoslav culture was unable to solidify bonds.

Throughout Gellner’s discussion of nationalism these definitions of nation pervade. While the orientation of the nation is important, Gellner also makes the point that nationalism should not be confused with patriotism.

Patriotism, as proposed by Gellner is encompassing and prevailed even in the pre-agrarian and agrarian periods. Nationalism, however, remains exclusive and in fact dependent upon the industrial age and the consequent restructuring of society. Nationalism, unlike patriotism, seeks cultural homogeneity, literacy and structural fluidity.®® Gellner cites these attributes as paramount to a nationalist movement, i.e. the creation of a new state. Unlike Marx, who views

“ethnic conflict as camouflaged class conflict” Gellner sees nationalism (in terms of cultural homogeneity, literacy and fluidity) as the fundamental cause of ethnic conflict®’ Cultural differentiation is Gellner’s marker for the identification of oneself and the enemy. However, ethnic diversity is not the

138.

” p. 93.

56 only precursor for nationalist outbursts, Gellner credits the presence or absence

of power and/or access to modem-style education as contributing factors.®*

According to Gellner it would seem that within a nation and especially

an industrial nation, that universal education is heralded as a value and a right.

The role of standard, centralized education in the highly specialized industrial

society translates per Gellner, as a mode of reproduction or social genetics.®®

Epitomizing Gellner’s perceived importance of the role of education is his

following statement: “At the base of the modem social order stands not the

executioner but the professor.”'®® In the industrial age, the importance of transmitting universal high culture, including namely literacy and an understanding of norms and mores, to future citizens is a task delegated to the

educational system. Gellner further explains:

The task with which that system is entrusted is to turn out worthy, loyal and competent members of the total society whose occupancy of posts within it not be hampered by factional loyalties to sub-groups within the total community; and if some part of the educational system, by default or from surreptitious design, actually produces internal cultural differences and thereby permits or encourages discrimination, this is counted as something of a scandal.’®'

" p . 94.

®®p.29.

'“ p. 34.

101' ,p. 94.

57 In fact, Gellner credits a centralized educational system for the very survival and propagation of industrial societies and for the curbing of nationalist separatist tendencies. Perhaps the decentralization of the former Yugoslavia’s educational system reinforces Gellner’s theory.

E. J. Hobsbawm traces the historical evolution of nationalism in both the nation-building and nation-splitting sense from the French Revolution, through the two World Wars and the Cold War.'®" Yet, the explosion of nationalism has been followed, according to Hobsbawm’s historiography by a significant decline. Hobsbawm’s perspective of nationalism relies heavily on cultural differentiation, especially in terms of language. Similarities in language seem to provide a cohesive bond for multi-ethnic states. Along with language and even aside from language, Hobsbawm highlights the unifying effect of religion.

“[T]he world religions which were invented at various times between the sixth century BC and the seventh century AD, are universal by definition, and therefore designed to fudge ethnic, linguistic, political and other differences.”'®^

However, aside from language and religion, Hobsbawm maintains that the most integrating force may be the form of government While alternative forms of government offer opportunities for citizens to unite, democracy is heralded as most conducive to fostering unity.

'°’E.J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1990.

58 Democratization might... automatically help to solve the problems of how states and regimes could acquire legitimacy.... It reinforce[s], it could even create, state patriotism. Yet it ha[s] its limits, especially when confronted with alternative, and now more easily mobilized, forces attracting the loyalty of which the state claim[s] to be the only legitimate repository.'®^

The legitimacy presupposed by a democratic system in which citizen’s have a presumed vested interest, can forge ties across ethnic groups.

Another instrument for transcending divisive nationalism has been the role of media in establishing national public personas. With the advent of television and mass media, public figures have been transformed into cultural

icons. Yugoslavia surely provides a salient example of the influence of the

mass media in creating a cult of personality, in the reverence of Marshall Tito.

Similarly, media transmission of international sports has transformed sports-

events into national events. Hobsbawm explains that "international sport [has

become]... an expression of national struggle, and sportsmen representing their

nation or state, primary expressions of their imagined communities.”'®^

However, despite the nationally unifying nature of the constructs, the media’s

presentation of public figures and national sports seem to lack permanence,

especially in ethnically diverse nations.

'“ p. 68.

"*p. 89.

’“ p. 143.

59 Within the historical evolution of nationalism all the factors addressed by the author apply to the Yugoslav scenario. Language, religion and democratization were employed in various manners to transform nationalism from the nation-splitting version to the nation-building one. Yet, the challenge to Yugoslavia can be summed in the statement Hobsbawm borrowed from

Massimo d’Azeglio. “We have made Italy, now we have to make Italians.”’®^

The South Slavs would say, “We have made Yugoslavia, now we have to make

Yugoslavs.” The quest for a recipe led to a myriad of reforms on all societal levels, encompassed by Yugoslavian socialist patriotism—all unsuccessful attempts at making Yugoslavs.

Walker Connor synthesized his twenty-five years of discourse regarding theoretical issues of nationalism or in effect, ethnonationalism.'°^ Connor provides an insightful and innovative approach to the exploration of nationalism. While grappling with the defrnitions of nation, state, ethnicity and primordialism, Connor effectively summerizes the ambiguity of definitions and in essence, the elusiveness of nationalism.'®* After an engaging discussion

Connor concludes, “[t]he essence of the nation is a psychological bond that joins a people and differentiates it, in the subconscious conviction of its

p. 44.

Walker Connor, Ethnonationalism: The Quest for Understanding. Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1994.

'""p. 113.

60 members, from all nonmembers in a most vital way.”’°® Therefore, nationalism represents the members conviction and dedication to the nation. The state, per

Connor, is delegated a formal and functional role, devoid of emotional affiliation, except in the instance of nation-states, which conveniently and infrequently have corresponding boundaries.

The scarcity of actual nation-states leads to another significant issue—the fallacy of homogeneity. Connor maintains throughout his work that the issue of homogeneity, both theorized and realized aggravates nationalism. Ethnic homogeneity for an overwhelming number of states is not a reality. Falsely purporting homogeneity in heterogeneous states provokes nationalist antagonisms and in fact induces divisiveness. However, heterogeneity extends even beyond the realm of ethnicity into the socioeconomic sector. People are confronted by contrasting “us” versus “them” identifications and thus Connor probes, “[t]he significant question... is which one of the many ‘us’s’ to which a person belongs will win out in a test of loyalties. Which loyalty is primary?””®

Based on Connor’s work and many recent firacturing incidents, ethnonational loyalty seems paramount.

Even in authoritarianregimes, like the former Yugoslavia, ethnonationalism, despite concentrated efforts at dismantlement, has prevailed.

'“’p. 197.

"°p. 156.

61 In fact, the lack of potency of authoritarian power in “cop[ing] successfully

with multinationalism must therefore be considered still another testament to the

increasing power of ethnic aspirations....”' ' ' Regardless of possible alternative

identifications, or perhaps due to the lack of viable alternative identifications,

ethnonationalism has remained the seductive and primary choice for affiliation.

This argument of Connor’s directly contradicts standard theories regarding nationalism and modernization, such as Gellner’s. Gellner maintains that as modernization progresses, the importance of ethnonationalist identification deteriorates as citizen’s become more dependent on the state. The increased

state dependence via modernization would therefore lead to citizen’s

identifying with the state instead of a nation or ethnic group. However, as

Connor observes, “[i]f the processes that comprise modernization led to a

lessening of ethnic consciousness in favor of identification with the state, then the number of states troubled by ethnic disharmony would be on the

decrease.”"" To the contrary, notwithstanding increasing modernization,

ethnonationalism is increasingly plaguing many states.

Related to modernization is the presumption that nationalism is an

outcrop of a thwarted or discriminatory state economy. Connor aptly reduces

this proposition to an unwarranted exaggeration of the importance of economic

■" p. 17.

"-p. 35.

62 welfare. In addition to logically refuting the relevance of economic disparity data among regions, Connor posits that “economic factors are likely to come in a poor second when competing with the emotionalism of ethnic nationalism.”"^

The Yugoslav scenario illustrates this contention. “The Slovenes, who are easily the wealthiest of Yugoslavia’s eight major ethnonational groups ...are also quite easily the most dissatisfied people vtithin Yugoslavia.”"'* In fact,

Slovenia, the richest republic in the former Yugoslavia was the first republic to exploit secessionist opportunities. Perplexingly, SAP Kosovo, clearly the poorest region in the former Yugoslavia evidences similar ethnonational sentiments. Thus, Connor maintains that when socioeconomic class conflicts with ethnonationalism, ethnonationalist identification prevails. The complexity of nationalist identification per Connor can therefore only be explained on the emotional/psychological level. Coimor provides a salient case for ethnonationalism stemming from emotive veins, indeed arguing that the key to understanding nationalism is psychological.

Discussions of nationalism and even the terminology involved in the discussions are controversial and contested, as even the treatment of these four authors illustrates. Yet in the quest for a cogent framework from which to understand the motivation for the drafting of educational policy and the

'" p . 47.

"'*p. 152.

63 ideology supplanting the disintegration of the South Slav state these authors have provided ample insight. The crux of my understanding of nationalism is borrowed from Connor's work. Nationalism in the sense of conviction and

dedication to a psychological bond that joins and identifies a people provides

an encompassing foundation for Gellner, Hobsbawm, Veredy and others.

Connor's nationalism is perhaps capacious enough to facilitate interpretation of expressions of nationalism. For example, although Gellner does perhaps appropriately pinpoint the birthplace of nationalism in the industrial age, his perspective does not adequately explain the demise of the

KSCS. Obviously, the first Yugoslav state could not conceivably have been located in the modem age, and yet nationalism and not patriotism, at least to some extent was the culprit of its demise. According to Gellner, though, nationalism could not have been culpable since the KSCS was an agrarian state.

Nevertheless, the argument can be asserted that at the very least some South

Slav people psychologically identified themselves ethnically, in terms of

separate homogeneous nations as evidenced by the creation of NDH.

Veredy's argument of us/them identification supports my line of reasoning. In fact, Veredy provides the missing link in Connor's

conceptualization of nationalism. Nationalism, as a psychological bond of

dififerentiation, was ever-present in pre-modem Yugoslavia, Tito's Yugoslavia

and in the new states. The augmentation is especially evidenced in the Tito era

64 for as Veredy explains, the dichotomy was reinforced with the alienating tendencies of the Communist party. So, the psychological ethnic bonds proposed by Connor were not absent or even dormant in post-WW II

Yugoslavia; they were merely distorted by the intrusion of another Them.

However, Connor explains the primary loyalty remains with the nation.

Disguised as nationalism and national loyalty are other superfluous characteristics that further complicate the discussion. Gellner and Hobsbawm, for instance, restrict the understanding of nationalism through the use of categorical identifiers such as shared language, religion and national history.

Although neither exclusively limits the identity of a nation to these characteristics, both assert their importance in creating the culture of a nation.

Again the Yugoslav example contradicts this exclusionary definition, for the

Serbs and Croats share a language and the Croats and Slovenes share history and religion yet neither share a sense of nationalism. This illustration urges the acceptance of a psychological bond as explanation for nationalism versus even a cultural one, as the Yugoslav situation contained the raw materials for the development of cross-cutting yet unrealized nationalism.

Another potentially linking trait, following Hobsbawm is democratization, which should unify across the boundaries of nationalism. Yet as the former Yugoslavia decentralized and moved toward democratization, the state instead of congealing, collapsed. Certainly, the sincerity with which

65 democratizatioii was approached is questionable, since ultimate power resided within the LCY and then the respective Republics’ Communist Parties. But with the aid of the international community, democratization was broached.

Seemingly, even the bond of democracy could not transcend that of nationalism in Connor’s emotive, psychological sense.

So, nationalism in this discussion although not explicitly defined is tentatively comprehensible. In the ensuing discussion a specifically Yugoslav version of nationalism is explored. This nationalism cloaked by the name of

Yugoslav socialist patriotism sought to invoke the psychological identification developed here. It was the effort to reconcile the construction of the state with the development of the man. In other words, “they made Yugoslavia and now they needed to make Yugoslavs.”

NATIONALISM IN THE YUGOSLAV CONTEXT

The Yugoslav situation provides fertile ground for the exploration of nationalism. Susan Woodwardbegins with a description of the devastating effects of nationalism in the former Yugoslavia by analyzing political and economic policy making."^ Woodward’s pragmatic approach to the ethnic

situation in Yugoslavia offers an alternative explanation for the dissolution.

Susan Woodward, Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution After the Cold War. The Brookings Institution, Washington, D.C., 1995. Woodward provides a unique perspective regarding the reasons for the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Aside from her treatment of

66 The explanation focuses on three defined threats to cohesiveness: a precarious international position, a challenged constitutional order guaranteeing governmental powers and property rights, and a problematic social order and concept of citizenship.'*® Therefore, stability in Yugoslavia was threatened by a threefold combination of international, constitutional and social challenges.

Internationally, the Cold War era symbolized an accommodating time for Yugoslavia. The leader of the Non-aligned Nations, Yugoslavia benefited socially, politically and economically firom both the East and the West. The conciliatory stance strengthened Yugoslavia’s international position and earned her monetary compensation. International aid augmented the Yugoslav economy and thus the international community altered the Yugoslav destiny.

Increased demands for decentralization were not merely the demands of nationalist leaders in Croatia, but also the stipulations of international lenders.

Yet, “[d]espite years of pushing decentralization in Yugoslavia, the IMF advisers and economic liberals now attributed the lack of monetary discipline to excessive decentralization....”"’ However, the condition of decentralization damaged the fragile balance of the South Slavs in more ways than economically.

Aside firom decentralization, internationally, with the resolution of the Cold nationalism, which I highlight here, her book provides a detailed, documented account of events and UN resolutions.

p. 21-46.

"’ p. 59.

67 War, the necessity of Yugoslavia as a bridge between East and West disappeared.

Constitutionally, or rather in terms of Yugoslavia guaranteeing governmental power and property rights, the nation was at a crossroads. With ethnic hostilities precarious and with the revolving presidency impotent as a result of radical political decentralization, the government was particularly challenged to balance power. Woodward explains:

The Yugoslav conflict after mid-1990 was not an ethnic conflict but a struggle for national rights. Insofar as citizens identified as members of nations, in a country where all nations were numerically a minority they perceived their survival in the constitutionally defined equal status of those nations."®

Thus, even minor disagreements among the republics resulted in debilitating gridlock for Yugoslavia as a whole. The federal government was paralyzed even in the regulation of mundane activities.

Socially, Yugoslavia underwent several changes in demographics.

Perhaps paramount was the transformation in national composition, see Table

2. 1.

'p. 390.

6 8 Percent (except Total) National Group 1961 1971 1981 1991

Total 18,549,291 20,522,972 22,427,585 23,528,230

Serbs 42.0 39.7 36.3 36.2

Croats 23.1 22.1 19.8 19.7

Muslims 5.2 8.4 8.9 10.0

Albanians 5.0 6.4 7.7 9.3

Slovenes 8.5 82 7.8 7.5

Macedonians 5.6 5.8 6.0 5.8

Montenegrins 2.8 2.5 2.6 2.3

Yugoslavs 1.7 1.3 5.4 3.0

Other 6.1 5.6 5.5 6.2

Reproduced from Woodward, Susan L. Balkan Tragedy"®

Table 2.1: National Composition of Yugoslavia, 1961-1991

The period from 1961 to 1991 evidenced an increase in the general population, along with fluctuations in the national group population. The analysis of four decades witnesses a general decline in the percent population of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes with a marked increase in the population of historical minority populations such as ethnic Muslims and Albanians. This changing national

69 composition surely contributed to social instability. Interestingly, however,

Yugoslav identification leaps from 1961 and 1971, the peak of Tito’s reign from

1.7 percent to 5.4 percent in 1981, when ethnic tensions were nearing explosion.

One reason for the substantial increase in Yugoslav identification may be the result of growing inter-ethnic marriages. “More than 3 million in a population of over 22 million in the 1980s were the product of ethnically mixed marriages or were themselves married to someone of different ethnicity.”'^" Yet, Yugoslav identification and even the mere fact of ethnic intermarriage may also be attributed to the efficacy of the brotherhood and unity campaign or the successful development of Yugoslav socialist patriotism.

Woodward summarizes the dissolution of Yugoslavia not in terms of the uproar of nationalism, but in a more subtle and cogent manner.

Yugoslav society was not held together by Tito’s charisma, political dictatorship, or repression of national sentiments but by a complex balancing act at the international level and an extensive system of rights and of overlapping sovereignties. Far from being repressed, national identity and rights were institutionalized—by the federal system, which granted near statehood to the repubhcs, and by the multiple rights of national self-determination for individuals.'"'

However, while Woodward recognizes the tripartite role in the Yugoslav construction of unity, she fails to acknowledge the relative swiftness with

p. 32.

’“ p. 36.

70 which ethnic tensions were ignited. If her summation held true, the institutionalized rights should have provided security to the South Slav citizens and thus never been catalyzed to national dissolution.

Emil Lengyel explores the foundation of nationalism within the sphere of Communism.’" Discussions of nationalism in relation to Communism are embattled. Lengyel explains that nationalism in essence is an antithesis to internationalism, espoused by Communist doctrine. Practically, Lengyel explains, internationalism was initially a conceptual challenge to previously tribalized or cosmopolitanized populations, especially those societies in Eastern

Europe. So, patriotism, a higher degree of nationalism, espousing love of one’s country, provided a suitable if temporary bridge in the evolution to

Communism. “[PJatriotism is the word the communistshave adopted as the description of their political attitude. To distinguish it from the common variety, however, they call it ‘socialist patriotism,’ a juxtaposition that is a contradiction too.”’^ The bahn of socialist patriotism was in evidence in many

Communist nations, notably in the ethnically diverse states.

Lengyel continues with a description of the historical unfolding of

Eastern European Communist nations. In the discussion of Yugoslavia,

p. 43.

Emil Lengyel, Nationalism—The Last Stage of Communism. Funk & Wagnalls, New York, 1969.

p. 60-61. Hobsbawm also explores the incompatibililty of socialism and nationalism and even patriotism in pp.121-124.

71 diversity is the central tenet. Lengyel states, “[n]o two civili2 ations can be further apart than that of the Slovenes in the far west of the country and that of the Macedonians in its far east. No two groups fought each other as bitterly as the Croats and the Serbs, who spoke the same language, but thought different thoughts.”^^'* Indeed in tiie thinking of different thoughts lies the key to understanding Lengyel’s work on nationalism. It would seem that the

Communists in their adoption of patriotism as a substitute for nationalism and a bridge to internationalism were “thinking different thoughts” from the citizenry, as were the Serbs and Croats “thinking different thoughts” in terms of the center of power in the former Yugoslavia.

Alex N. Dragnich finds the root of Yugoslav nationalist problems in the historically turbulent relationship between Serbs and Croats.’^ Dragnich begins an historical analysis of the association of the two largest ethnic populations of the former Yugoslavia in the pre-KSCS years. Although some initial exchanges hinted to future animosity, the creation of the Kingdom seemed to be the genesis. The lack of national support reached beyond the mere nationalities in

KSCS, into the world, cloaked in East versus West ethnocentricity. ‘“The triumph of the Pan-Serb idea would mean the triumph of Eastern over Western culture, and would be a fatal blow to progress and modem development

p. 94.

72 throughout the Balkans.’”'*® Such postulations deterred the full cooperation of

the Croats in nurturing the Kingdom. In addition, dissenting Serbian and

Croatian political parties differed in the nature of their opposition. “Croatian

opposition was national, whereas Serbian opposition was political.”'*’ For

example, Croats were intent on gaining and maintaining maximumautonomy, thus opposing any efforts at centralizing the Kingdom. However, the tension in the Serb-Croat connection extended even beyond the political realm.

Analyzing the comprehensive relationship among Serbs and Croats in efforts to more fully understand the dynamics, Dragnich inspected differences other than the political. The issue of religion was especially charged among the

Croats.

...no people in Europe, with the exception of the Irish and the Poles, were more inclined to define themselves by Catholicism than the Croats. Catholics in Croatia were, and are, militant and quick to take arms. The Croatian frenzy in 1941 of killing Serbs and Jews and Gypsies was as much a religious act as a politically dictatorial or militarily terroristic act.'’*

Religion was an issue that extended past the kingdom years, into the SFRJ.

Despite the fact that religion was, in the typical Marxist interpretation.

Alex N. Dragnich, Serbs and Croats: The Struggle in Yugoslavia. Harcourt Brace & Company, San Diego, 1992.

p. 18, Dragnich uses a quotation from a book by R. W. Seton-Watson published in 1911, to illustrate the gravity of the East-West dichotomy.

”’ P-77.

'-*p. 85.

