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Learning minority status: A qualitative study of the educational experiences of Indonesian-Dutch people

Annink, Carol Francis, Ph.D.

The Ohio State University, 1993

UMI 300 N. Zeeb Rd. Ann Arbor, M I 48106

LEARNING MINORITY STATUS: A QUALITATIVE STUDY OF THE EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES OF

INDONESIAN-DUTCH PEOPLE

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of the Ohio State University

By

Carol F. Annink, B.A., Drs., M.A.

*****

The Ohio State University

1993

Dissertation Committee: Approved by Robert F. Lawson

Beverly M. Gordon Advisor M. Eugene Gilliom College of Education Douglas H. Macbeth Copyright by

Carol F. Annink 1993 To my Grandmothers Cornelia Frederica Annink-Cortenbach Jantje De Groen-Bos * To my Mother Veronica Girbe Jannie Annink-De Groen * To my Sisters Veronica L. Annink, M. Helen Annink, and Linda Th. Annink

11 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am grateful to ray Indonesian-Dutch respondents in the United

States, the Netherlands, and Indonesia, including Dr. Kay Ikranegara. Without their cooperation this study would not have been possible. I also thank them for their friendship and for making me feel welcome in their

homes. I express my sincere appreciation to my advisor. Dr. Robert F. Lawson, who has been a true mentor fo r his support and guidance especially during the research and the w riting of this dissertation, fo r always being

available when needed, and for his efforts in introducing me to the people

and the culture of American Academia. I want to thank Dr. M. Eugene

Gilliom fo r his guidance, confidence, and in te g rity throughout my doctoral

studies. Dr. Beverly M. Gordon I thank fo r the extraordinary role she in itia lly played in my doctoral studies due to her interest and solidarity with "other" peoples o f color. Thanks also go to Dr. Doug Macbeth for his generosity in terms of time spent guiding me and his contribution to my

development in the fields of cultural anthropology and qualitative

research. I am also grateful to Dr. Gail McCutcheon and Dr. Merry

Merryfield who supported me with th e ir advice, enthusiasm and confidence.

I give special thanks to my husband Timothy Scott Lehman fo r his

love, respect and pride in my achievements, and to my dear family in the

Netherlands, for th e ir unconditional love radiating across the A tlantic.

i i i VITA

February 28, 1962 ...... Born- Amsterdam, the Netherlands

1985...... Bachelor’ s degree Pedagogical Sciences University of Amsterdam Amsterdam, the Netherlands

1988...... Master’ s degree (Drs.) Pedagogical Sciences University of Amsterdam Amsterdam, the Netherlands 1988-198 9...... Curriculum developer & Educational researcher * University of Amsterdam * Central Netherlands Polytech Inst * Ntl Assn Residential Comm Colleges The Netherlands 1989-present ...... Graduate Research & Administrative Associate, Black Studies & College of Education, The Ohio State University

1990...... Master’ s degree Black Studies The Ohio State University

IV PUBLICATIONS

Rijkschroeff, Boudewijn & Annink, Carol. The Indonesian-Dutch immigrants in the United States of America: A forgotten group? Manuscript submitted fo r publication. Gilliom , M. E., & Annink, Carol F. (1993). Study tours under the microscope: What impact do they re a lly have? Phi Delta Kappan Newsletter. The Ohio State University Chapter, 24(2). Annink, Carol F. (1989). Verslaa van het project: Jonae Miaranten op de Werkolek [Report of project: Young Migrants in the Work Place], Vereniging van Volkshogescholen en Vormingscentra, [Association of Residential Community Colleges], Driebergen, The Netherlands. Annink, Carol F., & Batelaan, Pieter. (1989). Report on the 5th annual conference of the International Association fo r Intercultural Education: "Culture in Transition", (held in Berlin 1988), Council of Europe, Strassbourg, France. Projektgroep Interkultureel Onderwijs. (1989). Verslaa van het Interkultureel Onderwi.is Proiekt. [Report on Intercultural Education Project], Stichting Leraren Opleidingen, (Institute for Teacher Training), Hogeschool Midden Nederland, Utrecht, The Netherlands. Annink, Carol F. (1988). Assim ilatie-, in te rku ltu re e l-, of anti- racisitisch Onderwijs?, [Assimilation, intercultural, or anti-racist education?]. Samenwi.is. Summer 1988. Annink, Carol F. (1987). Assimilatie-. interkultureel-. of anti-racistisch onderwi.is? [Assimilation, in te rcu ltu ra l, or a n ti-ra c is t education?] unpublished Master’ s thesis. University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands.

Ledoux, Guuske, Kabdan, Rafet, & Annink, Carol. (1986). Van school naar werk. [From School to Work], Stichting Centrum voor Onderwijs- onderzoek, (Center for Educational Research), U niversiteit van Amsterdam, Amsterdam, the Netherlands.

FIELD OF STUDY Major fie ld : Education Humanistic foundations Comparative m ulticultural education

Minor fie ld s : Curriculum studies - Dr. Beverly M. Gordon Global education - Dr. M. Eugene Gilliom Qualitative Research - Dr. Douglas H. Macbeth TABLE OF CONTENTS

DEDICATION ...... ü

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT...... i ü VITA ...... iv CHAPTER PAGE

I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Background of the Study ...... I Statement of the Problem ...... 5 Methodology ...... 6 Site Selection ...... 8 Definition of Terms...... 8 Significance of the Study ...... 12 Limitations of the Study ... 13 Overview of the Chapters ...... 16

I I . REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ...... 18

Introduction and Overview Chapter ...... 18 The Indonesian-Dutch Group ...... 20 The Emergence of a New Biracial Group ...... 20 Indonesian-Dutch Integration ...... 23 Indonesian-Dutch Ethnic R evitalization ...... 26 Ethnicity and Ethnic Identity ...... 27 The Subjective and Objective Dimensions ...... 28 Ethnic Hierarchy and Ethclass ...... 32 Measuring Ethnic Identity ...... 34 Indo-Dutch Ethnic Identity, Culture and Assimilation ...... 38 Marginal i t y ...... 41 The Emergence of M ulticultural Education ...... 47 Postcolonialism ...... 47 The United States ...... 48 Defining M ulticultural Education ...... 49 Cultural Models and Schooling ...... 61 A Framework fo r Analysis ...... 65

VI I I I . METHODOLOGY AND RESEARCH DESIGN ...... 67 Introduction ...... 67 The Paradigms ...... 68 The Paradigms in Social Science; An Overview . . . 68 P o sitivist versus Post-Kuhnian and Post-Colonial Research ...... 69 The Paradigms in the Social Science: Author's Position ...... 73 Research Questions ...... 77 Pilot Study ...... 77 Research Design ...... 79 Ethnography and Life H is t o r y ...... 79 Population and Sampling ...... 81 Research Methods and Techniques ...... 84 Contextual Variations ...... 84 The Qualitative Interview ...... 85 The Interview in this Research...... 87 Observation ...... 90 Documents...... 92 A n a ly s is ...... 93 Analysis during Data Collection ...... 93 Analysis a fte r Data Collection ...... 94 Constructed Life Histories ...... 97 Quality and Credibility ...... 99 Concluding Statement ...... 104

IV. LIFE HISTORIES...... 106 Introduction ...... 106

MAUDY MOLTZER...... 110 WIM HERNIE...... 118 JANNIE 8 0 S ...... 126 LIENE DELANOOY...... 133 VINCENT PARDEDE ...... 142 SKRYLER KOERS-PHILLIPS ...... 150

V. LEARNING CULTURE IN SCHOOL ...... 157

Introduction ...... 157 Denomination of Attended Schools ...... 158 First-Generation Experiences ...... 161 Colonial Education ...... 161 T eachers...... 163 Transitions ...... 165

vn Second-Generation ...... 170 Indonesia ...... 171 Netherlands ...... 177 The United States ...... 180 Home-School Discontinuities...... 183 Concluding Observations ...... 185

VI. LEARNING CULTURE AT HOME...... 191

Introduction ...... 191 Culture in Indonesian Homes ...... 192 The Physical Setting ...... 192 The Transmitted Values ...... 193 Culture in Dutch Homes ...... 202 Culture in American Homes ...... 214 Concluding Observations ...... 226

V II. ETHNIC IDENTITY...... 231

Introduction ...... 231 Indo Identity in In d o n e s ia ...... 232 Ethnic Pride ...... 232 G ro w th...... 234 Discrimination ...... 236 Choice of Partners and Friends ...... 237 Back to Roots ...... 239 The Indo Identity in the Netherlands...... 239 The Indo Identity in the United States ...... 248 Concluding Observations ...... 256

V III. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS ...... 263

Introduction ...... 263 Summary ...... 264 Literature review...... 264 The Research Questions ...... 267 The Methods ...... 269 The Findings ...... 271 Conclusions and Implications ...... 275 Further Research ...... 282 Concluding Statement ...... 283

APENDICES...... 285

A. QUESTION TOPICS...... 285 B. INSTRUCTIONS...... 287 C. CONSENT FORM...... 289 D. MEMBER CHECK (ENGLISH) ...... 291 E. LIFE HISTORIES...... 294

REFERENCES...... 372 v iii CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Background of the Study Although there has been a growing acceptance during the last 20 years of the necessity of a more democratic curriculum that acknowledges multicultural ism in pluralistic societies like the United States, the unequal outcomes of education seem to be sim ilar to those a century ago. Suarez-Orozco (1991) points out that as long as a century ago, scholars showed preoccupation with v a ria b ility in m inority school performance in the United States. Explanations for fa ilu re of ethnic groups in school and society have been sought in d e fic its w ithin the ethnic groups, genetically, culturally, and linguistically. For instance, in the 1954

Brown v. Board of Education decision on school desegregation in the United States, poor ethnic identity of African American children was indicated as one cause of low academic achievement.

More recent studies however, predominantly evolving from the Civil Rights Movement and following Ethnic Revitalization Movements in the 1960s and 1970s, have attempted to identify factors in educational institu tio n s that may cause m inority youth to fa il (e.g. Banks, 1989; Gordon, 1964; Hale-Benson, 1982; Ogbu, 1978; Spencer, 1986; Jones, 1989). Many scholars have concluded that curriculum, instruction, school-organization, assessment, and social interaction in American schools 2 re fle c t the dominant Anglo, (upper) middle-class culture, and that this cultural bias is of influence on minority academic performance. Minority leaders have demanded inclusion of m inority culture in the classroom. Pressured to meet some of the C ivil Rights Movements’ demands, yet without threatening the status-quo, educators’ implementation of multicultural ism often did not take place in ways the minority leaders believed necessary

(Banks, 1986). Schooling in Western multicultural societies not only interferes with academic development, i t also s t i l l hinders most students in the development of th e ir ethnic id e n tity. Spencer (1985) discusses the damage a monoculture! curriculum may do to the identity development of students of color. Estrada and MacLaren (1993) and Nieto (1992) address its miseducation of the students of the dominant group as well.

Not only characteristic to the American society, it appears to be a global phenomenon that students of color in multicultural societies do not achieve at the same level as th e ir counterparts belonging to the dominant group. In Western m ulticultural societies m inority youth are over­ represented in the lower types and tracks of secondary education (Gibbs,

1989; Banks & Lynch, 1986). In addition, most m inority youth are over­ represented in s ta tis tic s on drop-outs (Edelman, 1985; Fine, 1991; Gibbs,

1989; Banks & Lynch, 1986). These factors, and others, result in a disproportionate level of unemployment among youth of color (Edelman,

1985; Banks & Lynch, 1986, Ease & Van den Berg, 1985).

Educational institutions s till neglect to offer equal educational opportunities and equal educational outcomes to students with minority status and students of the dominant group. Social s tra tific a tio n generates 3 in stitu tio n s consolidating standards of the dominant group (Glazer & Moynihan, 1975). As a major in s titu tio n , school re fle cts these dominant group standards, thus positioning students of color in a disadvantaged situation. Most students in present day schools are s t i l l experiencing

Eurocentric education. In the United States, in the last three decades, a growing body of research has focussed on the relationship between m inority students and formal education. Unfortunately, th is research concerns its e lf mostly with the larger minority groups. Most research has been conducted on the African American experience, with some studies of the Hispanic and Native

American experience. Largely unexamined are the (educational) experiences of smaller groups with minority status, for instance, the wide variety of

Asian American groups.

Available research on the African, Hispanic and Native American experiences are helpful in assessing the experiences of other groups with m inority status, for a ll these groups share the experience o f oppression by the dominant group. Yet, the experiences d iffe r in many areas as well, due to different history and culture. For instance, in comparison with African, Hispanic and Native Americans, the conglomeration of Asian

Americans as a whole, is re la tive ly successful in climbing the American societal ladder. Therefore, they are presented as "the" ideal minority

(Magner, 1993).

In order to get a more complete picture of the American pluralistic society, i t appears important to stimulate research on the experiences of a ll groups with minority status, even the ones that appear to have no problems with assimilating and integrating into the American society. In 4 developing such a complete picture of the American pluralistic society and its in s titu tio n s , i t might also be valuable to conduct comparative educational studies of the United States and other multicultural countries. Suarez-Orozco (1991) emphasizes that comparative m ulticultural education studies "deserve our attention as the prospects of comparisons with U.S. research become increasingly promising fo r theory building and model testing" (p. 100). Similarly, Lawson (1988) states that "an internal critique only makes sense against a range of culturally or economically similar alternatives" (p. vii).

Unfortunately, most research on educational provisions reflecting the p lu ra lis tic society have focussed on the situation w ithin the United

States only. Thus, the literature on multicultural education shows a gap in terms of comparative studies. On the other hand, comparative educational scholars, those scholars who do focus on comparisons between for instance the United States and other countries, have omitted discussion and comparison of the situation of minority students (Shorish & W irt, 1993). One reason for scarcity in comparative m ulticultural educational research might lie in the problematic character of comparing multicultural

societies, each with their own particular history of cross-cultural

encounters, and each with their own particular ethnic groups. Suarez-

Orozco emphasizes the necessity to "firs t establish equivalent units of

comparison" (1991:106). I t would be in the interest of the development of m ulticultural education to conduct such a comparison, however tentative

its conclusions may be. 5

One way to avoid the dangers of comparing apples and oranges is to compare countries that have the same ethnic minority group(s) living w ithin th e ir boundaries. One could think of the study of the educational experiences of Turkish students in Great B rita in , the Netherlands and Germany, of the children of Kurdish and Vietnamese refugees in American,

German, and Dutch schools, of Chinese students in Indonesia, the Netherlands, and the United States, etc. The group I study in this

research is a minority group residing in at least three different

multicultural societies. Comparative study of multicultural education policy and practice is

developing a tradition in the European Community. Initiatives taken by the

Council of Europe (Banks & Lynch, 1986) might preferably be followed in a world-wide setting, since exchange of experiences in multicultural

education could benefit all pluralistic societies.

Statement of the Problem

In a time when the pressure for equal rights for minorities is a

dominant p o litic a l issue, and when the importance of m ulticultural

education is emphasized, what can one learn from the experiences o f a

minority that went to school in a period when this was not considered to

be an urgent matter by educators? What were the classroom experiences of

students from a biracial minority in the 1960s and 1970s? How did these experiences f it into the context of their everyday lives, match with what

they learned at home? What aspects of curriculum and instruction in

compulsory education influenced, either in a positive or in a negative

way, the ethnic identity development of the ethnic group under study? 6

In this study I explore the relationship between education at home and in school and the development of ethnic identity as experienced by a biracial m inority, the Indonesian-Dutch. Because the ethnic group under study has its origin in the Dutch East-Indian colonial society, an historical perspective is necessary. One way I chose to include such an historical perspective is to compare and contrast the experiences of two generations. Because the ethnic group studied settled in three different countries, the Netherlands, the United States, and Indonesia, I also thought i t necessary to compare and contrast the experiences of the same ethnic group in these three settings. The biracial group of Indonesian-Dutch, is a m inority group in the

United States, in the Netherlands, and in Indonesia. They constitute a relatively unknown group, are relatively small in size, and relatively unorganized as a community. For this study I decided to address the following questions. (1) How do f ir s t and second generation Indonesian-Dutch respondents, in

the Netherlands, Indonesia, and the United States, describe their

educational experiences at home and in school?

(2) How do the respondents describe th e ir ethnic identity? (3) What is their perception of the influence of minority education on

the development of ethnic identity? (4) What are the similarities and differences within this group of

respondents, across the two generations and the three countries of

residence? 7

(5) What does this case reveal for educational policy in multicultural

studies?

Methodology This study uses qualitative inquiry. I believe that reality is socially constructed, and thus that there are multiple realities in the social world. In addition, I believe that there are dominant constructions of reality and that this promotes inequity in some situations. Since re a lity is constructed, knowledge of the world must be attained through the process of interpretation. Consequently, the methodology of th is study may be characterized as postpositivist or qualitative. Because the nature and purpose of this study and its assumptions about re a lity and the nature of knowledge, purposeful sampling, using the "snowball sampling" technique appeared appropriate. Patton (1990) identifies this strategy as a way to locate information-rich key informants with the help of already contacted informants. The population under investigation is the group of people of combined Indonesian and Dutch ancestry, as evolved in the Dutch East- Indian colonial society. This group can mostly be found in the

Netherlands, Indonesia, and in the United States. In th is study I investigate the experiences of two generations of Indo-Dutch as well as the Indo-Dutch experiences in the three mentioned settings. Based on the tra d itio n in ethnography, the data are collected through a combination o f interviews, observations, and document analysis. The observation is of the participant-observation type. The interviews are in-depth interviews, using an interview guide and unique follow-up 8 questions. The document analysis consists of photographs and personal le tte rs . The above described triangulation of the three methods of data collection aimed at contributing to validity and reliability of the data (Patton, 1990, Lather, 1986b). Personal contact with respondents was valued throughout the study. Using a member-check conducted at the end of the data analysis phase, I also aspired to contribute to validity (Lather,

1986b).

