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Discussion Paper: Libya and R2P and Regime Change
Thinking About Libya, the Responsibility to Protect and Regime Change: A “Lessons Learned” Discussion Paper Robin Collins October, 2011 This discussion paper on the application of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine in Libya is intended to stimulate dialogue among members of the World Federalist Movement – Canada (WFMC) and other R2P advocates. We begin with the assumption that there was a real need for the international community to respond to the threats and behaviour of the Libyan government of Moammar Gaddafi. In the circumstances, the UN Security Council resolutions that followed Gaddafi‘s actions, resolutions 1970 and 1973, and then resolution 2009 which recognized the National Transitional Council after the fall of Gaddafi, were appropriate responses to the crisis. There was explicit reference to a responsibility to protect civilians and civilian areas. The International Criminal Court was referenced (in resolutions 1970, 1973 and 2009). There was demand for a ceasefire, to diplomatic channels being opened, to dialogue towards political reform (resolution1973), and to an arms embargo and freezing of assets. In resolution 1973 “all necessary measures” were authorized, as was a no-fly zone to protect Libyan civilians, including those in Benghazi. However, there were many rough edges and a fair amount of (intended?) ambiguity. These topics are important to explore so that we are clear about where mandates were followed, or violated. Our goal is to strengthen the R2P doctrine so that it becomes a reliable new normative framework for future international diplomacy and protection of civilians. The experience of application in Libya will impact future efforts by the United Nations to invoke R2P. -
Journal Du Qatar Dossier N° 1 Du 25.12.11
PALESTINE – SOLIDARITÉ http://www.palestine-solidarite.org Journal du Qatar Dossier N° 1 du 25.12.11 Par C.De Broeder & M.Lemaire a) Le "Journal d'Iran " est visible sur les blogs : http://journaldeguerre.blogs.dhnet.be/ http://journauxdeguerre.blogs.lalibre.be/ b) sur le site de Eva Resis : no-war.over-blog.com c) sur le site de Robert Bibeau : http://www.robertbibeau.ca/palestine.html d) Et sur le site Palestine Solidarité : NB : Si vous voulez-me contacter ou obtenir le Journal par mail une seule adresse : [email protected] Sommaire. Tiré à part Badis Guettaf : Libye : la «victoire occidentale» du Qatar. Sami Kleib : La vérité sur les visées inquiétantes du Qatar et des puissances occidentales. 1 Médias & Manipulation de l’opinion / Vidéos 1-1 H. Z : Al-Jazeera n’est pas une voix indépendante de l’Amérique ! 2 Les dosser & point de vue 2-1 Mounir Abi : Les manœuvres du Qatar en Algérie. 3 Courrier des lecteurs & trouvé sur le net & témoignage. 3-1 France: un fonds qatari de 50 millions d’euros pour les entrepreneurs de banlieue… 3-2 Parti Anti Sioniste : Le Qatar lorgne sur les banlieues françaises... Pourquoi ? 4 Analyse - Géopolitique et stratégie – Réflexion 4-1 Fatma Benmosbah : Les pérégrinations Qataries en Afrique du Nord. 5 Annexe 5-1 Rappel : Arnaud Castaignet : Libye: après l'OTAN le Qatar. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Tiré à part Badis Guettaf : Libye : la «victoire occidentale» du Qatar. Si l’on en croit les médias, (car quand il ne s’agit pas de faire la guerre il leur arrive de donner de l’information), le Qatar ferait cavalier seul en Libye. -
«Libya Al-Mostakbal»
TUNISIA Tripoli Derna Zawiya Misrata Tobruk Zintan Zliten Marj Bayda Gherian Benghazi Bani Walid Sirte The West The East LIBYA Mapping Libya’s Factions A project by the Middle East and North Africa Programme at the European Council on Foreign Relations EGYPT Author: Mary Fitzgerald ALGERIA Design maps: Laura Canali NIGER CHAD SUDAN Designed by Laura Canali www.lauracanali.com POLITICOS 1. Two camps, two governments, two parliaments TUNISIA Tripoli Derna Zawiya 2. Who is in charge? Misrata Tobruk Zintan Zliten Marj Bayda Gherian Benghazi 3. Islamists and anti-Islamists Bani Walid Sirte ARMED GROUPS The West The East 1. Benghazi LIBYA 2. The East Understanding the fault lines of Libya’s turmoil requires moving beyond the one-dimensional narratives peddled by various actors in the conict. All have an interest in spinning certain 3. The West tropes about the crisis, painting it either as Islamists versus “liberals” or self-proclaimed “revolutionaries” versus former regime elements trying to stage a comeback. Others hold that 4. Derna & ISIS the ghting is primarily driven by tribal rivalries or regional power plays like that between Zintan and Misrata in the west and federalists and their opponents in the east. In fact, all of these EGYPT elements are present to various degrees in Libya’s unraveling, but none overrides the others as a dominant narrative. Power is diuse in Libya, and the two broad camps in the current crisis are built on loose and often shifting alliances of convenience drawn from a constellation of political and armed factions. The inuence of individual players, particularly political gures, ALGERIA can shift dramatically depending on the actions of armed groups on the ground. -