73 considered an opiate of the people and therefore discouraged, it remained a

heated topic throughout the history of Yugoslavia. Thus, while identification of

Croatian nationality presupposed Catholicism, in the 1971 census, citizens of

Bosnia-Hercegovina were encouraged to declare themselves ethnically Muslim.

“It is ironic that among many supposed ‘original’ ideas of Tito’s system was the

one of equating ethnic origin with religious affiliation, and this occurred in an

avowedly atheistic Marxist state.” Fundamentally a psychological

contradiction was established, Yugoslavs wavered between embracing

‘brotherhood and unity’ and ethnic and religious identification.

Aside firom the religious sector, the contradictions extended into the

geographical sphere of Yugoslav existence as well. Prior to the Tito regime,

Yugoslavia was not divided into ethnic units, but in a purported effort to satisfy nationality aspirations and demands, he drew geographic-ethnic lines that left

one-third of the Serbs in republics not their own. Yet the regim e declared that

its solution laid the foundation for brotherhood and unity.

The appeasement of the Croatian expansionist ideology antagonized

Serbs and further nourished ethnic nationalism. Tito’s geographic resolution to

the nationality question has remained problematic even through the 1990’s,

giving rise to wars in Croatia and Bosnia. Nevertheless, Denitch concludes that

'^p.l22.

"°p.l84.

74 regardless of the historically strained relationship among Serbs and Croats, conciliation was possible if unity could be forged among Serbian and Croatian opponents of the Communist system. Yet, once Communism fell, the demise of

Yugoslavia was imminent, since “opponents of theCommunist system, instead of offering the country an alternative, resorted to narrow ethnic persuasions that led to the end of Yugoslavia.”’^'

Tomislav Sunic in Titoism and Dissidence’^’ addressed the theoretical roots of nationalism in Yugoslavia by inspecting the role of dissidence throughout Tito’s reign. “ The issue in Yugoslavia was twofold: 1) How to organize the state in such a way that one nation does not pose a threat to another, and 2) How to create a democratic society in which different political views are respected.”’^^ From Yugoslavia’s post World War II conception, Tito was challenged by the power struggles amongst the republics. Tito, a Slovene-

Croat, chose Belgrade, the capital of Serbia, as the seat of his government in hopes of diffusing national sentiment. In fact, throughout most of his decisions,

Tito sought to eradicate ethnic nationalism. Sunic explains, “[f]or the

Communist, culture is for the bourgeoisie and must consequently be erased jfrom the m inds of people as a form of reactionary delinquency

p.186-187.

Tomislav Sunic, Titoism and Dissidence. Peter Lang, Frankfurt: 1995.

'''p . 13.

75 Yet, despite Tito’s efforts, nationalism remained an explosive issue in

Yugoslavia throughout his leadership. Initially, ethnic outbursts were squelched with Communist purges.'^^ However, flares of republic national sentiment

filtered even into the late years of Tito’s life. The Croatian Spring provides a vivid example of state-aspiring nationalism. “Due to effective totalitarian

controls put into practice by Tito, the ‘Croatian Spring’ did not succeed, but it nevertheless left a clear message: Although nationalism may lay dormant, it was certainly not extinct.”’^® On April 10,1981, ethnic Albanians reinforced this message with rioting demanding the Kosovo province be granted republic status.

The conglomeration of diverse ethnicities in the former Yugoslavia remained a challenge to the country despite historical precedents designed to foster unity. For instance, per Tito, “partisan guerrilla warfare meant cementing forever Yugoslav unity under the popular slogan, ‘brotherhood and unity.’”'^®

Seemingly this cohesion was effectively evaded by the variety of nationalities.

However, the blame may not lie with Tito or the government, for Sunic postulates, “[m]ultiethnic countries are like prisons, in which citizen-inmates

'«p. 27.

See works by Lampe, Singleton and West for detailed descriptions of the initial ethnic strife and consequential Communist purges, including Goli Otok.

'^p.68.

p. 88-89.

76 commimicate with Other, only after each is granted his own territorial imperative. Crammed in one promiscuous cell, all hell breaks loose.”’^® Indeed, the catastrophic demise of the former Yugoslav illustrates this simplified prophesy.

Historically, Tito’s rule seemed to bind the nationalities of Yugoslavia, whether through his own ethnic diversity or through his authoritarian, anti­ nationalist leadership. Ethnic eruptions were promptly neutralized and no dissent was tolerated. Sunic credits Tito’s nonsympathetic relationship with dissent as superficially binding the nation together. Sunic writes, “[a]ll his life,

Tito wanted to substitute the notion of national struggle with the notion of class struggle.... Forty years of Tito’s iron rule could not eradicate nationalism in

Yugoslavia.”''*® Ironically, the ethnic link deficient in the class but evident in the national struggle may have fueled the fire of nationalism and the dissolution of the country.

Edvard Kardelj in The Nation and Socialism— explores the Yugoslav socialist perspective regarding the role of the nation and nationalism. Kardelj embarks with a general discussion of the nation and highlights the definition of

Sunic, p. 41.

p.l3.

p. 101.

Edvard Kardelj, The Nation and Socialism. Socialist Thought and Practice, Belgrade: 1981. Kardelj was one of Tito’s original Partisans and a founding fether of the National Liberation Struggle and post World War II Yugoslavia.

77 the nation in terms of the Yugoslav interpretation. “The nation is, hence, a specific community of people which arose on the basis of the social division of labor in the capitalist epoch, on a compact territory and within the fimnework of a common language and a close ethnic and cultural relationship in general.”

Despite the paradox inherent in the definition, considering South Slav diversity,

Kardelj believed that fundamentally all the republics were, in effect, nations encompassed in the state of Yugoslavia. He expands, “[f]or the nations of

Yugoslavia, today [the late 1970s], for example, this state is the best protection firom outside danger and separatist tendencies are extremely detrimental to the interests of those nations.”''*^ Throughout, Kardelj emphasizes the voluntary nature of the federation, while itemizing the benefits of association, namely consolidated economic and international strength.

Although the socialist federation has proven relatively successful,

Kardelj pinpoints two possible problem areas. He writes, “just as the social, economic and spiritual nature of the individual changes in the process of emergence of socialist relations, so does the economic and cultural nature of the nation change....”''*^ Only within a placid, adaptable state structure could the socialist objectives of the South Slav republics and provinces be realized. In

'« p . 43.

'^p.47.

144 p.121-122.

78 addition, firom a socialist perspective, Kardelj postulates about the potential issue of the surplus of labor. “As long as surplus labor has existed, there has been not only class differentiation and internal social antagonisms but also fighting between tribes, peoples, nations for that surplus labor.""^ Because of radical post-World War II industrialization and specialization of labor, surplus was then a dormant nationalist weapon. Since industrialization radically increased in the immediate post-War era, surplus labor was not an issue.

However, along with the increase in industrialization, levels of education also increased, surpassing the progress in industrialization and then creating a gradual surplus of labor.

Kardelj adamantly supported the existence of multi-nations within the

Yugoslav state. In fact, he condemned the notion of a Unitarian Yugoslav nation and state as detrimental to the very survival of Yugoslavia. Defying the LCY,

Kardelj reprimands “young people” for embracing the “progressive idea” of a

“uniform” Yugoslav language and culture. “[Sjuch a theory is essentially a great-state, nationalist, unrealistic and profoundly harmful and reactionary idea, and... its assertion m the life of our society would reopen the national question in Yugoslavia and provoke a conflict among the peoples....””® In addition,

Kardelj’s protests found historical roots in the KSCS’s aborted attempt at injecting a Yugoslav culture. Instead of promoting national unity, the

129.

79 dissemination of an artificial Yugoslav culture actualized ethnic hostility. Thus, the new South Slav state resolved the culture diversity issue or indeed the national question by emphasizing equality. Therefore, Kardelj states, “we, the communists, believed that the revolution had shattered the old world to the foundations, and now I have the feeling that it is slowly creeping after us.”'"^

Kardelj aptly foreshadowed Yugoslavia’s return to ethnic-specific nationalism. He reiterated the original motivations for unity by stating, “[w]e did not unite only to ask ourselves every day if we are going to stay together or not; we did so because the historical period in which we live calls for unity among the peoples of Yugoslavia in the interests of each one of them.”

Kardelj condemned nationalism as the facade for hegemony, the disguise for those who rise against socialism and self-management. “In our circumstances, the ideology of reactionary bourgeois nationalism is becoming the banner of all those who rise against socialism and self-management.”''*® Perhaps the rise of nationalism was not a banner but an impenetrable force leading to the dissolution of the Yugoslav socialist experiment.

Two levels of nationalism are bemg addressed in this chapter. The first instance of nationalism is ethnonationalism as previously developed with

p. 147.

■'"p. 237.

'"»p. 270.

''•’ p. 253.

80 Connor’s work. The second instance involves the innovation of Yugoslavian

Socialist Patriotism, which though labeled patriotism is in essence a desire to reconstruct nationalism (a psychological bond) through brotherhood and unity.

The historical precedent for this development of nationalism could have its roots in the Illyrian movement, but the political sentiment of the time, represented by

Tito’s absolute power, rejected the organic Illyrian form of Slavic unity.

Therefore, the historic and emotive foundation for the “new” nationalism—

Yugoslavian socialist patriotism—found its genesis in Tito and the World War

II Partisans.

This particular version of nationalism sought to unify the South Slavs by mimicking the psychological bonds inherent in ethnonationalism. With the slogan ‘brotherhood and unity’ the programmed response to identification was solicited. However, aside firom the mandatory identification, other problems were evident. Woodward ejqjlains with three criteria for Yugoslavia’s intermittent instability. The resounding lack of a secure international position, the federal government’s impotency and the redefined social order all contributed to thwarting the consolidation of an emotive Yugoslav nationalism.

For as Kardelj would agree, the seams of the state unraveled with resolution of the Cold War and the réévaluation of Yugoslavia’s strength among nations.

With the absence of a shared ethnonationalism, the people reverted, as Connor predicts to nationalism in the psychological sense. This psychological

81 introversion was supposed to be transformed by a Yugoslav identification, but it was overridden by voluntary ethnic nationalism.

The psuedo-transformation is confirmed by the record high census identification as Yugoslav nationality in 1981 and 1991, even when such an identification was no longer profitable. In addition, the significant proportion of intermarriages also provide a clue as to the potential solidification of Yugoslav nationalism. Yet, perhaps as the authors maintain, the charged ethnic differences, disagreements over political organization and the changing world order were too formidable for the fragile Yugoslav nationalism. The question now remains, what was the role of education in relation to the development of this second level of nationalism and the deconstruction of the first level?

YUGOSLAV EDUCATION AND NATIONALISM

In 1981, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development issued a review of national policies for education in Yugoslavia.'^® The

Organization presented a synthesis of the economic and educational policies, especially highlighting the self-management system. While in Yugoslavia, tiie

Organization was struck by the abundance of diversity: ethnic, linguistic and religious which “finds expression in a fierce sense of independence and local

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, Reviews of National Policies for Education: Yugoslavia, Paris, 1981.

82 autonomy.”’^' The examiners observed that due to the diversity and the strong sense of independence, a development of national unity based on homogeneity

“would be likely to fail and lead, ultimately, to disintegration of the country."'^-

The lack of initiative for amalgamation, both from the Organization’s and the

Yugoslavs’ perspective was reflected in the educational system.Confirming such a consensus, the educational system strove to accommodate and preserve diversity openly by providing instruction in the elementary schools in the nine different languages. In 1978, almost 400,000 children were enrolled in elementary schools in which the primary language of mstruction was not Serbo-

Croatian.'^^

Differences among the republics and provinces did not cease with the language of instruction, but infiltrated even the fiscal sphere. Economically, the gross national product indicates that fiscal distribution varied significantly.

GNP Figures from 1977 estimated the gross national product of Yugoslavia as

15,000 dinars, however, when examined on a republic and provincial level huge disparities are evidenced. For example, m Slovenia the gross national product was about 30,000 dinars, while in Kosovo it was approximately 5,000 dinars.'^

p. 35.

'“ p. 35.

p. 60. Children enrolled in such schools were required to have instruction in the language of the cultural environment, i.e. Serbo-Croatian, although weekly hours of instruction varied greatly.

83 Consequently, the financial differences among republics extended into educational funding. The average expenditure per child in Slovenia was 13,500 dinars while in Kosovo only about 5,000 dinars. The inequity in school funding is also evidenced in intra-republic funding. “In Bosnia-Hercegovina, the average per-child ejqjenditure is approximately 5,000 or 6,000 dinars to as much as 15,000 dinars per child.”'^^ Economic differences in regard to the wealth of respective republics and provinces and the contingent funding of the educational systems illustrates the disparity among autonomous republics and provinces, leads the Committee to an inspection of the self-management system.

Decentralization in Yugoslavia was formalized with the drafting of the

Constitution of 1974, but it was implemented through the system of self­ management developed several decades before. Self-management in education was realized through the adoption of precedents from the economic sector.

Therefore, individual schools were viewed as “units of associated labor” and the management of these “units” was delegated to “those who were directly served by or directly produced education through ‘communities of interest.’”’^®

The rationale for the system of management that produced such inequity in funding, ironically was based on a strict regard for equality. According to the

'^ p . 52.

'« p . 56.

p. 32. The OECD efficiently explains the complex mechanics of self-management both economically and educationally in pp. 34-48.

84 OECD, the Yugoslavs believed that “ia the capitalist society, the individual is

‘employed’ by the enterprise. From the socialist perspective, this immediately establishes an unequal relationship and begins the exploitation of employee by employer.”’^’ Thus, the Yugoslavs strove to imbed equality into the educational system by relinquishing centralized control and opting for self­ management. Practically, the interpretation of equality as the foundation for self-management is sound. However, the outcomes of self-management in education were considered by the OECD. While decentralization did offer autonomic reassurance to the peoples of Yugoslavia, it also established a cumbersome bureacracy. The Organization found that “the mechanisms of the

Workers’ Council can be used as effectively as the more formal hierarchies of

Western bureaucracy by those intent on avoiding responsibility.”'^* The lack of direct accountability and the diffusion of authority slowly debilitated the educational system and then the country. Interestingly, the encompassing goal of the educational system, per thel974 Constitution of the SFRJ was to provide equal opportunity to future citizens and to foster a sense of “brotherhood and unity.” Yet due to the absence of enforceable accountability, inequality pervaded the very educational system.

'""p. 39.

p. 48.

85 A Workshop Report sponsored by Projects for International Education

Research analyzed the Yugoslav educational system in 1990 and determined that “Major goals... are geared towards the full development of the individual and their role in the community of workers. Intellectual abilities, manual skills and cultural and social attitudes are all deemed important.” These fundamental components of the educational system required that even technically oriented students partake of a general education curriculum, one mcluding courses designed to nurture these goals. The reproduction of excerpts firom the syllabus of mathematics and computer science students, see Table 2.2, indicates that political socialization was a concern for the Yugoslav educational system and warranted inclusion.

Hours* YR I YR 2 YR 3 YR 4 T

Language and Literature 5 180 3 108 3 108 3 102 L 498

14

Introduction to Social Science 2 72 - - - - 2 72

Socialist Self-Management 2 72 - - 2 72 and Contemporary Society Regular Instruction Block Instruction -----30 - --30

Philosophical Principles of ------2 68 2 68 Marxism Defense and Protection - - - - 2 72 2 68 4 140

The Admission and Placement of Students from Yugoslavia. A Workshop Report Sponsored by Projects for International Education, August 1990. p. 4.

86 History 2 72 2 72 - - - - 2 144

Table 2.2: Excerpts from the Syllabus of General Education and General Technical Subjects for the Occupation of Mathematics-Computer Programming Operative and Natural Sciences Operative (Level IV)

Adapted from Projects for International Education Research (Source: Yugoslav Survey, No.3,1986). * first number indicates hours of instruction per week, second number indicates hours of instruction per annum; YR 1= First Year, YR 2= Second Year, etc.

The courses highlighted above all contain patriotic overtures. Interestingly, the course titled Defense and Protection is allotted total hours of instruction similar to that of History. Defense and Protection are the previously discussed courses opste narodna odbrana and samozastita. Constructed in order to facilitate the self-defense of citizens in case of attack, the courses are a surviving pillar from the NOB. Table 2.2 illustrates the breakdown of general social science course work for all students. History, Defense and Protection, Marxism and Self­ management were courses tailored to emphasize the unique Yugoslav path to communism.

Potkonjak divides the history of modem Yugoslav education into five periods. The first period begins with the conclusion of the war (1945-1952) and with the first congress of the pedagogues of Yugoslavia.*®® After WWII the educational system was very heterogeneous and the dominance of the communist party was used to unify the system. Numerous Soviet ideas were

Nikola Potkonjak (1994). Razvolj Svatanja o Konstitutivnim Komponentama Pedagogije u Jugoslaviju (1944/45-1991/2), Beograd: Institute za Pedagogije i Androgogije Filozofskog Fakultet u Beograd, Beopres.

87 prevalent during this period, and hence superficially injected into the pre-WW II system. In order to expediently educate the more than 50% of the country that was either illiterate or partially literate, the LCY introduced mandatory education. The mandatory educational objective even extended into the aged population with mandatory literacy programs. Great emphasis was placed on elevating statistics, the focus was quantity instead of quality. While the system encouraged stringent equality, Potkonjak maintains that indirectly the intellectual capacity of some students was sacrificed for the sake of equality.

Due to the abrupt transformation of the political and educational systems, the universities were not capable of quickly creating the new socialist teachers that were needed. Nevertheless, after 1950, there was an intensive growth in the industrial class and due to the mandatory education reform, a creeping surplus of educated professionals.

The second period (1952/3-1962/3) Potkonjak categorizes as a firenzied search for authentic, epistemological and methodological resolutions for

Yugoslav socialist pedagogy. The search for a new paradigm, independent of the former Soviet one, was facilitated by the addition of the newly graduated pedagogues who brought new, independent ideas and original theoretical questions. During this period, however, an economic depression developed and the resulting resurgence of nationalist hostilities stunted any significantly original educational resolutions. Due to the tension, a flood of superficial

88 reforms inundated the schools. Potkonjak highlights the inefficacy of the legislated reforms by highlighting the fact that initial reforms were not even enacted in schools while other revised reforms were already mandated. The incompetence of this period relates to the LCY’s policy regarding educational reform. Reforms were drafted by politicians, pedagogues were only responsible for admission of guilt in case of error. The pedagogues, due to the system, refrained from complaints in efforts to maintain employment.

The effort to consolidate the ideologies and methodologies proposed in previous periods is the cornerstone of the third period (1963-1970). Throughout the period of consolidation, there is an emphasis on theories regarding the social aspects of education. Yugoslav socialist pedagogues sought unity and power through the creation of universities and research teams. At interdisciplinary meetings and congresses, these teams and universities grappled with independent theories and reached for actualization.

Additionally, this period was characterized by a more open climate, allowing the world access to new Yugoslav models of education, through affiliation with organizations such as UNESCO. Yet the loosening of borders had twofold ramifications, and after the Student Protest of 1968, the government declared that students were unduly influenced by outside forces, such as the

West.'®' Nevertheless, progress was pursued and while education still remained under national jurisdiction, the unity of pedagogues indicated a desire to

89 separate from politics. Within this assertion was the ever-present mandate for the creation of an autonomous Yugoslav Marxist education system. Despite the variety of proposed prototypes for a unique Yugoslav system, Potkonjak

criticizes that none was critical. The lack of a critical methodology led to an

abrupt yet aborted leaning toward individualism. Heralded as the impetus for

consolidation, along with the unification of pedagogues, was the growing number of college graduates who contributed to the literature and ideologies.

The elusive, unique Yugoslav paradigm was realized in Potkonjak’s fourth period (1970-1986/7). The fourth period, the richest according to the author, was executed in the traditional Yugoslav political/educational maimer with the translation of a political program, self-management (samoupravljené), and the adoption of another major reform, directed education {usmerno obrazovanje), mandated from the LCY. The theme of politics and education in

Yugoslavia was succinctly expressed in 1977 as the theme of the Fourth

Congress of Pedagogues in Budva, “education must be the vehicle for social transformation.” Indeed this was a time of new development in the socialization of all spheres of social life and labor. LCY reformers were no longer merely concerned with a Marxist perspective, but an ideal outlook on life.

p. 18.

'“ p. 127.

90 The 1971 semi-revolution in Croatia, mounted by the foreign-sponsored

Ustasha, also known as the “Croatian Spring” led to a crisis in politics, culture

and economics and the creation of a new Constitution. At the 10th Congress of the LCY in 1974, the directives for self-management established in the

Constitution were ordered to be implemented educationally in each of the republics and provinces. Croatia and Vojvodina quickly initiated samoupravljene at the secondary school level and then argued about which region was to receive credit for expedient realization of the reform. In Serbia, reforms began at the elementary level, with pre-school. However, at the next

Congress, it was declared that Serbia was lagging in adoption of reforms. Thus,

the decentralizing effects of the 1974 Constitution began to resound. Also

declared at the 11th Congress, was the decree to enact mmerno education.

