The Rotten Apple Did Not Fall Far from the Wretched Tree
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1 Schlaglicht Israel Nr. 5/19 Aktuelles Aus Israelischen
Schlaglicht Israel Nr. 5/19 Aktuelles aus israelischen Tageszeitungen 1.-15. März Die Themen dieser Ausgabe 1. Versehentlicher Raketenangriff ...................................................................................................................................... 1 2. Israelische Parlamentswahlen ....................................................................................................................................... 3 3. Unruhen am Tempelberg ................................................................................................................................................. 6 4. Medienquerschnitt ........................................................................................................................................................... 8 1. Versehentlicher Raketenangriff heftigen Ausschreitungen bei Protesten in Gaza Israels Armee geht inzwischen davon aus, dass die gegen die hohen Lebenshaltungskosten und die zwei Raketen des Typs M-75 Fajr, eine Langstre- hohen Steuergelder, die die Hamas den Palästinen- ckenrakete aus iranischen Werkstätten, die Tel Aviv sern abverlangt. Demonstrant_innen steckten Auto- für einige Minuten den Atem anhalten ließen, unbe- reifen in Brand und blockierten Straßenkreuzungen. absichtigt abgefeuert wurden. Das Militär reagierte Die Sicherheitsbeamten der Hamas reagierten mit mit rund 100 Luftangriffen auf zumeist militärische harter Hand. Mehrere Menschen mussten mit Ver- Anlagen der Hamas. Vier Menschen trugen bei den letzungen ins Krankenhaus eingeliefert -
Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State .............................................................................................. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-13864-3 — the Israeli Settler Movement Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler , Cas Mudde Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-13864-3 — The Israeli Settler Movement Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler , Cas Mudde Index More Information Index 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the, 2 Ariel, Uri, 76, 116 1949 Armistice Agreements, the, 2 Arutz Sheva, 120–121, 154, 205 1956 Sinai campaign, the, 60 Ashkenazi, 42, 64, 200 1979 peace agreement, the, 57 Association for Retired People, 23 Australia, 138 Abrams, Eliott, 59 Aviner, Shlomo, 65, 115, 212 Academic Council for National, the. See Professors for a Strong Israel B’Sheva, 120 action B’Tselem, 36, 122 connective, 26 Barak, Ehud, 50–51, 95, 98, 147, 235 extreme, 16 Bar-Ilan University, 50, 187 radical, 16 Bar-Siman-Tov, Yaacov, 194, 216 tactical, 34 Bat Ayin Underground, the, 159 activism BDS. See Boycott, Divestment and moderate, 15–16 Sanctions transnational, 30–31 Begin, Manahem, 47, 48, 118–119, Adelson, Sheldon, 179, 190 157, 172 Airbnb, 136 Beit El, 105 Al Aqsa Mosque, the, 146 Beit HaArava, 45 Al-Aqsa Intifada. See the Second Intifada Beitar Illit, 67, 70, 99 Alfei Menashe, 100 Beitar Ironi Ariel, 170 Allon, Yigal, 45–46 Belafonte, Harry, 14 Alon Shvut, 88, 190 Ben Ari, Michael, 184 Aloni, Shulamit, 182 Bendaña, Alejandro, 24 Altshuler, Amos, 189 Ben-Gurion, David, 46 Amana, 76–77, 89, 113, 148, 153–154, 201 Ben-Gvir, Itamar, 184 American Friends of Ariel, 179–180 Benn, Menachem, 164 American Studies Association, 136 Bennett, Naftali, 76, 116, 140, 148, Amnesty International, 24 153, 190 Amona, 79, 83, 153, 157, 162, 250, Benvenisti, Meron, 1 251 Ben-Zimra, Gadi, 205 Amrousi, Emily, 67, 84 Ben-Zion, -
Elections Survey Press Release 2-19
For more information or interviews: Danae Marx, Director of International Communications +972-52-4334557 | [email protected] Pre-ELECTIONS SURVEY - PRESS RELEASE Exclusive Pre-Elections survey by the Guttman Center at the Israel Democracy Institute: Half of Israelis find it harder than in the past to decide whom to vote for; 25% base their choice on the party’s positions on socioeconomic issues and 18% on who heads the party; 27% do not trust the integrity of the Knesset elections March 5, 2019 – A special pre-election survey by the Guttman Center at the Israel Democracy Institute reveals that half of Israeli voters find it harder than in the past to decide whom to vote for, in particular among those who defined themselves as the center; 25% base