A Strategy for Success in Libya
A Strategy for Success in Libya Emily Estelle NOVEMBER 2017 A Strategy for Success in Libya Emily Estelle NOVEMBER 2017 AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE © 2017 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. The American Enterprise Institute (AEI) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit, 501(c)(3) educational organization and does not take institutional positions on any issues. The views expressed here are those of the author(s). Contents Executive Summary ......................................................................................................................1 Why the US Must Act in Libya Now ............................................................................................................................1 Wrong Problem, Wrong Strategy ............................................................................................................................... 2 What to Do ........................................................................................................................................................................ 2 Reframing US Policy in Libya .................................................................................................. 5 America’s Opportunity in Libya ................................................................................................................................. 6 The US Approach in Libya ............................................................................................................................................ 6 The Current Situation -
After Gaddafi 01 0 0.Pdf
Benghazi in an individual capacity and the group it- ures such as Zahi Mogherbi and Amal al-Obeidi. They self does not seem to be reforming. Al-Qaeda in the found an echo in the administrative elites, which, al- Islamic Maghreb has also been cited as a potential though they may have served the regime for years, spoiler in Libya. In fact, an early attempt to infiltrate did not necessarily accept its values or projects. Both the country was foiled and since then the group has groups represent an essential resource for the future, been taking arms and weapons out of Libya instead. and will certainly take part in a future government. It is unlikely to play any role at all. Scenarios for the future The position of the Union of Free Officers is unknown and, although they may form a pressure group, their membership is elderly and many of them – such as the Three scenarios have been proposed for Libya in the rijal al-khima (‘the men of the tent’ – Colonel Gaddafi’s future: (1) the Gaddafi regime is restored to power; closest confidants) – too compromised by their as- (2) Libya becomes a failing state; and (3) some kind sociation with the Gaddafi regime. The exiled groups of pluralistic government emerges in a reunified state. will undoubtedly seek roles in any new regime but The possibility that Libya remains, as at present, a they suffer from the fact that they have been abroad divided state between East and West has been ex- for up to thirty years or more. -
Date with History As UN Acts Over Libya by Harvey Morris , 27 February 2011
Date with history as UN acts over Libya By Harvey Morris , 27 February 2011 Muammer Gaddafi, at his only appearance before the UN, ripped pages out of its founding Charter and branded its Security Council the Terror Council. Less than 18 months on, that same council has now acted with unprecedented speed and unanimity to try and hasten his downfall. There was a forgivable atmosphere of self-congratulation among diplomats of the 15 council members on Saturday night after a grinding day of bargaining that led to the adoption of sanctions against the rapidly shrinking Libyan regime. The question, as always: will they work? The intention, summed up by Susan Rice, US envoy to the UN, was “stopping the violence against innocent civilians”. But are an asset freeze, a travel ban, an arms embargo – even the threat of future prosecution for war crimes – enough to deter a regime fighting for its survival? Diplomats acknowledge that the measures might not divert Colonel Gaddafi from his murderous intention to crush the Libyan uprising. However, they could persuade his cohorts of military and security henchman that there is still time to bail out before the inevitable end. Why fight on in a lost cause, only to end up penniless in an international court, facing life imprisonment for war crimes? For the first time, the Security Council unanimously referred a case of state violence to the International Criminal Court. That alone was a big victory for the resolution’s British and French drafters and could set an important longer-term precedent. The UK and France are the only permanent members of the council even to have ratified the Rome Treaty that established the court. -