Skupstina Serbia resolved this and not the Educational Ministries. With constant

efforts at revision, by 1989,usmerno obrazovanje is declared a mistake with a

plethora of reforms instituted to revert to the former system. Although

pedagogues exerted significant effort into the realization of the usmerno system,

critics of the system, especially the society newspapers, philosophers and

legislators, unilaterally aborted the reform.

In other arenas, theoretically, emancipation of pedagogy was a

revolutionary idea during period. Overlapping the two great reforms of the

period, the discourse among scholars sought the merger of theory with practice.

91 Pedagogues believed that mere discussion of reforms could not be productive without the individuals procured to enforce and enact the reforms. Yet, the reconciliation of theory and practice was problematic to the pedagogue in this period. Marxist education, a foundation of the Yugoslav educational system required application in a critical framework, however, thesamoupravljene

system lent itself to a less critical, more engaging atmosphere, with inclusion of even students. The inclusionaiy framework ofsamoupravljene although theoretically incompatible, was heralded as a positive achievement at the onset of this period, due to the prevailing economic and social prosperity in

Yugoslavia. The conclusion of this period, though, witnessed the demise of educationalsamoupravljene along with usmerno obrazovanje. Both became political scapegoats for the ensuing economic and social depression.

As with the primary criticism of the economic sector of the samoupravljene system, the mixing and matching of educational theory

encouraged an education that was without person. Marxist education has

difficulty coincidiug with one certain ideology. In Serbia, the pedagogues

looked at samoupravljene education in more practical, less theoretical terms.

The Institute for Educational Research in 1974 addressed the difficulties in

educational research. They wanted to create a system that was exclusively

Yugoslav with thesamoupravljene reform. Unfortunately, the desire to create a

system within the political boundaries was not at least visibly beneficial to

92 pedagogues or the country in general. Education was repeatedly criticized in this period as an instrument by which to enslave citizens. Potkonjak advises that

education should adopt a course independent of the Marxist philosophy of the government.

While the educational system was also labeled a positive and not a critical science, due to the influence of the government, pedagogues again struggled with fundamental questions. For example, in order for the pedagogy to embrace Marxist tendencies, it must have critical components which were starkly absent in the samoupravljene system. Moreover, this system of samoupravljene was supposed to be the road to social change through education. Only in Croatia were improvements on thesamoupravljene system, proposed by philosophers and social scientist, who thought that education was not an independent science but one dependent on all other social sciences. Other important issues challenging pedagogues included the fate of education as a science in Yugoslavia and with the revocation ofsamoupravljene and usmerno obrazovanje, the structure and character of the curriculum for future educators, especially in Croatia. This crisis in education, Potkonjak maintains,was not a crisis in education per se, but in the theory of education.

The fifth period (1987-1991/2) is difficult to classify due to other crises-

- economic depression and inter-republic war. Potkonjak relevantly titles this fifth period of education the transition and search for a new identity for

93 education. Following historical precedent, throughout the several meetings of the pedagogues, educational balms for political woes were the primary foci of

concern. There were efforts to inject pluralism into the educational system,

although pluralism was only an abstract notion that in the Yugoslav context

defied practical implementation. Another proposal, the introduction of religion in the schools was also explored and eventually implemented in Croatia. Some reflected on a return to the Pre-WW II educational setup, others looked to foreign models, anything just to cast off the shadow of communism.

Pedagogues yet again remained on the sideline, while politicians patchworked a fix for the ailing country through education.

Positive achievements, such as the fact that teachers were now required to have a college degree, were trivialized in the frenzied quest for a panacea.

The positive, potential democratic characteristics of samoupravljene were denegrated to a fiilly negative report ofsamoupravljene’s guilt in continuing class division and therefore created a schism between the tone of the society and the tone of education. The justification for the emphatic readjusments was again found in the educational-political relationship.

In the past it seems that education and the schools were not value neutral, it is deemed that education can not be neutral and unbiased, only all the more active in the name of the party, but to its very essence it should serve the political and social governments, all that is in education discussed and learned is realized only in one aspect— that of the ideal political and worthy system.’®

'p. 267.

94 Yet the absence of a fortified theoretical basis from which to construct a new system either political or educational one was an obvious void.

Potkonjak concludes by posing intriguing questions for the future of education in Yugoslavia. For example, what should be the integral theory of education for the new states of the former Yugoslavia? Is it necessary to reinforce and reassert the role of education as science, in order ground the future educational system? Are there any fundamental components of the past

Yugoslav system that should or could be more fully developed? The extensive interaction between Yugoslav pedagogues and international education organizations will certainly aid in answering this questions.

In the pursuit of a new identity for the fifth period of Yugoslav education, a theme prevalent to some extent throughout the five periods is brought to the fbrefiont—the tendency for Yugoslav educational reforms to be politically initiated and abruptly withdrawn. The lack of consistency in educational reform is epitomized by the inclination to wipe clean educational history and introduce drastic new programs. Potkonjak contends that such practice was unsuccessful in the post WWII period and throughout, and thus it would not be firuitfiil to adopt similar quick-revisionist policies for the present

95 period. Therefore, assuming that “[s]cience is it’s own judge,” governmental

criticism of the educational system, should be checked. Also, despite the fact that history has taught Yugoslav pedagogues that education and politics are and

should always be dependent, Potkonjak postulates that due to past negative

effects and in the interest of pedagogy, perhaps the ties should not be so

intimate.

Vojislav Mitic writes that in 1977/8 four generations of students began a new educational program in Yugoslavia withusmerno education being phased

into the elementary and secondary grades up until 1985. The graduated

system of directed education was installed with Jedinstvene Osnovno

Vaspitanja I Obrazovanje and Zajednicke Osnove Srednje Usmerno Vaspitanje I

Obrazovanje, the official mandates that ushered in the new programs. Due to

the setup of the system, each student was encouraged to reach maximum

potential through two additional years of general curriculum and then vocational

or college preparatory tracking. There were “finishing courses” that allowed the

technical students to have practical experience before working in their chosen

field.

'^p . 113. This statement was proclaimed at a Congress of the LCY and adopted as a battlecry for educational sovereignty and at least semi-autonomous separation from direct political influence.

Vojislav Mitic, ed. Reforma Obrazovanja I Vaspitanja u SR Serbiji- Dokumenti. [Reforms in Education and Upbringing in SR Serbia-Documents.] Republicki Sekretarijat za Informacije, KOCMOC, Beograd, 1978.

96 Along with usmerno education,samoupravljene was instituted as an

educational reform. “The purpose of the reforms does not look to just the

functional reworking of the educational system but of much greater meaning is

the training of the individual in terms of social processes and the individual’s

understanding and place in the realization of these processes.”'®^ The purpose

of education, according to Mitic, is to correspond to the samoupravljene system

(with every man being an integral component of the system) not the former authoritarian system. The samoupravljene reform is to be actualized through an

internal process by which inter-school councils decide the development of the reform through a Marxist perspective, with constant information and updating on the part of the council.

The aforementioned laws mandate that the organizations are formed in a uniform manner throughout the republics and regions and that the reforms adopt

and enforce the political nature of the samoupravljene system, with the same

qualifying scale and nomenclature. Samoupravljene needs to be unifying and

elastic. Mitic explains:

In the course of education an opportunity is given to students in regard to their level and specific development. The opportunity is for future education with modem, all-encompassing ideals in the interest of their modem development, employment, healthy and cultured life, and in regard to the needs of this Socialist Samoupravljene Union and Person.*®’

166 p. 15.

97 Three phases are highlighted by Mitic that direct the educational goals

warranting realization. Phase 1 is implemented from 1976 through 1977 during

which there is construction of the organizationsfor the samoupravljene who

will eventually develop the educational plans and programs. At this juncture,

there is a need to develop the practical component of education with vocational

experience integrating workers and with new textbooks, and new technology.

Phase 2 is to begin in 1978 and extend through 1981 at which time reforms are

installed regarding the last two years of secondary education, and the adoption

of new curricula. Finally, Phase 3 implemented in 1981 and through 1986

directs reforms for higher education.

Guaranteed free elementary education was provided by the state, with an

emphasis on equality. In deference to equality, compulsory education is provided in the mother language. After the eighth grade education though no

longer mandatory is encouraged. Also, educational rights are guaranteed for

students with special needs. Elementary education viewed as the means by

which to fidfiU all developmental goals in the intellectual, moral, aesthetic,

labor technical and physical health areas. Mitic maintains that along with

parents, schools are responsible for the cultivation of future generations of

socialists. Areas of elementary education that need to be developed are: a

diverse and all-encompassing education to challenge all levels of students,

school organized social labor, afterschool organizations such as Gorana (a

'p. 55. 98 wildlife organization for the upkeep of the environment), and the Pioneers and

Omladinci.

The Pioneer and Omladinci programs were to be used as a vehicle to procure the social atmosphere detailed in the samoupravljene program. The afterschool meetings of the interest clubs are to be led by teachers, guidance counselors, socialist party organizers, institutions and/or businesses. The school is to organize cultural, economic, Marxist, artistic, theoretical, and humanistic samoupravljene seminars to benefit students and the culture of all citizens. In addition, the school is responsible for the organization of community libraries, and community workshops that address understanding of psychological and pedagogical issues for all citizens.

Elementary education also is to be a socializing endeavor, through which socioeconomic differences are minimized. In addition, Mitic contends that labor habits are formed at this early stage. Thus, elementary education’s goal is to socialize the future generation to mirror and thereby benefit the future society. Control of this socializing institution is to be bartered in the samoupravljene structure throughzajednice (managing organizations of students, parents, teachers, administrators and citizens). At these meetings, the organization is encouraged to solve problems that arise in the school, along with encouraging discussions about life and group interests. Mitic elucidates

99 that the members of the organizations need to be unified politically in terms of the proletariat allowing for no opposition.

Yugoslavia’s pedagogues and politicians believed that all students and teachers owe society the debt of learning how to be good citizens. Inherent in this responsibility is the issue of language. Whereby, all students should theoretically learn the languages of all Yugoslav citizens. Thus, instruction in and the preservation of the foreign languages of minorities, in a multinational land such as Yugoslavia coincides with a life coordinated with brotherhood and unity. From the 3rd and 5th grades, these minorities begin instruction in the non-Serbo-Croat language.

The purpose of social sciences is to socialize the students in the socialist and communistic system and to prepare them for active work.

It’s [social studies/sciences] purpose is to develop Yugoslavian socialist patriotism and proletariat internationalism brotherhood and unity, and togetherness of our people and peoples and the feelings of solidarity, humanism, loyalty, samoupravljene socialism and the fulfillment of the duties which the citizens of our nation have.'®*

Mitic continues by stating that history is to address only the most significant events and processes which advance Marxist understanding and the development of humans from the oldest historical reference to the present.

Additional emphasis is given to the World War II and the following periods in

Yugoslav history. These are courses described in the book:

1 0 0 Elementary Self-Management {Samoupravljene) Socialism-in 8th grade, includes elementary characteristic of development of the worker’s movement in the world and here, with specific attention to our revolution, with efforts at building thesamoupravljene system here. General National Defense (Opste Narodna Odbrana)-to prepare future citizens for future participation with an introduction to arms and war weapons and to educate them in the spirit of socialist patriotism, brotherhood and unity of the people, tekovini (freedom, justice) of the war for freedom and to build samoupravljene in Yugoslavia. It is a mandatory course in 7th and 8th grade. For compulsory education from 70-75% work time must be spent. The noncompulsory education may occupy 25-30% of the time and 210 working days of school in the year. The characteristics of secondary education are based on Marxist

Socialism, samoupravljene system and usmerno. The first phase is to last 2 years and to include the 2 years of compulsory general education. The

Skupstina of the SR Serbia at the meeting on 1976 decided that the usmerno education should be instituted. Cilj-goal and zadaci-tasks/assignments: the students should be educated to appreciate labor and the socialist society, to recognize the ideas of Marxism and samoupravljene. The second phase is to include the program of technical and theoretical contents. These second two years are to be a time of decision in which students chose and pursue their future professions. There are student organizations that partake in the samoupravljene system.

In High School, General Cultural Studies (the Serbo-Croatian language, foreign languages, physical education, odbrana Izastita)-36.6% Social and

Economic (History, Marxism, MandsmJSamoupravljene, Geography) 16.7%

P. 71.

1 0 1 Math and Physical Sciences-31.7% and Technical and Production 6.7% and

Electives 8.3%. Program of upbringing laborers (Program Obrazovanje-

Vaspitanje Rada)-this is a general basis/underlying principle for the secondary

education system. The plan for the arrangement of the school day includes 11%

of the day for social sciences, language and reading 28%, math 21%, natural

sciences 13%, labor and technical 7%, physical and health 10%, art 10%, opste narodne odbrane 0.6% for compulsory education.’®’ The Serbo-Croat language course is to develop brotherhood and unity in the society along with the fulfillment of other criteria. Within the history components of the educational system, it is deemed necessary that students develop an understanding of the history and development of man, and that they develop a dialectic, Marxist outlook on the world and Yugoslavian socialist patriotism and internationalism, that they develop a sense of solidarity and humanism, as a love for SFRJ, along with respect and love for the equality of all the people of

SFRJ in terms of the samoupravljene system.”" The students should have a complete grasp of the socialist revolution.

In the initial two years of secondary schools, specific attention is given to the socialist revolution, the character of NOB, the revolution of the people of the SFRJ, and the elementary characteristics of the socialist revolutions in the

Mitic, p.82.

™ Mitic, p. 135.

102 world. The course of Marxism and Self-Managing Socialism, is to acquaint students witih Marxism as a science, and LCY as a system of thinking. Students need to adopt this theory as their world view, to recognize the most significant

Marxist scholars and to adopt the socialist, revolutionary and humanistic value of Marxism and translate these principles to all other ideas and learning. This course should also introduce the value of work to students, characterizing it as a privilege and not a chore.

The social and economic scope needs to give students the opportunity to acquaint themselves with the fundamental elements of social development and their perspectives with unavoidable victory of socialism andcommunism with the specifications and the character of our socialist revolution and socialist construction on the self-management system principles, so that they can understand and comprehend the mandatory changes in nature and society which will contribute to the formation of a dialectic, materialist world view, interweaving the theory and practice of our self-managing society and training students for creative activity, Marxist analysis and critical judgment of social occurrences.'’’

Community organizationswere encouraged to foster working relationships with the schools. They were encouraged to develop the roles of mentoring students, participating in the samoupravljene system, defining the role of educators and the role of the sciences and labor. The second phase is instituted in reference to the 10th Congress of LCY and the 7th Congress of LCS who addressed the issue of samoupravljene and education. They decided that the plans and programs of

P. 134

103 education include the basic elements of education addressed in the first phase,

language, social/economic studies, math/science, and vocational components.

The congresses decided that the usmerno system would alleviate the problem of

some schools solely educating students for college while others only for

vocation. Thisusmerno system would work best to address the needs of all

levels of students.

In the second phase, which includes the last two years of high school,

many programs are built firom the first phase, with specific attention being

focused on tracking students either into the specified vocation or into the college preparatory programs. In these specific years, students are to continue participating in the development of the samoupravljene system. They are to participate in the committees and to collaborate with the laws related to the self- managing system. There are to be work related associations vdth delegates that

addressed the issues of labor and practical issues related to labor and associated labor. Samoupravljene zajednica had regional and republic associations which address the components of the second phase of usmerno education. Without reforms in the social/economic sector of education, the reforms in the last two years of HS in terms of the usmerno system would not be able to be fully realized. The most significant role is played by the Skupstina SR Serbia, through delegation to the subcommitees of Izversno Vece, Prosvetni Savet,

Republicki Sekretariat za Obrazovanje I Nauku, Republicki Zavod za

104 Unapredjivanje Vaspitanje I Obrazovanje, Izdavacke Organizacije Ovlascene za Izdavanje Udjbenika. During the period from September 1977 to March

1978, much attention was dedicated to transcribing the prerequisite policies needed for the reforms proposed by Congresses to be workable. The central conclusions from this period are: the creation of regional samoupravljene associations, republic-oriented associations for usmerno education, also, the

Skupstina developed ideas for the adoption of the first phase of the usmerno education reform, the association of students with laborers through the samoupravljene system. Attention was also given to forging closer ties with secondary and vocational/community colleges/universities, with public (as noted, the previously listed organizations) discussions/debates on the samoupravljene system. A commission formed to watch over the system and to develop the curriculum for the second phase.

According to the Constitution of SFRJ in article 244, unity and equality needs to pervade the educational system. From this article, theSkupstina drafted and adopted the Agreement. The Agreement between the Republics and

Provinces about the Unity of Education and Upbringing reinforces the ideas of unity and equality with the development of Marxism, brotherhood and unity and the samoupravljene system. Thus, students from one republic can transfer, at least in theory, to another republic without problems. Students from other republics, according to the book, were taught in the language of the republic, but

105 were given the opportunity to leam the mother language in those schools, as weU. For example, a Macedonian living in Serbia was taught in Serbian but was given the opportunity to leam Macedonian in school. “The contents of these lectures [in history] need to be projects of the most signihcant examples of our revolutionary traditions and symbols, in a manner so that they will be relevant and worthwhile for the young generations and with this, contribute to the development of patriotism and their just direction in the traditional fostering of brotherhood and unity.””’

In the formation of schools and educational systems, the decisions are made by the”^ Skupstina SR Serbia, Prosvetni Savet SR Serbia, the samoupravljene unions and the elementary/secondary schools. The Skupstina is to reinforce the elementary unifying ideas of the reforms, in terms of character, the ends, the tasks of the school, the shape, the method, the manner and form of participation of school councils of student’s parents and of the representation of the social association in order to create efficient schools. Prosvetni Savet reinforces the plan for the reforms, reworks the elementary directions and the prominent factors of the unifying elements (educational elements and their contents, shapes and methods of educational work and the yearly quantity of

135.

™ Jovan Veijkovic, Komentar Zakona o Osnovnom Obrazovanju I Vaspitanja sa Nacrtima Samoupravnih Opstih Akata, Obrascima, Prilozima I Registrom [Commentary on the Laws Regarding Primary Education and Upbringing with Detailed Self-Management Universal Acts, Modifications, Supplements, and Registrations], Prosvetni Pregled, Beograd, 1979.

106 courses). Samoupravljene associations decide the plan and program of educational work which determines what is the goal of the system. Elementary schools decide the scope and sequence of the reforms. The first decisions for reform come from the Skupstina, next the Prosvetni Savet reworks the idea, followed by the samoupravljene system, with finally the schools adopting the reforms.

107 CHAPTERS

AN ANALYSIS OF YUGOSLAV EDUCATION AND NATIONALISM

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between nationalism and education in the former Yugoslavia. The primary sources for this investigation include the 1974 Constitution of the SFRJ and the 1976,

1984/5 and 1990/1 history plans and programs for the Fifth, Sixth, Seventh and

Eighth grades. The history curriculum is assumed to be the most conclusive indicator of propagation of nationalist sentiment. Yet, as previously considered, the educational foundation for Yugoslav patriotism commenced with student induction in the Pioneers. The Pioneers were initiated in an elaborate ceremony in the first grade. After pledging allegiance to Tito and the Homeland of

Yugoslavia, students were awarded a red handkerchief, a certificate and a textbook. The primary textbook provided a literature base for students, saturated with selections inspiring patriotism to which I will briefly attend.

The Pioneer’s Textbook

The basic text of the Pioneers, entitled We Are Tito’s, Tito is Ours, contains patriotic poems and a detailed, though not entirely accurate biography

108 of Tito’s life."'' Students were instructed to memorize many of the poems in

efforts to develop and propagate patriotism. In the course of my interviews, many respondents recited from memory some of these selected poems, thus

speaking to the significance of the text. The first poem “Comrade Tito, White

Violet” is perhaps the most famous children’s poem adulating Tito.

COMRADE TITO, WHITE VIOLET Comrade Tito, white violet, greetings to you from all the youth.

Greetings to you from old and young. Comrade Tito, you the nation’s hope.

Comrade Tito, we pledge to you that from your path we shall not depart."^

The blatant emotive tone of the poem, directed at forging Yugoslav socialist patriotism, is focused on unity in adoration of Tito. The reference to a “white violet” and the “nation’s hope,” seeks to instill in the youth admiration and respect for Tito.

Mi Smo Titovi Tito Je Nas. Spektar Zagreb, Zagreb, 1975.