Site Selection The selection of respondents determined the site selection. The data fo r th is study were collected in the homes of the Indonesian-Dutch respondents. By interviewing and observing the respondents in th e ir own environment, 1 strived toward minimizing research manipulation, which is a major characteristic of qualitative research (Patton, 1990; Bogdan &

Biklen, 1992). The homes of the respondents are located in urban areas of the Netherlands, the United States, and in Indonesia.

Definition of Terms For the purposes of this study, the following definitions of key terms apply.

Ethnicity. Ethnicity refers to the objective condition of ancestry other than the ancestry of the dominant group in society. I t alludes to the situation a person is born into. Ethnicity may be reflected in all, or a combination of the following elements: (I) a person's distinctive physical characteristics, like features and skin color; (2) the distinctive 9

(recent) history of the group the person is born into; (3) distinctive culture and tradition as determined by the person's primary care-takers, lik e values and foods; and (4) a d istin ctive language as determinded by the person’s primary care-takers. Ethnicity is transgenerational if the ethnic group has an endogamous marital practice; e th n icity of descendants changes with partner choice outside the ethnic group.

Ethnic Identity. Ethnic identity is a group identity based on ethnicity.

It is the outcome of an individual’s choice with regard to her cultural identification. The concept owns a subjective character since it refers to a sense of belonging. Ethnic identity is voluntary in that each individual

(consciously or unconsciously) decides on the degree of ethnic identity she is comfortable with. Ethnic identity is not a concrete phenomenon, but a matter of degree. A high degree of ethnic identity reflects strong affiliation with the ethnic group one is by birth a member of. A low degree of ethnic identity reflects little affiliation with the ethnic group one is by birth a member of (instead one might identify with the dominant group or with another ethnic group in society).

Ethnic identity is a dynamic concept fo r, depending on experiences, it may change during a person’s life-tim e. It is also dynamic in that the importance of i t changes per situation. Ethnic id e n tity is a complex concept; it entails numerous tra its all of which are dynamic in character.

Despite the complex character of ethnic identity, in this study, cultural awareness and ethnic loyalty are identified as key elements. The concept of ethnic identity is related to the concept of ethnicity (the basis) and 10

assimilation (the context). Ethnic identity is a product of an interplay of sociological and psychological phenomena.

Indonesian-Dutch. Indonesian-Dutch are those people who have combined Indonesian and Dutch ancestry. They are descendants of children born out of relationships between (predominantly) white Dutch men and native Indonesian women, as existed in the colonial society of the Dutch East-

Indies, roughly between 1600 and 1950. The Dutch term used fo r these people is Indische Nederlanders. more precisely translated as (East-)

Indies-Dutch. I realize that the term Indonesian-Dutch may be disputed because o ffic ia lly , Indonesia (and thus Indonesians) came into existence only with the Dutch recognition of the nationalist proclaimed independence, in 1949, long after the Indonesian-Dutch community was established. Yet, nationalists referred to the Dutch East-Indies as Indonesia, starting in the early 1900s. For pragmatic reasons (since American readers are not expected to know what is meant by (East-)Indies Dutch), I use the term

Indonesian-Dutch. I also understand that the term might be disputed because many

Indonesian-Dutch might not have Dutch nationality any longer. Especially the respondents liv in g in the United States and Indonesia have changed th e ir Dutch nationality for American or Indonesian citizenship. In th is te xt, Indonesian-Dutch might be abbreviated to Indo-Dutch or ju st Indo. For the Dutch-speaking readers i t should be made clear that in my usage, the term Indo is not intended to have a derogatory meaning. As 11 fo r many second-generation Indonesian-Dutch (in the Netherlands), in this study the term Indo is reclaimed with an oppositional meaning.

First-/second-generation Indonesian-Dutch. In this study, the "first" generation Indo-Dutch, refers to the generation born and raised (u ntil their adolescence/young adulthood) in the Dutch East-Indian colonial society. Their ages range from approximately 50 to approximately 70 years. The "second" generation of Indo-Dutch refers to the generation born out of the first, and thus born after decolonization. Their ages range from approximately 25 to 35 years.

Ethnic (minority) group (with minority status). When in this study reference is made to ethnic group, (ethnic) minority group, and ethnic group with minority status (terms that are used interchangeably), I suggest the following. The terms indicate those groups of people who are of a race and/or have a history and culture that are significantly d iffe re n t from the dominant group: the Anglo-American upper middle class. Using existing power relations in society, these differences in race, culture and history have been applied as a basis for relegating subordinate status. The term m inority is used more in terms o f status than to indicate a position in terms of numbers. In the United States as a whole, ethnic groups constitute a numerical m inority, but this is not necessarily so in specific places. In (most) places where the minority has become the majority in numbers, their minority status has continued. 12

People o f color. The term people of color is used interchangeably with ethnic minority group, group with minority status, etc. Yet, I prefer this term fo r its distinction between mere ethnic groups (Anglo Americans and other North European Americans are members of an ethnic group as well) and racia l/eth n ic groups who have been assigned subordinate status (by the ethnic group in power). Yet, the term people of color appears to be applicable in Western countries only. Although in Western countries skin color is (in most cases) an indication of societal status, this is not (always) the case fo r non-Western societies. I t appears awkward to speak of Indonesian-Dutch in Indonesia as people of color, referring to th e ir subordinate status, for their skin color is fairer than that of the dominant group.

Dominant group. In th is study I use the term dominant group in two ways. F irst, i t is used to address the most powerful groups in society, the elite, controlling the standards and rules of society and its in s titu tio n s . The dominant group is comprised of upper class individuals of the one racial/ethnic group that has historically enforced superior status. Secondly, the term dominant group is used fo r those individuals who might not be in as powerful a position as their upper class counterparts, but who enjoy the privileges of being of the same or similar racial/ethnic groups. They constitute the reference group of the people in power, and as such, have the opportunity to see th e ir culture and history presented in societal in s titu tio n s . 13

Significance of the Study

The United States, the Netherlands, and Indonesia have in common that justice for all is one of basic foundations of society. Education plays a major role in establishing this justice for all in its function to develop c r itic a l, informed, and empowered citizens. There is a growing awareness that one of the ways to contribute to the endeavor to reach justice for all is to provide all children and youths with the opportunity to develop as c ritic a l, informed, and empowered citize n s, as measured in an equal outcome of these kind of citizens after attending school.

Proponents of true multicultural education claim they provide just that to all students.

Ethnic Studies constitutes one approach to multicultural education.

Through Ethnic Studies students learn about the experiences of different ethnic groups (predominantly with minority status). Because this study describes the experiences of the Indonesian-Dutch group, a group with minority status, it contributes to knowledge of the pluralistic society.

As such, its specific and transferable findings may further multicultural education in that i t demonstrates the obstacles and benefits of education, as experienced by Indonesian-Dutch. In this study I endeavor to contribute to bridging earlier identified gaps in knowledge in multicultural studies, by describing the d ive rsity in minority experience and addressing m ulticultural education from a global/comparative perspective. The description o f the Indonesian- Dutch experience advances knowledge of the smaller groups with minority status in American society. The Indo-Dutch case illu s tra te s growing global and intercultural interconnectedness; not only do I describe a group with 14

two cultures, I describe a group located In three different multicultural

settings. The intergenerational aspect o f the study w ill further a historical

perspective of cultural awareness and its relation to education. Keefe and

Padilla (1987) maintain that even though knowledge of the language of Chicano ancestors and knowledge o f geography and history o f the country of origin diminishes starting with the second generation of Chicano

migrants, group loyalty (i.e . id e n tific a tio n with one’ s ethnic group)

remains in ta ct.

Limitations of the Study Due to the specific goals of this study and its research design characteristics, the study’ s findings are necessarily confined to the participating respondents and my specific approach as a researcher. In this section, I describe some of the limitations of this study, based on this realization.

Generalizability/extrapolation. As mentioned before, this study is qualitative inquiry. I t does not strive toward p o s itiv is t research concepts as generalizability, and thus cannot be judged as such. For reasons discussed elsewhere, the sample size of this study is small and the selection of respondents was purposeful. The search for information-rich cases resulted in a respondent group that is particularly articulate and involved in documenting Indonesian-

Dutch experiences. Also, the respondents in Indonesia are successful individuals, in terms of education, occupation, wealth, and status. This 15

should be especially mentioned because in the little (unscientific) reference to Indonesian-Dutch who chose to stay in Indonesia, they are portrayed as living in poverty, as opposed to the Indonesian-Dutch in the

Netherlands. Lastly, th is study does not include experiences of Indonesian-Dutch liv in g in other parts of the world, lik e in Canada,

Australia, or Latin America. Consequently, th is study’ s findings may not be representative of a ll Indonesian-Dutch individuals, nor of a ll ethnic groups with minority status. Yet, in qualitative inquiry more modest speculations on the applicability of a study’s findings to other situations under similar, but not identical, conditions should be able to be made (Patton, 1990), which is done in Chapter V III.

Time. In this study, I asked the respondents to discuss th e ir past experiences, in terms of education at home and in school. Asking respondents about th e ir past educational experiences meant asking them to think back some forty to sixty years for the first-generation, and some twenty to th irty years fo r the second-generation. The lim ita tio n of memory, and thus the "d istortio n " of the experience as perceived at the time o f education, during childhood and adolescence, might be considered a shortcoming of this study. The aim of this study, however, is not to revoke a "perfect" memory o f a ll details of experienced education. Instead, I aspire to obtain a holistic picture of two generations looking back on th e ir educational experiences in th e ir particular context of time and place. 16

C atalytic v a lid ity . The immediate emancipatory value of th is study goes only as far as its possible consciousness raising occurring during interviews and informal meetings, and its documenting of the Indonesian- Dutch experiences, investigating their minority status.

What is not studied. (1) This study is not an historical study, in spite of its reference to different periods in history. I do not deal with the different periods in history as historical phenomena, but as experiential phenomena. (2) This study does not have as its focus (the construction of meaning in) the interaction between researcher and researched. Although it is acknowledged as an important research angle, and as such kept in mind for further research, this study’ s purpose was to present the outcomes of that interaction.

Overview of Chapters

In Chapter I, I give an overview of the background of th is study of

Indonesian-Dutch educational experiences. Gaps in literature on schooling and minority status are described, the research questions leading this study are given, and the study’s significance is discussed. I briefly describe the research design and methodology chosen fo r th is study, work definitions of terms used in this study are provided, and the limitations of this study are indicated.

In Chapter II, I provide an interdisciplinary literature overview, while discussing issues relevant fo r understanding the Indonesian-Dutch educational experiences. A historical overview of the Dutch East-Indian colonial society and the emergence and developments of the Indonesian- 17

Dutch community is given. Assimilation, culture and identity as general concepts are discussed, as well as marginality of biracial and bicultural people. Lastly, I address issues related to learning minority status at home and in school.

In Chapter III, I discuss the paradigms in social research, and the description of my position in the presence of these different paradigms is given. Further, the research questions are stated, and the research design and techniques used in th is study: sampling, data collection (through participant observation, interviews and documents), recording of data, and analysis are presented and discussed. In Chapters IV, V, VI and VII present the research findings. In

Chapter IV part of the findings are presented in six lif e histories.

Chapter V describes learning minority status in school. Chapter VI addresses learning minority status at home. And Chapter VII discusses the respondents' ethnic identity development. Using thick description.

Chapters V, VI, and VII give my interpretation of research findings. At the end of each of these chapters the interpretation of the research findings are discussed.

In Chapter V III, I summarize the study, draw conclusions about

Indonesian-Dutch educational experiences at home and in school and

Indonesian-Dutch ethnic id e n tity , and discuss its implications. CHAPTER I I REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Introduction and Overview Chapter The review of literature for this study of the educational experiences of Indonesian-Dutch w ill of necessity be an overview of separate bodies of related lite ra tu re . To my knowledge, there is no existing literature that connects the educational experiences of the ethnic group under study to developments in a pluralistic society, be it at the collective level (cultural studies) or at the individual level

(studies of ethnic id e n tity ). Consequently, theoretical perspectives informing th is study had to evolve from an in terdisciplinary study of history, anthropology, social psychology, sociology, and education.

Literature on the experience of Indonesian-Dutch is predominantly historical, describing the colonial society, the emergence of the group under study, and th e ir immigration and assimilation. Although an historical perspective is always important, too little research is done on more current experiences of the Indonesian-Dutch, Only recently some lite ra tu re has become available on present circumstances of (new generations of) Indonesian-Dutch. These works are mostly unpublished

(theses), forthcoming from graduate work in Dutch universities.

18 American literature on minority education and multicultural education prim arily focuses on the experiences of the larger ethnic groups in a minority position. Dutch literature on this topic shows a lack of attention to Indonesian-Dutch students, based on the premise that a ll

Indo-Dutch are completely assimilated in Dutch society and thus not in a minority position. Studies evolving out of sociology, anthropology and social psychology on the general characteristics of the processes of assimilation and cultural and ethnic identity development are useful in the interpretation of educational and social integration experiences of ethnic groups in minority positions. As such, these studies may contribute to knowledge of the Indonesian-Dutch experience, especially when used in combination with the little literature that is available on Indonesian- Dutch assimilation, culture and ethnic identity.

This chapter has three sections. In order to give the reader an understanding of the ethnic group central in th is study, I begin th is chapter with an historical description of the emergence of the Indo-Dutch group, some of the aspects of their life in the colonial society of the Dutch East-Indies, and th e ir circumstances a fte r Indonesia’ s independence was recognized by the Dutch in 1949. In a next section, issues related to e th n icity and ethnic id e n tity are discussed, as presented in studies generalizing the experiences of ethnic groups in m inority positions, as well as presented in studies on the Indonesian-Dutch experience. In the

19 20 last section of this chapter I discuss issues related to schooling and minority status.

The Indonesian-Dutch Group

The Emergence of a New Biracial Group From the beginning of the 1600s, when the Dutch firs t set foot on what only some years la te r would become th e ir colony the Dutch East-

Indies, a new ethnic group emerged from miscegenation between Dutch men and native Indonesian women —the Indonesian-Dutch. At f ir s t , interracial marriages in the Dutch colony were prohibited by the colonial government, and until the second half of the I9th century the children born out of these relationships were considered outcasts of the colonial society (De

Jong, 1984). The majority of this biracial group did not receive any education, were excluded from governmental jobs, and were publicly ridiculed. In the second half of the I9th century, several changes in colonial le g isla tio n were made which improved the socio-economic situation of the

Indo-Dutch, and transformed the Indo-Dutch into a re la tiv e ly privileged group in the Dutch East-Indian society. In 1867, it became possible for the Dutch to acknowledge their children from relationships with native women. A ll acknowledged Indo-Dutch became Dutch nationals in 1892. In 1898 it was decided that native women officially married to Dutch men could obtain Dutch citizenship as w ell. Although these marriages became legal, they involved such complicated, bureaucratic procedures and high costs that only few Dutch men opted for i t . In the 20th century the number of 21 inte rra cia l marriages grew, but cohabitation out of wedlock continued to dominate these interracial relationships (Rijkschroeff, 1989). The Dutch East-Indian colonial government o ffic ia lly distinguished three groups in its population: the natives, Europeans (mostly Dutch), and Orientals (Chinese and Arabs). As mentioned above, in the most favorable situation, the descendants of interracial relationships were given the

Dutch nationality and thus were o fficia lly considered Europeans. Their skin color distinguished them from "pure" Europeans and due to th e ir mixed heritage they were discriminated against (Cottaar & Willems, 1984). Thus, i t appears to be more appropriate to further divide the European group into "pure" white Dutch and "mixed bloods." Although in the Dutch East- Indies the Indo-Dutch were recognized as d iffe re n t from the native

Indonesians, ra c ia lly determined interaction patterns defined by the white Dutch denied the Indo-Dutch equal rights (Cottaar & Willems, 1984; De Jong, 1984).

The group of mixed Dutch and Indonesian ancestry developed into a heterogeneous middle group within the colonial society. From the second half of the I9th century, they were privileged as a group compared to the native population, but underprivileged compared to the white Dutch. With the growing opportunities fo r the Indo-Dutch, skin color played a major role in determining status in their own community. Fairness was an indication of the Dutch biological heritage and led to greater acceptance in white Dutch circles and thus to greater privileges. To marry a native

Indonesian was considered "marrying down." In contrast, to marry a pure Dutch person, or lig h te r skinned Indo-Dutch was considered "marrying up," and guaranteed higher social status (Rijkschroeff, 1989). During three and 22 a half centuries of colonialism, this middle group of biracial people reproduced its e lf. Some were lucky enough to marry up, some married down, but the majority intermarried and kept their relatively privileged status.

In order for their relatively privileged position to be continued, the Indo-Dutch needed to identify with the white Dutch colonizers and th e ir colonial (racial) ideas. Most Indo-Dutch w illfu lly forgot th e ir native ancestry and endeavored to behave as Dutch as possible. During

Japanese occupation in World War I I , i t became obvious that the Indo-Dutch would give their lives to prove loyalty to the Dutch royal family, the personification of th e ir country, the Netherlands (De Jong, 1985). As a group they risked repercussions by the Japanese for refusing to dissociate themselves from the Netherlands and th e ir Dutch id e n tity, and fo r refusing to pledge lo ya lty to the Japanese cause. According to Kwik (1989), this decision greatly influenced the ethnic identity of many Indonesian-Dutch. The recognition by the Dutch of the Indonesian n a tio n a lists’ 1945 proclaimed independence brought the Indo-Dutch into a precarious situation. The new Indonesian government forced this middle group to make a major decision: either choose Indonesian citizenship and stay in th e ir motherland, or choose to remain Dutch and leave the country for the Netherlands, where most of them had never been before and had hardly any connections. Despite the fact that the Dutch government attempted to persuade this group to opt for Indonesian citizenship, over a period of some 15 years the majority of Indo-Dutch (some 250,000-300,000 Indo-Dutch persons) migrated to th e ir o ffic ia l fatherland, the Netherlands, while in the end some 6,000 Indo-Dutch remained in Indonesia and became Indonesian (Ellemers & V a illa nt, 1985). 23

Arriving in the Netherlands in a period of social and economic reconstruction (after the war with, and occupation by the Germans) and shortage of housing, the Indo-Dutch found l i t t l e understanding fo r th e ir emotional and social distress. There was a great lack of knowledge of the

Dutch East-Indian society in the colonizing country, as well as a great lack of knowledge of the Indo-Dutch experiences during World War II and the following revolutionary war (Cottaar & Willems, 1984). The newly arrived Indo-Dutch encountered prejudice and discrimination as well as paternalism on the part of social workers (Ellemers & V a illa nt, 1984).