Libya's Other Battle | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2295 Libya's Other Battle by Andrew Engel, Ayman Grada Jul 28, 2014 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew Engel Andrew Engel, a former research assistant at The Washington Institute, recently received his master's degree in security studies at Georgetown University and currently works as an Africa analyst. Ayman Grada Ayman Grada is an independent political analyst and cofounder of Libyan Youth Voices. Brief Analysis The escalation in and around Tripoli holds troubling parallels with the tribal divisions that precipitated Libya's bloody 1936 civil war. ibya is a fractured country whose long-simmering violence is threatening to boil over. Internecine fighting L once mostly limited to Benghazi -- where Maj. Gen. Khalifa Haftar launched "Operation Dignity" against U.S.- designated terrorist group Ansar al-Sharia and other armed Islamists -- has now spread to Tripoli. The U.S. embassy was hurriedly evacuated on July 26, and foreign governments have urged their nationals to flee the country. The Tripoli fighting erupted on July 12, pitting largely Islamist militias from the Muslim Brotherhood stronghold of Misratah and their northwestern allies against well-equipped and trained nationalist brigades from Zintan. The latter factions -- the Qaaqaa, Sawaiq, and Madani Brigades -- are tribal and back the more secular-leaning political alliance, the National Forces Alliance (NFA), but ostensibly belong to the Libyan army. The Misratan and Islamist militias have since bombarded Tripoli International Airport, which has been held by Zintani forces since the revolution ended. This battle -- in which 90 percent of aircraft on the ground were destroyed, costing over $1.5 billion -- marks a dark turn for Libya, increasing the likelihood of the country repeating its brutal 1936 intertribal civil war. -
LIBYA CONFLICT: SITUATION UPDATE March 2011
Pro-Qaddafi Movements and Statements LIBYA CONFLICT: SITUATION UPDATE March 2011 MARCH 31: Pro-Qaddafi forces repelled a counterattack by rebels at the town of Brega. According to one report, the pro- government forces have adopted the rebel tactic of using weapon mounted pickup trucks so as to be less vulnerable to coalition airstrikes. Rebel spokesman Mustafa Gheriania stated that despite the shift in tactics, Qaddafi remains reliant on his tanks and artillery. (Guardian) MARCH 31: Government spokesman Musa Ibrahim rejected rumors that Qaddafi and his sons had fled Libya, stating that “We are still here. We will remain here until the end.” (New York Times) MARCH 31: Ali Abdussalam Treki, appointed by Qaddafi as Libya’s permanent representative to the UN, refused to accept the post, condemning the “spilling of blood” in a statement read by his nephew. (Reuters) MARCH 31: Arriving Wednesday evening in London, Libyan foreign minister Musa Kusa announced his resignation and defection from the Qaddafi regime. British Foreign Secretary William Hague cited Kusa’s defection as evidence that Qaddafi’s rule is “under pressure and crumbling from within.” Kusa is the latest senior Libyan official to have broken ranks with the Qaddafi regime. (Washington Post) MARCH 31: Calling from Misrata, rebel spokesman Sami reported that pro-Qaddafi forces resumed “artillery bombardment this morning. The pro-Qaddafi forces could not enter the town but they are surrounding it.” Reuter( s) MARCH 30: Pro-Qaddafi forces, under the cover of heavy tank and artillery fire, retook the town of Brega, forcing a rebel retreat towards Ajdabiya. (Guardian) MARCH 30: Human Rights Watch issued a statement from Benghazi asserting that pro-Qaddafi forces are laying landmines in their campaign to seize control of the country. -
Misrata 1. Introduction Misrata Is the Third Largest City in Libya, With
CHAPTER NINE MISRATA 1. Introduction Misrata is the third largest city in Libya, with a population of approxi- mately 517,000 inhabitants before the conflict.1 It is a port city located on the far western edge of the Gulf of Sidra along the Mediterranean Coast, 187 kilometers (116 miles) east of Tripoli and 825 kilometers (512 miles) west of Benghazi.2 The city center lies just off the coast, with the seaport to the east and the airport to the south. The center is connected by a num- ber of major roads, including Tripoli Street, the main commercial boule- vard in downtown Misrata that connects to the Libyan Coastal Highway. A number of suburbs, including Al-Ghayran and Al-Shawati, extend out from the city center.3 Misrata is traditionally regarded as the country’s business capital, serv- ing as a central locale for the exchange of commodities and materials with other cities. The city’s steel mill industry is one of its principal sources of income and employment, and the industry has been able to expand throughout the years with its owners holding considerable influence in the city. Misrata is one of the country’s most modern cities, with infra- structure that includes new roads, electricity and communication centers, 1 United Nations Inter-Agency Mission, Misrata: 10 to 14 July 2011, UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 4 (2011), available at http://reliefweb .int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Full_report_157.pdf. Other estimates put Misrata’s population closer to 380,000 people before the conflict. See Misratah, WolframAlpha, available at http://www.wolframalpha.com/input/?i=Misratah&lk=1&a=ClashPrefs_*City .*Misratah.Misratah.Libya--. -