’’’DRUZE TITO, LJUBICICE BDELA Druze Tito, Ijubicice bijela, pozdravija te omladina cijela.

Pozdravlja te I stare I mlado, druze Tito, ti narodna nado.

Druze Tito, mi ti se kunemo da sa tvoga puta ne skrecemo.

author unkown, printed in Mi Smo Titovi, Tito Je Nas, p. 8.

109 Similarly, “Greetings from the Youth” reinforces the relationship between Tito and the youth. The “white violet” and the “nation’s hope” metaphors are continued in this poem.

GREETINGS FROM THE YOUTH Comrade Tito, father of our homeland, receive the greetings of your young people.

Comrade Tito, our dear glory, greetings from the small and large.

Greetings from the old and young. Comrade Tito, our national hope.

Comrade Tito, white violet, the whole youth loves you.

Comrade Tito, you are the only one who gives rights to the youth.

Comrade Tito, we pledge to you, that from your path we shall not depart.’’®

POZDRAV OMLADINE Druze Tito, oce domovine, primi pozdrav svoje omladine.

Druze Tito, nasa mila diko, Pozdravlja te malo I veliko.

Pozdravlja te staro I mlado, druze Tito, ti narodna nado.

Druze Tito, Ijubicice bijela, tebe voli omladina cijela.

Druze Tito, ti si nam jedini koji dajes pravo omladini.

Druze Tito, mi ti se kunemo, da sa tvoga puta ne skrenemo. author unknown, printed in Mi Smo Titovi, Tito Je Nas, p. 13.

110 In addition, tins poem endows Tito with the additional credit of granting rights to the youth. The potent emotional context of the poem also bestows Tito the love of all the youth.

The following selection, “Dalmatia, Pearl Branch,” continues along the emotive vein, while intriguingly transforming regional nationalism, that of

Dalmatia, into Yugoslav socialist patriotism with Tito as the missing link.

DALMATIA, PEARL BRANCH Dalmatia, pearl—branch. Singing the song of the Partisans.

Dalmatia is calling us. Comrade Tito, here we are!

Here come the black horses And on them the Partisans.

Our homeland is calling us. Comrade Tito, here we are!

Comrade Tito, our hope. Loving you are old, young.

Comrade Tito, you lead us To a better fortune and freedom.

Our homeland is calling us. Comrade Tito, here we are!"’

DALMACIJA BISER GRANA Dalmacija biser—grana, Pjeva pjesmu pardzana.

Dalmacija zove nas, Druze Tito, evo nas!

Eve idu konji vrani

111 The reference to Dalmatia, as a region of Yugoslavia populated by Serbs and

Croats, “singing the song of the Partisans” is, in a sense a reinforcement of the achievements of the NOB and thus a contributing factor to the solidhScation of

Yugoslav socialist patriotism. Also, love for Tito is evidenced throughout the poem.

A primary source of affection for Tito arises from the glorification of his contributions to World War II or the NOB. “Prideful Rivers” highlights the expanse of Tito’s activity throughout the War.

PRIDEFUL RIVERS Una, border river, strength I see in your current, happiness I read in your eye.

Why are you so proud? —I have seen the warrior Tito!

Pliva, clear blueness. Why are you so proud?

I na njima partizani.

Domovina zove nas, Druze Tito, evo nas!

Druze Tito, nasa nado, Tebe voli staro, mlado.

Druze Tito, ti nas vodi Boljoj sreci I slobodi.

Domovina zove nas, Druze Tito, evo nas! author unknown, printed in Mi Smo Titovi, Tito Je Nas. p. II.

112 —And I have see Tito I

Neretva rolling, why are you so proud? —And I have seen Tito!

Su^’esko so timid, why are you so sad? —I have seen the wounded Tito...

Emotional identification is solicited with the personification of the rivers. The rivers’ pride of witnessing the heroism of Tito throughout the War incites a prideful response from the readers. While the mention of the passionate battle at Su^esko, during which Tito was wounded, provokes sympathy and respect for the hero. In addition, aside firom the significance of the rivers as markers of historical battles, their geographic location spans Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina,

Montenegro and Serbia, personalizing the poem for students of many republics.

'^PONOSNERIJEKE Uno, krajiska rijeko, snagu vidim u tvome toku, radost citam u tvome oku. Zasto si ponosita? —Vidjela sam ratnika Tita!

Plivo, bistra plavojko, sto si ti ponosita? —I ja sam vidjela Tita!

Neretvo vzalovita, sto si ti ponosita? —I ja sam vidjela Tita!

Sutjesko plahovita, sto sit ti tugovita? —Vidjela sam ranjenog Tita...

113 Also exalting Tito’s courage and valor is the poem “Tito Has Led Us in

Revolution.” The poem seeks to justify the veneration of Tito, highlighting

Tito’s struggle to attain validation.

TITO HAS LED US IN REVOLUTION Not even that has been earned in jest, that Tito is given the title Marshall.

Already and that is given with battle, that Tito is given the title hero.

Comrade Tito, leader of the communists. The Party for us is like the sun radiant.'^® Along with the proclamation of praise for Tito, this selection links Tito to the

Communist Party and as an extension praises the “radiance” of the Party.

The final selection, written in a prophetic tone, celebrates the present with an eye on the future. “They Will Ask How It Was” addresses past perceptions of life in Yugoslavia while acknowledging the changing era with a confident tone.

THEY WILL ASK HOW IT WASISO

Stanko Rakita, printed in Mi Smo Titovi, Tito Je Nas. p. 102.

TITO NAS JE VODIO U BOJU Nije ni to dobito sa salom da se Tito nazove marsalom.

Vecje I to dobit sa bojem, da se Tito nazove herojem.

Druze Tito, vodjo komunista, Partija nam kao sunce blista. author unknown, printed in Mi Smo Titovi, Tito Je Nas. p. 107. isopiTAT CE KAKO JE BILO

114 Once many times later in two hundred or three hundred years they will ask lucky people how it was for us.

They will page through dusty books, they will search for our worries our publicity and glory our struggles and our tears our Su^esko, Kozaro Bihac and Drvar!

They will ask: who was leading and who was managing in this most difficult time?

Jedanput mnogoput kasnije za dyjesta I trista godina pitat ce srecni narodi kakoje nama bilo.

Listat ce parsnim knjigama tragat ce nasim brigama nasom javom I slavom nasim uzama I nasim suzama nasom Sutjeskom, Kozarom Bihacem I Drvarom!

Pitat ce: Tkoje vodio Itkojerukovodio u ovo njteze doba? I tkoje od roba stvorio slobodno bice!

Odgovor bit ce pricat ce zuta hartija... Bio je Tito I bilaje Partija. Mi Smo Titovi, Tito Je Nas. p. 151.

115 And who did from goods create free beings!

The answer will be spoken by the yellowed documents. It was Tito and it was the Party.

This piece along with the others portray a benevolent Tito and Party that secure freedom and prosperity for the citizens of Yugoslavia. Students are inundated with messages that stimulate a response of trust, loyalty and pride. In the message are the materials necessary to construct an emotional expression of nationalism, prompting the impetus for this dissertation, answers which maybe procured from “yellowed documents.”

The Constitutions

Broad explanations are evident in the 1974 Constitution of SR Serbia which was based on the amendments of 1968 and 1971/2.’*’ Resulting from legislation written in the 1974 Constitution of the SFRJ, the Constitution of SR

Serbia afBrms that the provincial regions of Kosovo and Vojvodina should be given full autonomy, translating into independent decisions regarding their laws and responsibilities except for the laws declared in the Constitution for SFRJ.

The constitutions written for the provinces are valid in so far as they do not

Ustav SR Serbije; Ustav SAP Kosova; Ustav SAP Vojvodine [The Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Serbia; The Constitution of the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo; The Constitution of the Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina] Miodrag Buckovic, ecL, Republicki Sekxetarijat za Informacije, KOCMOC, Beograd, 1974.

116 contradict the constitution of the republic, likewise for the constitutions of the republics in terras of the national constitution.

The 1974 Constitution of SFRJ provides the framework governing the treatment of minorities and the foundations for the educational system.'*■ In terms of minorities, the Constitution guarantees rights and promises to enforce justice. Part 2, Article 153:3 states, “Freedom, Justice and the Duty of Man and the Citizen: these are realized through the solidarity of people, and the fifrfiUment of their obligations and duties.” The contractual nature of citizenship is evident in the Constitution. The treatment of all citizens is pledged to be equal m terms of freedom and justice for the value itself and in the interest of reaffirmingthe socialist association.’*^

Emanating from the procurement of the fundamental right to freedom and justice are religious and language rights. Religious rights were guaranteed as long as the religious rights did not infringe upon the political realm.

Furthermore, the Constitution ensured that all religions were guaranteed the right to have religious schools in which to train priests. There is equality in terms of the law for all to cultivate their culture. Thus, language rights are guaranteed to all minorities in terms of speech and written word. The cultural

Ustav Socijalisticke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije sa Ustavnim Zakonom za Sprovodjenje Ustava Socialistke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije [The Constitution of the Socialist Federal Republics of Yugoslavia with Constitutional Laws for the Adoption/ Procurement of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia] Petar Mladenovic, ed., Novinska Ustanova, Sluzbeni List SFRJ, Beograd, 1974.

p. 90.

117 freedom evident in the Constitution is counterbalanced by a call for cohesion in the state. Article 244 explains, “unity [is to be fostered] in the country through the samoupravljem system and organizations, and with unity in united organizations and equality.”

The Yugoslav educational system is unified in thesamoupravljene system, along with unity cultivated in the fundamental goals of education. In

Chapter 1 of this dissertation, an excerpt from the Base Principles elucidates the role of education in the SFRJ. Augmenting the values of the Constitution, education is to develop equality, justice and brotherhood and unity. Hence

Article 7 declares, “all citizens regardless of nationality, sex, ethnicity and religion have the same condition of equal rights to education.” In fact, to ensure freedom and equality, dependent on the district, students are taught in bilingual schools.'^

Educationally, the 1974 Constitutions of both SR Serbia and SFRJ provided a solid foundation from which to assemble a system devoted to equality, justice and the development of Yugoslav socialist patriotism.

Throughout the text, an encompassing message is evident: the schools provide a paramount vehicle for the propagation of the Yugoslav ideals detailed in the

Constitutions.

The realization of these ideals are the foundation for the development of the history curriculum. The main focus of the study, the 1976,1984/5 and

118 1990/1 history curriculum is examined. These selection of these years of reform

were prompted by the suggestion of an official of the Ministry of Education in

Belgrade. The years chosen were said to be reflective of significant curricular

reform, resulting initially from the Constitutions of 1974 and then later reforms

initiated by the LCY. While it must be noted that revisions of the curriculum

were frequent from 1976 throughout the 1990s, these selected years represent the most significant reforms.

Since the original texts appear in Cyrillic Serbian, I have taken care to

provide accurate translation, without taking liberties that may have resulted m

contamination of the original meaning of the text.'*^ Because the curricula have

never before appeared in English, I have chosen to translate the 1976 history

curriculum nearly in entirety. This work is to provide a frame of reference for

understanding and interpretation. Subsequent curricula are provided only where

radical revision has occurred. In addition, although all headings in the 1974 text

are transcribed, the body of the curriculum is furnished only when potentially

nationalist content is evident. For example, the title. Ancient Rome, is

translated, however, the content, which provides a generalized study of Ancient

Rome is omitted from translation in the interest of manageability of data.

A venue for nationalist reform, the history curriculum for 5th, 6th and

7th grades was entitled only History, yet in the 8th grade, the title of the course

IS4 p. 147.

119 changed to History with the Basis of Self-Managing Socialism. Each topic was appropriated a number of classes per annum. A class consists of a forty-five minute session, which may be conducted in the forum of seminar, lecture or recitation. The curriculum specifically states the amount of classes allocated to each topic. By comparing the quantity of classes allocated to a topic through the three curricula, a gauge of nationalist manipulation is projected. Moreover, the analysis of actual content reform is scrutinized for potential effects on nationalism.

Each subject-specific portion of the overall curriculum begins with the goals of the lessons and the tasks of the teacher. They are translated here in the interest of building a base for comprehension from which to analyze the 1976

History Curriculum for 5th grade.’*®

Goals of Lessons in History with the basis of Self-Managing Socialism: are to give students a basic knowledge of social occurrences, occurrences and processes in the past and present; to direct a just interpretation of those occurences and in that manner to foster the formation of a scientific world view, which is the basic idea of the whole educational activity.

Tasks of Teaching History are: • that students are acquainted ■with the essential processes and occurrences from the past of the peoples of Yugoslavia and to

For those interested, the original Cyrilic photocopied versions of the curricula are on file with me and can be examined upon request The History Curricula for Grades 5,6 and 7 and the History with the Basis of Self-Managing Socialism Curriculum for Grade 8 fi’om the 1976 Educational Council. Sluzbeni Glasnik Republike Serbije: Prosvetni Glasnik, Beograd, 1976: pp. 362-369. The following quotations are excerpted from these page.

120 highlight the linkages of their development with the development of the world in accord with the general statutes of the development of the human society; • to point out the history of the roots of the occurrences, processes and oppositions in the contemporary world and in that manner to enable students to critically assess contemporary happenings and occurrences within the frame of the objective conditions and relations in which people live, work and produce, but especially to point out the historical meaning of the struggle of progressive social forces in our epoch; • to contribute a Marxist education to students in developing abilities in historical access and to notice characteristics of the social development of certain epoch and countries in historical movements and happenings like a dialectic unity within productive forces and their corresponding productive relations; • to educate students in the spirit of the freedom-loving traditions of our nations and nationalities as in loyalty to the socialist homeland of SFRJ; • to point out the historical roots of brotherhood and unity of the Yugoslav nation and nationalities which came about in the particular expression of NOB and the revolution which brought them about to today’s socialist brotherhood and unity to foster in that manner Yugoslav socialist patriotism; • that students acquaint themselves with the fight of progressive forces which enabled social progress, exceptional fights like our working class which by prevailing in the socialist revolution enabled the building of a self-managing socialist society; • that students acquaint themselves with the historical development of other nations and nurse the conscience for the need for the equal collaboration between among aU nations of the world; • in accord with the conceptual goals of the Yugoslav self- managing society, students develop class conscienceness, a critical spirit, a conscience of accountability and a socialist humanistic relation toward labor, people and life in general; • that students can realize the meaning of the Yugoslav General National Defense to preserve our freedom, independence, and the peaceful development of our socialist self-managing society.

121 The Goals for Teaching Lessons empower teachers with the responsibility for

guiding student’s interpretation of historical events in order to foster a socialist

perspective. Meanwhile, the Tasks of Teaching history appropriate the theoretical goals into pragmatic components. Of notable relevance are the tasks that encourage historical and national linkages among the Yugoslav people.

The crux of historical development of Yugoslav socialist patriotism is focused

on the NOB and the socialist revolution.

The curriculum follows with more specific operating tasks Fifth Grade

History. The Operating Tasks address the theoretical principles deemed worthy of transmission in History instruction. While general topics are highlighted, more detailed guidelines are put forth especially in relation to the development of a socialist perspective through the study of history. In fact, the Operating

Tasks convey a distinct message as to the importance of fostering a scientific, materialistic and socialist outlook.

Operating Tasks for the Fifth Grade History Curriculum

• Students should acquire basic components of the past of human societies in periods, on the basis of Marxist teaching about social, economic formations; • Contemporary scientific understanding about the evolution of man and of the role of work in the development of human society; • The basic historical and sociological categories such as: society, social systems, classes and exceptional categories linked to primary human communities and periods of slavery;

122 • The basic characteristics of slave states and especially Roman states as the most developed; • The basic distinction of the culture of slavery as the foundation for modem culture; • The basic forms of the class struggle in slave societies with elements of Marxist teachings about class struggle as catalyst to social development; • The notion of war, the meaning of General National Defense and the basic forces and means for realization of the General National Defense of SFRJ; • The acquisition of an understanding of earlier means of time keeping; • The use of maps of the Old Ages; • The use of illustrated material from textbooks on the history of the world in the Old Ages. All of the above should contribute to the fostering of students’ spoken culture and to provide a step-by-step formation of a materialistic view of the development of human society.

The Fifth Grade Operating Tasks encourage teachers to lay the foundation for a socialist interpretation of history. Even throughout the Old Ages, and other seeminglynon-socialist history, the curricular focus of Fifth grade history instruction is steeped in Marxism. Along with the Marxist perspective, the

Operating Tasks stress the importance of war and general national defense, building upon the achievements of the National War for Liberation that spurred the creation of the Second Yugoslavia.

History instruction begins in the Fifth Grade with attention to the formation of encompassing historical/socialist foundations. The Curriculum seeks to lay the foundation for contemporary interpretations of the Socialist and

Communistmovements. The labor-laden overtones, presented in the Goals and

123 Tasks for History instruction, permeated even interpretations of Ancient Egypt,

Greece and Rome.

The Fifth Grade History Curriculum

34 classes annually Introduction 1 lecture/1 recitation History as a science of the past of human society; The subject of history, keeping time, historical sources of divisions of the past (periodization).

Prehistory 2 lectures/1 recitation

Old Ages (Period of Slave Society) 2 hours lecture and 1 hours of recitation (Ancient MidEast Egypt) 6 hours lecture and 3 hours of recitation (Ancient Greece) 6 lectures and 3 recitations (Ancient Rome) Annual Systemization 3 lectures

The War and Our General National Defense

1. Notions of the War and criteria for detenrdndng its character: meanings of our general national defense and our general national war for the defense of the freedom and independence of our lands, the basis of construction of successfril defense in eventual war;

2. The basis of the strength of our defense: working people and citizens, social-political organizations, organizations of associated labor, local and other unions, armed strength and their role in the system of general national defense;

3. Armed war as a basic aspect of extending defense from enemies:

124 the place and the role of the youth in extending armed defense and in other venues of defense, the significance of the experience and instance of the fighting youth of the NOB.

While the curriculum addresses the general topics of history as a science, prehistory and the Old Ages, no overt nationalist message is evident, other than the subtle inculcation of Socialist overtones. However, the topic entitled “The

War and Our General National Defense” does seek to catalyze patriotic- inspiring behavior. The topic, while glaringly unrelated to the study of Ancient

Empires, is nevertheless included in the 1976 Fifth History Curriculum.

In the interest of comparison, I have drafted Table 3.1, compiled firom the translated data of the Fifth Grade Curriculum. This table provides a summary of the number and nature of classes devoted to each topic. The table has been divided into Topic, Lecture and Recitation headings, with the number of classes devoted to each Topic specified by a numerical value.

Lecture and Recitation values indicate number of classes per annum'*’ Topic Lecture Recitation History as science 1 1 Prehistoric events 2 1 Ancient Middle East 2 1 Ancient Greece 6 3 Ancient Rome 6 3 Annual systemization 3 — War/gen nat defense 3 1

The total hours reported in the Curriculum for the Fifth Grade is 34. I have tallied the amount and content presented in the Curriculum and have only found a total of 33 classes. Having accounted for only 33 classes, I make this note to avoid further confusion, however, I defer to the Curriculum and list the total as 34 in other presentations.

125 Table 3.1: SYNOPSIS OF THE 1976 FIFTH GRADE HISTORY CURRICULUM

Table 3.1 shows that Ancient Greece and Ancient Rome are equally weighted, each receiving substantially more attention than the remaining general topics of History as a Science and Prehistoric Events. The War and

General National Defense receives a totalo ffour hours of instruction, a significantly larger percentage than remaining,historically relevant topics.

Reasons for this are explored upon comparison to the 1984/5 and 1990 curricula.

In the interest of avoiding redundancy, the Goals and Operating Tasks for the Sixth Grade have been omitted and only the curriculum is presented.

The Sixth Grade outline attends to the Middle Ages and Feudahsm in general.

The role of the South Slav states is specifically addressed. The total 68 hours of instruction are dedicated to presenting in lecture, recitation and seminar format the historical events encapsulated in the Middle Ages.

The Sixth Grade History Curriculum

68 classes annually Middle Ages 3 lectures/ 2 recitations (Europe in Early Feudalism) 7 lectures/ 3 recitations (South Slavs in the Period of Early Feudalism)

1. Slavic migration on the Balkan Penninsula:

1 2 6 life of the ancient Slavs in their former territories, the reasons and the direction of migration, the population of the Balkan peninsula, the beginnings of societal diversification;

2. South Slavs relations to neighbors and natives: the relations Avith neighbors (Avars, Franks and Byzantines), relations -with natives (Albanians, Vlachs, Romany), migration of Bulgars, Magyars, the formation of tribal associations;

3. Slovenians from the 8th to the 12th century: Principality of Karantanija, Slovenes under German rule, Slovenes in lower Panonija, colonization and Germanization, the formation of Slovenian ethnic alliances;

4. Croatia’s early Feudal State: Croatians and Franks, state independence, proclamation of the Kingdom, the weakening of the state and the joining of statehood to Hungary;

5. Macedonian Slavs in early feudalism: Macedonian Slavs between Byzantium and Bulgaria, Samuilos’ uprising, and the formation of the tsar-dom, the fall of the tsar- dom and the uprisings of the Macedonian Slavs in the 11 th century;

6. The first Serb States: Serbs between Byzantium and Bulgaria, the rise of Serbia in the period of Chaslav, the temporary of Duklja, the rise of Rashka;

7. Conversion of the South Slavs to Christianity and their early culture; the significance of actions of Cyril and Metode and their students, the beginnings of literacy, language and literature, the character of the early fiiedal culture.

