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Religious Fundamentalism in Indian Politics Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 6-1995 Religious Fundamentalism in Indian Politics Linda Elder Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Elder, Linda, "Religious Fundamentalism in Indian Politics" (1995). Master's Theses. 5008. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/5008 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM IN INDIAN POLITICS by Linda Elder A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan June 1995 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Support and encouragement from a number of people have aided the completion of this thesis. First, Professor Lawrence Ziring must be thanked for his infinite patience and careful guidance over several months as this thesis was in process. His expertise in South Asian affairs as an editor and author has been invaluable to me. Gratitude is also due to Dr. William Ritchie and Professor Libby Dalton who kindly agreed to participate on my thesis committee. Thanks are due to many Indian friends, including Dr. Rebecca Vedimanikam, Major John Raja and Professor Swamiraj, who set up interviews for me in the midst of their very busy schedules. Conversations with them and the following people provided me with pertinent informationon Hindu and Muslim attitudes and opinions: Mr. Ismail, a retired Muslim scholar, Mr. V. Muniaswamy, Joint Commissioner of the Meenakshi Temple in Madurai; Rev. R. Kambar Manickam, Principal at Tamil Nadu Theological Seminary in Madurai; Dr. Dayanandan Francis, editor of the Christian Literary Society in Madras and author of several books on Hindu and Christian interfaith dialogue; and Bishop Paulraj of the diocese of South India. Professor Swamiraj, Principal of Bishop Heber College in Tiruchirapalli, Tamil Nadu, was most helpful in arranging interviews with two Muslim professors from Jamal Mohamed College. Professor Abdul Majad is head of the department of Arabic and is of Arab descent while his colleague, S. Syed Khayas Ahmed, who also ii Aclmowledgements-continued teaches Arabic, traces his ancestry to the Persians and speaks fluent Hindustani. Dr. Swamiraj also arranged interviews for me with two Muslim women, both graduate students, whose names must be kept confidential. Conversations with Hindu graduate and undergraduate students at this college contributed to my understanding of the current tensions existing between Hindus and Muslims. The topic of Hindu-Muslim relations was extremely sensitive during the spring and fall of 1993 when I was conducting my interviews, and so I am most appreciative of the cooperation and goodwill of those who were willing to share their thoughts with me on this subject. Thanks are also due to Dr. Boyd Wilson of the religion department at Hope College for sharing books and providing me with a list of people whom I might contact forinterviews during my travels. I am gratefulto Professor Annie Dandavati and Dr. Jack Holmes of the political science department at Hope College for the use of computers and office space. Sally Smith, Phyllis and Richard Vandervelde are appreciated for their expertise in the use of computers and word processing. Pat Seif, English teacher at West Ottawa High School in Holland, Michigan was also most helpful in editing this thesis despite her busy teaching schedule. This thesis is dedicated to my father, Dexter Leland, and to the memory of my mother, Irene, who passed on in the early stages of my thesis writing. Without the support of my loving family and especially my husband, Robert E. Elder, Jr., 111 Acknowledgements-continued who gave me the precious gifts of time and quiet space, this thesis could not have reached completion. I am also grateful to him for opportunities I have had to join him on travels to South Asia. Linda Elder iv RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM IN INDIAN POLITICS Linda Elder, M.A. Western Michigan University, 1995 The Hindu nationalist movement, known as "Hindutva," which originated during the British colonial period in India, manifests itself in Indian politics today in the form of the Bharatiya Janata Party (B.J.P.). Its affiliates, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, V.H.P. consisting of Hindu priests and sadhus, and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, R.S.S., a paramilitary organization, formthe core of this party. As the organized militant arm of Hindutva, the R.S.S. is compared to other religious fundamentalist organizations worldwide, based on characteristics provided by Martin Marty and R. Scott Appleby in the Fundamentalist Research Project at the University of Chicago. Since 1977 the B.J.P. has entered the mainstream of Indian politicsappealing to Hindu businessmen and there has been a rise in the number of communal riots in northern India during religious festivals and election campaigns. Confidence in the government, especially on the part of minorities, has been eroded by inconsistent responses to such episodesof violence. The costs of maintaining law and order have been an added strain on India's already overburdened economy. Nevertheless, economic gains have been made and democratic institutions have prevailed despite such anti-secular forces. TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. u LIST OF TABLES . IX CHAPTER I. BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY ................. 