These factors resulted in a d if f ic u lt sta rt fo r many Indo-Dutch migrants, which was overcome mostly through th e ir own strength. After some years of failing adjustment in their new home country, a considerable part of the Indo-Dutch group in the Netherlands (some 55,000 persons) decided to migrate again, and th e ir dominant destination th is time was the United States. Ri jkschroeff (1989) describes their motivation and experiences. Special immigration regulations fo r "displaced persons," fa c ilita te d the entrance of the Indo-Dutch "refugees" entrance to the United States. Thus, in the second half of the 20th century, in the post-colonial period, the biracial Indo-Dutch group that emerged during almost three- hundred and f i f t y years of Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia, had dispersed over three continents, Asia, Europe and North-America.

Indonesian-Dutch Integration

Van Amersfoort (1974) discusses the integration process within the

Indonesian-Dutch community in the Netherlands. He claims that within a 24 period of 20 years the Indo-Dutch assimilated in the Dutch society to such an extent that i t seems d iffic u lt to id e n tify them as separate group. In retrospect, he also claims it impossible to distinguish phases in the

Indo-Dutch integration process which re flects the fast pace in which i t has taken place. Because of these developments. Van Amersfoort concludes that the Indo-Dutch community in the Netherlands does not occupy minority status.

According to Van Amersfoort, both the Dutch government and the Indo-

Dutch community should be credited fo r th is seemingly smooth development. The Dutch government’ s focus was e n tire ly on absorbing the Indo-Dutch migrants in Dutch society. For example, the Dutch government policies referred to the Indo-Dutch immigrants as "Rapatriants." Van Amersfoort discusses th is absorption in the areas of housing, employment, and education. Due to th e ir colonial experience, the Indo-Dutch immigrants were accustomed to a be in a disadvantaged situation while, at the same time, they identified with the dominant group. The situation did not seem to change after their arrival in the Netherlands, facilitating their desired integration. And yet, ambivalence towards the Dutch society existed. According to Van Amersfoort, frustration with the new position was diminished by referring to the white Dutch in a humorous but critica l and stereotypical way while in the comfort of their own circles.

Also helpful in the integration process was the fact that the native language of the Indo-Dutch was Dutch. In addition, the Indo-Dutch immigrants were re la tive ly well educated, which in many cases leads to f le x ib ility in new surroundings. Lastly, Van Amersfoort mentions as 25 advantageous to the Integration process th e ir feelings about improving the lives of their children in this new situation.

Rijkschroeff (1989) emphasizes the d ive rsity within the Indo-Dutch community as another reason fo r quick integration. The Indo-Dutch did not present themselves as a group to the rest of Dutch society. They did not organize themselves. Awareness of differences w ithin the group resulted in focus on small (sub-) groups of family and friends. And thus, in the case of the Indo-Dutch, integration took place at an individual level.

A similar, apparently smooth and successful integration process took place amongst those Indo-Dutch who migrated to the United States. Rijkschroeff states that the American situation enabled this integration because the group of Indo-Dutch, small in size and not well organized, did not threaten the status quo. There appeared to be no traces of prejudice against the Indo-Dutch, because the Indo-Dutch group was thus far disconnected from American history. A fin a l positive circumstance fo r the integration of Indo-Dutch in American society is the American appreciation of high aspirations. Most of the Indo-Dutch immigrants had these high aspirations and were willing to sacrifice for delayed gratification (Rijkschroeff, 1989).

Not much research has been done on the Indo-Dutch experience in Indonesia and thus i t is d iffic u lt to assess th e ir integration process. According to Ellemers and V aillant (1985), the re la tiv e ly small group of

Indo-Dutch that remained in Indonesia (about 6,000 persons) consists mostly of the elderly and widows of persons who served in the Dutch East-

Indies m ilitary. Ellemers and Vaillant claim the majority of them live in

poverty, receiving aid from family members and Indo-Dutch organizations in 26 the Netherlands. Personal accounts of some Indonesian-Dutch liv in g outside Indonesia with friends and family members inside this country suggest that the integration process of Indonesian-Dutch in Indonesia was not as smooth a process as in the case of th e ir Dutch and American counterparts. These accounts mention prejudice and discrimination on the part of individual

Indonesians and Indonesian in stitu tio n s as complicating Indonesian-Dutch live s.

Indonesian-Dutch Ethnic Revitalization

Novak (1977) describes how in the United States a movement of s e lf- knowledge is developing amongst th ird - and fourth-generation Southern and

Eastern European immigrants. He labels th is New Ethnicity. The fact that these descendants are white, and are seemingly to ta lly assimilated into "The American Culture" makes i t a new phenomenon. The same development seems to be occurring with the second-generation Indo-Dutch in the

Netherlands.

While the Netherlands is increasingly developing toward a multicultural society, and various ethnic groups in minority positions claim th e ir fa ir share, one is able to distinguish a growing ethnic re vita liza tio n amongst second-generation Indo-Dutch, starting in the early

1980s. New interest in their families’ histories and pride in their Indonesian ancestry resulted in the fact that a vanguard of Indo-Dutch expressed themselves through research, media-documentation, lite ra tu re , visual art and music, reflecting the Indo-Dutch community’ s perspective

(Ellemers & V aillant, 1989; Willems, 1990). This development shows that, 27

although scholars maintain that the Indo-Dutch group has fu lly assimilated into the Dutch society, a different ethnicity s till exists.

Ethnicity and Ethnic Identity

The research questions of this study are pa rtly focused on the ethnic id e n tity o f the Indonesian-Dutch. How can ethnic id e n tity in general, and Indo-Dutch ethnic identity in particular, be defined? Chapter I provided a general definition of what is meant by ethnic identity in

this study. This definition is the outcome of the process of literature review, of studying the different works of students of ethnicity and

ethnic identity. This section of Chapter II w ill give an overview of the

concepts ethnicity and ethnic identity, as described by scholars in the fie ld . Ethnicity and ethnic identity are important building blocks of

multicultural societies. As Glazer and Moynihan (1963) state, despite

predictions about the American multicultural society, ethnicity continues

to be an important phenomenon in the lives of many Americans. "The in itia l

notion of an American melting pot did not, i t seems, quite grasp what would happen in America," they point out (1963:13). In addition, according to the authors, the in itia l formulation of the dream of cultural pluralism

did not come true. The f ir s t - and second-generation American immigrants'

loss of their ancestors’ culture and language exemplifies that cultural pluralism based on a s ta tic conception of culture can impossibly take place.

S t ill, despite the losses of what are tra d itio n a lly considered essential elements of culture, the ancestors’ values and language, many 28 second-, th ird -, and even fourth-generation immigrants think of themselves, and are thought of by others, as members of their specific ethnic group (Glazer & Moynihan, 1963). They distinguish themselves by attributes different from those of their ancestors, by new attributes which are outcomes of cultural adaptation. Glazer and Moynihan emphasize the dynamic character of culture, the changing cultural differences between the different ethnic groups in American society. In sum, ethnicity does not disappear but faces "modification to conform to the American norm" (p. 313). Because of the d iffe re n t social context and background of d iffe re n t ethnic groups, d is tin c tiv e sets of values are nurtured.

The Subjective and Objective Dimensions

Most scholars distinguish a subjective and an objective dimension in the concepts ethnicity and ethnic identity. As shown in the definition of ethnicity and ethnic identity as provided in Chapter I, I prefer to use e th n icity when discussing the objective dimension o f belonging to a particular group, while I prefer to use ethnic identity when referring to the subjective dimension. In the lite ra tu re however, the distinction between subjective and objective dimension are not cle a rly related to d istin ctio n between the concept ethnicity and ethnic id e n tity .

Glazer and Moynihan (1975) distinguish (a) the condition of belonging to a particular ethnic group, and (b) ethnic pride (p.l). For unclear reasons, they prefer to discuss the objective dimension, the condition of belonging. They stress that the condition of belonging is equally influenced by primordalist factors, factors coming from history 29 and experience, and circumstantial factors, factors evolving out of immediate circumstances.

Isaacs (1975) defines ethnicity/ethnic id e n tity while using the term basic group identity.

(B)asic group identity consists of the ready-made set of endowments and identifications which every individual shares with others from the moment of birth by the chance of the family into which he is born at that given time in that given place, (p. 31) I t appears that according to Isaacs, basic group id e n tity can be abandoned later in life , which might be the case with assimilated ethnic group members. Isaacs emphasizes, however, that basic group id e n tity cannot be taken away by somebody else (p. 35). Furthermore, Isaacs identifies a sense of belongingness and quality of self-esteem as two key ingredients of group id e n tity. Even though not id e n tifie d as such, Isaacs appears to be distinguishing the objective and subjective dimensions of group identity.

The objective dimension is illustrated by discussing the condition a member of an ethnic group is born into (in the definition given). The subjective dimension of the group identity is referred to by delineating the p o s s ib ility of abandoning in itia l group id e n tity and by the two key ingredients which make up this group identity. Instead of Glazer and

Moynihan’s "condition of belonging," Isaacs discusses the "sense of belonging," a subjective interpretation of the situation an ethnic group member is in. The quality of self-esteem is also subjective in nature, and th is concept w ill be important in the discussions on healthy ethnic identity and marginality, which follows.

According to Parsons (1975) ethnicity is (I) the primary focus of group id e n tity, which organizes plural persons into d is tin c tiv e groups. 30 and (2) the solidarity and loyalty of individual members of such groups. Parsons discusses the ethnic group as being a sociological type and defines it as follows.

This is a group the members of which have, both with respect to th e ir own sentiments and those of non-members, a distin ctive identity which is rooted in some kind of a distinctive sense of its history, (p. 56)

And Parsons continues by stating that: The generic sociological type of which references were made has the two primary aspects: firs t, that of a common distinctive cultural tradition applying to a "population" of members; and second, something of the equivalent of a social contract, that is, a component of membership status which is in some essential respect voluntary. This is to say it is the creation of the members independent of rig id and complete determination by past tra d itio n . The modern community is characterized by a balance between these two vital components, that of tradition and that of "contract." (p. 58) Parsons emphasizes the subjective dimension of ethnicity/ethnic identity. The usage of words like "identity," "sense of history," "social contract," seem to indicate that, according to Parsons, members of ethnic groups are not only conscious of the fact they are born into a certain group (which in its e lf is the objective dimension), but in order to be able to discuss ethnic identity, these members also have to feel part of that group.

In his essay on varieties of ethnic change, Horowitz (1975) clearly distinguishes ethnicity from voluntary affiliation. The author points to ascription as the key characteristic of ethnicity and to the possibility of changing ethnic identity from b irth onward, possibly into the next generations. Horowitz suggests a continuum with ascription and voluntary affiliation at the two opposite positions. He emphasizes that ethnicity 31 and voluntary affiliation are not dichotomous, but different positions on a continuum. Not only does Horowitz distinguish explicitly between ethnicity, the objective dimension, and voluntary a ffilia tio n , the subjective dimension of group identity, but he also maintains that ethnicity is a static phenomenon, determined by an individual’ s b irth , whereas ethnic identity is dynamic and a matter of degree. The position each individual member of an ethnic group takes on the continuum between ascription and voluntary affiliation provides an indication of an individual’s ethnic identity.

Thus, Horowitz is one of the few scholars cle a rly distinguishing between ethnicity and ethnic identity. Ethnicity is, according to him, a degree on the continuum which indicates ethnic identity. Ethnicity is the least voluntary form of affiliation with one’s ethnic group; it is a condition determined at b irth . This condition ascribes certain characteristics to an individual. One’s ethnic identity is "low" if one considers oneself part of an ethnic group only because of birth. One’s ethnic identity is "high" if one strongly and voluntarily affiliates with one’ s ethnic group.

Peshkin (1991) appears to focus on the subjective dimension of ethnicity/ethnic identity.

Acculturation, a response to the need to adapt to the ways of the dominant culture, always occurs; it is virtually inevitable. The extent of the need is variable and situational. Holding on to one’s ethnically distinctive ways of thinking, acting, and believing represents a judgement, sometimes conscious, sometimes not, about the personally necessary lim its of assim ilation, where the imperatives of absorption may be denied, its opportunities possibly foregone. (1991:12)

Finally, according to Gollnick and Chinn (1983) ethnicity is "a sense of peoplehood" (p.35). This sense, as well as the degree of 32

id e n tific a tio n with one’ s people varies from person to person. "Not a ll members choose to emphasize th e ir e th n icity," they argue, and thus ethnicity, according to their definition, is highly subjective.

Ethnic Hierarchy and Ethclass

Important to mention are Isaacs’ two elements which make up basic group id e n tity : body and name. By emphasizing the im possibility of

changing bodies, and the importance the body has fo r group id e n tity, i t

seems that Isaacs focusses on those ethnic groups that distinguish

themselves from the dominant group in appearance, more so than ju st in

culture and language. Other scholars make sim ilar distin ctio n s between several types of ethnic groups in the United States. Stonequist (1937),

fo r example, compares Asian immigrants and African Americans with European

immigrants in regard to the possibilities to access the white American

society. The Anglo American dominant group does not discriminate against

European immigrants on the basis of physical characteristics in a sim ilar way they do Asian and African Americans.

Ethnic hierarchy is discussed by the British scholar Chris Nullard. Mullard (1984) asserts that multicultural European societies, like Great Britain and the Netherlands, are "etharchies." These societies are

structured in such a way that different minority groups take different

positions within the power structure. The more a m inority group resembles

the dominant group, in culture and appearance, the more privileged i t is.

Mullard concludes that the group o f African ancestry is always positioned

at the bottom of this etharchy, since the dominant group perceives i t to be most remote from its own culture. 33

Several other authors (Glazer & Moynihan, 1963, 1975; Parsons, 1975, Gordon, 1975; Bell, 1975; Novak, 1977; fo r example) re fe r to ethnicity in the context of a society characterized by inequality. Dahrendorf’ s quote in Glazer and Moynihan (1975) illu s tra te s the in e v ita b ility of the formation of interest groups in a society characterized by inequality: "inequality always implies the gain of one group at the expense of others; thus every system of social s tra tific a tio n generates protest against its principles and bears the seeds of its own suppression" (p.15).

While analyzing variables of changing relations between a dominant group and dominated groups, Gordon (1975:91) illu s tra te s the importance of stereotyping. He claims that stereotypes "stem(s) from what would appear to be rather widespread cognitive inadequacies reinforced by affective tendencies and lack of equal-status primary group contact between groups"

(p.97). Among other societal variables, Gordon introduces (a) distribution of power, and (b) degree of access to societal rewards, as variables that have resulted in a change of focus in ethnic groups towards claims, rights and interests, in a society characterized by inequality, and yet developing towards democracy.

The intersection of ethnicity and social class is of influence on ethnic identity as well. All ethnic groups are subdivided into social classes, resulting in d iffe re n t experiences with and different perspectives on the relationship between dominant group and own ethnic group. In turn, these d iffe re n t experiences lead to d iffe re n t forms of ethnic identity.

Gordon (1964) presents the concept "ethclass" and defines i t as follows: "the subsociety created by the intersection of the vertical 34 stratifications of ethnicity with the horizontal stratifications of social class" (p. 51). In his autobiography, Rodriguez (1982) provides an example of the important role class plays in development of ethnic identity. He emphasizes the importance of social class differences in the Chicano community; social class separates him from his parents and thus from the culture of his childhood. The attainment of upper-middle-class status and the adoption of its values made him a stranger in his own culture. His ethnic id e n tity is s t i l l Chicano, but i t is d iffe re n t from the ide n tity of his parents and their friends.

Peshkin (1991) also discusses the relationship between ethnicity and class. For him these two "different forms of solidarity that typically cut across each other," are ju s t one illu s tra tio n of the "several selves we a ll are, and with no (necessary) consciousness of c o n flic t among them" (p. 13).

Measuring Ethnic Identity

Many scholars writing about ethnic identity object to the reduction of ethnicity and ethnic identity into well defined traits. One might question whether, fo r instance, stages of e th n icity can be distinguished by clear-cut characteristics. Isaacs (1975) and Glazer and Moynihan (1963) emphasize the uniqueness of each individual case of ethnic identity development. There is no single formula in which ethnic identity development takes place, according to Isaacs.

Peshkin (1988) illustrates the complexity of the social world as reflected in ethnicity. He lauds the usefulness of qualitative inquiry for its tolerance of ambiguity. The author criticizes instruments 35 psychometricians use, which mirror a purposefully narrowed conception of reality. Quantitative and qualitative inquiry are opposite in the fact that the former selects certain aspects of phenomena for investigation, whereas the latter is unspecified and focusses on the ordinary and enormous complexity of social phenomena (Peshkin, 1988:418).

Instead of aiming at finding regularities and making generalizations and predictions, characteristic to quantitative inquiry, qualitative researchers consider the "extraordinary variability of things," and are attracted by research that is replete with ambiguity. Peshkin concludes that ethnicity is a complex social "activity," and because he is not interested in understanding the elements or attributes but instead focuses on "the play of ethnicity," he claims methods associated with qualitative inquiry are a requirement fo r research on ethnicity.

Peshkin's emphasis on the complexity of "the play of ethnicity" in particular, and social phenomenon/activities in general, is characteristic to what Lather (1992) labels the postcolonial research paradigm.