General Characteristics of Early Feudalism 1 recitation

Europe in the Period of Advanced Feudalism 3 lectures/ 2 recitations

South Slavs in the Period of Advanced Feudalism

127 8 lectures/4 recitations

1. Serbia in the 12th and 13th c.: the struggle for independence, the proclamation of the Kingdom, the independence of the church and economic ascent;

2. The ascent of the Serb feudal state in the 14th c.: territorial growth and the conquering of Macedonian, Albanian and Greek regions, proclamtion of the tsar-dom, weakening of Serbia after Dusan’s death;

3. The birth and development of Bosnian Middle Age State: the struggle with Hungary, the Bosnian church, the ascent and proclamation of the Bosnian kingdom, the weakening of Bosnia after Tvrtko’s death;

4. Dubrovnik in the Middle Ages: city, republic, relations with neighbors, economy (trade and craftsmanship), social and state systems, the significance of Dubrovnik in the economical and cultural life of the South Slavs;

5. Croatia in state alliance with Hungary: statehood preservation of the state within the Croatian-Hungarian assembly, relations with Venetians, strengthening of the feudal families;

6. Slovenians firom the 12th to 15th c.: strengthening the Habsburgs and their struggle with the Celjeski Grofs, the forming of the historical regions of social and ethnic relations:

7. Economy of the Yugoslav regions in the advanced feudal era: feudal character of the economy, agriculture, mining, urban economy-craftsmanship and trade, differences in the degree of development in individual regions;

8. State and social systems m the South Slav regions in the era of Advanced Feudalism: landed gentry and dependent peasants, citizens, state systems (ruler, councils, local government), the church in feudal society;

Middle Age culture

128 2 lectures/lrecitation

1. General distinctions in Middle Age culture: the cleric and the class character of the culture, cultural regions (West European, Byzantium, Arabic), schools and universities, the general characteristics of art;

2. Middle Age culture of South Slavs: literature (language, literary structures, and different categories of litereature), judical monuments, art (architecture, sculpture, paintings);

Ottoman conquering of the Balkan peninsula 3 lectures/2 recitations

1. Ottoman Turks and their inital conquerings on the Balkans: the social and state system of the Ottoman state, the disintegration of Byzantium and the frailness of Serbia and Bulgaria, Battle on the Marica River, and the fall of Macedonia, Battle on Kosovo, fall of Bulgaria;

2. Otttoman Turks conquering of Serbia, Bosnia and Montenegro: Serbian depostism and Bosnia between Turks and Hungarians, the fall of Serbia, Bosnia, Hercegovina and Montenegro, the general consequences of the Turkish occupation;

3. Cooperation of the South Slavs and their neighbors in the fight against the Turks: Hungarian state in the fight against the Turks, Romania in defense of Turkish conquests, anti-Turkish struggles Albanians (Skenderbeg) Turkish looting, conquests in Croatia, Hungary and Slavic regions (Krbav and Mohach battles):

General Characteristics of Advanced Feudalism 1 recitation

New Ages: (Late Feudalism and Capitalism) Inception of Capitalist Economy and Culture within the Frame of Feudal Society 4 lectures/2 reciatation

129 1. Development of capitalist economy within fedual society: manufacturing as a form of capitalist operations, capitalist character of mining, role of trade and banking, new trading centers, a feudal character of agrarian operations;

2. Great geographical discoveries: Technical discoveries, discovery of America, the sea route to India, colonization of the New World, strengthening of the capitalist market, revolution of value;

3. Humanism and Renaissance as a new bourgeosie culture: City economy as a base for the new culture, essential characteristics of philosophy and science, literature and art, secular character of the new culture;

4. Absolute monarchy-the state in late feudalism: Nobility as a ruling class, the role of citizens, class character of the ruling absolutism, France as a typical example of the absolute monarchy;

The Yugoslav Nations and Their Neighbors Under Foreign Rule from the 16th to the End of the 18th c. 7 lectures/4 recitations

1. The Ottoman state and society from the 16th c. to the end of the 18th c.: features of feudal relations, state systems, the end of conquering and the beginning of the weakening of the state, Islamization and the relations toward the Christian Church;

2. The situation of subjugation of the Balkan population in the Ottoman Empire: social, national and religious enslavement, situations of some categories of enslaved populations, autonomy of Montenegro and self-rule in some regions, and autonomy of the Romanian principalities;

3. Forms of resistance of our nations to Ottoman rule: hajduks, uskoks, uprisings, involvement of our nations in wars vrith Christian forces against Turks;

130 4. Slovenian lands under the rule of Habsburgs from the 16th to 18th c.: economic circumstances, the peasants uprisings, reformation and inception of Slovenian literature;

5. Croatia from the 16th to 18th c.: the consequences of the Turkish conquerings, military “Krajina,” rebellion of Matija Gubac, the absolutism of the Vienna Court, and the conspiracy of the Zrinskis and Frankopans;

6. Dubrovnik and Venetian Dalmatia from the 16th to 18th c.: ascent of Dubrovnik in the 16th c. and the causes of the weakening in the 17th and 18th c., Venetian rule in Dahnatia, rebellion of the population of the island Hvar, renaissance culture in Dubrovnik and Dalmatia;

7. Colonization of Southern Hungary (Vojvodina): liberation from Turkish rule, native populations (Magyars, Serbs, Croatians), the first and second Serb migration and their situation in the Habsburg monarchy, migration of the remaining nations in Vojvodina (Romanians, Rusms, Slovaks and Germans), economic and political consequences of the colonization;

General Characteristics of Late Feudalism and the Inception of Capitalism 1 recitation

The annual systemization of the curriculum—essential distinctions in the development of society, state and the culture from the Old Ages to the 18th century 6 lectures.

Seminars (from the period of advanced and late feudalism) each lhr=2hrs total.

The Sixth Grade History Curriculum addresses the role of all the South Slav nations in the Middle Ages and Feudalism. Historical events affecting the

Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians and others are portrayed in Serbia’s history

131 Curriculum. No single ethnic group is emphasized and the equal distribution of

attention develops a strongly multicultural perspective of history. Since intermittently throughout this historical period the South Slavs were under foreign rule, the curriculum also develops an understanding of these circumstances.

In order to further summarize the Sixth Grade History Curriculum I have developed Table 3.2, which presents the general distribution of attention delegated to individual topics. The most weighted topics, in terms of total number of classes delegated, are the South Slavs in Early and Advancing

Feudalism and Yugoslavia Under Foreign Rule in the 16* to the 18* century.

These topics attend to the general history of the Yugoslavs. Table 3.2 shows that although twenty-seven hours of instructional time is devoted to developing student awareness of global feudal occurrences, thirty-eight hours emphasize the role of the South Slavs.

Seminar, Lecture and Recitation values indicate number of classes per annum Topic Seminar Lecture Recitation

Europe in early feudalism - 3 2 South Slavs in early feudalism — 7 3 General characteristics of early feudalism —— 1 Europe in advancing feudalism — 3 2 South Slavs in advancing feudalism — 8 4 Middle Age culture — 2 1 Ottoman conquering of Balkans - 3 2 General characteristics of advancing feudalism —— 1 Late feudalism and early capitalism — 4 2

Yugoslavia under foreign rule/ 16th-18th c. - 7 4 General characteristics of late feudalism —— 1 Annual systemization — 6 —- Advancing feudalism 1 —— Late feudalism 1

132 Table 3.2: SYNOPSIS OF THE 1976 SIXTH GRADE HISTORY

CURRICULUM

Table 3.2 highlights the significance of the South Slavs in Advancing

Feudalism which was deemed worthy of twelve hours of total instruction. This topic encompasses the development of the Serbian Kingdom, the creation of the

Bosnian state, the agreement between Croatia and Hungary and the relations between Slovenia and Austria. The topic, in the History Curriculum of Serbia, nearly equally addressed all of the South Slav nations.

In the Seventh Grade, historical data is presented firom the end of the

Eighteenth century to the beginning of the Twentieth century. With 68 hours of annual instruction, the Seventh Grade Curriculum addresses the inceptions of

Contemporary Society. Capitalist and communist movements are conveyed to students through the curriculum. In addition, the national movements of the

South Slavs are included as encompassing understanding of the history of all the

South Slavs is sought. Again, throughout the curriculum, the point of reference is overtly socialist in essence.

The Seventh Grade History Curriculum

68 classes armually

133 Capitalist Bourgeoisie and Society Europe at the end of the 18th and the middle of the 19th century 71ectures/4 recitations

1. Progress in the capitalist economy at the end of the 18th c.: further development of the manufacturing production, technical discoveries, industrial revolution in England;

2. War for Independence and the formation of the USA: causes for the collision of colonist and English rule, the course of the war, the formation of the USA, significance of the war for the revolutionization of the European bourgeoisie;

3. The great French bourgeois revolution (1789-1793): the significance of the previous revolutions (Low Lands, English and American) for the capitalist transformation of the world, crises of the feudal system in France, the start of the revolution, momentous ruling bourgeois, Jacobian dictatorship, significance of the French revolution;

4. Europe and France in the period of 1794-1815: the repeated hegemony of the momentous bourgeoisie in France (Termedor reaction and directorium), Napolean’s rule (counselship and tsarship) and his politics of conquest, the influence of the Napoleonic wars to the weakening of feudal ties in Europe, the fall of Napoleon in the Vienna Congress;

5. The inception of the worker and socialist movements: the industrial revolution on the European continent, first class confrontations, bourgeosie and the working classes, utopian socialism as a consequence of underdeveloped social/ economic relations, most significant representations of utopian socialism;

6. The occurrence of scientific socialism: socio-political preconditions for occurrence of scientific socialism, the life and works of Marx and Engels in the period of their activity until 1848;

7. The Communist Manifesto as the most significant creation in the initial period of development for scientific socialism: revolutionary activity of Marx and Engels in League of Communists as a revolutionary organization, the contents of the

134 Manifesto and its significance in the developing of the teaching of socialism;

National Movements of the South Slavs and Their Neighbors in the First Half of the 19th c. 9 lectures/5 recitations

1. Situations in the Ottoman Empire in the end of the 18th c. and the last half of the 19th c. and the beginnings of the &st Serbian uprising: the worsening of conditions for the Serbian masses, reforms in Belgrade’s “pashalok-pasha’s ruling territory” at the end of the 18th c., the rule of the “dahije,” rebellion against the “dahije,” the transformation of the uprising into the fight for the expulsion of the Turkish feudal rule, the unfolding of the uprising to the end of 1806;

2. The jSrst Serbian uprising in the period of 1807-1813: the rebellion’s battles in Russian-Serbian military collaboration, the organization of the rebellion’s rule and the clash of Karadjordje and the elders, the peace of Bucharest and the fall of the rebellion, significance of this uprising and its character;

3. The second Serbian uprising and the formation of an autonomous state: the unfolding of the second Serbian uprising and its features, the agreement of Milos Marashlija, the fight for the legitimacy of autonomy, Milos’ absolutism, the economic and social changes in Serbia in the first half of the 19th c., the regime of the defenders of the Constitution;

4. The formation of the state of Montenegro: the tribal structure as a hindrance to state development, fracturing of the society and the role of the Metropolit of Cetinje, Montenegro and the great powers, the of Petar I, Petar H, Duke Danilo on the consolidation of the state government;

5. Bosnia-Hercegovina under Turkish rule in the at the end of the 18th and the first half of the 19th c.: the social relations and the clerical and ethnic division, the resistence of Muslim feudalists in the reform of Turkish rule, the peasants uprisings and the beginnings of a national awakening;

135 6. The inception of the Macedonian national revival: the social relations and ethnic structure of Macedonia, the priviledged position of the Fanariotic Charshia, the inception of the revival of the Macedonians during the tight with Fanariotim for church and schools, brothers Miladinovi;

7. The Habsburg monarchy at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th c.; the dominance of German nobility, and bourgeoisie and the absolutism of the Vienna Court, the position of the Magyars in the Hungarian monarchy lands, the subjugated position of the Slavs, Romanians and Italians in the monarchy;

8. National revival in the Slovenian nation: the dominance of the German nobility and bourgeoisie, and domestic bourgeoisie, the inceptions of the national revival, currents in their national and social program, the outcomes of the national revival;

9. The Illyrian movement: the position of Croatia in the Habsburg monarchy, the socio­ economic changes, the occurrence of the Illyrian movement and its national and social program, the relation of the Illyrians toward Vienna and Pesht, Yugoslavian character of the Illyrian movement and its significance for the Croatian national revival;

The Revolution of 1848-9 in Europe and in the South Slavs and their neighbors 2 lectures/1 recitation

1. The Revolution of 1848-9 in Western Europe: the revolutionary character in France, Germany and Italy, the revolution in the Habsburg monarchy and the international clashes between different nations;

2. Our nations in the revolution of 1848-9: national problems in our nations in Austria, Slovenes, Croats and Serbs from Vojvodina in revolution, connecting leadership of the movement to the Vienna Court, results of the revolution;

136 The essential distinctions in the development of the society at the end of the 18th and the first half of the 19th century: 2 recitations.

The changes in the Capitalist Economy and Society in the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c. 5 lectures/3 recitations

1. Further development of the capitalist economy in the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c.: the last period of firee development in capitalism and its fundamental characteristics, strengthening of class struggles between the bourgeoisie and proletariat, the essential distinctions of socio-economic development in the era of imperialism;

2. The first International: the development of the labor movement after the appearance of scientific socialism, the formation of the first mtemational labor alliance, Marx’s activity in the International, the significance of the International for the affirmation of scientific socialism;

3. The Parisian Commune: Franco-Prussian war and the uprising of Parisienne Labor, the Parisian Commune as the first socialist state, and its place in the history of the labor movement;

4. The second International: the formation of the Socialist parties, establishment of international labor alhances, forms of activities for the International and its successes, the appearance of opportunism in the International, the break of the second International;

5. International relations at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c.: the division of the colonies in Asia and Afirica, the forming of the blocs of power, the first imperial wars and international political crisis;

South Slavs and their neighbors at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c. 13 lectures/6 recitations

137 1. Serbia from 1858-1878: absolutism of Mihailo Obrenovic and the national politics of Serbia, recovery of cities from the Turks, wars of liberation 1876-1878;

2. Serbia from 1878-1903: the strengthening of the development of a capitalist economy, the formation of political parties, absolutist and Austrophile politics in the last Obrenovics;

3. Serbia from 1903-1914: the May coup, the installment of the parliamentary system and the citizen’s democracy, strengthened economic development, the tsarist wars and the Balkan Wars;

4. Montenegro in the second half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th c.: territorial expansion and economic progress, modernization of the state government, absolutism of Nikola Petrovic, the Constitution and continuing political struggles, involvement in the Balkan Wars;

5. The National Revolution movement of Macedonians: economic and social circumstances in Macedonia at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c., VMRO and its activity, the role of Goce Delchev in VMRO and the occurrence of a “summit-ism,” the politics of the Balkan states and great powers toward Macedonia, “Iliudan” uprising, the division of Macedonia in the Balkan wars;

6. The National question in Austro-Hungary at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c.: the Austro-Hungarian agreement and the position of subjugated nations in Austro-Hungary, forms of struggle of the subjugated nations, positions of Slovaks, Romanians and Rusins in Hungary;

7. Slovenes at the end of the 19th and the beginningof the 20th c.: provincial divisions and German hegemony, strengthening of capitalist development, camp movements, political parties, strengtheningof the idea of Yugoslavianism;

138 8. Croatia after the Austro-Hungarian agreement: Croatian-Hungarian agreement, further economic and socio­ political development, strengthening of pressure by the Hungarian government (Kuen Hedervari), national movement 1903, Croatian-Serbian coalition, Croatian peasant party;

9. Vojvodina in the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c.: abolition of Serbian Vojvodina, national movements of Serbs from Vojvodina, situations m the remaining nations in Vojvodina, conditions of Magyarization policies of the Hungarian government;

10. Bosnia-Hercegovina under Austro-Hungarian rule: occupational government, economic policies of the occupational government, the unresolved agrarian question, international relations and the national politics of the occupying government, the movement of Serbs and Muslims for religions and educational autonomy, aimexation, young Bosnia;

11. The struggle of the Romanian and Bulgarian nations for national emancipation and liberation: strengthening of autonomy of Vlachia and Moldavia and the development of a capitalist economy, the struggle of the Romanian people for independence, inception of the national movement with Bulgars, the liberation of Bulgaria and the development of a bourgeois state;

12. The national movement of the Albanians in the 19th and 20th c.: economic and socio-political circumstances, inception of the national revival, Prizren’s league, uprisings in thebeginning of the 20th c., formation of the Albanian state;

13. The national question and its character in our lands in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c.: the basic premise of Marxist teachings about the nation and national movements, character and significance of the national question in our lands

The Labor Movement in the Yugoslav Lands at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c.

139 3 lectures/1 recitation

1. The development of the labor movement in our lands: general conditions for the occurrence of labor movements, first labor organi 2ations, forming and activity of Socialist parties in our lands;

2. Labor and socialist movement in Serbia at the end of the 19th c.: inceptions of Sociahst movements, the activities of Svetozar Markovic, labor movements up to the formation of the socialist party;

3. The socialist party of Serbia: formation of the Serbian socialist party, successes in the struggle for worker’s rights, the role of R. Dragovic and D. Tucovic in the movement, the currents in the Party, positions toward the war and the national question, international cooperation, Serbian Social Democrats;

The essential distractions of the economic development of the society in the second half of the 19th and the begioning of the 20th c.: 2 recitations.

Armual systemization of curriculum: 2 seminars (general and national history—19th and the beginning of the 20th c.).

The Seventh Grade History Curriculum addresses the historical relevance of capitalism and communism as they relate to the contemporary conceptions of

society. The historical situations of all of the South Slav nations is explored under the heading the South Slavs and Their Neighbors at the End of the 19*

and the Beginning of the 20* Century, as the South Slavs struggle to establish

sovereignty. Throughout this presentation of history, the tone is overtly

140 socialist, with substantial emphasis on the role of labor movements throughout the South Slav lands.

Table 3.3 synthesizes the historical data presented in the Seventh Grade

Curriculum. Similarly to the Sixth Grade Curriculum, the Seventh Grade

Curriculum devotes about twenty-five hours to the study of general history and about forty hours to Yugoslav national history, thus continuing the precedent of presenting both general and national events. The topic South Slavs at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century is emphasized, as illustrated by Table 3.3.

Seminar, Lecture and Recitation values indicate number of classes per annum. Topic Semina Lecture Recit. r Europe at end of 18th and mid 19th c. — 7 4 NatT movements of South Slavs to mid 19th c. — 9 5 Revolution of 1848-9 in Europe and South Slavs — 2 1 Essential distinctions in development of society — — 2 Changes in capitalist economy and society — 5 3 South Slavs at end of 19th and start of 20th c. — 13 6 Labor movements in YU end of 19th/20th c. — 3 1 Essential distinctions in development of economy — — 2 Annual systemization 2 —

Table 3.3: SYNOPSIS OF THE 1976 SEVENTH GRADE HISTORY CURRICULUM

141 Table 3.3 also shows the attention devoted to the National Movements of the South Slavs. Although much attention is directed to the topic, the nationalist tenor seemingly implied is not realized in the presentation of the data. The national movements, along with and due to the equal weighting, downplay the historical role that the Serbs played in abolishing Ottoman rule in their lands.

Additional attention is focused on the economic role of history throughout this period.

The events of the Contemporary Era are the subjects of the Eighth Grade

Curriculum. A presentation of World War I and the subsequent creation of the

KSCS is addressed in this Curriculum. Also, World War II or as the curriculum addresses it, the National War for Liberation, that led to the second Yugoslavia is presented. Along with a socialist overview of historical world events during this period, the curriculum emphasizes South Slav episodes, with distinct reference to the historical development of Yugoslav socialist patriotism.