their choice on socioeconomic issues; and 26% of Jewish Israelis and 34% of Arab Israelis do not trust the integrity of the Knesset elections. Main Findings: Elections - Undecided Votes: 50% of Israelis across the board are having a hard time deciding who to vote for because of the many changes to the political party map. Among Jewish voters the difficulty is especially pronounced with potential voters for center-right parties Kulanu (76%) and Gesher (headed by Orly Levy-Abekasis) (68%), and the far-right parties of Jewish Home (Bayit Yehudi) and the Jewish Power (Otzma Yehudit) (73%) running with them on a joint list. 45% of Arab voters also said that they were having greater difficulty deciding in this election than they have in the past. What are voters’ main considerations? 25% of Israelis said their vote would be decided by the parties' positions on socioeconomic issues and 18% of voters said they will decide according to who heads the party. -
JCRC Statement in Response to Potential Inclusion of Otzma Yehudit in Israeli Government
For Immediate Release Contact: Jeremy Russell February 25, 2019 Director of Marketing and Communications [email protected] JCRC Statement in Response to Potential Inclusion of Otzma Yehudit in Israeli Government San Francisco, CA – The Jewish Community Relations Council of San Francisco, the Peninsula, Marin, Sonoma, Alameda and Contra Costa Counties (JCRC) is deeply concerned about reports of an agreement between the Bayit Yehudi or “Jewish Home” and the Otzma Yehudit or “Jewish Power” parties to run on a joint list in the April Knesset (Israeli Parliament) elections. Otzma Yehudit is the ideological successor of the Kach party, which was founded by Meir Kahane, who espoused racist, extremist and violent views. Kach was designated a terrorist organization under Israeli, American and European law. Furthermore, it was banned from the Knesset for inciting violence, and ultimately outlawed from Israel altogether. Statements from party leaders and the party platform make it clear that Otzma Yehudit continues to hold these reprehensible views. Since 2007, the Bay Area Jewish community has been on record in support of “a two‐state solution to end the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, in which the parties peacefully coexist with fully normalized diplomatic relations, in mutual cooperation that promotes the economic development and social welfare of their respective citizens.” Furthermore, in 2018, at the culmination of a nine-month education and deliberation process that engaged the wide swath of the Jewish community, the JCRC Assembly – comprised of 80 community members representing the rich diversity of the Bay Area Jewish community – issued a consensus policy statement on the delegitimization of Israel. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
Israel and the Occupied Territories 2015 Human Rights Report
ISRAEL 2015 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Israel is a multiparty parliamentary democracy. Although it has no constitution, the parliament, the unicameral 120-member Knesset, has enacted a series of “Basic Laws” that enumerate fundamental rights. Certain fundamental laws, orders, and regulations legally depend on the existence of a “state of emergency,” which has been in effect since 1948. Under the Basic Laws, the Knesset has the power to dissolve the government and mandate elections. The nationwide Knesset elections in March, considered free and fair, resulted in a coalition government led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security services. (An annex to this report covers human rights in the occupied territories. This report deals with human rights in Israel and the Israeli- occupied Golan Heights.) During the year according to Israeli Security Agency (ISA, also known as Shabak) statistics, Palestinians committed 47 terror attacks (including stabbings, assaults, shootings, projectile and rocket attacks, and attacks by improvised explosive devices (IED) within the Green Line that led to the deaths of five Israelis and one Eritrean, and two stabbing terror attacks committed by Jewish Israelis within the Green Line and not including Jerusalem. According to the ISA, Hamas, Hezbollah, and other militant groups fired 22 rockets into Israel and in 11 other incidents either planted IEDs or carried out shooting or projectile attacks into Israel and the Golan Heights. Further -