Proponents of th is paradigm reject assumptions of the unified subject, historical laws, and Enlightenment-type ra tio n a lity . Refuting the assumptions of the unified subject means acknowledging each individual as a site of contradictions. Individuals play multiple roles; the changing context that is foregrounded determines which roles are important.

In his 1991 work, Peshkin illu s tra te s the d iffe re n t forms ethnicity can take in an individual's life . He proposes a scale with ethnicity as an accent in one’ s lif e only at its lower end, and with ethnicity as completely defining one’ s personal meaning at the opposite extreme. 36

Peskhin expects his respondents’ behavior to manifest ethnicity somewhere in between these two extremes. Keeping this criticism in mind, it is interesting to refer to two scholars of ethnicity, ethnic identity, and relationship between dominant and dominated groups, who attempt to categorize experiences in assimilation dimensions and assimilation processes. Gordon (1964, 1975) proposes seven assimilation dimensions/types: (1) cultural assimilation,

(2) structural assimilation, (3) marital assimilation, (4) identifica- tional assimilation, (5) attitude receptional assimilation, (6) behavioral receptional assim ilation, and (7) c iv ic assim ilation. The importance of each dimension is reflected in the three hypotheses Gordon presents. Also the sequence of the dimensions is elaborated upon:

(1) In majority-minority contact, cultural assimilation or acculturation w ill occur f ir s t . (2) Acculturation may take place even when none of the other types of

assimilation has occurred; it may continue indefinitely.

(3) I f structural assimilation occurs along with or subsequent to

acculturation, all the other types of assimilation w ill inevitably follow .

Gordon strives toward "a more general framework of a multi-causal model for prediction of outcomes of majority-minority group relations"

(1975:86), and id e n tifie s a cluster of independent and a cluster of dependent variables. Even though Gordon does not provide a ready-for-use instrument himself, with his categories scholars interested could develop an instrument for assimilation. 37

A more recent model fo r ethnic change is presented by Keefe and

Padilla (1987). The authors provide an extensive literature review and summarize three models fo r ethnic change: a Single Continuum Model, a Two-

Culture Matrix Model, and a Multidimensional Model. The f ir s t model assumes the gradual replacement of native cultural tra its with dominant cultural traits. In the second model two cultural systems (the native and the dominant) are studied independently as two axes forming a matrix. In the third model one studies acceptance of new cultural traits, from tra it to t r a it.

I t seems that most lite ra tu re on ethnic change uses the single continuum model. Contemporary research on ethnic m inorities has indicated that this model is not very useful, and is based on an oversimplified image of ethnic minority groups. Keefe & Padilla, for example, describe how Mexican Americans are very acculturated in certain traits but very traditional in others. In their research they measure cultural change by focussing on the following major traits: (a) cultural awareness, as reflected in individual knowledge of cultural traits, and (b) ethnic loyalty, as reflected in the individual's preference for one cultural orientation and ethnic group rather than the other.

Cultural awareness and ethnic loyalty are further specified in language preference, cultural heritage, cultural identification, ethnic socialization, ethnic pride, and a ffilia tio n and perceived discrimination.

Keefe and Padilla provide as instrument for measuring awareness of, and loyalty to Mexican culture and people a 136-item questionnaire consisting of the eight scales. The mere fact that Keefe and Padilla use an instrument as a tool for studying prespecified aspects of ethnic change 38 positions them in the positivist paradigm of social research, like Gordon.

Keefe and Padilla, however, recognize the complexity of ethnic change, and th e ir multidimensional model evolved out of c riticism of existing unidimensional models of ethnic change.

Indo-Dutch Ethnic Identitv. Culture and Assimilation According to Van Amersfoort (1974), Rijkschroeff (1989), and Kwik (1989), the Indo-Dutch liv in g in the Netherlands and in the United States, are fu lly assimilated. The authors delineate characteristics of Indo-Dutch assimilation addressing a ll Gordon’ s (1964, 1975) dimensions of assimilation; with cultural, structural, and marital dimensions of assimilation as the most obvious. In his longitudinal study. Ex (1966) claims the Indo-Dutch acculturation starts a fte r two years of residence in the new country.

Gordon (1963) believes that "the price of assimilation is the disappearance of the ethnic group as a separate e n tity and the evaporation of its distinctive values" (p. 81). And thus, one could pose the question whether th is successful Indo-Dutch assimilation has indeed led to the disappearance of the Indo-Dutch group and Indo-Dutch values. The research on the Indo-Dutch experience suggests two opposing answers to this question.

Disagreement on what constitutes Indo-Dutch culture challenges whether there ever was a d istin ctive Indo-Dutch culture. Cleintuar (1990) describes how changing colonial rule gradually modified the Dutch East-

Indian society from a mestizo society to a true colonial society with dominance of the imposed Dutch culture and language in the early 1800s. 39

Due to Dutch education, most Indo-Dutch were alienated from the mestizo culture and immersed in white Dutch culture at the eve of Indonesia’s independence, he argues.

Rijkschroeff (1989) and Kwik (1989) describe how, presently, the Indo-Dutch lack a clear conception of and also disagree on what constitutes Indo-Dutch culture. The only tradition uniformly agreed upon and held onto is the Indonesian cuisine, they claim. The authors explain this absence of a clear conception of the nature and existence of Indo- Dutch culture by referring to the (socio-economic and cultural) diversity within the Indo-Dutch group as a whole and to the preference of most Indo-

Dutch to forget the past and assimilate into th e ir new environment as quickly as possible. Another reason fo r concern about loss of the Indo-

Dutch community is the high degree of exogamy amongst second-generation Indo-Dutch.

Samethini (1991) emphasizes that although Indo-Dutch elderly are said to be fully assimilated, they show a strong sense of ethnic identity.

Other authors concur and state that, even without consensus on what in essence constitutes Indo-Dutch culture, the first-generation Indo-Dutch appear to have a separate sense of Indoness (Van Amersfoort, 1974;

Ellemers & V aillant, 1985), shown in membership of (the few) Indo-Dutch societies and subscription to (the few) Indo-Dutch magazines. Rijkschroeff (1989) and Kwik (1989) conclude that the first-generation Indo-Dutch shape their ethnic identity within a small group of family and friends, almost on an individual basis.

Reference to second-generation Indo-Dutch sense of ethnic re vita liza tio n in the Netherlands is also found in the lite ra tu re 40

(Ellemers & V aillant, 1985; Van der Geugten, 1989; Willems, 1990)J In discussing the renewed interest in Indo-Dutch culture and eth n icity,

Hofstede (1985) describes a ll her second-generation Indo-Dutch respondents deny fu ll assimilation in Dutch society. She claims several factors caused renewed interest in Indo-Dutch ethnic id e n tity, namely the presence of other m inority position groups, growing racism, reaction against the incorrect portrayal of to ta l Indo-Dutch assimilation in Dutch society, and reaching a significant age (30) in ethnic id e n tity development. While emphasizing the dangers of a static interpretation of ethnic id e n tity, Cleintuar provides the following d e fin itio n of Indo-Dutch ethnic id e n tity.

I understand Indo-Dutch ethnic id e n tity as the more or less obvious feeling of being d iffe re n t from Indonesians and yet being d iffe re n t from the autochthonous Dutch, without being able to indicate the origin and nature of the distinction more precisely than referring to the presence and actions of Dutch (Europeans) in the Indonesian archipelago, roughly between 1600 and 1950 (1990:54). In Indo-Dutch ethnic id e n tity, Cleintuar searches for references indicating Indo-Dutch awareness of cultural alienation due to imposition of the white Dutch culture and language.

For me, Indo-Dutch consciousness is created from the inner experience of those who have become aware of th is alienation and who endeavor to free themselves from i t (1990:73).

Contrary to claims of total Indo-Dutch assim ilation, i t appears that Indo-Dutch have always experienced a certain degree of racism. This experience with discrimination (one of the causes for renewed interest in

Studies with attention to the second-generation Indo-Dutch in the United States, indicate that unlike their Dutch counterparts, the American Indos appear to have lost what is considered the tra d itio n a l elements of culture: the language, the values and the sense of distinctive history of th e ir parents (Rijkschroeff, 1989; Kwik, 1989). 41

Indo-Dutch e th n icity as mentioned by Hofstede) is mentioned by Samethini (1991), Van der Geugten (1989), and Ex (1966). Samethini documents on growing criticism among Indo-Dutch elderly toward white Dutch researchers, whose studies of the Indo-Dutch community are a reflection of white Dutch stereotypes and prejudice. Van der Geugten comments that discrimination by the dominant group has been an impetus fo r his Indo-Dutch respondents to shape their ethnic identity. Ex (a white Dutch researcher), however, dismisses his Indo-Dutch respondents' complaints about racism while categorizing it as a "collective inferiority feeling" (p. 103).

More in-depth analysis of the Indo-Dutch experience affirms Glazer and Moynihan’ s (1963) and Cleintuar’ s (1990) claim that ethnic identity and culture should be studied as dynamic concepts. The Indo-Dutch adapted the culture of the Dutch East-Indies to their own settings, and thus transformed their ancestors’ culture into new cultural characteristics. These new cultural characteristics are examined and celebrated in a modest

Indo-Dutch ethnic re vita liza tio n movement, proof of the survival of Indo-

Dutch culture.

Marginalitv

As mentioned before, the situation of the Indo-Dutch was one characterized by a double bind. On the one hand, they were privileged because of th e ir pa rtia l Dutch ancestry. On the other hand, however, th e ir partial Dutch ancestry lead to discrimination by both the native

Indonesian e lite and the white Dutch.

Wertheim describes the situation of the Indo-Dutch in colonial society, as follows: 42

(T)hough half castes were counted In the European group, th e ir social position within the group was determined by a prestige scale closely related to the colonial value system: a scale based on the colour of their skin and other characteristics reflecting the degree of relationship to the white race....The entire social life was so imbued by colour-consciousness... .that many Indo-Europeans were kept fu lly occupied by the e ffo rt to demonstrate as close a relationship as possible with the white race and to dissociate themselves as far as possible form the "Inlanders" (Wertheim, 1956:139). Cottaar & Willems (1984) discuss how the Indo-Dutch were a middle group in colonial society and how they were considered "marginal" people. The authors describe a people insecure of their own status due to their position between two cultures. Their marginality sprouts from their orientation toward two cultures, or from th e ir orientation toward a dominant group which does not acknowledge them (to ta lly ) while determining their conditions, they claim.

In the lite ra tu re on the Indo-Dutch experience, the concept of marginality is often times referred to, interpreting it (unjustly) in a mere psychological and individual way. Yet Stonequist, who introduced the concept of Marginal Man in his 1937 work "The marginal man: A study in personality and culture conflict," explains the concept of marginality by emphasizing the social context.

Throughout this work, the relationships of inequality between dominant cultures and races and subordinate cultures and races is emphasized. The author claims these social relationships are of influence on psychological tra its , "(l)ndividual personality achieves its fin a l form under the influence of the individual’s conception of himself," as Parker notes in the introduction (p. X V ll). Stonequist remarks, "the external conflict of the groups find an echo in the mind of the individual concerned" (p. 4). 43

Parker defines the marginal man (s ic .) as follows: The marginal man, as here conceived, is one whom fate has condemned to liv e in two societies and in two, not merely d iffe re n t but antagonistic, cultures, (p. XV) Stonequist refers to the appearance of marginal personalities in situations of cultural transition and conflict as well; yet he points out the universal character of marginality by indicating early on in his work "(E)ven the normal individual...is in a mild degree a kind of multiple personality" (p. 4). Unlike many authors who use his concept, Stonequist’s main theme emerging from the description of marginal personalities is the theme of rejection.

It is the individual who participates extensively and intimately in the culture of the dominant group who, when he is rejected, becomes the extreme type of marginal person, (p. 139) Stonequist argues that th is rejection is not a simple experience of discrimination, but that it involves the whole of 1ife-organization and the future career. Since rejection by the dominant group is central in the development of the marginal person, Stonequist leads the reader to conclude that marginality is a problem only in a social world where there are strict cultural barriers for certain ethnic groups.

Stonequist stresses there is no stereotypical uniformity in marginal personalities. There are differences in each situation, based on, for example, the degree to which an individual assimilates to the culture of the dominant group, the degree to which the culture of the dominant group d iffe rs from the culture of the subordinate group, and the existence of racial prejudice. After acknowledging their situation which is characterized by internal conflict, marginal personalities make different 44 decisions on adjustments to th e ir situation. Ideally, the social context in which the marginal person lives creates adjustments. Stonequist emphasizes the importance of "growth of democratic-humanitarian sentiments" (p.208) Yet, on an individual level, Stonequist differentiates three alternative goals of adjustment: assimilation into the subordinate group; assimilation into the dominant group; and some form of accommodation between the two groups. Whatever form of adjustment is chosen, in a ll cases Stonequist notes that "the marginal situation produces excessive self-consciousness and race-consciousness" (p. 148), and thus "(T)he marginal man is lik e ly to do more reflecting than the ordinary person" (p .155).

It appears Stonequist’ s second goal of adjustment, assimilation into the dominant group (despite its rejection), is the marginal behavior mostly referred to in literature. Stonequist characterizes this behavioral option, however, as maladjustment and claims i t may result in suicide, delinquency, and other forms of personal disorganization. Through the other two adjustment options, Stonequist delineates the importance of the marginal personality in the development towards a ju s t m ulticultural society. The other two options may lead to leadership roles of marginal persons, according to Stonequist. The f ir s t mentioned adaptation alternative may lead the marginal personality to assume a leadership role in nationalist movements. For instance, westernized native intellectuals in colonies dominated by Europeans, but also some mixed racial groups

—lik e some Indo-Dutch— may be placed in th is category. Although

Stonequist comments on the "exaggerated self-appreciation" as a sign of disturbance, he stresses the important role the "aggressive and m ilitant 45 nationalist or radical has in the interracial or international situation" (p .174).

While reading Stonequist, i t becomes obvious that he perceives the intermediary role taken by marginal personalities to be the most optimal adjustment, even though he argues for the significance of both the nationalist and internationalist (as Stonequist calls the marginal person who assumes an intermediary ro le ).

Most important fo r a healthy adjustment to the marginal position is to maintain personal in te g rity :

What seems generally essential, if the individual possesses insight and wishes to maintain his self-respect, is that he shall not evade the issue, deceive himself, or act a role which does not have the fullest possible support of his deeper thoughts and sentiments, (p.209)

And th is personal in te g rity seems to be most lik e ly in the person who assumes an intermediary role, for no part of personality is denied. This role assumes acknowledgment and appreciation o f the individual values of the marginal person, whatever culture they have evolved from (in most cases from both dominant and subordinate). Stonequist’ s following quote is very illuminating:

A true internationalist has not become a "citizen of the world" through renouncing his own nationality and values. Quite the contrary. He is able to understand the values in other national cultures because he understands and is basically in harmony with those of his own. Self-understanding promotes the understanding of others, (p.179)

The internationalist promotes interracial understanding and cooperation.

Unlike the nationalist’s, the internationalist’s work proceeds at a slow pace, and does not immediately achieve spectacular changes.

Throughout Stonequist’ s work, the conception of marginal persons as p itifu l confused individuals evolves in perceiving them as either strong 46 and aggressive nationalists or enviable internationalists. Stonequist disproves negative connotations adhering to the notion of the marginal person.

Many Indo-Dutch individuals and individuals o f other mixed ancestry would consider themselves as fitting in Stonequist’s category of internationalists. Their lives between two or more cultures allow them to pick and choose the most appreciated norms and values, and allow them to feel independent from any particular ethnic and national group. I t is my conviction that instead of perceiving it as problematic, biraciality and b ic u ltu ra lity should be appreciated since they open doors to a better understanding between races and cultures in a society which is evolving towards more equality and justice. There is lite ra tu re dealing with other communities in sim ilar situations as the Indonesian-Dutch with regard to b ira c ia lity and biculturality, and marginal positions based on this biraciality and b ic u ltu ra lity . Reuter (1928) and Dubois (1928, 1940) discuss b ira c ia lity as experienced by African Americans. Fanon (1968) and Memmi (1965) address the double bind native intellectuals in French colonial societies are in. P articularly comparable with the situation of the Indonesian-Dutch is

Anthony’ s (1969) description of the Anglo-Indian community in colonial and postcolonial India. 47

The Emergence of Multicultural Education

Postcolonial ism

One could argue that in Western Europe, the M ulticultural Education Movement is pa rtly an outcome of colonial education. Because of the above described immersion into Western culture and values through colonial education, and the belief in the superiority of Western education, many previously colonized people migrated to the former colonizing countries after decolonization. Western schools faced a changing student body: no longer were student bodies only white and Western. In many cases, certain (innercity) schools eventually developed a predominantly non-Western student body. In addition to the changing student body in some schools, a ll Western European schools began to function in a changing society, a society that had become multicultural.

With decolonization, schools in the Netherlands were faced with the in flu x of white Dutch and Indonesian-Dutch students, children of the so- called repatriants, who had never been in the Netherlands before. Although studies showed problems with language (Ellemers & V a illa nt, 1985), the fact that a ll Indo-Dutch children were Dutch citizens and some had attended Dutch schools in the former Dutch East-Indies, may have been the reason for educational administrators not to consider changes in school to accommodate these newly arriving students. Although the language these students used was Dutch, th e ir version of the Dutch language and th e ir culture could d iffe r considerably from white Dutch language and culture.

Yet, educational policy towards these migrants was one characterized by assimilation. 48

With the Indo-Dutch students entering the white Dutch schools, the stage was set for Dutch policy regarding minority education (Fase & Van den Berg, 1985). Colonialism influenced the Dutch educational system in that it eventually forced the Netherlands to formulate a minority educational policy. I t would take two decades, however, before a minority education policy was articulated, resulting in some actual changes in educational practice. In the 1970s and 1980s other minority groups (the Moluccans, the Surinamese and A n tillia n s , the Turkish and Moroccan immigrants, most of whom arrived in a period after the Indo-Dutch influx) began demanding changes in Dutch education.