The Eighth Grade History Curriculum

60 classes annually

The Contemporary Era

The first Imperialist World War and the October Socialist Revolution 4hrs/2hrs

1. First World War (1914-1918):

142 rival camps and the struggle for their enlargement, the main factors, the anti-war movement in states at war, the end of the war and its imperialistic character;

2. Yugoslav nations in the First World War: fighting in Serbia and Montenegro as an extension of self- defense and the struggle for liberation, our nations in Austro- Hungary during the war, efforts at uniting the South Slavs, the formation of the Kingdom of Serbia;

3. The beginning of the revolution in Russia: defeats of Russia in the war and the sharpening of the class struggle, the February revolution, temporary government (dual governments and the dictatorship of Kerenski), activity of Lenin and the Bolsheviks in preparation for social revolution;

4. October socialist revolution: uprising in St. Petersburg and the formation of the Soviet government with Lenin as the head, decrees of the socialist government, peace of Brestlitov, civil war and the imperial blockade, the victory of the revolution and its echo in the world;

The World between the First and Second World Wars Shr/lhr

1. International labor movements and national liberating movements between the two wars: rifts in the labor movements and the international labor alliances, the revolution in China, nationalist movements in colonies;

2. Problems of socialist development in USSR: achievements in economic development, political problems, Stalin’s dictatorship, the USSR’s relation toward tiie international labor movement;

3. Economic crises and the emergence of Fascism: causes for the crisis, the great economic crisis, the victory of Fascism in Italy and Nazism in Germany, first Fascist aggressions, civil war and the victory of Fascism in Spain;

Yugoslavia between Two World Wars

143 4hrs/2hrs

1. The KSCS in the period of incomplete Parliamentary rule: economic, social and political circumstances, the unresolved national question, the position of the national minorities in Yugoslavia and our minorities in neighboring countries;

2. The Communist party of Yugoslavia from 1919-1929: formation of the party, accomplishments and struggles with the regime, proclamations and laws regarding national security, the activity of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in illegal conditions, inceptions of factional struggles;

3. The January 6th dictatorship and pro-Fascist regimes: the civil parties and the regime of January 6th, the Constitution of 1931, pro-fascist regime’s preceding the Second World War, creation of the Croatian Banovina, relations toward fascist states;

4. The Communist Party from 1929 to 1941: the struggle of the factions in an illegal environment and persecution by the regime, works of J. B. Tito in overcoming the factional struggles, consolidation of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia after the installation of Tito in the position of general secretary, the fifth global conference;

World War II and the Socialist Revolution in Yugoslavia IShours/Thours 2 hours seminar

1. Preparations and the beginning of the Second World War: attack of Poland and the beginning of the world conflict. Fascist conquerings in 1939-40, expansion of the alliance of the Fascist powers;

2. Attack on Yugoslavia and the tide of World War II in 1941 : March 25th and March 27th, the attack of the Fascist states on Yugoslavia, capitulation and division of Yugoslavia, the means of instituting the occupation regimes. Communist Party Yugoslavia (KPJ) in the April war, traitorous surrender of the domestic bourgeoisie, the German attack on the USSR, the entrance of the USA in the wan

144 3. Armed uprisings of the nations of Yugoslavia 1941: specifics of the political circumstances in select regions of Yugoslavia, KPJ in the preparations for the uprising, uprisisngs of our nations, July-October 1941, the formation of the first uprisings, creations of the first liberated territories, resistance and illegal fighting (guerrilla) in the cities;

4. Ascent of the People’s Liberation Movement at the end of 1941: the situation on the Eastern front and in North Africa, formation of the liberated territories, republic of Uzice, consultations in Stolice, the Chetniks counter-revolutionary movement led by Draza Mihajlovic, formation of the First Proletarian Brigade (Partisans);

5. The People’s Liberation War in 1942: atrocities and the terror of the occupational forces. Quislings and their amplified effort against the National Liberation Movement (NOP), Igman’s march, the period of Focha in the NOB, new proletarian brigades and the new voluntary troops, the situation on the Eastern front and in North Africa in the first half of 1942;

6. The March of the Proletarian Brigades: new liberated territories, the newly liberated territories, the estabhshment of divisions and corps, People’s Liberating Troops of Yugoslavia (NOVJ), the epics of Kozara, the battles of the Allie fronts at the end of 1942;

7. The Development of the People’s Government during 1941-2: NOB councils as organs of the revolutionary government, the first ordinances about the activity of the People’s government; the first session of AVNOJ;

8. The greatest battles of the NOB: the Battle of the Wounded (Neretva), the Epic of Sutjeska, the situation of the Allied fronts in the first half of 1943;

9. The great victories of the NOB in the second half of 1943 and the second session of AVNOJ: the formation of the new liberated territories after the capitulation of Italy, the second session of AVNOJ and the significance of its

145 decisions for the construction of a new Yugoslavia, the session of the Anti-Fascist Executive Councils;

10. The final significant actions of the NOVJ and the victories of the NOVJ in 1941: the situation of the Allied fronts in 1941, invasion of Drvar, the activities of the leadership of NOP on Vis, offensive NOVJ in Serbia, the liberation of Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro, the situation on the Allied fronts;

11. The final battles for the liberation of Yugoslavia: Sremski front, the formation of the Yugoslav Army, the formation of the government, the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia (DFJ), a breakthrough in the Sremki front, capitulation of Germany and the end of the Second World War, liberation of all regions of our cotmtry;

12. Yugoslav Nationalities in NOP: the specifics of the positions of nationalities after the fall of Yugoslavia, the politics of the KPJ toward nationalities, the contribution of nationalities to the NOP and revolution;

13. The struggle for international recognition of the new Yugoslavia: relationships between the Allies toward the NOP, the Allied recognition of NOVJ, the treaty between Tito-Subasic, the formation of the government of DFJ;

14. The cultural activity in NOP: the general national character, the cultural activity and a revolution in the culture, forms and contents of the cultural activity;

15. The character and specifics of the NOB and the revolution of the nations and nationalities of Yugoslavia: the character of the Second World War, the specificity of the NOB and revolution in Yugoslavia and its socialist character, the contribution of the Yugoslav revolution to the theory and practice of the socialist movement, the significance of the revolution for the further development of Yugoslavia;

146 16. & 17. Features of the development of the NOB and revolution in Serbia

The World and Socialist Yugoslavia after the Second World War The General Conditions in the World after the Second World War 4hrs/2hrs

1. Socialism as a world process: the weakening of capitalism and the strengthening of socialism after the Second World War, the different paths of socialist development, the clash between dogmatism and creative Marxism;

2. The opposition between the great powers and bloc politics: the causes of opposition between the great powers, the question of the peace talks, the beginning of the Cold War and the formation of blocs, NATO and the Warsaw pact, the appearance of the war hot spots;

3. The destruction of the colonial systems and the affirmation of the politics of independence: forms of decolonization in Asia and Africa, Yugoslavia as an initiator of the politics of the Non-Aligned, the Conference of the Non-Aligned nations and their role in international relations;

4. UN in the fight for peace in the world: the problem of universality of the UN, the great powers and the UN in the Cold War period, Yugoslavia and the Non-Aligned countries and the UN, the actions of the UN in the preservation of peace, the reinforced role of the Non-Aligned nations in the UN;

Reinforcement of the achievements of the revolution in Yugoslavia and the struggle of our country for peace and international relations between states: 3hrs/lhr

1. The reinforcement of the achievements of the revolution and international affirmationof the new Yugoslavia:

147 elections in 1945, the proclamation of the republic of Yugoslavia, Constitution, pohtics of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia (FNRJ) until 1948, renovation of the economy decimated by the War, the enthusiasm of the people under the leadership of KPJ, agrarian reforms and colonization, nationalization of the means of production, the first 5 year plan;

2. The resistance of Yugoslavia to hegemony and dogmatism: hegemonic, Stalin’s politics and dogmatism in the Communist movement, the resistance of KPJ to dogmatism and hegemony, the resolution of Informburo, the Fifth Congress of the KPJ;

3. Yugoslavia in defense of independence and a self-determined path to socialism: attacks on Yugoslavia, political, economic and military pressure by the USSR and socialist countries, the unity of the Communists, nations and nationalities of Yugoslavia in defense of independence and the achievements of the revolution, and the support of the progressive forces in the world for the independent politics of Yugoslavia, the failure of Informburo politics and the inceptions of the normalization of relations between Yugoslavia and socialist countries;

The Historical Significance of the Development of a Self- Managing Socialist Society in Yugoslavia 5hrs/2hrs

1. The beginnings of self-management in Yugoslavia: self-management as a form of liberating the working class and working people, the law handing over enterprises for self- management to the labor collectives, constitutional law firom 1953, the first successes of self-management;

2. Cumulative development of self-management and socialist democracy: the Constitution firom 1963, Constitutional amendments, the Constitution of 1974;

3. League of Communists of Yugoslavia as a leading force of development in the socialist society: development of LCY post-World War II (Congresses V-X), the struggleagainst dogmatism, liberalism and nationalism in the ruling sector of society, LCY as a revolutionary force in our

148 society, the reputation of the LCY among progressive forces in the contemporary world;

4. The contemporary phase of self-management development and socialist democracy: the economic results, social reforms and the struggle for the stabilization of our economy, further development of self­ management in our socialist democracy (the delegate system and so forth), further reinforcement of the equality of rights of the nations and nationalities of the SFRJ, ongoing international affirmation of Yugoslav self-management;

5. Josip Broz Tito and his role in the revolution and socialist development: Tito as a leader of our revolution, the role of Tito in socialist development, Tito as a tireless peace worker in international collaboration;

Remark: Concrete organization of the state and social system of SFRJ related to the Constitution of 1974, taught in the annual geography curriculum. Annual systemization: 3hrs.

Overt socialist connotations are evident throughout the Eighth Grade

Curriculum. The primary unit of instruction is World War II and the Socialist

Revolution, to which 24 instruction hours are delegated. The content specifically develops emotive historical accounts of Tito and the Partisans.

Members of counter-movements during the World War II period are referred to a traitors and quislings. Meanwhile, the World War I period and the creation of the KSCS receivesminimal attention, aside from the inflated role of the

Communist Party. Table 3.4 provides a summary of the content of the addressed topics.

149 Seminar, Lecture and Recitation values indicate number of classes per annum. Topic Semina Lecture Recit r First Imperialist WW, October Revolution — 4 2 World between WWI and WWH — 3 1 YU between two WW’s — 4 2 WWII and Socialist Revolution in YU 2 15 7 World and Socialist YU after WWII — 4 2 Reinforcement of achievements of Revolution — 3 1 Historical achievements of revolution — 5 2 Annual systemization — 3 —

Table 3.4: SYNOPSIS OF THE 1976 EIGHTH GRADE HISTORY CURRICULUM

I have translated the 1976 History Curriculum for the Fifth, Sixth, Seventh and

Eighth Grades nearly in entirety in order to estabhsh a frame of reference from which to understand and interpret the 1984/5 and 1990/1 curricula. Therefore, the following excerpts of curriculum are provided only when a significant reform is evident. The omission of material from the 1976 curriculum in the

1984/5 and 1990/1 revisions is also addressed.

Reforms inl984/5 and 1990/1

150 The 1984/5 History Curriculum for the Fifth, Sixth and Seventh Grades remains consistent with the 1976 version except that the quantitative hours delegated to nationalist/patriotic content increases significantly, as evidenced in

Table 3.5,3.6,3.7 and 3.8.’*«

Seminar, Lecture and Recitation values indicate number of classes per annum. Topic 1976 1984/5 1990 sem lect rec sem lect rec sem lect rec

History as science 1 1 - 2 1 2 1 Prehistory 2 1 - 2 1 - 2 1 Ancient Middle 2 1 3 1 — 3 1 East Ancient Greece — 6 3 - 7 4 8 4 Ancient Rome 6 3 - 9 5 - 9 4

Armual systemiz — 3 — - 3 — 3 —

War/ Gen Nat Def 3 1 — —

TOTAL HOURS 34 38 38

Table 3.5: COMPARISON OF 1976,1984/5 AND 1990 FIFTH GRADE HISTORY CURRICULA

Also, the topic entitled “The War and Our General National Defense” is added in 1984/5 to the Eighth Grade Curriculum.

The War and Our General National Defense 31ectures/ Irecitation 1. The notion of the war and the criteria of the assessment of its character:

The History Curricula for Grades 5,6 and 7 and the History with the Basis of Self-Managing Socialism Curriculum for Grade 8 from the 1984/5 Educational Council. Sluzbeni Glasnik Republike Serbije: Prosvemi Glasnik, Beograd, 1984/5: pp. 287-297.

151 the significance of general national defense and the NOB for the defense of freedom and independence of our country, basic premises for the successful defense in eventual war;

2. Fundamental forces of our defense: working people and citizens, socio-political organizations, organization of associated labor, local and other associations, the armed forces and their place in the system of general national defense;

3. Armed Struggle as a Basic Form of Defense firom Enemies: the place and role of the youth in extending resistance and various forms of resistance, the significance of experiences and the examples of courage of the youth in the NOB, secret sorts, protection of secrets as an example firom the NOB;

The augmentation of the total hours of instmction in this subject, speak to the gravity of the national question in Yugoslavia and the necessity of solidification of Yugoslav Socialist Patriotism.

By 1990, the history curriculum was again revised, but only in the Fifth

Grade with the addition of a slight emphasis on Ancient Greece.'®® In 1991, the remaining history curricula underwent significant reform.*®® See Table 3.6 for a summary of the changes in the Sixth Grade.

Seminar, Lecture and Recitation values indicate number of classes per annum. 1976 1984/5 1991 Topic sem lect rec sem lect rec sem lect rec

The History Curriculum for Grade 5 from the 1984/5 Educational Council. Sluzbeni Glasnik Republike Serbije: Prosvetni Glasnik, Beograd, August 1990: pp. 61-62.

The History Curricula for Grades 6 and 7 and the History with the Basis of Self-Managing Socialism Curriculum for Grade 8 from the 1991 Educational Council. Sluzbeni Glasnik Republike Serbije: Prosvetni Glasnik, Beograd, May 31,1991: pp. 264-268.

152 Europe early feud — 3 2 — 3 2 - 5 3

S. Slavs early feud — 7 3 - 7 4 8 4 Gen charact of feud —— 1 —— — — — — Europe in adv feud — 3 2 - 4 2 - 5 3 S. Slavs in adv feud— 8 4 10 5 - 15 8 Middle Age culture — 2 1 3 1 - 4 2

Ottomans conquer — 3 2 - 4 2 7 4 Gen charact of feud —— 1 —- — — —— —— —

Late feud capitalism — 4 2 - 4 2 — — —

— YU/ foreign rule 7 4 - 9 5 — — — Gen charact of late —— 1 —— — — — —— ——

Annual systemiz — 6 — - 8 — - 6 — Advancing feud 1 —— — — ” — — — Late feud 1

TOTAL HOURS 68 74 74

Table 3.6: COMPARISON OF 1976,1984/5 AND 1990 SIXTH GRADE

HISTORY CURRICULA

Large portions of “South Slavs in the Period of Advanced Feudalism” and

“South Slavs in the Period of Ottoman Conquering” were revised in the Sixth

Grade Curriculum, with the addition of details that specifically address ethnic-

Serb history, such as Nemanja, St. Sava and Kosovo.

South Slavs in the Period of Advanced Feudalism

1. Serbia from the middle of the 12th to the middle of the 13th c.: the struggle for state independence (Nemanja), the proclamation of the Kingdom (prvo yjencani), the independence of the church (the life and activities of St. Sava);

153 2. The rise of the Serb state in the 13 th and the beginning of the 14th c.: the economic development (Uros I), the proliferation and the conquering of the Byzantium territories (Milutin), Stefan Decanski and the battle of Velbozda;

3. The Serbian tsar-dom: Dusan’s conquests, the proclamation of the tsar-dom and the patriarchy, the jSrst Code of Law and its historical meaning as a codex of Serbian Middle Age Law;

4. The end of the Serbian tsar-dom; the weakening of the tsar-dom in the period of Uros’ rule, the formation of territorial lords and their clashes;

5. The Hungarian state and the South Slavs: the formation of the states’ ethnic relations, the expansion of the feudal system;

6. & 7. The fonnation and development of the Bosnian Middle Age state: the struggle with Hungary, the Bosnian church, the rise and proclamation of the Kingdom;

9. Croatia in state alhance with Hungary: the position of Croatia and Slavonia in the assembly of Hungary, Dalmatia in between Hungary and Venice, the strengthening of the Croatian feudal families;

10. Slovenes under the German feudal government: the strengthening of the Habsburgs and their struggle with the Grofs of Celje, the formation of the historical provinces, social and ethnic relations;

11. Bulgarians in the Middle Ages: the formation of the state, the first and second tsar-dom, relations toward the rest of the South Slavs;

12. Albanians in the Middle Ages: Albanians under Byzantium, Anzujis and Serbian governments, the development of feudal and social relations, the culture of the middle ages;

154 13. Vlachia and Moldavia in the Middle Ages: feudalization and the inception of state in Vlachia and Moldavia, relations ■with Hungary and relations with South Slavs;

South Slavs in the Period of Ottoman Conquering

1. Ottoman Turks and their first conquests on the Balkans: social and state systems of the Ottoman state, disintegration of Byzantium and the firailness of Serbia and Bulgaria, the battle on the Marica River;

2. Moravian Serbia and its role in the struggle against the Ottoman Turks: Lazar Hrebenjano'vic and his role in the organization of the Anti- Turk alliance, the Battle of Kosovo, the consequences of the Battle of Kosovo, the legend of Kosovo;

3. Serbian despotism: the Duke and Despot Stevan Lazarevic, relations toward the Ottoman tsar-dom and Hungary, Djurdja Brankovic and the weakening of despotism and the fall of despotism;

4. The weakening and fall of Bosnia: the dominance of regional lords after T"vrtko’s death and their clashes, relations toward the Ottoman state and Hungary, gradual independence of Hercegovina, fall of Bosnia, fall of Hercegovina under Ottoman rule;

5. Zeta in the period of Balsic and Crnqjevic: expansion of Balsic’s territory, Montenegro for Cmojevic, the fall to Ottoman rule;

6. Migration of Serbs in the 14th and 15th c.: migrations into Hungary during the Ottoman conquests, the position of Serbs in Hungary, Serb despots and their role in the struggle against the Ottoman state;

7. The penetration of the Ottomans into Croatia and Hungary: Ottoman’s penetration into Croatia and Slovenian lands (Krbavska Battle, Battle of Mohac)

155 Throughout these topics, the focus is more ethnic-specific. Much more attention is directed to the Serb role in history, than to the remaining Yugoslav nation’s roles. A keen sense of budding ethnic nationalist sentiment is evident from the addition of the study of Serb heroes such as Lazar Hrebenjanovic,

Duke Stevan Lazarevic and Djurdja Brankovic.

The Seventh Grade Curriculum was also revised in 1991, as the trend to nationalize the History Curriculum continued. Although portions of the

Curriculum remained unchanged, a portion of the Sixth Grade curriculum moved to the Seventh Grade, as evidenced by Tables 3.6 and 3.7.