Radicalization of the Settlers' Youth: Hebron As a Hub for Jewish Extremism
© 2014, Global Media Journal -- Canadian Edition Volume 7, Issue 1, pp. 69-85 ISSN: 1918-5901 (English) -- ISSN: 1918-591X (Français) Radicalization of the Settlers’ Youth: Hebron as a Hub for Jewish Extremism Geneviève Boucher Boudreau University of Ottawa, Canada Abstract: The city of Hebron has been a hub for radicalization and terrorism throughout the modern history of Israel. This paper examines the past trends of radicalization and terrorism in Hebron and explains why it is still a present and rising ideology within the Jewish communities and organization such as the Hilltop Youth movement. The research first presents the transmission of social memory through memorials and symbolism of the Hebron hills area and then presents the impact of Meir Kahana’s movement. As observed, Hebron slowly grew and spread its population and philosophy to the then new settlement of Kiryat Arba. An exceptionally strong ideology of an extreme form of Judaism grew out of those two small towns. As analyzed—based on an exhaustive ethnographic fieldwork and bibliographic research—this form of fundamentalism and national-religious point of view gave birth to a new uprising of violence and radicalism amongst the settler youth organizations such as the Hilltop Youth movement. Keywords: Judaism; Radicalization; Settlers; Terrorism; West Bank Geneviève Boucher Boudreau 70 Résumé: Dès le début de l’histoire moderne de l’État d’Israël, les villes d’Hébron et Kiryat Arba sont devenues une plaque tournante pour la radicalisation et le terrorisme en Cisjordanie. Cette recherche examine cette tendance, explique pourquoi elle est toujours d’actualité ainsi qu’à la hausse au sein de ces communautés juives. -
"The War of the Torah": the Israeli Religious Peace Movements' Struggle for Legitimation
"THE WAR OF THE TORAH": THE ISRAELI RELIGIOUS PEACE MOVEMENTS' STRUGGLE FOR LEGITIMATION Gerald Cromer Since the Six-Day War, religious Zionism has been increasing ly identified with the ideology of the Complete Land of Israel (Er etz Yisrael Hashlema). The maximalist stance on the territorial issue has become depoliticized and achieved a taken-for-granted status. The religious peace movements have interpreted privileged texts and politicized the annual cycle offestivals in an attempt to break this ideological hegemony and to show that their more dov ish stance is also grounded in an authentic reading of Jewish tra dition. However, they have failed to create the cultural resonance that is an essential prerequisite for success. The Long Journey to the Right With the signing of the armistice agreements in 1948, the question of Israel's boundaries disappeared from the public agen da. The right-wing Herut movement continued to dream and sing about "the two banks of the Jordan," but for all intents and pur poses the subject was no longer relevant. Only after the Six Day War, nearly twenty years later, did it become a live issue again. The debate as to whether the territories that came under Israeli jurisdiction had been liberated or occupied was not just a Jewish Political Studies Review 13:3-4 (Fall 2001) 159 This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.72.226 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 06:42:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 160 Gerald Cromer semantic one; it reflected the conflicting opinions about their fu ture and that of Israeli society as a whole. -
Israel 2019 International Religious Freedom Report
ISRAEL 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary This section covers Israel, including Jerusalem. In December 2017, the United States recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. It is the position of the United States that the specific boundaries of Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem are subject to final status negotiations between the parties. The Palestinian Authority (PA) exercises no authority over Jerusalem. In March 2019, the United States recognized Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights. A report on the West Bank and Gaza, including areas subject to the jurisdiction of the PA, is appended at the end of this report. The country’s laws and Supreme Court rulings protect the freedoms of conscience, faith, religion, and worship, regardless of an individual’s religious affiliation, and the 1992 “Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty” protects additional