The United States

Meanwhile in the United States, research on the relationship between educational experiences and the development of ethnic id e n tity in minority children and youth was expanding. Pioneering research was conducted for the Brown versus Board of Education decision on school desegregation

(1954) by Mamie and Kenneth Clark (in Spencer, 1985). Their research, indicating black children's preference for white dolls instead of black dolls, was used to support the idea that African American children suffered from an inferiority complex, due to school segregation. Banks (1986) identifies the Civil Rights Movement, a continuation of the Black struggle for desegregation, and the following Ethnic

Revitalization Movement as the main instigators of the Multicultural

Education Movement in the United States. From the 1960s onwards, ethnicity turned into a political idea. It became a strategy in making claims on the resources of the modern state (Glazer & Moynihan, 1975). Starting with the 49

Civil Rights Movement and the following Ethnic Revitalization Movement, a growing c ritic a l awareness among minority groups pressured education fo r change. M inority groups began demanding changes in curriculum and

instruction which would result in equal educational opportunities and outcomes — educational changes that would reflect the different cultures present in society. Starting in the 1970s, in Western Europe e th n icity became a sim ilar mobilizing principle fo r educational change. Glazer and Moynihan (1975)

suggest the widespread character of ethnic re v ita liz a tio n can be explained by (a) awareness of similar struggles in other countries through the easy

access to information, and (b) a focus on (the reasons fo r) grievance of minorities in different parts of the world (p. 20).

Defining M ulticultural Education

Multicultural education is not a monolithic concept. Educators vary

in their articulation of what multicultural ism is and how It should be

implemented. Therefore, I consider it important to discuss some

perspectives on multicultural education and to describe my own definition of i t .

Based on Sagar and Schofield (1984), Bennett (1986, p.22) describes

four possible responses of schools to arriving students of color^:

(1) business-as-usual, (2) assimilation, (3) pluralistic coexistence, and (4) integrated pluralism.

Like other overviews, this list is ideal-typical, with all its possible shortcomings. Yet the scheme provides p o s s ib ilitie s to begin distinguishing different meanings of the term multicultural education, which is an essential basic step in the discussion o f the concept. 50

In the f ir s t response, educators do not consider any changes in content, methods, and standards necessary. Students are expected to conform to the school. The assimilation response entails some changes on the part of schools in that there is a focus on students of color. Based on a deprivation model, students of color are taught in such a way as to develop s k ills and attitudes valued in the white-dominated social structure. The p lu ra lis tic coexistence approach acknowledges and tolerates cultural differences, but does not encourage intercultural interaction.

Bennett illu s tra te s this response by comparing i t with a diffe re n t school within a school. Provisions for minority students are made, but they are separate from the "normal" provisions fo r white students. The integrated pluralism response is the approach Bennett claims is strived for in multicultural education. In this response cultural differences of students is not only acknowledged and tolerated, more importantly, i t is valued. An integrated pluralistic response exposes all students to the contributions of a ll groups, and to d ive rsity of values and codes of behavior.

Sleeter & Grant (1987) discuss different approaches to multicultural education, as articulated by scholars in the United States. The firs t approach they differentiate is "Teaching the Culturally Different." The focus in this approach is on students of color. Depending on the educator's perspective, the specific aim of this approach could be anything from assimilation to empowerment. The aim is to bring minority students to a level sim ilar to students from the dominant group.

The shortcoming of the f ir s t approach is that m ulticultural education should be fo r a ll students, including white Anglo students. In practice, the f ir s t approach is mostly used to enhance the achievements of 51 minority students. Shortcomings in m inority students’ achievement are measured and addressed using an assumed neutral yardstick. The yardstick used in most classrooms, however, is not neutral but based on dominant group standards. Thus, using this firs t approach might victimize minority students. The second approach is called "Human Relations." Its focus is on a ll students, irrespective of ethnic or racial background. Social relationships are the primary area of interest in th is approach. This approach assumes that disturbed interethnic relations follow from lack of knowledge and understanding of different cultures only. It thus neglects the importance o f h isto rica l, socioeconomic, and p o litic a l factors influencing interaction between the dominant group and minority groups.

The th ird approach is "Ethnic Studies." Using th is approach, educators introduce lessons on (diffe re n t aspects of) the culture of one particular ethnic m inority group. Wurzel (1988) discusses culture having three dimensions: a subjective one, reflecting attitudes; values, and beliefs, an interactive one; reflecting verbal and non-verbal language, and a material one; reflecting artifacts. In the Ethnic Studies approach, too often educators emphasize the material dimension of culture only, which leads to reduction of culture to fo lklo re through a focus on such material items as food and national dress. A ll dimensions of culture should be addressed in order to create real understanding of d iffe re n t cultures.

The fourth approach is called "M ulticultural Education" and is described as the most popular approach. One could characterize this approach as a mixture of the above mentioned approaches. This approach 52 appears to focus on a similarly narrow definition of culture to that discussed above, and seems to neglect structural issues like inequality.

Advocates of this approach claim that multicultural education aims at a better understanding among a ll children, and that i t should enable students of color to develop a more positive self esteem. Yet, attention to social justice and inequality as it exists today is omitted, even though this knowledge is essential in order to bring about real understanding of the multicultural society and intercultural social relations.

Lastly, Sleeter & Grant discuss the "Multicultural Reconstructionist

Education" approach in which culture is discussed w ithin the p o litic a l and economical contexts. In my opinion, this approach mostly justifies the demands of equality which brought about the M ulticultural Movement in the first place (Banks & Lynch, 1986). It is aimed at all students, independent of ethnic background and social surroundings. The present situation of inequality is acknowledged and the status-quo challenged. It strives toward changes in educational requirements; i t uses a yardstick that re flects the m ulticultural society more. In th is approach, a broad and dynamic definition of culture is used, reflecting historical, socioeconomic, and p o litic a l factors which influenced i t . Wurzel (1988) defines multicultural education as a continuous educational approach which w ill lead to multicultural ism. Multicultural ism is, according to him, a set of principles indicating tolerance for cultural differences, ambiguity of knowledge, and variations in human perspective. One reaches the stage of multicultural ism only after going through the following prior stages: monoculturalism, cross-cultural 53 encounters, cultural conflict, cultural disequilibrium, and cultural awareness.

Educational interventions guide the development toward m ulticultural ism in addressing the following issues: perception, working towards self-awareness, willingness to interact with others in order to become conscious of one’ s own, acceptance of the universality of multicultural ism, acceptance of the inevitability of cultural conflict, and improvement of intercultural interaction (Wurzel, 1988).

Although Wurzel’ s description of m ulticultural ism and m ulticultural education is useful for its elaboration and specificity, the author is not e x p lic it enough about whom he addresses with his approach. I t appears that the stages toward m ulticultural ism presented by Wurzel are universal fo r all groups in all societies. One may strongly doubt that this is the case.

Minority persons, fo r instance, receive d iffe re n t impulses in th e ir lives to adjust their behavior and at different (earlier) times, compared with persons belonging to the dominant group. Wurzel’ s description of multicultural ism and multicultural education may be categorized in Sleeter and Grant’ s fourth approach. I t neglects the h is to ric a l, socioeconomic, and political factors influencing interethnic relations and multicultural development.

Gollnick and Chinn (1983) and Banks and Banks (1989) address inequality in society to a certain degree and thus more or less qualify for Sleeter and Grant’s fifth approach to multicultural education —social reconstructionist multicultural education. Gollnick and Chinn (1983) define multicultural education as follows.

Within our pluralistic society, multicultural education values the existing diversity, positively portrays that diversity and uses the 54

diversity in the development of effective instructional strategies fo r students in the classroom, (p .v ii) The authors emphasize that their basic goal for multicultural education is to help all students reach their potential. The other, more specific goal of m ulticultural education Gollnick and Chinn mention is "to prepare culturally literate citizens who can function effectively in their own cultural milieu or microculture, the macroculture, and other microcultures" (1983:30). These goals w ill be attained, according to the authors, by helping students develop the following seven areas.

(1) good self concept and self-understanding

(2) sensitivity to and understanding of others, including cultural groups in the United States and other nations

(3) the ability to perceive and understand multiple, sometimes conflicting, cultural and national interpretations of and perspectives on events, values, and behavior

(4) the ability to make decisions and take effective action based on a

multicultural analysis and synthesis

(5) open minds when addressing issues

(6) understanding the process of stereotyping, a low degree of

stereotypical thinking, and pride in self and respect for all people

(7) the ability to function effectively in a democratic society, with

knowledge of the inequities that currently exist (p.30).

Gollnick and Chinn do not differentiate among ethnic groups in defining th e ir goals and in describing the means to achieve th e ir goals. Like

Wurzel, Gollnick and Chinn assume a universal development towards multicultural ism. 55

Banks and Banks’ (1989) definition of multicultural education explicitly addresses Issues of social justice missing In Wurzel's description. According to Banks & Banks, multicultural education leads to a change In teaching and learning approaches so that a ll students have equal opportunities to learn In educational Institutions. The teaching and learning approaches re fle c t the cultures o f a ll students In the classroom, and thus not only the Anglo (middle class) culture. In addition, the teaching and learning approaches w ill empower students of color by stimulating their confidence to be successful academically, and In influencing social, economic, and political Institutions In order to Improve th e ir live s. Despite the fact that they emphasize that multicultural education Is for all students. Banks and Banks address the specific need for education to empower students of color.

I t seems obvious that Banks and Banks approach to m ulticultural education fits In with Sleeter and Grant’s fifth approach, the social reconstructionist multicultural education approach. In addition to cultural aspects of social lif e and education. Banks and Banks emphasize structural factors determining the students’ future adult lives.

Certain more recent works on multicultural education provide clear descriptions of what social reconstructionist multicultural education entails. Sleeter (1993) and Estrada and McLaren (1993) address the popularity and yet the criticism multicultural education receives from both progressive and conservative educators. They Illustrate how different perspectives on multicultural education and the multicultural society shape educational practice. Multicultural curricula based on perspectives of the dominated ethnic groups as created by progressive educators are 56 criticized by conservative educators for their "political" content

(criticizing the status-quo). Conversely, multicultural curricula created by conservative educators are c ritic iz e d by progressive educators for th e ir maintenance of the dominant canon, which results in m ulticultural education as merely add-on to the basics. Sleeter (1993) examines the d iffe re n t discourses that are used as basis for multicultural education — the dominant discourse and the minority position discourse. According to Sleeter, the dominant canon reflects a colonizing, Eurocentric and patriarchal curriculum. In such a curriculum, "(D)iverse groups are incorporated into a grand narrative that describes, rather than questions, the social order," Sleeter claims (p.5). Sleeter, who believes that this discourse is prevailing in teachers’ and publishers’ creation of m ulticultural curricula, refers to these multicultural curricula as problematic. In order to find solutions for this problem and directions for creating better multicultural curricula, Sleeter attempts to synthesize ideas of scholars in departments of ethnic studies, women studies, disability studies, labor studies and cultural studies in a minority position discourse. Sleeter realizes that the narrative of different groups in a minority position may vary considerably, and thus that premature integration of discourse should be avoided. Yet, she claims that p o litic a lly , these groups share minority positioning, and thus the search fo r mutual themes in th e ir work might be helpful in the search for alternatives for the dominant discourse.

In addressing themes that d iffe re n tia te dominant and minority discourses, themes prevalent in various minority discourses, true 57 m ulticultural education considers concerns, perspectives, and experiences from both minority and dominant positions, while emphasizing the re a lity of multiple perspectives. According to Sleeter, a true multicultural curriculum may provide the basis for dialogue and "begin to close the gaps that divide us" (p.31).

Estrada and McLaren (1993) warn of the danger of the New Right's version of multicultural ism — "corporate multicultural ism." In corporate multi cultural ism democracy and capitalism are presented as synonymous. According to the authors, corporate m ulticultural education's main purpose is to act upon the "conservative call for common culture." Characteristics of corporate multicultural education are refusing to treat whiteness as ethnicity, using the concept of d ive rsity as cover up fo r an ideology of assimilation, reducing ethnic groups' perspectives and experiences to add­ ons to dominant culture, acknowledging English as the only o ffic ia l language, fa ilin g to c r itic a lly analyze high status knowledge, and disregarding of power relationships reflected in dominant discourse.

Corporate m ulticultural education transforms students into complacent, obedient consumers, according to the authors.

In contrast, "resistance multicultural ism" is attentive to the notion of difference as a product of history, culture, power, and ideology. Resistance m ulticultural ism has a transformative p o litic a l agenda. Estrada and McLaren c ite Cornel West's suggestions for promoting non-market values, such as love, care, justice, equality, sacrifice, communal accountability, and more responsibility toward disadvantaged groups. Concretely, resistance m ulticultural education takes shape in the following initiatives: 58

(1) legitimizing multiple traditions of knowledge (2) c ritic a lly reviewing the curriculum and teachers’ own complacency to eurocentrism

(3) eliminating an incorrect notion of superiority o f whiteness and

Western ra tio n a lity (4) encouraging students to question perceptions of the dominant group and gaining awareness of knowledge hierarchy based on th is group (5) questioning the role of teaching and research in retaining the

status-quo

(6) inviting teachers and students to affirm the voices of the oppressed

(7) encouraging teachers to create space fo r m u ltip lic ity of voices and

dialogical pedagogy.

Like Sleeter and Estrada and McLaren, Nieto (1992) is a advocate of social constructionist multicultural education. In her illuminating book "Affirming diversity: The sociopolitical context of multicultural education" Nieto provides the following definition of multicultural education.

M ulticultural education is a process of comprehensive school reform and basic education for all students. It challenges and rejects racism and other forms of discrimination in schools and society and accepts and affirms the pluralism (ethnic, racial, linguistic, religious, economic, and gender, among others) that students, th e ir communities, and teachers represent. M ulticultural education permeates the curriculum and instructional strategies used in schools, as well as the interactions among teachers, students and parents, and the very way that schools conceptualize the nature of teaching and learning. Because i t uses c ritic a l pedagogy as its underlying philosophy and focuses on knowledge, re flectio n , and action (praxis) as the basis for social change, multicultural education furthers the democratic principles of social justice (p. 208).

Nieto continues by describing and explaining the seven basic characteristics of multicultural education. According to Nieto, 59 multicultural education is (1) antiracist education, (2) basic education,

(3) important for all students, (4) pervasive, (5) education for social ju stice , (6) a process, and (7) c ritic a l pedagogy.

The antiracist character of multicultural education assumes a c ritic a l examination of areas in which some students are favored over others. Furthermore, i t entails that in the curriculum attention should be given to the ugly and exclusionary aspects of society’s history in addition to the tra d itio n a lly presented positive aspects. Antiracism fin a lly involves a close examination of possible discriminatory policies and attitudes and behaviors of students and staff. Multicultural education is basic education in its focus on m ulticultural lite ra c y : the development of social s k ills to understand and empathize with a wide variety of people. The new conception of basic education replaces a European conception, which includes only a fraction of the available knowledge. Traditional education is partial and biased. Not only students of color, but students from dominant groups are miseducated by i t as w ell.

They are burdened with unjust feelings of superiority. Multicultural education is fo r a ll students, since i t reeducates a ll students and is about a ll people. Consequently, m ulticultural education is an enrichment fo r a l1. Too often, multicultural education is considered a program or a specific teacher’ s task. According to Nieto however, m ulticultural education is a philosophy that should be reflected in a ll aspects of education, in curriculum, pedagogy and outreach. Thus, multicultural education is pervasive. 60

Multicultural education is education for social justice. By teaching students that they have the power to make changes in the eye of inequality in society, m ulticultural education prepares students fo r th e ir future rights and responsibilities in a democratic country.

Because of the dynamic character of knowledge, relationships, and cultural variables, multicultural education is a continuing process. Knowledge is never complete. Relationships involve changing interactions. And cultural variables are intangible, necessarily resulting in a long term assessment.

Lastly, multicultural education is critical pedagogy. Instead of education producing passive, accepting, and submissive students, as already referred to by Estrada and McLaren (1993) and which Freire calls domesticating education, multicultural education leads to empowerment by its focus on critical thinking, leading to reflection, leading to action (leading to critical thinking, etc.). In multicultural education students are encouraged to c ritic a lly investigate various perspectives and use them to understand and act on the inconsistencies they uncover. I t is important to s ta rt from the learner, discussing matters that connect with the learner’ s world of experience, and yet leading the learner beyond her own lim ited framework. Scholars of m ulticultural education agree that tra d itio n a l education is in need of change in such a way that i t acknowledges the presence of non-Anglo/non-European American students in the classroom and in society.

There seems to be no agreement on the way in which th is acknowledgement is translated in curriculum and instruction. Changes might, for example, address the academic and emotional situation of students of color, and/or 61 social relations in the p lu ra lis t classroom and society, and/or the democratic American society and its shortcomings, depending on the societal view the scholars adhere to. The above description illustrates that there are as many different interpretations of multicultural education as there are educators. It appears important for educators in the field of multicultural education to be explicit about their assumptions on the nature of the pluralist society and their definitions of the concept of m ulticultural education and its goals.

Cultural Models and Schooling

Since one of the goals of th is study is to compare the culture Indo- Dutch persons’ encounters at home and in school, i t is relevant to discuss Ogbu’ s (I99I, 1978) cultural models, functioning as frameworks fo r interpretation and as guides fo r behavior. Ogbu distinguishes ethnic m inorities as immigrant m inorities and involuntary m inorities/* In his search fo r explanations fo r the question why immigrant m inorities are more successful in school than non-immigrant m inorities, Ogbu studies the d iffe re n t cultural models of both groups. He concludes that, even though discrimination by the dominant group is experienced by both groups, the cultural model used by immigrant students d iffe rs considerably from the cultural model used by nonimmigrant students.