Seminar, Lecture and Recitation values indicate number of classes per annum. 1976 1984/5 1991 Topic sem lect rec sem lect rec sem lect rec

Europe end of 18th — 7 4 — 7 3 — National — 9 5 — 11 5 — 14 7 movements Revolution 1848-9 — 2 1 — 2 1 — 4 2 Essent distinct soc — 2 1 — — — Changes capit econ — 5 3 — 5 3 — South Slavs 19-20th — 13 6 — 15 7 — Labor mvmnts YU — 3 1 — 4 2 — — — Essent distinc econ — — 2 — — — Annual systemiz — — 2 3 2 — — 5 — Europe 15-18th c. — — — — — — — 5 j W^orld 18-19thc. — — — — — — — 8 4 YU/foreign rule — ______— 13 7

TOTAL HOURS 68 70 72

156 Table 3.7: COMPARISON OF 1976,1984/5 AND 1991 SEVENTH

GRADE HISTORY CURRICULA

The content revisions included:

The New Era The Yugoslav Nations and Their Neighbors Under Foreign Rule from the 16th to the 18th c.:

2., 3. The subjugation of the Balkan population in the Ottoman Empire: the migration of Serbs into Hungaiy-depots and the fight against the Turks, social, national and religious enslavement, the position of self-rule in individual regions;

4. Pec patriarchy and its role in the history of the Serbian nation: the relation of Porta toward the Christian church, the renovation of the Pec patriarchy and its religions, educational and national activity, the residence of the patriarchy;

5-, 6. Forms of resistance of the Balkan nations to Ottoman rule: hajduks, uskoks, rebels, the involvement of Serb and other Balkan nations in the wars of Christian forces against the Ottoman state, migrations in the second half of the 16th c. and the first half of the 17th c.;

8-, 9. Croatia from the 16th to the 18th c.: the consequences of Turkish conquests, the military Krajina, the position of Serbs in Croatia, the rebellion of Matija Gubac, the conspiracy of the Zrinski and Frankopans;

11., 12., 13. Serbs in Hungary from the end of the 17th to the end of the 18th c.: the liberation of Hungary of Ottoman rule, the first and second migration of Serbs and their position in the Habsburg monarchy, the autonomy of the metropolia of Karlovac and its role in the

157 history of the Serb nation, the migration of the rest of the nations into the areas of Southern Hungary and the consequences of colonization, the development of the city culture within Serbs in Southern Hungary, the historical significance of the activities of Dositej Obradovic;

National Movements of the South Slavs in the First Half of the 19th c.:

12. Serbs in Hungary in the first half of the 19th c.: the economic and social system in the military frontier and parishes, religious-educational autonomy, cultural development- schooling and Matica Srpska, the role of Serbs in Hungary in the development of Serbian national culture;

14. The Illyrian movement: the position of Croatia in the Habsburg monarchy, socio­ economic changes, the appearance of the Illyrian movement and its social program, relations of Illyrians toward Vienna and Pesta, the Yugoslav character of the Illyrian movement and its significance for the Croat national revival, the Serb attitude toward the Illyrian movement;

The Revolution of 1848-9 in Europe and Among South Slavs and Their Neighbors

3. Slovenes and Croats in the revolution of 1848-9: Metemick’s stance toward national movements, the Slovenes and Croats in revolution, the connection of the leaders of the movements to the Vieima Court;

4. Vojvodina in 1848-9: the position of the Serbs in Hungary on the eve of revolution, the revolution of MaySkupstina and the proclamation of Vojvodina, the battles during 1848-9 and the aid of volunteers from Serbia, the nationalities of Vojvodina, the significance of the revolution for our nations;

Changes in the 1991 Seventh Grade History Curriculum, indicate a changing interpretation of history. Students are now being exposed to positive portrayals

158 of religion and Serbs during Ottoman occupation. Furthermore, history subject matter seems abundant in factual data and deficient in Marxist perspective.

The Eighth Grade Curriculum, with a focus on the Contemporary Era, was profoundly effected by quantitative and qualitative reform. Table 3.8 illustrates the changes in classes allocated to historical topics.

Seminar, Lecture and Recitation values indicate number of classes per annum. Topic 1976 1984/5 1990 sem lect rec sem lect rec sem lect rec

WWI and Oct Rev 4 2 - 6 3 5 2 World btw WWI/n — 3 1 - 3 1 — 3 1 YUbtwWW I/n — 4 2 - 4 2 — 4 2 WW n and Soc Rev 2 15 7 3 14 7 — 8 4

Wrld YU postWWII — 4 2 - 4 2 — 3 1 Reinforce of Révolu —— 3 1 — 3 2 — — —

Hist sig self-mgmnt — 5 2 - 6 3

Annual systemiz 3 — — 8 - —— — — War/gen natl defiise — — — - 3 1 — — — World I9/20thc. — — — — — — — 3 1 S. Slavs 19/20th c. — — — — — — — 15 7

YU after WWn — — — — — — — 4 2

TOTAL HOURS 60 70 68

Table 3.8: COMPARISON OF 1976,1984/5 AND 1991 EIGHTH GRADE HISTORY CURRICULA

159 The treatment of the KSCS and of World War II was extensively altered, accompanying the diminishing Socialist interpretation. Topic headings and curricular content that have been transformed is presented.

South Slavs and Their Neighbors at the End of the 19th and the beginningof the 20th c.

1. Serbia 1858-1878: the reign of Mihailo Obrenovic and the national politics of Serbia, relations toward the organization of the Young Serbs, the recovery of cities, the war of liberation from 1876-1878, the activities of Svetozar Markovic:

2. Serbia 1878-1903: the acquisition of independence, the development of the economy, the formation of political parties, the proclamation of the kingdom, the Timocki Rebellion, the Serb-Bulgar War, the Constitution of 1888, the struggle of radicals against absolutist and Austro-phUe, the politics of Kings Milan and Alexazander;

5. Macedonia, Kosovo and Sandjak: Macedonia, Kosova and Sandjak under Turkish rule in the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c., ethnic and social relations, VMRO, Ilidan uprising, the Young Turk revolution;

6. The Balkan Wars: the opposition between the Balkan states, the Balkan alliance, the successes of Serbia and Montenegro in the first Balkan war, the second Balkan war, the historical significance of the Balkan Wars;

8. Serbs in Hungary in the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c.: the abolishment of the Duchy of Serbia, Svetozar Militic and the national movement of Serbs in Vojvodina, national-religious autonomy, the position of the remainingnationalities of Hungary

1 6 0 in the condition of the Magyarization politics of the Hungarian government;

10. Croatia after the Austro-Hungarian Agreement: Croatian-Hungarian Agreement, further economic and socio­ political development, increasing pressure by the Hungarian government (Kuen Hedervari), the position of the Serbs in the struggle for national identity, national movements of 1903, Croat-Serb Coalition, Croat peasant uprisings;

14. The Occurrence and the Development of the Yugoslav Idea in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c.: economic and social preconditions for the occurrence of the Yugoslav idea, the first forms of cooperation, nationalist movements of the Yugoslav nations, the ripening of the Yugoslav idea at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c.;

15. The Development of the Socialist Labor Movement in the Yugoslav lands at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th c.: conditions for development of socialist and labor movements, the formation of the Serbian Socio-Democratic Party and its activities, labor movements in the remaining Yugoslav lands;

World War I

3..4. Serbia and Montenegro the same with the addition of: Tserska, Kolubarska and Mikovacka Battles, the Saloniki Front, our nations in Austro-Hungary during the war and work on the union of the South Slavs, formation of the KSCS;

5. The Revolution in Russia; the situation in Russia on the eve of the first World War, the February Revolution, the October Revolution and civil war, the influence of the October Revolution on the overall situation in Europe (Germany, Hungary and so forth);

The World Between the Two World Wars 1., 2. The Situation in the World after the first World War: changes in international relations, societies of nations, Comintern and the labor movement, the revolution in China, the national

1 6 1 movement in India, problems of the USSR in the time of Stalin’s rule;

Yugoslavia Between Two World Wars

1..2. The KSCS in 1918-1929: constituting the state and the Vidovdan uprising, economic and social development and problems, political parties and foreign battles from 1919-1929, the national question;

3..4. Yugoslavia from 1929-1941: the January 6th regime, the Constitution of 1941, foreign politics during the reign of King Alexander, the assassination of King Alexander and the regent regime of Duke Pavle—the government of Milan Stojandinovic, the formation of Banovine of Croatia and the government of Svetkovic and Macek, economic situations in 1929-1941,1 foreign battles from 1931-1941;

World War II, NOB and the Socialist Revolution in Yugoslavia

1. The preparation and the beginning of the second World War: the attack on Poland, Fascist conquests and the strengthening of the Axis powers (25th and 27th of March) in Yugoslavia, the War of April 1941, the occupation and division of Yugoslavia, the formation of the NDH and genocide against Serbs, Jews and the Romany, the rest of quisling’s regime in Yugoslavia, the attack of Germany of on USSR, the formation of Anti-Fascist Coalitions;

2. The Armed Uprisings of the Yugoslav Nations, NOB and the Revolution in 1941: the status of the Allied fronts, the KPJ in preparation for armed uprising, uprisings July-October 1941, the first formation of rebel troops, the creation of liberated territories—Uzicka Republic, the movement of Draza Mihailovic: collaborations and clashes with the Partisans, illegal fights in the cities;

5. The formation of the Government of the People in NOB and the Revolution: the People’s Liberation Council, the military organs of the NOB, I and n Meeting of AVNOJ, the role of the Supreme Headquarters of the NOB and Tito in NOB.

162 6. NOB and the Revolution of 1944: the situation on the Allied fronts in 1944, the air invasion of Drvar, the activities of leadership of the NOP on the island Vis, the offense of NOV in Serbia, the liberation of Serbia, Macedonia, Kosovo, Vojvodina and Montenegro, the struggle for international recognition of the decisions of AVNOJ;

7. The final Battles for the Liberation of Yugoslavia: Sremski Front [young Serb intellectuals sent by Tito to purge intelligentsia], the formation of the government of DFJ (Democratic Federation of YU), formation of the Yugoslav Army, break through on the Sremski Front, the capitulation of Germany and the end of the Second World War, liberation of all our regions and lands;

8. The character and features of the NOB and the Revolution in Yugoslavia: the character of the Second World War, the features NOB and the Revolution in Yugoslavia, the contribution of the nations of Yugoslavia in the struggle against Fascism;

Yugoslavia After the Second World War

1. Yugoslavia from 1945-1948: the third meeting of AVNOJ, the elections of 1945, Proclamation of Republic, Constitution, foreign policy of FNRJ until 1948, renovations of the war tattered economy, agrarian reform and resettlement, the first 5 year plan, nationalization, buy-out and politics and repression against the peasants;

2. The resistance of Yugoslavia toward USSR and the struggle for an independent path of development: Stalin’s hegemonic politics, the Resolution of Informburo, the Fifth Congress of LCY, attacks on Yugoslavia, political, economic and militarypressures by the USSR and other socialist countries, politics of repression against the advocates of Informburo, inceptions of normalization of the relations between Yugoslavia and socialist countries, politics of non-alliance the inclusion of European components in the foreign policy of SFRJ;

3. Self-management in Yugoslavia:

163 the laws granting the control of factories to the workers, the Constitutional law from 1953, the Constitution of 1963, the economic rise in the 1950s and 1960s, the Constitution of 1974, ZUR (Committees of Associated Labor) and a negotiated economy, the cult of Josip Broz Tito, the disintegration of SR Serbia and the blockade of decision making in the federation, general national defense;

4. Contemporary problems of Yugoslavia: the causes for economic, social and political crises, the strengthening of nationalism and separatism (Kosovo and so forth), the movement in Serbia and the implementation of unity in the republic, politics of economic stabilization and reforms on the basis of market economy and political pluralism;

The lengthy revisions of the 1991 Eighth Grade Curriculum are accompanied by a plenitude of omissions as well. For example, the topic, “World War II, NOB and the Socialist Revolution in Yugoslavia” heralded seventeen subject headings in 1976, but in 1991 only eight Aside from the quantitative revision, the subject matter also changed, centering more on the Serb role in history.

164 CHAPTER 4

Conclusions About Education and Nationalism in the Former Yugoslavia

Discussion

Inherent in the History Curricula of 1976,1984/5 and 1991 of SR Serbia are artifacts for interpreting the relationship between education and nationalism.

While a segment of the tasks of teaching history remained constant, acquainting students with processes and occurrences of the past, by 1991 the linkages of these events of the Yugoslav peoples was already being reduced.

The concentration shifted to highlighting the role of Serbia, instead of providing equal representation of all the Yugoslav nations. Thus reducing opportunities for student exposure to the historical roots of brotherhood and unity as an expression of the NOB. The mounting disregard for the NOB and

Tito subordinated the development of an emotive Yugoslav identity. In fact, by

1991, Tito was portrayed in curriculum as “the cult of Josip Broz Tito” essentially paralyzing and compromising the propagation of his persona. Thus, two essential components for Yugoslav unity, Tito and the NOB were roughly eliminated ftom the educational system.

Although the formal secession of the republics of Slovenia and Croatia did not occur until June 25,1991, a disintegration of Yugoslav unity was

165 budding. The History Curriculum of 1991 for SR Serbia which was printed by and distributed on May 31 already evidences separatist tendencies. The overall theme of the reforms speaks to a devolving sense of Yugoslav Socialist

Patriotism, and an evolution toward ethnic-specific identification, even preceding the actual dissolution of Yugoslavia.

However, initial plans and programs strove valiantly to preserve

Yugoslav unity. The Fifth Grade Curriculum which presents Prehistory,

Ancient Greece, Ancient Rome and the Ancient Middle East in 1976 also includes a topic entitled “The War and Our General National Defense.” The subject refers to the NOB and the historical precedent of the youth participating in the defense of the state. Somewhat incompatible with the remaining themes of the Fifth Grade Curriculum, nevertheless, the subject is evidence of a strong desire to saturate the curriculum with messages of brotherhood and unity. The subject is transferred to the Eighth Grade Curriculum in 1984/5, where it is preceded by the historical presentation of the NOB and the achievements of the

War. Yet, in 1991, the matter vanishes from the history curriculum entirely.

This subject is especially significant because it solicits the active involvement of the youth in both armed and other defense. Overtly socialist, this topic also purportedly warranted discussion in a separate academic course at the high school level. Addressed in the topic were: a character assessment of

166 the NOB, the fundamental forces of Yugoslav defense and the role of the youth in exhibiting resistance to enemies. Indeed, the dismissal of the subject by 1991 implies that the perception of national defense was transformed yet again.

Since, the manipulation of the history curriculum initially was to develop a new, emotive Yugoslav identity, it emphasized the events of World

War II or the People’s Liberation Battle. Interestingly, Tito and the new

Yugoslavia chose to ignore the previous Yugoslav state (the KSCS), instead, opting for a historical memory fortified from 1941. This historical amnesia, undoubtedly manifested in the schools, could not as effortlessly be erased from the memory of the populace. Ironically, the Illyrian movement which was in fact preserved in the History Curriculum, provided a seemingly more compelling platform from which to erect a convincing Yugoslav national identity.

The foundation for the establishment of the Illyrian movement is present in the History Curriculum. In 1984/5 the examination of Illyrians, Trachians and other ancient people was added to the Fifth Grade Curriculum at the conclusion of the study of Ancient Rome. This reform continued into the 1990

edition of the Fifth Grade History Curriculum, but was conspicuously absent in the 1976 Curriculum.

The bulk of the portrayal of the Illyrian movement in the 1976 and

1984/5 History Curriculum though was in the Seventh Grade, under the topic

167 heading “National Movements of the South Slavs and Their Neighbors in the

First Half of the 19th c..” The Illyrian movement, according to the Curriculum, was of Croat genesis with little validity other than as an impetus for the Croat national revival. However, the 1991 Curriculum presents a revised version of the subject that conveys the Serb attitude toward the movement. This addition of Serb participation in a previously portrayed Croat historical phenomenon is mirrored in additional curricular reforms, as increasing ethnic identification engulfs the former Yugoslavia.

The Sixth Grade Curricula from 1976,1984/5 and 1991 evidence an evolution to nearly a twofold increase in the number of classes designated to the topic “South Slavs in advancing feudalism.” The initial number of classes in

1976 was twelve, in 1984/5 the amount increases to fifteen and finally in 1990, twenty-three hours. The significance of this increase is in the addition of potentially Serb nationalist material, with the inclusion of St. Sava, Stefan

Decanski, the first Code of Law and Nemanja. Two additional headings are devoted to the study of Serbia in this era, accompanying the inclusion of the

Serb plight in the remaining topics, such as in “Albanians in the Middle Ages.”

This reform is yet another indication of a reversal from the Yugoslav perspective to the Serb socializing intent of the History Curriculum in 1990/1.

Addressing the change in “The Yugoslav Nations and Their Neighbors

Under Foreign rule from the 16th to the end of the 18th Century” topic, the

168 numerical value also increased steadily. It grew j&om eleven to fourteen and then twenty classes per year. Also, in 1991, the topic was relocated from the

Sixth Grade to the Seventh Grade Curriculum, perhaps in an attempt to address more mature masses. The content of the topic was revised as well with the addition of Serb specific history, such as the Pec patriarchy and the migration of

Serbs into Hungary.

A new addition in the 1991 Seventh Grade Curriculum, under the topic the “The Yugoslav Nations and Their Neighbors Under Foreign Rule from the

16th to the End of the 18th c.” is the inclusion of “the position of Serbs in

Croatia” under the heading, “Croatia from the 16th to the 18th century.” In the previous two Curricula, the extensive Serb population m Croatia was disregarded. However, the 1991 inclusion of the role of Serbs in Croatia during the Habsburg era is of testament to the transformation of the political climate.

Correspondingly, the sub-topic “Serbs in Hungary from the end of the 17th to the end of the 18th century,” was added to the Curriculum, which addresses the migrations of Serbs. The theme develops the historical significance and accomplishments of Serbs in Southern Hungary.

The subject “The Revolution of 1848-9 in Europe and Among the South

Slavs and Their Neighbors” initially warranted three classes of study, however, by 1991 the allocation of time doubled to six classes of study. The addition of the topic “Vojvodina in 1848-9” which speaks to the position of Serbs in

169 Hungary, but especially in the region of Vojvodina accounts for a portion of the increase. This addendum attends to the aid of Serb volunteers in attaining independence. The topic of “Slovenes and Croats in the revolution of 1848-9” also ejqpands the subject. By increasing the allocation of time devoted to this subject matter, the Curriculum allowed for a more intensive study of the South

Slavic and specifically the Serb role in the Revolution.

Decreasing attention was given to the role of Macedonians, as curricular content minimized from 1976 topic heading “South Slavs and Their Neighbors at the End of the 19th and the Beginning of the 20th c..” The activity of VMRO and its leaders is gradually omitted. Also under the same heading the sub-topic of “The national question and its character in our lands and in the 19th and the beginningof the 20th c.” which focuses on the Marxist teachings regarding the nation and national movements, and the character of the national question in

Yugoslavia is omitted. With theremaining content static, the topic relocated to the Eighth Grade Curriculum in 1991.

Although the amount of classes delegated to “Yugoslavia Between Two

World Wars” remained unchanged throughout the three revisions, the content was completely revised in 1991. The portrayal of the KSCS evolved

considerably from the 1976 and 1984/5 Curricula, which highlighted the history

of the Communiât Party during that era, to the 1991 Curriculum, which more

accurately conveyed the actual historical circumstances of the Kingdom. The

170 exaggerated role of the Communist Party overshadowed any viable transmission of history regarding the KSCS. However, since Tito sought to construct a new Yugoslav Socialist identity void of contamination, such reference to the first Yugoslavia, the absence of a substantive treatment of the

KSCS is expected. Likewise, the intensification of ethnonationalism, apparent in 1991, accounts for the omission of the Communist Party and the inclusion of the KSCS in the revised Curriculum.

By the 1991, the Eighth Grade History Curriculum was notably revamped. The Eighth Grade Curriculum of 1991 depicting the “South Slavs and Their Neighbors at the End of the 19th and the Beginning of the 20th

Century” remained constant in the number of classes, however as in other instances, the subject matter was altered. An entire treatment of the Balkan

Wars was added, along with the exegesis of Serb and Montenegrin successes m the Wars. Also in this section, the presentation of Croatia during this period encompasses a Serb perspective, by highlighting “the position of the Serbs in the struggle for national identity.” These references, absent in the former curricula are evidence of increasing nationalist overtures in the History

Curriculum.

Patriotic in nature, however, is the poem from the Pioneer’s textbook,

“Prideful Rivers” which was echoed in the History Curriculum in the section titled “World War II and the Socialist Revolution in Yugoslavia.” Under the

171 subtitle “The greatest battles of the NOB,” The Battle of the Wounded at

Neretva and the Epic of Su^eska invoke emotive references to the Liberation

Battle, and especially to Tito’s bravery. Both in the poem and in the early presentation of the curriculum this interpretation is possible. However, since mention of the Battles survived into the 1991 revisions, perhaps the planners opted to emphasize the historical versus the emotive significance.

Another objective of the History Curriculum, Marxist teachings about class struggles, was rehauled. While the 1976 and 1984/5 Curricula were saturated with evidence of class struggles, especially bourgeois and imperialist accounts, in 1991, the Curriculum changes. In conjunction with the omission of blatant instruction regarding class struggles, the tone is vastly altered. For example, by 1991, the “First Imperialist World War” topic heading evolves into simply “The First World War.”

Unity through the samoupravljene system, is another case in which class struggle underpins subject content.Samoupravljene permeated the 1974

Constitutions and the Yugoslav pedagogues perceptions of the educational system, but this subject also suffer disregard in the 1991 curricula.

Samoupravljene as a subject matter is drastically reduced and portrayed as merely an event of the past, instead of a cornerstone of the present society. In fact, the 1976 Curriculum devoted a total of seven classes to the study of the topic titled “The Historical Significance of the Development of a Self-Managing

172 Socialist Society in Yugoslavia.” In1984/5 the time of study apportioned to the subject increased to nine classes. By 1991,the topic was eliminated.

Perhaps the most significant nationalist revision in the 1991 Curriculum is the approach to World War II. In the previous Curricula, World War II was nearly exclusively referred to as the NOB or NOR. The subject matter centered on Tito and the Partisans, with trivial portrayals of other Yugoslav offensives.