1 II. INTRODUCTION ........................... 6 The Research Problem and Its Relevance .. .. 6 Organization of the Study .. .. .. .. .. 11 III. RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM DEFINED .......... 16 Positive and Negative Features .. .. .. .. .. 16 Factors Which Contribute to the Rise of Religious Fundamentalism .. .. .. .. .. 21 Rising Population, Overcrowding and Migration . 22 Resource Scarcity . .. .. .. .. .. 22 Rapid Economic Development and Urbanization 23 Increased Literacy and Political Awareness Accompanied by Unemployment . .. .. 24 Definitions of Religious Fundamentalist Organizations According to the Fundamentalist Project Research Studies .. .. .. .. .. .. 26 Organizational Hierarchy: Leaders and Followers . 26 Readiness for Service and Crisis Situations . .. .. 30 V Table of Contents-continued CHAPTER Preservation of Sacred Beliefs and Separate Identity . 30 Worldview is Anti-secular and Absolute . 36 Militancy and Martyrdom are Justified as a Means of Fulfilling a Divine Plan .. .. .. .. 37 Preference for a Merger of Religion and Politics . 41 Use of Modem Technology and Revised Texts . .. 43 IV. INDIA AS A SECULAR STATE .................. 46 Secularism in India's Past .. .. .. .. .. 50 Diversity and Tolerance Within Hinduism .. 50 Political Factors Supporting Secularism . .. 53 The Ambiguities of the Secular State Concept in India . 55 The Caste System . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 55 Caste Versus Citizenship Loyalties . .. .. 57 Congress Government Fails to Promote a Secular Image .. .. .. .. .. .. 58 Law and Order Problems .. .. .. .. .. 59 V. CONTRADICTIONS IN INDIAN CONSTITUTION THE .... 64 The Reservation Act .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 64 Public Franchise: The End of Separate Electorates 69 Hindu Religious and Charities Endowments Board 69 Vl Table of Contents-continued CHAPTER The Untouchability Act .. .. .. .. .. .. 70 The Protection of Places of Worship Act . .. 71 Customary and Personal Code Laws .. .. .. 72 Laws Regarding Linguistic and Religious Minorities 75 VI. BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT OF HINDU FUNDAMENTALI ST ORGANIZATION S IN INDIA ................................ 79 Outcomes of British Rule .. .. .. .. .. .. 79 Hindu Revivalism: The Arya Samaj and Hindu Mahasabha 83 The Partition of Bengal and the Formation of the Hindu Mahasabha .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 84 Religious and Caste-Based Communal Differences Widen . 88 Hindu Militancy Emerges in the Mahasabha . .. .. 91 Resistance to Hindu Militancy .. .. .. .. 93 The Jana Sangh . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 95 Emergency Rule and Its Impact on the Hindu Right . 101 Janata Victory in the 1977 Election .. .. .. 103 VII. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE HINDUTVA MOVEMENT . 109 Origins and Ideology of the R.S.S. .. .. .. 110 R.S.S. Membership .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 113 Women's Branch of the R.S.S. 116 vii Table of Contents-continued CHAPTER Political Development of the R.S.S. 117 The R. S.S. Constitution . 118 Political Activities of the R.S.S. (1950s-1970s) . 119 R.S.S. Political Activities in the 1980s and 1990s . 124 Reaction to Mass Conversions at Meenakshipuram 124 The Bahri-Mosque - Ram Janmabhumi Temple Controversy . 126 Religious Processions . 131 Hindutva's Influence on the Indian Media . 137 VIII. CONCLUSIONS . 143 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 156 Vlll LIST OF TABLES 1. Number of Muslims Trained for Recruitment on the Police Force in Uttar Pradesh . 61 ix CHAPTER I BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY At the time of my travels through India in the spring and fall of 1993, India was in a state of emergency. There was heavy surveillance at airports and travellers became accustomed to thorough baggage inspections before boarding domestic and international flights. There were strict visa requirements for those entering and exiting the country. Military checkpoints and police were a common sight on the streets of New Delhi, India's
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