In the immigrant minority students’ cultural model, a dual status- mobility frame of reference (comparing the better life in the United

Immigrant m inorities are those m inorities who (at one time) came to the United States on a more or less voluntary basis, in search of a better lif e . Involuntary m inorities are those m inorities (once) brought to the United States through slavery, or living in the United States due to colonization or conquest. 62

States with lif e in the former country), a fo lk theory of success, and certain survival strategies to overcome effects of job discrimination, lead to an emphasis on education, Ogbu claims. The immigrant minority cultural model provides members with a collective/social identity generating a relatively sophisticated management of cultural and language differences. Without great problems or opposition, immigrant minority students learn the dominant culture and language as presented in school.

Their social identity, predominantly stressing a difference with the dominant and other groups in American society, leads to oneness with the new language and culture, and to acceptance of th e ir dominated position. Although the education offered to immigrant minority students is in fe rio r compared to the education of the dominant group, i t does not lead to discouragement. The offered education is s t ill better than the education in the home country, according to Ogbu.

Compared to the immigrant minority students, the cultural model of involuntary minority students provides them with a negative dual status- frame of reference, Ogbu points out. Due to their different situation, the involuntary minority groups do not compare their situation with people abroad but with the dominant group. Historical oppression has led to resentful ness, disillusion and lack of trust in the dominant group and th e ir in s titu tio n s . Furthermore, historical oppression has led to an oppositional social identity. Involuntary minority students perceive acculturation in the dominant culture and language as substractive instead of additive. And thus, Ogbu claims, involuntary minority students approach school culture, language, and rules and standards contemptuously.

Differences in culture and language need to be maintained, instead of 63

overcome, for they are markers of the involuntary minority identity.

Consequently, unlike th e ir immigrant counterparts, there is no sense of getting ahead through education in the involuntary minority cultural

model. Ogbu’s theory is illuminating and yet has its shortcomings. First, one might question the v a lid ity of Ogbu’ s stereotyping in two major

groups, the immigrant and involuntary m inorities. Ogbu addresses

variability within the adaptation, but argues overall, the two models are

dominant patterns. Second, one might wonder how long Ogbu continues to perceive descendants of immigrants as immigrants. Do third-generation immigrants,

experiencing discrimination by the dominant group, s till have a positive dual status-frame of reference? Do they continue to perceive themselves to

be "foreigners"? Unfortunately, Ogbu doesn’t address the question of whether i t is possible to change from immigrant minority to involuntary

m inority.

Third, I pose questions as to how voluntary the character is of

immigrants arriving in th is country as refugees. Consequently, one might

contest the legitimacy of the positive dual status-frame of reference of some immigrants. For instance, many Indo-Dutch entered the United Status as refugees using the 1953 "Refugee Relief Act" (Rijkschroeff, 1989).

Unlike what Ogbu proposes, fo r these Indo-Dutch people lif e in the United

States was not necessarily better than life in their home country, the no

longer existing Dutch East-Indies. Even though the Indo-Dutch may consider themselves as foreigners, th e ir dual status-frame of reference might not be as positive as Ogbu suggests. 64

For the analysis of the Indonesian-Dutch community, Ogbu’ s theory is a ttra ctive and yet problematic. The Indonesian-Dutch community is dispersed over Indonesia, the Netherlands, and the United States. Looking at present country of residence, using Ogbu’s models would lead to a d iffe re n tia tio n of the Indo-Dutch community in two groups. The Indonesian-

Dutch in Indonesia and in the Netherlands would be categorized as involuntary m inorities. They are both in the Netherlands and in Indonesia due to colonialism. The Indonesian-Dutch in the United States, however, would s tric tly be categorized as immigrant m inority, fo r they chose to emigrate from the Netherlands to the United States, in search of a better life (Ellemers & Vaillant, 1985; Rijkschroeff, 1989). S till, colonialism forced them to immigrate.

Coldenhoff’ s study on school success of Indo-Dutch in the Netherlands (1988) indicates that Indo-Dutch in the Netherlands are more educated than other groups in a minority position (in Dutch society). According to this study, Indo-Dutch are more educated than the white Dutch dominant group as well. This study rejects Ogbu’s claim that (all) involuntary minorities make use of an oppositional cultural model (in all aspects of lif e ) . Coldenhoff’ s 135 Indo-Dutch respondents appear to have encountered school with an attitude of accommodation, typical of Ogbu’ s immigrant minority students.

The case of the Indonesian-Dutch illu s tra te s that Ogbu’ s models are rigid and not applicable to all minorities. S till, Ogbu’s innovative ideas encourage analysis of issues of ethnic identity, multicultural ism, and m inority education and therefore are much appreciated. 65

A Framework for Analysis

This literature review is, as stated in the beginning, a review of separate groups of related lite ra tu re which, when drawn together, create a background fo r the study of the educational experiences of Indonesian- Dutch. The following matters emerge from the interpretation of literature as sig n ifica n t in the study of Indo-Dutch educational experiences.

Literature on the assimilation process and literature on the Indo-

Dutch assim ilation raise questions about the assimilation process Indo- Dutch went through in past decades, and the overall assimilation stage of Indo-Dutch in the present day. Authors indicating that the Indo-Dutch are fu lly assimilated are confronted with descriptions of other authors on an ethnic revitalization movement among the second-generation Indos. Indo-Dutch appear "a successful minority," measured with a white, middle-class yardstick. They mostly occupy a middle class position and marital assim ilation of second-generation Indo-Dutch is obvious. And yet, the Indo ethnic re vita liza tio n movement resulted from experiences of increasing discrimination and a sense of separateness, authors claim.

Thus, one might question the extent to which Indos are indeed c u ltu ra lly and structurally assimilated.

One might also question the validity of measures of assimilation and ethnic identity as offered in the literature. Keefe and Padilla (1987) c ritic iz e models proposed by Gordon (1964, 1975) fo r th e ir one- dimensionality. In addition, these models should be c ritic iz e d fo r th e ir presentation of binary oppositions, obstructing an understanding of the complexity of important concepts in this study, as assimilation, culture, ethnic identity, and biraciality. 66

Keefe and Padilla stress the shortcomings of one-dimensional models, declaring that cultural assimilation may take place in one cultural tra it while i t does not in another. Furthermore, lite ra tu re indicates that feelings and expressions of assimilation are not consistent, varying from one situation to the other. And thus, the lives of people in pluralistic societies, members of ethnic groups in minority positions in particular, appear to be informed by at least two cultures, at any particular period in time.

References in the literature to etharchy and ethclass indicate that while analyzing the Indo-Dutch educational experience, issues of power and inequality should not be neglected. Although cultural relativism promotes studying different cultures as equally valiable, the literature suggests that one should not neglect present power relationships. With pluralism being increasingly acknowledged, educators are pressured to exchange th e ir tra d itio n a lly monocultural curriculum fo r one that reflects the m ulticultural society. Indonesian-Dutch should have a right to see their cultural heritage reflected in the curriculum as well.

In describing and interpreting the Indo-Dutch educational experiences in schools, the literature on minority education is useful!. This study as such might be considered m ulticultural education, fo r i t examines the experiences of an ethnic group in a minority position.

Lastly, this literature review has provided a framework for analyzing culture at home as it influences educational achievement. Ogbu’ s

(1991) d iffe re n tia tio n of immigrant and involuntary m inorities, and oppositional and non-oppositional adaptation models, may contribute to the analysis of the Indo-Dutch educational experience. CHAPTER I I I METHODOLOGY AND RESEARCH DESIGN

Introduction

I t is important fo r every researcher to present her research together with an in-depth description of how she positions her research in the existing scope of research paradigms. Also, her views on current research issues related to her research topic should be discussed. Without doubt a researcher’s position in methodological discussions is of influence on the outcomes of her research. Knowledge of the researcher’ s position therefore may help the reader see how the presented knowledge is constructed and help her deconstruct it, if desired.

In this chapter I situate myself theoretically in terms of my views on characteristics of the social world and characteristics of knowledge.

In my endeavor to do so, I give the reader a short overview of what I perceive to be the two general orientations in current research: positivism and postpositivism. I give my view on what major characteristics distinguish these two orientations.

Next, I give a description o f the research design and I discuss important methodological issues which relate to this research. Finally, I address my data analysis process.

67 68

The Paradigms The Paradigms in Social Science; An Overview

Eichelberger (1989) distinguishes three different ways of knowing: knowledge through tra d itio n ; knowledge through personal experience; and knowledge through systematic study. Research, irrespective of its paradigmatic basis, makes up this last category. Bogdan and Biklen (1992:43) state: "S cie n tific research involves rigorous and systematic empirical inquiry that is data-based. Q ualitative research meets these requirements."

Most contemporary qualitative scholars (fo r example, Maguire, 1987;

McCutcheon & Jung, 1990; Nielson, 1990) distinguish three research paradigms, namely the p o s itiv is t paradigm, the interpretative paradigm, and the c ritic a l paradigm. Overall, they claim the f ir s t paradigm is ( s t ill) dominant, the other two are alternative paradigms. The tra d itio n a l and the alternative paradigms have d iffe re n t assumptions about knowledge creation, purposes of social knowledge, and views of society (Maguire,

1987).

I find Lather’s (1992) characterization of different research paradigms very useful for it situates the most recent trends in social research, namely deconstruction, poststructuralism, and postmodernism.

Next to identifying a p o s itiv is t framework, she differentiates between

"Post-Kuhnian" and "Post-Colonial" frameworks. Postkuhnian frameworks include, amongst others, phenomenological, hermeneutic, n a tu ra lis tic , and qualitative research, —perspectives previously classified as part of the interpretive paradigm. Postcolonial frameworks include the "old" critical paradigm and the newly emerging deconstructive paradigm. 69

Postkuhnian research d iffe rs from positivism in its acknowledgement of the existence of separate paradigms in research. Overall, this type of research accepts m ultiple re a litie s . Yet, in general, i t does not acknowledge the power relations between the multiple realities reflecting the power relations in the social world. Furthermore, many postkuhnian methodology discussions (e.g. Miles & Huberman, 1984; Strauss & Corbin, 1990) are characterized by preoccupation with establishing new, but p o s itiv is t lik e , standards fo r research. In postcolonial research. Lather argues, the context of unequal power relationships in society and in research is given much attention.

The existence of multiple realities is taken seriously, not only for each individual but also within each individual. There is no search for statistical and probabilistic regularities in human behavior, and the importance of such knowledge production fo r the evolution of humankind is refuted. The aim of postcolonial research is to describe the variety and complexity of human behavior and social life , while only extrapolating to other situations: modestly speculating on the possible applicability of findings to other situations under similar, though not identical, circumstances (Patton, 1990).

P o sitivist versus Postkuhnian and Postcolonial Research

One of the major distinctions between positivist and postpositivist

(which includes postkuhnian and postcolonial) research I find in the notion of objectivity. In the literature, scientific objectivity is referred to in terms of (1) the found world versus the constructed world, and (2) the subject-object relationship. As Patton (1990:482) states: 70

"Indeed, the idea that findings constitute a perspective rather than TRUTH is closely related to the issue of objectivity." Literature shows that scholars in the different paradigms have different opinions and interpretations of scientific objectivity.

A positivist assumption is that the social world, like the physical world, is objectively knowable: "that there is an objective reality (independent of the subjective knower) to be known" (Nielson, 1990:4). This is what Nielson calls the o b je c tiv ity assumption, and she labels i t as "objectivism" (Nielson, 1990:4).

Even in physical science, the "Queen" of sciences (Lather, 1992), however, there is disagreement on the existence of o b je ctivity. The sta tic orientation, the detachment of evaluators, the focus on parts, the g e neralizability, the importance of prediction, a ll consequences of the emphasis on o b je ctivity, are challenged by Quantum Physics (Nielson, 1990) and Chaos Theory (Patton, 1990). Quantum Physics stresses the importance of the relationships of objects to their environment, and the influence of the researcher on the research situation. The researcher’ s decision on how to observe w ill influence the outcomes. Chaos Theory challenges the conventional need for order and prediction, in physical science research.

Since the p o sitivists believe in a found world, the p o s itiv is t researcher should not contaminate the description of this objective world with her own subjectivity. Thus, the relationship between researcher and researched should be an uninvolved, distant one. However, c ritic s emphasize that quantitative measures are human made, and interpreted by humans. And thus, even with (however s tric t) quantitative measures, subjectivity is inevitable. Patton (1990) indicates that distance between 71 the researcher and the researched does not guarantee o b je ctivity, i t only guarantees distance.

Some scholars claim that scientific objectivity in the positivist sense of the word -the way the world is portrayed and the way the object- subject relationship is prescribed- has obstructed knowledge of different

(and especially minority) re a litie s in the human sciences. The importance o f s c ie n tific models lik e Piaget’ s model of cognitive development may be stressed by many, but critica l researchers like Stanfield (1985) delineate how eurocentrism shaped these supposedly universal models. Stanfield emphasizes that there is no universal social knowledge, and together with Baca Zinn (1979) and others he claims that "the objectivation of knowledge is a matter of power and privilege" (Stanfield, 1985:389).

Unlike (the tra d itio n a l conception of) the physical sciences, p ostpositivist researchers perceive the social world as complex, changing, and with multiple realities (Patton, 1990; Nielson, 1990; Maguire, 1987;

McCutcheon & Jung, 1990). With th is in mind i t seems more appropriate to study the social sciences in a d ifferent way from the methods used in the physical sciences. N aturalistic inquiry, which aims at understanding and documenting real world conditions, seems more appropriate. Similarly, an h o lis tic approach appears much more useful in the social science because it assumes that the complex system is greater than the sum of the parts. A d irect, personal contact between researcher and respondents w ill lead to better understanding of what is studied.

In the postpositivist paradigms, multiple re a litie s are acknowledged

(Patton, 1990; Maguire, 1990; McCutcheon & Jung, 1990). Postpositivist researchers adhere to the notion of a constructed world. Although it is 72 acknowledged that ordinary people live their lives in (for them) objective worlds, postpositivist research investigates the socially constructed objectivities. The following brief review of different descriptions of the object-subject relationship within the larger postpositivist framework may be used as an example of an inquiry into multiple realities.

According to Nielson, the interpretive paradigm proponents use the notion that "there is indeed an objective reality that is separate and separable from the (subjective) researcher" (Nielson, 1990:9). In contrast, Maguire and McCutcheon and Jung, emphasize "the importance of human su b je ctivity and consciousness in knowledge creation" (Maguire,

1990:22). Proponents of c ritic a l research make the case that the dominant group’ s perception of re a lity is imposed on oppressed groups. Baca Zinn (1979) and Stanfield (1985) illustrate the negative influence of ethnocentric research of minorities, and --in contrast to positivists— they ascertain involvement of the researcher w ill lead to better data. According to critical theorists, distance between Object and Subject has led to exploitation: often times inviting people of color to participate in research, without any rewards for the participants, interpreting the m inority communities’ re a litie s from a white, dominant perspective under the pretense of portraying Reality and, consequently, blaming the minority communities fo r th e ir disadvantaged position in the research conclusions.

In the postpositivist paradigms, researchers deal with s c ie n tific objectivity in their own qualitative manner. Scientific objectivity is addressed in "empathie n eutrality" (Patton, 1990), and "construct-, face, and catalytic validity" (Lather, 1986b). Peshkin (1988), Nielson (1990), 73 and Lather (1986b) describe the object-subject relationship as one characterized by openness. The researcher’s "Subjective I ’s" (Peshkin, 1988) should not be suppressed, but should be acknowledged and brought to the surface. And among many others, Patton (1990) notes that the relationship researcher-researched should be characterized by direct and personal contact. Although the social world Is constructed and, consequently, multiple re a litie s exist, one need not dread being drowned In what Sparkes (1989) refers to as "a sea of relativism." The postpositivist paradigm also Incorporates research standards. As Patton states, "The point Is to be aware of how one’ s perspective affects fieldwork, to carefully document a ll procedures so that others can review methods fo r bias, and to be open

In describing the limitations of the perspective presented" (1990:482). Similarly, Lather states, "Praxis-oriented research can only benefit from agreed upon procedures which make empirical decision-making public and hence subject to criticism " (1986a:172).

The Paradigms In the Social Science: Author’ s Position

I believe In the postcolonial notion that the Idea of unified person, or "the Idea of a stable, consistent, and coherent self" (Bogdan

& Biklen, 1992, p. 28) Is a p o s itiv is t myth. Being a biraclal and multicultural person, I experience dally that I have the capacity to act guided by different Identities, without experiencing conflict. Not only do

I fin d I t possible to distinguish between, fo r example, my 1 as a Western- trained researcher and my 1 as an Indonesian-Dutch young woman v is itin g

Indonesian-Dutch families. It Is also possible to distinguish between, for 74

example, my I as a critical theorist, my I as an interpretative researcher, and even ray I as a p o s itiv is t. Being educated in an environment in which positivism was the dominant paradigm, I have to

acknowledge the la tte r I as w ell. And thus, while I am giving th is overview of my position in the paradigm discussion, I realize that this formulated position is an ideal one and that my actions not necessarily always reflect this position. Yet,

as Glesne and Peshkin claim (1992) "people tend to adhere to the

methodology that is most consonant with their socialized worldview" (p. 9). My intentions are to act upon the following beliefs as guides fo r my actions.

My ontology and epistemology are postpositivist. I believe in the

postpositivist postulation that reality is constructed through human

interaction, and thus that there are multiple realities (the ontology of interpretive science). Since reality is constructed, knowledge of the world must be attained through the process of interpretation.

I also believe that there are dominant constructions of reality which promote inequity in certain situations. Thus, within the larger framework of postpositivism, I take a critical perspective. As a woman of

color, I experienced inequality early in life , as well as the absence of representation of the realities of people of color in society's institutions (like schools).