However, in 1991, World War II is historically reconsidered and the formation of the NDH, an event omitted in past Curricula, is presented. Accompanying this revision is the fact that genocide occurred in the NDH against Serbs, Jews and Gypsies. The obvious presence of this controversial and fervent topic in the

Curriculum could inspire ethnonationalist sentiment.

Similarly, the historical management of Draza Mihailovic undergoes transformation. Formerly referred to as a counter-revolutionary and in effect, a traitor, the movement of Mihailovic is simply factual stated as an event, without commentary in 1991. A surprising addition though is that following this statement, Mihailovic is heralded as clashing and collaborating intermittently with the Partisans. This portrayal is a more accurate estimation of history, while simultaneously being detrimental to the development of Yugoslav

Socialist Patriotism. In general, however, the treatment of World War II relies less on the emotive and more on the literal depiction of the War.

173 “Yugoslavia After the Second World War” is also reworked in the 1991

Curriculum. The liberal interpretation of the NOB is extended into historical reference of Tito as “the cult of Josip Broz Tito.” By discarding the reverent interpretation of Tito and the Partisans, a new era of history is being propagated in 1991. Comparably, the mention of internment camps as an outcrop of the

NOB is also added in the 1991 Curriculum. This parallels the mid 1980’s disclosure of Goli Otok and other dissident camps. Again the pohtical sector of

Yugoslav society influences the educational realm.

Conclusions

Having discussed the curricular content of the History reforms for 1976,

1984/5 and 1990/1, some conclusions can be introduced as to the relationship between education and nationalism in the former Yugoslavia. From the literature, it seems the case is compelling for the influence of intentional political socialization through public institutions, especially education.

Education, historically the tool through which the state institutionally controls the teaching of behavior, is instrumental in the development or suppression of nationalist sentiment. As a theme, nationalism is propagated, at least in part, through political socialization which is in turn an instrument of education.

However, my predisposition for the efficacy of political socialization is not

supported by the data in this study since education was merely manipulated to

174 intensify political objectives. Yet, what does this mean theoretically and practically?

In the Yugoslav case, was education used to manipulate or merely to amplify public sentiment? My data do not entirely bear out a confidence in the manipulative capability of education, since educational reform was seemingly manipulated itself to mirror the political situation which reflected evolving public sentiment The reforms show that history education was revamped in

1976 and 1984/5 to propagate a Yugoslav emotive identity. The growing seriousness of the political situation, with devolving central authority and the death of Tito, was reflected in the curricular increase of hours delegated to the study of the NOB from 1976 to 1984/5. Yet again public sentiment was reflected, not necessarily manipulated in the 1990/1 revisions. With the transforming political climate and the impending dissolution of Yugoslavia, education donned an ethnically nationalist position amplifying the social outcries of the SANU (Serbian Academy of Sciences) declarations and the separatist tones of the republics.

Whether in a manipulative or amplifying sense, the data suggest that education was indeed intimately tied to the political system. Usmerno education, which postponed technical training for increased general education, and samopravljene, which encouraged the self-management of schools, were educational policies implemented to ensure Yugoslav socialist patriotism.

175 Usmerno education was the realization that an ill-prepared work force was threatening the economic health of the nation. The addition of two years of general schooling was the political solution. Initially the reform was heralded a success. However, as increasing numbers of a better prepared work force entered a jobless job market, unemployment obviously increased and education was again to blame. Samoupravljene suffered similar political sabotage, as it was implemented educationally. The complexities of educational self­ management were expressed in a bureaucracy which was never actually catalyzed into motion. Although the idea, initiated politically could theoretically have improved educational sovereignty. Nevertheless, educational samoupravljene and usmerno education endured similar fates.

It is difficult to assess whether changes in educational policy positively or negatively affected nationalism. However, any eventual conclusions are grounded practically, without assumptions of causation. Theoretically, causation is not addressed since, actual transfer of the curriculum from teacher to student is impossible to determine. In addition, the existence of the Yugoslav state extends both directions in time, pre-1976 and post-1991. Thus, the research from 1976 to 1991 analyzes merely a capsule of the educational history of the state and is not inclined to conclusions of causation. However, the revisions of the curricular content do evidence intentional manipulation.

History was manipulated in order to produce positive Yugoslav socialist

176 patriotism before 1990, hence the concentrated emphasis on Tito and the NOB, while a negative impact on the development of Yugoslav socialist patriotism was sought in the post-1990 curricula with a marked de-emphasis of the same topics.

Educational policies, especially the development of the history curriculum after 1974, sought to safeguard the development of Yugoslav socialist patriotism by reflecting political doctrines. For example, the teaching of the theoretical foundations of samoupravljene was found even in the Fifth

Grade History Curriculum of 1976, regardless of the topic’s incompatibility with the remaining curriculum. The inclusion of the topic ofsamoupravljene comments on the effort, since samoupravljene was a cornerstone of the development of Yugoslav socialist patriotism.

While these efforts persisted from 1976 through 1984/5, an about-face is evidenced in 1990/1. The reversal after 1990, is illustrated by the changing tide of the history curriculum. The reforms were focused on the development of an ethnic Serb consciousness through the depiction of historical events and heroes.

Educational and curricular reform targeted several, specific topics of study.

The treatment of the KSCS, World War II and post-World War II Yugoslavia showed significant change from 1976 to 1984/5 and 1990/1. Interpretation of these events was susceptible either to the strengthening or weakening of

Yugoslav socialist patriotism.

177 Meanwhile, the 1991 appearance and depiction of the KSCS (Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes), the NDH (Independent State of Croatia) and

Draza Mihailovic as historical events, untainted by socialist distortions significantly changed the representation of Yugoslav history. The mere inclusion of the NDH as curricular content in 1991 testifies to the changing political climate. Equally significant although not as additions but as omissions are the portrayal of Tito as a cult, the absence of samoupravljene as a cornerstone of Yugoslav society and the non-emotive and quantitatively reduced accounts of the NOB. The reforms significantly demote the fundamental pillars of post-World War II Yugoslav: addressing Tito as a cult, versus the national hero; editing samoupravljene out of history instead of highlighting the uniquely

Yugoslav phenomenon; and stoicizing the NOB. These revisions were undoubtedly intended to alter the future course of nationalism.

The future of nationalism, as transmitted by education in the remaining

Yugoslavia, seems to extend firom the 1991 History Curricula, adopting an ethnic nationalist orientation. Nationalism, as a sense of overriding ethnic identification, seems to be prevalent in the history curricula with an emphasis on

Serb national achievements and heroes. Thus, the role of education leans to continued ethnic and political socialization, while the role for nationalism, seems to be as the procurer of ethnic and thereby national unity.

178 An evaluation of the data indicates acceptance of the first hypothesis that constitutional mandates for the development of Yugoslav socialist patriotism are reflected in educational policy and specifically transferred through the history curriculum. As Potkonjak and others illustrated, the educational system was intimately tied to the political sector. Thus, as the Constitution of 1974 was created as a balm for the political and ethnic strife expressed in the Croatian

Spring of 1971 and other revolts, the brotherhood and unity message was transposed into the educational realm. The Goals and Tasks of the History

Curriculum mirror the educational objectives enumerated in the Constitution.

The development of Yugoslav socialist patriotism was an expressed mission of the Constitution that the History Curriculum strove to enforce.

Along a similar vein of reasoning, hypothesis 2 is also accepted.

Stringent national policies for the unification of all nationalities is indeed reflected in the history curriculum, until 1990/1. The manipulation of the curriculum evidences the effort directed at nationality unification. For example, policy makers sought to secure unity, by omitting controversial and ethnically heated historical events and people firom the History Curricula, such as the

NDH during World War II and the pogroms of the Ustasha. Likewise, emphasis of unifying topics consumed a significant portion of the History Curricula. The portrayal of World War II and the Socialist movement were favorite and often exaggerated topics. For example, the underscoring of the role of the

179 Communists in the history of the KSCS, while obviously an attempt to forge unity, may be deemed an historical inaccuracy by Western standards.

While manipulation of curricula was evident, the effect on attitudes was not so apparent and therefore, the third hypothesis must be rejected. Although a loosening of policy mandates is evidenced before 1991, it is not related to the following decentralization and secession, but is an apparent aftermath of the political circumstances. The History Curriculum revisions seem to be an ex post facto result of the evolving political situation and an effort at explaining the jftacturing of the nation, not an effort at dividing the nation, as originally assumed. In fact, further supposition regarding this hypothesis would lead to speculations about causation, especially in the generations educated in the post-

1976 era, which is beyond the scope of this study.

Similarly, hypothesis 4 is rejected, since a loosening of policy mandates does not appear to be a singular factor in the breakup of Yugoslavia. Reiterating the deep-rooted political manipulation of education, the loosening of policy mandates was proposed in the precedented bureaucratic manner. However, as

Woodward proposed, it was economic, social and international factors which led to the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia. Furthermore, the loosening mandates affected the political socialization of children currently enrolled, not the polity. Although citizemy with student contact may have been affected

180 somewhat by the loosening of mandates, resulting effects seem minimal when compared to the resounding economic, social and international factors.

Since the overtly nationahst reforms of 1990/1 were instituted even before the official dissolution of Yugoslavia, the role of education seems to correspond to evolving public sentiment, thus necessitating the acceptance of the fifth hypothesis. Yet, the question remains how was public sentiment manipulated to favor political finctionating policies. Answers are evident in the rise of political leaders with nationalist agendas, such as Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tudjman. The weak central control of Yugoslavia led to a lack of confidence in state authority, thus nudging ethnonational identification that translated educationally as radical revision of the history curriculum. Likewise, the réintroduction of religion courses in various republics, echoed public sentiment of the threatening dissolution of Yugoslavia.

Apparently contradictory to the evolving Serb nationalist standpoint is the 1990/1 inclusion oflllyrianism, both in the Fifth Grade and Seventh Grade

Curricula. With the reassessment of the NOB and the inclusion of the NDH,

any inclusion of pan-Yugoslav ideas, i.e. Illyrianism, seems counter-productive

and even confusing at this juncture. Yet, the inclusion of the Illyrian topic may have been motivated as an absolution of Serb guilt for the initial impetus to

create Yugoslavia. The appropriation of blame to Croats for the Yugoslav

genesis is evidenced by highlighting the significance of the Illyrian movement

181 for the Croat national revival, thus making Illyrianism a more significant event for the Croats than the Serbs. Similarly, the topic includes reference to the Serb attitude toward the movement, providing yet another opportunity to squelch any suspicions of Serb hegemonic aspirations in the creation of Yugoslavia.

Possibly because, Yugoslav history shows no toleration of centralized control, any system that required or even depended upon centralization for survival could never have worked. The delicate balance of power established by the rotating presidency after Tito’s death fed the independence of the ethnically nearly homogeneous republics and fueled separatist aspirations. Ironically, the fractionating does not stop at ethnicity but even reaches tribal levels, with national loyalties being subordinated and state identification being superficial at best and at worst absurd. Perhaps the historical circumstances of this primarily agrarian society make the institution of the state, per se, a foreign conceptualization.

The rapid modernization of Yugoslavia occurred in one generation, immediately following World War II. Tito’s ambitious economic and social plans may have outpaced collective consciousness. For, adults who grew up without amenities like electricity, running water are parenting children who live with modem means and even post-modern ideas. This swift modernization may have interfered with individual conceptions of the role of the state and ethnicity in the evolving society. The previous lack of formal state involvement in daily

182 activities was obliterated with social reforms such as samoupravljene, thus exacerbating the situation. Isolation due to geography, choice and history make

Yugoslavia an intriguing example.

Tantamount to understanding conceptions of the role of nationalism in the society, is understanding the role of the citizen in society. The idea of social contract, expounded by Locke and Rousseau, was rarely actualized in

Yugoslavia. Historically, all the nations of Yugoslavia were intermittently conquerors or conquered. The feudal structure of the societies never necessitated acceptance of a social contract. Therefore, perhaps the South Slav citizens never viewed the state as a viable institution. Due to the long history of shifting borders, conquest by ruling empires and war, the state developed a legacy of illegitimacy, except through unity established with the emulation of a folk hero and violence, as in the feudal era.

Tito and the violence of the NOB certainly validated such a paradigm of state. Thus, the passing of Tito and the waning memory of the NOB have new explanatory historical value. Interestingly, even in the 1990s, the goods provided by the state in exchange for allegiance are not necessarily determined essential, as in most industrialized societies. As revealed in many of my interviews, citizens in Serbia maintained resources necessary for self- sufficiency, despite the mass migration to the metropolis. The sanctions

183 designed to cripple the nation were survived in a manner illustrating the reserved notion of citizenship.

Since the efforts of socialism to enlist a contractual motivation for citizenship were unsuccessful, perhaps democracy can proceed. Rudimentary steps are being taken toward democracy through the recognition of free election results. By building an identity erected on democracy and freedom, which invokes a commitment to unity on a social, not ethnic scale, the remaining

Yugoslavia may avoid repetition of past problems. The attraction of democracy is in the personalization. Verdery highlighted the dehumanization involved in a socialist system, in which the “they” (the system) is responsible for societal successes and failures. Although schools sought to personalize socialism, as conveyed by the poetry from Mi Smo Titovi, Tito Je Nas, it was through the iconization of Tito—leaving an irreplaceable void upon his death.

The importance of nationalism as ethnic identity in the former

Yugoslavia may be interpreted in two manners. First, and perhaps idealistically, nationalism may be at the top of the hierarchy of social stability needs, occupying an important yet not fundamental status. In this interpretation, ethnic identification is a somewhat superfluous trait, eclipsed by the solid foundation of 1.) a stable economy; 2.) a strong political structure and 3.) a strong international position. Arguably, Yugoslavia intermittently from 1950-1980 secured these three traits and thus stabilized the society, through 1.)

184 international aid that buffered the economy; 2.) the cult of Tito and the

Communists and 3.) leadership among the Non-aligned nations. Through stabilization of the society, the idea of nationalism was deemed less significant than during periods of social instability.

The role of education in this interpretation of nationalism is devoted to reinforcing the three stability components. The educational system focuses on developing a strong work force from which to supplant the economic, political and international sectors. Patriotic development is subordinated to the fulfillment of these goals. Yugoslavia, as a socialist state dedicated to eradicating the bourgeoisie, initially intended to develop the educational system in this manner, as evidenced by the usmerno and samoupravljene reforms. By fortifying these components of societal stability, the overriding ethnonational identification of the citizenry as described by Cormor can be avoided by never even becoming an issue. If nationalism is not a fundamental trait of societal stability, then the fortification of the other three sectors eliminates the fragmentary potential of nationalism.

A second very different interpretation of nationalism in the Yugoslav context positions ethnic identification as the foundation from which the society is established. In this case, the stability of the society is directly dependent on the control of nationalism. The emotive appeal of ethnic identification is manipulated to become a cornerstone of the society from which the economic.

185 political and international spheres are constructed. Here, nationalism, whether it

be Yugoslav socialist patriotism or ethnic-specific identification unifies and thereby stabilizes the society. Seemingly, Tito sought to fortify Yugoslavia on

the brotherhood and unity notion of patriotism. However, the Communists and

certainly Tito sought to replace ethnic struggles with class struggles in the psyche of the society. Thus, to construct a society based on nationalism, even a new Yugoslav nationalism would not only be contradictory but counter­ productive.

While the attention devoted to the development of socialist patriotism politically points to a state founded on a nationalist ideology, my data conclude this was a de facto result. For when the remaining spheres of society suffered,

only then did nationalist/patriotic intonations become focal. So, to say that

ethnonationalism is universally the overriding identification is deceptive since

such identification is triggered only when the remaining components of society

are suffering. The development of Yugoslav socialist patriotism was not a

paramount concern when the citizenry was united in an “us” sense

economically, politically and internationally. However, when political and

economic alienation divided Yugoslavs into an “us” and “them,” nationalism

and patriotism gained status. Correspondingly, education mirrored the political

situation firom 1976 to 1984/5, with increased attention to Yugoslav socialist

patriotic curricula, namely Tito and the NOB.

186 Interpretations of nationalism stemming from the Yugoslav case provide a unique look at societal and political circumstances. Yet, the scenario provides a contextual framework to which other states may be compared. The ensuing treatment of the educational system also provides a comparative perspective from which to analyze the fundamental goals of the society. In this international world, the circumstance of diversity and strategies for successful ethnic integration, have global resonance.

Suggestions for Further Study

This smdy has been limited to the importance of educational policy as it pertains to the development of nationalism and patriotism. The study of socialization of youth may be furthered by the reinterpretation of the curriculum data translated in this work. Similarly, reflection into other thematic interests may be extended from the raw data. While having commented on the significance of nationalism and education, many other venues of inquiry exist

One course of further study may be to reinforce or disprove the theoretical suggestions presented in this study. Additional suggestions for further study in the educational realm are present in policy and curricular studies in other subject matters. For example, the high school history curriculum, the social studies in the first through fourth grades, and the comprehensive literature curriculum, all contribute to socialization and would be valuable resources for examination.

187 Although this study has directed brief attention to the Pioneer’s textbooks a more extensive inspection of the Pioneer’s educational material and rituals is warranted. Perhaps analysis of the subject contents of courses in economy, psychology and sociology, and corresponding textbook analyses, may prove significant. Student and teacher perceptions obtained through surveys would encourage an organic interpretation of events. Likewise, regional comparisons of similar educational policy studies in the newly independent republics, especially Croatia and Slovenia would prove especially valuable.

In addition, throughout my interviews, a strong sense socialization outside of the school was voiced. Administrators, teachers and students alike maintained that the family and the media were paramount sources for the development of political identity. Inherent in this phenomenon is a wealth of potential information for understanding the disintegration of Yugoslavia.

Linked to this suggestion is the psychological arena in which a study of the prevalence of ethnonational loyalty in ethnically diverse states seems logical. What is the psychological impetus for the predominance of ethnic identification over any other defining traits? Why can a new ethnic identification not be created to replace past archetypes, i.e. a Yugoslav emotive identity? In the political sector, the simultaneous rise of nationalist leaders in the former republics of Yugoslavia warrants additional exploration. Also, the

188 predisposition of Western Europe and the UN in the intervention of an essentially civil -war offers yet another compelling suggestion for further study.

Summary

In summary, the complex Yugoslav case is evidence of the destructive nature of nationalism. Political, economic and historic factors all contributed to the revival of ethnic nationalism and the rejection of Yugoslav socialist patriotism. Politically, Kupchan’s contagion theory of nationalism offers an explanation for the rise of nationalist leaders in the former republics. As the

Eastern bloc fell prey to the divisive reorganization of nationalism with ethnic nations demanding reconciliation vdth state borders, i.e. Czechoslovakia and the

USSR, Yugoslavia to some extent suffered the repercussions of contagion.

Since World War U, Yugoslavia’s international position, as founder of the non-aligned nations earned her the favor of both East and West courtship politically and economically. As a viable non-aligned nation, Yugoslavia demonstrated a cooperative will toward both camps in the Cold War. However, the resolution of the Cold War affected Yugoslavia as political and economic negotiating power was rendered impotent. The demoted international status aggravated tensions and jeopardized the precarious Yugoslav economy.

The role of education throughout this scenario was aggressively manipulated on two levels. The first level is situated in the period from 1976-

189 1990. Here, education was used to construct an ethnonationalist identity based on Yugoslavianism. Simultaneously, education sought to forge an emotive

Yugoslav identity and eradicate ethnic-specific affiliation. The second level of the manipulation of education begins in 1990 and is presumably continuing.

Here, education was used to complete the dismantlement of Yugoslav socialist patriotism (already catalyzed by the previous economic and political situations) and to spur Serb nationalist identification.

From the Yugoslav scenario I am compelled to conclude that multi­ ethnic states can subsist only in an environment that adamantly fosters interdependency either through dynamic democratization or creative autocracy.

Dynamic democratization compels citizen ownership of government, while a creative autocracy simply compels citizenship. Regardless, some investment in the state must be evident for cohesion. Gellner highlights the significance of

industrialization for sustaining cross-cutting social ties and yet the Yugoslav

example, among others, proved contradictory.

Perhaps extending the general argument, citizens first require a vested

interest in the society and then the attached identity. For, in the 1960s when

Yugoslavia exhibited strong economic and political stability, respondents in my

interviews conveyed sincere messages of content. Statements like “we were the

West to Eastern Europe,” are loaded with a sense of pride and interest. These

accounts testify to evidence of a vested interest in the citizenry. However,

190 ironically, according to the censes, Yugoslav categoiy identification only increased in the late 1980s, with the advancing dissolution. Perhaps Yugoslavia did solicit the loyalty of the citizenry but through autocracy instead of democracy, as evidenced by the iconization of Tito. However, this vested interest was transient at best, as evidenced by the return to fundamental ethnonational identification.

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