International Medical Corps in Libya from the Rise of the Arab Spring to the Fall of the Gaddafi Regime
International Medical Corps in Libya From the rise of the Arab Spring to the fall of the Gaddafi regime 1 International Medical Corps in Libya From the rise of the Arab Spring to the fall of the Gaddafi regime Report Contents International Medical Corps in Libya Summary…………………………………………… page 3 Eight Months of Crisis in Libya…………………….………………………………………… page 4 Map of International Medical Corps’ Response.…………….……………………………. page 5 Timeline of Major Events in Libya & International Medical Corps’ Response………. page 6 Eastern Libya………………………………………………………………………………....... page 8 Misurata and Surrounding Areas…………………….……………………………………… page 12 Tunisian/Libyan Border………………………………………………………………………. page 15 Western Libya………………………………………………………………………………….. page 17 Sirte, Bani Walid & Sabha……………………………………………………………………. page 20 Future Response Efforts: From Relief to Self-Reliance…………………………………. page 21 International Medical Corps Mission: From Relief to Self-Reliance…………………… page 24 International Medical Corps in the Middle East…………………………………………… page 24 International Medical Corps Globally………………………………………………………. Page 25 Operational data contained in this report has been provided by International Medical Corps’ field teams in Libya and Tunisia and is current as of August 26, 2011 unless otherwise stated. 2 3 Eight Months of Crisis in Libya Following civilian demonstrations in Tunisia and Egypt, the people of Libya started to push for regime change in mid-February. It began with protests against the leadership of Colonel Muammar al- Gaddafi, with the Libyan leader responding by ordering his troops and supporters to crush the uprising in a televised speech, which escalated the country into armed conflict. The unrest began in the eastern Libyan city of Benghazi, with the eastern Cyrenaica region in opposition control by February 23 and opposition supporters forming the Interim National Transitional Council on February 27. -
DEATH of a DICTATOR Bloody Vengeance in Sirte WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS DEATH OF A DICTATOR Bloody Vengeance in Sirte WATCH Death of a Dictator Bloody Vengeance in Sirte Copyright © 2012 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-952-6 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org OCTOBER 2012 ISBN: 1-56432-952-6 Death of a Dictator Bloody Vengeance in Sirte Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations .............................................................................................................14 I. Background .................................................................................................................. -
Political Progress in Libya?
Political progress in Libya? Standard Note: SNIA/6582 Last updated: 10 June 2013 Author: Ben Smith Section International Affairs and Defence Section After an election in July 2012 that pleased many observers by being peaceful and largely free and fair, Libya’s progress has been slow. The interim parliament, the General National Congress, finally agreed in February 2013 on the procedure for the election of a Constituent Assembly, charged with drawing up a constitution and presenting it to the electorate for approval at a referendum. The election to the Constituent Assembly should be held some time this year. However, security problems are mounting: the official security services are still ineffectual and the void has been filled by armed militias and gangs. Grievances that built up during the dictatorship and the revolution are not being resolved and ethnic, regional and local conflicts could threaten the integrity of the country. For more detail on the outcome of the 2012 election, see the Standard Note Libya’s General Assembly election 2012, July 2012 Contents 1 Political situation 2 1.1 The Qaddafis 3 1.2 Constituent Assembly 3 2 Security 4 2.1 Bani Walid 4 2.2 Benghazi 5 2.3 NATO assistance 6 3 Christians 6 4 Migrants 6 5 The south 7 6 Economy 8 7 Refugees and the UK 8 1 Political situation Libya’s political progress since the fall of Muammar Qaddafi has been mixed. On the positive side, both local and national elections have been held with little violence. Voters surprised some observers by not following the example of neighbouring Tunisia and Egypt and electing Muslim Brotherhood supporters but electing broadly secular representatives.