For me, valuable research is research that is c r itic a l, educative,

and empowering. Ideally, such a c ritic a l, educative, and empowering research approach should have the following characteristics. I t recognizes oppression in society and in science. Maguire (1987) indicates how both 75 the p o s itiv is t and interpretive paradigm fa il to acknowledge power relationships. In recognizing oppression, however, one should be aware of the danger of paternalism (Lather, 1991; Soltis, 1989; Stanfield, 1985). Lather (1991:22) delineates the "sins of imposition in the name of liberatory pedagogy." In a ll situations, researchers should remain conscious of the existence of multiple re a litie s . With the acknowledgement of multiple realities, false consciousness has become a non-issue, since there is no one true consciousness. A ll consciousness, based on different realties is true in its own context. One strategy to counteract the dangers of paternalism, as described above, is by focusing on progressive groups. Progressive groups are here defined as groups already working toward emancipation. In c ritic a l research the f ir s t p rio rity is to focus on oppression in terms of race, class, and sex. Another way to counteract paternalism in liberatory research is to combine critical theory with a deconstructive scope, a scope which acknowledges m ultiple re a litie s and studies its construction through human interaction and interpretation. Lather (1991:102) claims:

"deconstruction can serve to problematize critical pedagogy in ways that nurture emancipatory work as opposed to destroy i t . " She discusses

Ellsworth’s decision to focus on the researcher’s own discourses of criticism and resistance in a liberatory study.

I value research that pursues a close, equal, and involved relationship between researcher and researched. Such a relationship encourages the respondents to open up th e ir re a lity to the researcher. In order to establish this relationship, thorough knowledge of the culture of the researched and th e ir history is necessary (Lather, 1986b; Patton, 76

1990). For outsider-researchers a knowledge base Is best attained through a long period of (prior) ethnography. Insider-research fa c ilita te s a good relationship with the respondents, for a certain degree of mutual understanding is already present (Baca Zinn, 1979). The acclaimed negative aspects of insider-research, bias in data gathering and interpretation, can be counteracted by meeting the standards of good s c ie n tific work: subjecting the data to qualitative standards of quality. Qualitative research ethics require that informants’ interests are safeguarded

(Spradley, 1979), and that results are returned to the informants (Baca Zinn, 1979). Even with insider-research, a deconstructive scope is of great value, as it is another precaution against bias. Despite the fact that the researcher is of the same community as the people involved in the study, description of different realities of both —and within the community as a whole— should be given, so i t can be deconstructed by the readers.

For me, a study ideally exhibits a dialectic relationship between theory and practice. In such a dialectic relationship, theory and practice are not distinguished as complete different entities, used in different phases of the study and in different arenas of social life . In Freirean research, for example, distinctions between research, learning, and action

—on the side of the researcher as well as on the side of the researched— are blurred (Lather, 1986b:73).

Lastly, I value research that contributes to change. The term change refers to Freire’ s conception of conscientization: the respondents recognize hegemonic ideology in their own thinking and in the thinking of others (through dialogue instead of imposition!). Also, the research w ill 77 provide the researched with tools to work toward change —meaning change away from oppression.

Research Questions The study of related literature, my biography and the pilot study resulted in the formulation of the following questions.

1. How do f ir s t - and second-generation Indonesian-Dutch respondents, in

the Netherlands, Indonesia, and the United States, describe their

educational experiences at home and in school?

2. How do the respondents describe th e ir ethnic identity? 3. What is their perception of the influence of minority education on the development of their ethnic identity?

4. What are the similarities and differences within this group of

respondents, across the two generations and the three countries of

residence?

5. What does this case reveal for educational policy in multicultural studies?

P ilo t Study

In the months January, February, and March of 1992, I conducted a p ilo t study. In th is period, I contacted three Indo-Dutch families liv in g in the proximity of Columbus, Ohio. I conducted the p ilo t study while I was taking a practicum course in qualitative research methods and I turned my fieldwork notes in as assignments. The course provided an overview of literature on qualitative research methods and furnished me with feedback on my pilot study experiences. 78

The interview, participant observation, document analysis, and the survey were tried out as possible methods of data collection. I in itia lly planned to use interviews only, and experimented with diffe re n t forms of interviewing during the pilot. The pilot illuminated the possibilities of participant observation and documents as data collection methods. During the in itia l meetings with respondents, I f e lt I could learn much about the respondents by interacting and observing. I envisioned to be able to witness culture in action. The respondents offered to show me photographs and provided me with the idea to correspond with th e ir long-distance family members, a suggestion I appreciated. For th is p ilo t I conducted two interviews (one with a second- generation person and one with a first-generation couple), two observation sessions (the f ir s t in which I met and talked to two first-generation couples, the second session in which the use of respondents’ photographs came up), and two surveys. Each session lasted two to three hours. The respondents participating in th is p rio r ethnography, suggested other people who might be interested in participating in the study. During th is p ilo t, I was faced with the issue of bilingualism. I decided to transcribe the tapes in the language actually spoken during the sessions. In th is way, most of the lite r a l words of the respondents, and th e ir specific meaning, would be preserved as long as possible. Finally, my being an insider in the Indo-Dutch community, the need for a pilot study was of a different character than in case of an outside researcher. Since I was born and grew up in the Indo-Dutch community, I consider myself to be acquainted with the more general characteristics of the respondents’ cultural framework. 79

Research Design Ethnography and Life History

Although th is study is not an ethnography in the s tric t sense of the word, its cultural focus and its research method have a lo t in common with ethnographic research. H isto rica lly, ethnography is the research method used in anthropology. Zaharlick (1992) discusses that anthropologists tend to be generalist, investigating the physical, social, personal, cultural, and historical bases of human existence. Consequently, th e ir approach to th e ir studies evolved into a h o lis tic , re la tiv is tic , and comparative one.

With the emergence of the postkuhnian era, ethnography was used as an exemplar fo r the reformulation of social science research methods. Zaharlick (1992) sums up the essential characteristics of ethnographic research: social relationships, researcher as learner, first-hand observation, long-term observation, participant observation, ethnographer as research instrument, n a tu ra listic observation, eclectic approach, interactive-reactive approach, holistic perspective, humanistic description, and cross-cultural frame of reference.

The postmodern era in social science brought about a revival of the lif e history method (Williams, 1991), a method used in ethnography. Aside from the urban ethnography that developed out of the Chicago School of sociology, ethnographic research was until recently predominantly conducted by white. Western researchers with non-Western people of color as subjects. Colonial attitudes are s till reflected in the negative use of concepts such as "going native" (a phenomenon that is supposed to be avoided). 80

Williams (1991) describes how in the early 1970s, young anthropologists introduced criticism of the absence of individual personalities and the emphasis on ahistorical presentation of cultural systems in modern ethnography. Modern ethnography was c ritic iz e d fo r its colonial research attitude: the researcher interpreted what she found and presented it as "the truth," without describing the interaction between the ethnographer and the informants, and addressing variation within community cultures. McLaren (1991) illu s tra te s th is change in perspective among ethnographers by emphasizing the importance of addressing the following question: "Whose interests are being served by our research efforts?" Early research on the Indonesian-Dutch experience, as conducted by

Ex (1966), shows how the authoritarian approach of the researcher, in presenting himself as the Expert and the Interpreter of the findings, negates the experiences of the respondents. Despite the fact that the respondents in th is study complain about racism on numerous occasions, the researcher concludes without further explanation, that these complaints illu s tra te an " in fe rio rity complex." Samethini (1991) delineates how these early studies deny the Indo-Dutch people the rig h t to speak for themselves. This criticism by young anthropologists, in combination with feminist researchers searching for alternatives for "science of men" (William, 1991), resulted in the revival of the life history as ethnographic method. Through the use of life history a more varied picture is lik e ly to emerge compared to one in which "the Western (usually white male) academic explains through Western theory" (Williams, 1991:x iv ). 81 Rosaldo (1987) and C liffo rd (1988) stress the importance of giving voice to the researched, instead of merely describing them from the researchers perspective. Life history appears to be an appropriate method for what postmodernist/postcolonialist claim the goal of research: describing the variety and complexity of human behavior and social lif e . McLaren (1991) describes culture as a field of discourse: culture as a dynamic concept, consisting of multiple realties, each reality interacting with and

influencing another. For multicultural education research, or minority education research, ethnography appears a very appropriate method. Zaharlick (1992:122) argues: "Providing rich ethnographic descriptions of groups, schools and school communities can suggest where adjustments might be made to more successfully respond to d iffe re n t needs." This is one contribution

I, as a researcher, am trying to make with this study.

Population and Sampling

The population under study is a group of people of mixed Indonesian and Dutch ancestry; a community which evolved in the Dutch East-Indian colonial society. This group can mostly be found in the urban areas of the Netherlands, Indonesia, and the United States.

In order to get a varied picture of this bi-racial minority group,

I chose to study Indonesian-Dutch respondents belonging to (a) two generations and (b) residing in three nation states. In this study, the

"first"-generation Indo-Dutch, refers to the generation born and raised

(u n til th e ir adolescence/young adulthood) in the Dutch East-Indian colonial society. Their ages range from approximately 50 to approximately 82

70 years. The "second"-generation of Indo-Dutch refers to the generation born out of the firs t, and thus born after decolonization. Their ages range from approximately 25 to approximately 35 years.

I selected respondents residing in the Netherlands, in Indonesia, and in the United States fo r participation. Indonesian-Dutch respondents residing in the Netherlands are, in general, (descendants of) Indo-Dutch people who retained th e ir Dutch citizenship and were forced to leave Indonesia in the period 1949-1957. Indonesian-Dutch respondents residing in the United States, are, in general, (descendants of) a sub-group of the

Indonesian-Dutch who immigrated to the Netherlands and who consequently made use of the p o s s ib ility to immigrate to the United States. The

Indonesian-Dutch in Indonesia, are, in general, (descendants of) Indo- Dutch people who switched citizenship from Dutch to Indonesian, in the period of 1949-1957.

Because the nature and purpose of th is study and the above described assumptions about re a lity and the nature of knowledge, I used purposeful sampling. Information-rich cases, individuals of whom I believed they were interested, involved and willing to talk about the topic of this study, were selected fo r in-depth study (Patton, 1990). The sample strategy of th is research was of the snowball sampling-type (Patton, 1990:176): information rich key informants recommended other critical informants.

Because the respondents had to meet certain c rite ria of age and location as mentioned before, I combined the snowball sampling method with crite rio n sampling.

First, contacts were made (either by phone, by letter, or in person) with possible respondents from either the f ir s t - , or second-generation 83

Indo-Dutch. The American (first-generation) respondents were approached with the help of (1) an elderly Indonesian-Dutch woman whom I had coincidentally met at an informal occasion (and who proved to be a relative of my parents in the Netherlands), and (2) my relatives in the Netherlands. The Dutch (second-generation) respondents are acquaintances of mine, mostly former colleagues. One key Indonesian (first-generation) respondent was approached with the help of another acquaintance of mine, an American professor living in Jakarta, Indonesia. Through this one key informant the other Indonesian respondents were identified and asked to participate.

When a positive decision was made concerning participation, a prospective participant’s parent or child (depending on what generation was contacted first) was contacted and asked to participate. In most cases, people were immediately w illin g to be part of th is study. The sampling method might have caused th is positive attitude. Twenty-two respondents participated in th is study. They are members of thirteen participating families. Five families reside in Indonesia, five in the United States, and four in the Netherlands. Ten respondents were member of the first-generation and twelve were member of the second- generation.

It is important to mention that of the twenty-two respondents, fifte e n were female and seven were male. This sampling result was fortuitous because, in social research in general and research on the

Indonesian-Dutch experience in particular, too l i t t l e attention has been given to the experiences of women. In addition, I follow up on Williams’ argument that "this focus on women is appropriate in a book of life 84 histories because feminist scholarship has been responsible for helping to revive interest in personal narrative" (1 9 9 1 :xiii).

Research Methods and Techniques

The fieldnotes for this study were collected through interviews, participant-observations during meetings with respondents and family gatherings at respondents' homes, and to a lesser degree documents (letters and photographs). In the literature on qualitative interviewing,

I have encountered c riticism on p o s itiv is t interpretations of the interview, which I address here as an illu s tra tio n of undesirable interview practice.

Contextual Variations. Deutscher’s article "Words and Deeds: Social Science and Social Policy," (1966) is an early criticism on interviewing, as conducted in survey research. Deutscher discusses p rio r research findings to refute that "Words are actions in miniature." With illustration of prior studies, he demonstrates a discrepancy between what people say and what people do. Thus, researchers should not tre a t accounts as synonymous with the a ffa irs they speak of. Deutscher argues that what people say is more a reflection o f people’ s attitudes and concludes that the interview fails to give information on "the truth of" people’s deeds/behavior. Deutscher’ s argument opens up the discussion of what the outcomes of an interview actually entail.

In search of "The Truth," p o s itiv is ts struggle with variations in interview practice due to different interviewer behavior and speech, and different interview contexts. These variations are considered technical 85 problems and subject to control by strictly following rules and regulations for standardization. Mi shier (1986) describes some of these variations. Because his own research has shown that the interviewer always —at least somewhat— alters the questions to be asked, it is his conviction that every question asked in an interview is an unique prompt fo r the interviewee, even though the interviewer is using standard questions. In event that several interviewers are used fo r the same study (which is common practice in p o s itiv is t research), i t seems obvious that each interviewer —with her own d iffe re n t background— w ill formulate the assigned questions differently. Mishler indicates that the variations also occur with only one interviewer. And thus, not only the unique biography of the researcher, but also the interview context strongly influence the formulation of the questions. Mishler concludes that i t is impossible to draw generalizations from

interviewing since the very nature of a social event is unique. Thus, what positivist consider problematic in the interview method, Mishler perceives as essential for understanding human behavior.

The Qualitative Interview. Postpositivist forms of interviewing, are, more or less, based on postpositivist assumptions about the nature of the social world and of knowledge; most importantly the notion o f a complex, changing constructed world (Patton, 1990; Maguire, 1987; McCutcheon &

Jung, 1990). Because of their belief in a constructed world, post­ p o s itiv is t researchers acknowledge the importance of context and the uniqueness of each research situation. Postpositivist researchers are not 86 searching for "The Truth" and laws of social life , but for respondents’ (unique) interpretations of happenings. According to Bogdan and Biklen

(1992:96) interviews "are used to gather descriptive data in the subjects’ own words so that the researcher can develop insights on how subjects interpret some piece of the world." While conducting the postpositivist interview in the natural setting of the interviewee and reproducing natural conversation through the open interview style, the researcher intends to create an atmosphere in which the interviewee feels comfortable to ta lk freely about her experiences. The reproduction of a natural conversation situation means, also, that there is an equal power relationship during the interview and thus that the interviewee is just as much in charge in determining what the conversation is about, how long it will take, and is just as entitled to ask questions as the interviewer. Patton (1990) describes three forms of the postpositivist interview: the informal conversational interview, the general interview guide approach, and the standardized open-ended interview. The informal conversational interview is the interview form that most acknowledges the postpositivist assumptions: there are no predetermined questions, the interviewee fu lly determines the contents of the interview, the interviewer only asks questions emerging from what is being said by the interviewee. Because of its standardization of question formulation and sequence, the standardized open-ended interview least reflects post­ p o s itiv is t assumptions. The general interview guide approach is somewhere halfway along the continuum because of its predetermined topics but openness of formulation and sequence of questions. 87

The Interview in this Research. In this study, I chose the interview guide approach despite the realization that pure naturalistic inquiry and predetermination of any kind are incompatible. Fetterman (1989:49) discusses the interview-guide approach and the standardized open-ended interview, and poses the question "How does the field worker establish and maintain a natural situation while attempting to learn about another person's life in a relatively systematic fashion?"

Since a considerable portion of what was intended to be studied in this research involves past experiences of the respondents, the interview- guide approach to interviewing seemed the appropriate approach. I asked

Indonesian-Dutch people about th e ir past experiences. Fetterman (1989) addresses retrospective interviews and claims that despite the possible distortion because of failure to memorize, these type of interviews can be useful if the researcher has sufficient historical understanding. My background as a member of the group under study, and having gradually learned about interpretations of the Indonesian-Dutch history through story telling by relatives during my upbringing, provides me with such necessary historical understanding to interpret many Indonesian-Dutch past experiences. In addition, my h istorical understanding of the

Indonesian-Dutch experience was expanded when I began immersing myself in the formal/academic history w riting on the Indo-Dutch experience, some ten years ago.

Haig-Brown (1988) also defends retrospective interviewing by claiming that important moments w ill survive in people’ s mind. "Rather than seeing time as distorting, we might consider i t as a f i l t e r which 88 allows clearer vision of the matters of importance in a person’ s lif e "

(Haig-Brown, 1988:142). The interviews lasted one to two hours depending on situation, and were predominantly conducted in Dutch with the first-generation respondents, the Dutch second-generation, and two o f the Indonesian second-generation respondents, and in English with the other second- generation respondents. In certain cases, the respondents used Indonesian words or sayings to refer to something that was either characteristic of the Indonesian-Dutch experience, or was not easily translated in either

English or Dutch. I conducted all interviews myself. I audio-recorded the interviews on a mi ni-cassette recorder and used a PZM microphone, which proved to be very helpful especially when there were more persons involved. After each interview session, I (hand-) wrote down the fie ld notes and transcribed the tapes on the word processor. In case of unclear statements, I would ask respondents fo r c la rific a tio n in a next session/meeting.

Where possible, I set up informal introductory meetings before the appointments were made to interview. In this way I could become acquainted with the respondents and visa-versa, before the interview took place. The interviews were held at the respondents’ homes. I originally intended to have no third party around while interviewing —to prevent distraction.

However, during the data collection process, I realized that the presence of relatives (who in some cases participated in the interview) may even be effective since i t contributed to the natural setting. Furthermore, i t appeared advantageous, because i t created an educative moment in which 89 family history was being told without interruption. And lastly, it created an opportunity for (family gathering) observation. I promised the respondents anonymity. While reading the instructions at the beginning of each interview session, I indicated the possibility fo r respondents to choose a pseudonym fo r themselves. I considered that in doing so, the pseudonyms could be more meaningful to the respondent. For instance, respondents could select a name they p a rticu la rly liked or one that referred to ancestors, friends, public figures, etc. S till, only few respondents actually choose a pseudonym fo r themselves. Instead, some of the respondents e x p lic itly asked me to assign them one. For them, I chose pseudonyms that more or less matched the real names of the respondents (in length, sound and origin), while they were at the same time relevant to myself: names of my (Indonesian-Dutch) ancestors, relatives, acquaintances, and names of my friends. The respondents were individually informed of th e ir chosen/assigned pseudonyms, at the time th e ir lif e history was sent to them, as member-check. As much as possible, other references that could lead to identification of the respondents, were either altered or deleted.