individual rights. In 2018, the Knesset passed the “Basic Law: Israel – The Nation State of the Jewish People.” According to the government, that “law determines, among other things, that the Land of Israel is the historical homeland of the Jewish people; the State of Israel is the nation state of the Jewish People, in which it realizes its natural, cultural, religious and historical right to self-determination; and exercising the right to national self-determination in the State of Israel is unique to the Jewish People.” The government continued to allow controlled access to religious sites, including the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif (the site containing the foundation of the first and second Jewish temple and the Dome of the Rock and al-Aqsa Mosque). -
Playing the Security Card: Israeli Policy in Hebron As Means To
Playing the Security Card Israeli Policy in Hebron as a Means to Effect Forcible Transfer of Local Palestinians -1- Playing the Security Card Israeli Policy in Hebron as a Means to Effect Forcible Transfer of Local Palestinians September 2019 Research: Adam Aloni, Eyal Hareuveni Writing: Eyal Hareuveni Fieldwork: Musa Abu Hashhash, Manal al–Ja’bri Data coordination: Marwa Ghannam Map: Asaf Volanski Translation: Michelle Bubis Editing: Maya Johnston Cover photo: Shoter Checkpoint, Eyal Hareuveni, 1 May 2019 Einhar Design ISBN 978-965-7613-37-5 B'Tselem thanks Nadav Weiman, Ron Zaidel and Yehuda Shaul of Breaking the Silence, Hagit Ofran of Peace Now, Att. Roni Pelli of ACRI and Yonatan Mizrahi of Emek Shaveh for their help in preparing the report. This publication was produced with the financial support of the European Union. Its contents are the sole responsibility of B’Tselem and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union. In compliance with the law passed by the Israeli Knesset that seeks to equate the receipt of foreign funding with disloyalty, please note that 52% of B’Tselem’s funding in 2018 was received from foreign state entities. They are listed on the website of the Israeli Registrar of Associations (and elsewhere). In any case, B’Tselem remains steadfastly loyal – to human rights, freedom, democracy, and to an end to the occupation. Table of Contents Introduction 5 Chapter 1: Israeli settlement in Hebron and plans to expand it 8 Chapter 2: The separation regime in Area H2 13 Chapter 3: Routine of violence 19 Chapter 4: Forcible transfer of Palestinians from H2 22 Chapter 5: Daily life – testimonies of past and present residents of H2 25 Conclusions 32 Introduction The Israeli settlement in Hebron was established once the cultural and commercial hub of the entire in the heart of a bustling city that used to be the southern West Bank, are now a ghost town. -
David Abrams, Attorney at Law August 21, 2019 To
David Abrams, Attorney at Law P.O. Box 3353 Church Street Station, New York NY 10008 Tel. 212-897-5821 Fax 212-897-5811 August 21, 2019 To: Internal Revenue Service (by FedEx) Whistleblower Office - ICE 1973 N. Rulon White Blvd. M/S 4110 Ogden, UT 84404 Re: Whistleblower Complaint Against New Israel Fund Dear Sir / Madam: I am the whistleblower in connection with the above-referenced Complaint. Enclosed please find a completed IRS Form 211.. Further, I am respectfully submitting this memorandum to elaborate on the factual and legal aspects of the enclosed IRS whistleblower complaint. In addition, I am enclosing a CD which contains the full, unannotated versions of the documents attached as Exhibits hereto. 1. Who is New Israel Fund? New Israel Fund (“NIF”) is a District of Columbia non-profit 501(c)(3) corporation with its principal place of business in the State of New York, county of New York. NIF financially supports many companies that work to undermine the state of Israel. As set forth in more detail below, NIF has crossed the line from permissible advocacy to unlawful "electioneering." Put another way, NIF is violating the tax codes by attempting to influence the outcome of elections. As stated on its own web site, NIF works on its “concerted campaign to equip Israel’s pro-democracy and progressive forces with the tools to fight Israel’s regressive right-and win.” As set forth in more detail below, NIF's activities are flagrant and unlawful electioneering in violation of the tax code. 2. Who is the Whistleblower? I am a New York attorney and political activist who regularly engages in pro- Israel litigation in state and federal Court.