Some of the quest ion-topics I used to trigger the talk were: curriculum and instruction in schools in the Dutch East Indies/United

States/Netherlands/Indonesia, characteristics of the upbringing in the home, (knowledge of) Dutch/Indonesian language, knowledge of Indo-Dutch history, ethnic identification, acculturation experiences, affective connections to Indonesian-Dutch community, to the Netherlands, the United

States and Indonesia. Appendix A provides the complete lis t I used during interviewing. 90

As much as possible, I presented the question topics in a chronological manner (in terms of relevance in each phase of a respondent’ s lif e ) , which resulted an overview of the respondents’ live s. The respondents’ accounts of their lives were used as a vehicle to understand Indo-Dutch education, ethnic identity and migration (Bogdan and

Biklen, 1992:64). The older generation has lived in (at least) five d iffe re n t time frames: colonial Dutch East Indies, Japanese occupied

Indonesia, the revolutionary war, independent Indonesia, as migrant in the Netherlands, and as migrant in the United States. Like the respondents in Williams’ study Javanese Lives (1991), my respondents’ stories need to be gathered by social scientists in order to be preserved.

Observation

In addition to interviews, I used observation as data collection method. Patton (1990) cites Denzin (1978) describing participant observation as an omnibus fie ld strategy. Interviewing, document analysis, direct participation, observation, and introspection are combined in this one strategy. Denzin (1989) states that a good interviewer is by necessity also a participant observer. In the field work for this study, I found it extremely difficult to clearly distinguish interviews from participant observation. On several occasions the lines between the two to ta lly blurred. For example, an intended observation session involved a lot of ta lkin g , which made i t seem more lik e an open interview. On the other hand a scheduled interview meeting started o ff lik e a family gathering, in which I could s it back and observe. 91

Denzin (1989:160) describes how observation allows the researcher to participate directly in the subject's symbolic world. Each participant was observed in at least two sessions: during the individual interview and during a family gathering. The interview/observation sessions were held at the respondents’ homes. I believed that (participant-) observing a family gathering of each family would be useful fo r several reasons. F irs t, i t would provide me with the opportunity to see the respondents’ version of Indonesian-Dutch culture in action, in the interaction between relatives. Secondly, seeing the first-generation and second-generation respondents interact with each other and with others would give me a better background to interpret the meaning of the respondents’ stories given in the interviews.

Unfortunately, with four of the thirteen participating families, a separate family gathering observation could not take place, due to time constraints. There were no reasons for a family gathering, like a birthday or a holiday, while the researcher was in the vicinity, and/or it was too d iffic u lt to organize a family gathering for the mere sake of this study.

During the observed family gatherings, my role was prim arily that of a participant observer, with more emphasis on the former than on the la tte r. Although the respondents were aware of my research interest, my insider position and emphasis on participating made it possible that the observation session retained most of its natural character. "Field notes are the a rtifa cts of the experience of doing ethnography," Williams claims (1990). As Bogdan and Biklen (1992) suggest,

I refrained from taking notes in the presence of the others. I find making notes in the presence of the respondents too disturbing to the natural 92 situation. I would write down field notes after leaving the scene.

Remembering noticings after the observation sessions did not turn out to be a problem.

Documents

In two cases I used documents as th ird method to co lle ct the data.

In one case, a respondent’ s photograph albums were used as a stimulus to reconstruct his experiences. The photographs portrayed the respondent’s life in Indonesia: official family pictures, pictures of family gatherings, trips, and friends, and school pictures; his migration to the Netherlands; his lif e in the Netherlands; his migration to the United States; and his lif e in the United States. The respondent talked about the different phases in his life , with the pictures reviving his memory. This session was audio-recorded and transcribed.

In addition to photographs, I corresponded with two respondents, using personal le tte rs in order to gather data. In the lite ra tu re on q u a lita tive research, no reference can be found to correspondence between researcher and participants as data collection method. Bogdan and Biklen (1992) refer to using th ird party personal le tte rs fo r document analysis.

According to me, such correspondence, d iffe re n t from a survey for its personal and in-depth character, can be extremely useful in qualitative research, despite the fact that i t may be a time-consuming enterprise.

I t was impossible to interview two of the respondents in person.

A fter I made in itia l contact or was helped with i t by other respondents,

I sent these respondents a le tte r in which I asked them w rite about th e ir 93 lives using a provided lis t of questions as guideline. Despite its extended p o s s ib ilitie s , th is exchange was a one time event.

Analysis

Until recently, little attention has been given to analysis in q u a lita tive research lite ra tu re and in qualitative research write-ups

(Bogdan & Biklen, 1992). I do not want to make the same mistake as many other qualitative researchers in presenting analysis as a black box in research. Therefore the analysis procedure in th is study is described in the following section.

Analysis During Data Collection

Glesne and Peshkin (1992), Bogdan and Biklen (1992), and Patton

(1990) address data analysis occurring both during and a fte r data collection. Although most of the data analysis in this study happened a fte r data collection (especially in terms of organized data analysis), naturally data analysis also occurred during the data collection. The growing number of encounters and conversations with respondents, as well as reading the lite ra tu re on the Indonesian-Dutch experience (which could only be obtained and read during data collection in the Netherlands) initiated thinking about the study's early outcomes in terms of patterns and exceptional situations.

Unfortunately, because of my to ta l immersion in the Indonesian-Dutch community (actually liv in g with respondents, away from a "neutral" office), I found it d ifficu lt to take a distance from my dwelling with the group under study in order to write down the early emerging patterns. 94

Instead, I did what Bogdan and Biklen (1992:164) warn against. I further analyzed my early findings by talking to friends about it. In retrospect, the words of Bogdan and Biklen seem so true:

We do warn you, however, that talking about your analysis can reduce the energy needed to do the hard work of putting your thinking down on paper. Said once, an idea may no longer compel you to record i t ; i t becomes "something everybody knows," in the public domain. Data analysis must include time when you are alone with your computer. However, I experienced that most of the early findings were powerful enough to be stored in my memory, u ntil I le ft the communities and started post-data collection analysis.

During the data collection, I did spent time "alone with the computer," while transcribing most of the conducted interviews and typing up some of the handwritten fieldnotes taken after observations. This required less disconnection from my dwelling with the Indonesian-Dutch community compared to actual analysis.

Analvsis After Data Collection

After I returned home from data collection trips to the Netherlands,

C alifornia, and Indonesia, I reserved a bloc of time of three-and-a-half months for analysis. Although some w riting and lite ra tu re study took place during this period, I spent most of the time on getting ready for data- analysis and the analysis itself. At first, I organized the data, as

Patton proposes "(to ) make sure i t 's a ll there" (1990:379). This organization took a great deal of time because I had not yet transcribed all the interviews, and most of my observation notes were only handwritten. 95

When all the fieldnotes were organized, typed up, and formatted for analysis (with a wide right-side margin and numbered lin e s), I copied everything several times, both on computer disks and on paper. As suggested by Bogdan and Biklen (1992) and Patton (1990), I consequently read through all the fieldnotes at least twice, to refresh my memory and to prepare my mind fo r creating the codes.

Due to the comparative, cross-generational and cross-national, nature of this study, the framework for coding is set by the three countries of residence and the two generations. I developed a code-book (Glesne and Peshkin, 1992) or a data-index (Patton, 1990) drawing on relevant lite ra tu re , my own cultural framework, the interview topics, interview transcripts and field notes. During the analysis process I modified the in itia l lis t of codes regularly, introducing new codes while removing others. I prioritized the codes based on frequency in transcripts and fieldnotes. The final codes are reflected in three findings chapters addressing culture at home, culture in school, and ethnic id e n tity, and in the topics addressed in each o f these chapters.

I used the created codes and categories to label all the fieldnotes.

Finally, 1 cut and categorized the data, using the "Cut-up-and-put-in-

Folders Approach" (Bogdan and Biklen, 1992:177). Three major file s

(discussed in Chapters V, VI, and VII) held l i t t l e stacks of pieces of interview transcripts and fieldnotes, paper-clipped together, addressing several themes and sub-themes, as well as the d iffe re n t generations and environments. While reading through each l i t t l e stack in each f ile , and with my background knowledge based on lite ra tu re and experience, I looked 96 for patterns and for explanations for patterns, as well as for negative cases and rival explanations. The "Cut-up-and-put-in-Folder Approach" made me realize two things.

I experienced how time-consuming the enterprise was and questioned whether using a computer program lik e Ethnograph would have been a more effective way fo r the coding process. In itia lly , I had rejected the idea of using Ethnograph because I preferred the physical contact with the data. Secondly, I regretted the loss of information, cutting up interviews which made up such rich data in th e ir completeness. Being a qualitative study, the purpose was "to gather comprehensive, systematic, and in-depth information about each case of interest" (Patton, 1990:384). In order to retain the richness of each respondent’ s account, I decided to add another data analysis approach to this study on top of the one described above. I decided to combine the analysis resulting in the description of patterns across generations, countries of residence, and other characteristics with the construction of life histories. The major aim driving the construction of the life histories was to provide the reader with a relatively brief (approximately six pages) overview of the particularities of each respondent’s life . This should function as a background against which the following findings chapters could be interpreted. I especially used those parts of the interviews and fieldnotes that reflect mostly the unique experiences in each respondent’ s life , experiences that constitute the context of formal and informal educational experiences, and the formation of ethnic identity. To prevent re pe titio n , I u tiliz e d only those references to educational experiences that would be too elaborate to be mentioned in Chapters V, VI or V II. 97

A life history chapter followed by other findings chapters more focussed on analysis appears to address the cry fo r both description and analysis in qualitative and ethnographic research. Langness and Frank

(1981) criticize the earliest life histories for including little analysis. Zaharlick (1992:121) quotes established ethnographers while delineating that "most good ethnographic studies go beyond description to include analysis, both cultural and cross-cultural." And Patton argues that "interpretation, by definition, involves going beyond the descriptive data" (1990:423).

Constructed Life Histories. "Constructing life history is a collaborative act," Langness and Frank maintain, and thus "self-consciousness is as v ita l as consciousness of the other" (1981:86). I want to emphasize that the lif e histories in th is study are, indeed, constructed lif e histories. The construction has taken place in several stages. F irs t of a ll, I determined the topics around which the respondents were asked to te ll their life history. By doing so, I have demarcated the material for the respondent to use in constructing her lif e history.

Secondly, during the interview negotiation between me and my respondents of meaning of both questions and answers further constructed the lif e histories (Langness & Frank, 1981: Mishler, 1986). Mishler (1986) presents the following scenario as characteristic for all interview situations. Based on the context in which the interview takes place and th e ir understanding of the question, respondents formulate a response. Depending upon whether th is formulation ( i.e ., the researcher’ s interpretation of it ) is considered to be s u ffic ie n t, the researcher 98 continues to ask questions. Consequently, the respondents attempt to f i t th e ir answers to what was conceived to be (the new) question. In th is way verbal exchange takes place u n til an accepted level of shared agreement is achieved.

Thirdly, I further contributed to the construction of the life histories by rearranging and editing the interviews. I attempted to make the life histories topically related and chronological. In addition, I edited the life histories into smoothly flowing narrative. I followed

Williams’ (1991) example in emphasizing the importance of making the respondents’ ideas accessible to the broader public. This is done, where necessary, by alternating the respondents’ own words in order to make them more readable with distorting the meaning as minimally as possible.

Finally, I constructed the life histories by translating those interviews that were not o rig in ally conducted in the English language. Not only did I conduct a ll the interviews myself, I also did a ll the translation. Being bilingual and immersed in both the Indo-Dutch culture and in the American social science culture, I trusted my own translations more than translations done by translators with only partial knowledge of the issues covered in th is study.

Lastly, using Williams’ statement that "a lif e history is not the truth but that person’ s understanding of what has happened" (I9 9 1 :x iii),

I emphasize that these life histories are not the TRUTH, but my understanding of the respondents’ understanding of the major happenings during their lives.

On basis of the interviews, the observations, and correspondence, I constructed twenty-two life histories. 99

Quality and Credibility Patton (1990) identifies three separate but related Inquiry elements fo r assessing the c re d ib ility issue fo r qualitative inquiry. According to

Patton, a qualitative study should be judged on (1) its techniques and methods for gathering high-quality data, (2) the credibility of the researcher, and (3) the philosophical belief in qualitative research.

Lather (1986b) suggests four criteria for validity in qualitative research: triangulation, construct validity, face validity, and catalytic validity. These criteria address Patton’ s firs t and third inquiry element fo r assessing the c re d ib ility issue.

Triangulation is important in establishing data trustworthiness because of its possible exposure of both counter patterns and convergences

(Lather, 1986b). Patton(1990) defines triangulation as: "the combination of methodologies in the study of the same phenomena or programs." In th is study I triangulated respondents and methods. The respondents varied in age/generation, home country, commitment to preserving the Indo-Dutch heritage, and education. The different used methods were: participant observation, interviews, and, to a minor degree, documents. Construct validity is based on the qualitative research assumption that theory should be b u ilt inductively. I t assesses research on its theory building and on its reflexivity. Through reflexivity the researcher should acknowledge and discuss her subjectivity, her theoretical assumptions, and relate them to the experiences of the respondents.

Construct validity appeared to be a methodological issue that has shown to be especially important in my learning about methodological matters, as well as about myself as a researcher. While writing up my 100 findings I found i t very important to give voice to my respondents by providing the reader with a great deal of data display. The acknowledgement of the l i t t l e research that had been done on the experiences of the Indonesian-Dutch, and with th is research predominantly reflecting the white Dutch interpretation of these experiences, motivated this choice of emphasis. The significance of giving voice to my respondents caused the w rite up of th is research to be prim arily descriptive, and thus less analytical.

Many handbooks on qualitative methodology stress the need of qua lita tive research to move beyond "mere" description. Indeed, as mentioned before, construct validity assesses research on its theory building. Yet, I find support for my emphasis on description in the words o f q u a lita tive scholars (e.g., Peshkin, 1993; Root, 1992) who point out

"the foundational character of good description for all research, as well as for its often-slighted academic companion — prescription" (Peshkin, 1993). These scholars claim that description is especially of importance in areas that are s t i l l re la tiv e ly unexplored.

As fa r as re fle x iv ity is concerned, I experienced a problematic relationship between my I as a qualitative researcher, and my I as an

Indonesian-Dutch researcher. Not only did I find it to be inappropriate to foreground myself, the researcher, by describing my reflexivity as suggested in qualitative methods handbooks because of my wish to give voice to my respondents, being an insider-researcher and knowing my values and the values of my respondents — valuing the collective above the individual — I found i t improper to ta lk about myself in the findings 101 chapters. S till, reflexivity is sought to be accounted for by describing my a-priori theory (in this methodology chapter). My problematic relationship with reflexivity, developing in the course of this study, confronted me with the question of the possibility of cultural bias in the articulation of qualitative research standards. The reflexivity requirement assumes a certain comfort-level on the part of the researcher with fore-grounding herself. This appears to be based on the Western emphasis on in d ivid u a lity, and co n flictin g with the non-

Western value on the collective.

Face v a lid ity refers to the degree to which the respondents recognize themselves in the analysis and w rite up of the study. One way to establish face v a lid ity is to do member checks. By continuously asking fo r feedback on my understanding of the respondents’ accounts, during the interview, face validity was established in this study. In addition, I sent a ll respondents the constructed lif e histories and asked them to react with an assessment of these stories.

Assessing a study on its ca ta lytic value means that a study is judged on the extent i t has contributed to emancipation of the studied

(oppressed) group. The catalytic value of this research lies only in its e ffo rt to document the Indo-Dutch heritage. Unfortunately, there are too few studies conducted in/on the Indo-Dutch community. The first-generation respondents have indicated their preoccupation with the survival of the

Indo-Dutch culture. For both the f ir s t - , and second-generation, my w riting down th e ir lif e histories showed them that th e ir stories are worth being to ld , listened to, and reported on. From reactions o f respondents, i t appears that fo r many (some more than others) th is research has sparked 102

interest in their own history/culture and the history/culture of the Indo- Dutch community as a whole. I have presented myself in d iffe re n t sections of this chapter. I provided an overview of my position in the paradigm discussion, addressing Patton’s second and third credibility issue. I mentioned before, that I am

a member of the community under study. This characteristic of the researcher and the study is of influence on the quality of this research. Mishler (1986) recommends the serious treatment of the social

construction of the interview. He asserts that the study of organizations of conversations between the researcher and the respondents should be the primary aim of analysis. Although Mishler’s argument is very convincing,

the scope of this study only permits me to address this mode of construction as part of its justification. In my opinion, the organization of the conversations (both during interviews and observations) was most influenced by my biography as an Indonesian-Dutch (second-generation) community member, i.e the fact that

I am an insider researcher. What was said, how i t was said and when i t was

said appeared to be influenced by this situation.

The f ir s t glance at me, the researcher, standing at the respondents’ door, waiting to be met by the respondent at the train station, or at the airport, in many cases appeared to be followed by relief on the part of

the respondents, because of recognition of the researcher’s clearly

Indonesian-Dutch looks. I interpreted th is f ir s t reaction as a feeling of

r e lie f since many of the respondents would immediately begin talking about

th e ir own or my ethnicity, something that in the Indonesian-Dutch 103 community in general, is only done between people who know each other to a certain degree. The respondents appeared to appreciate my knowledge of the culture, language and history of the Indonesian-Dutch people, as shown in my reactions to their stories. Often times a phrase like: "you probably know what I mean with th is ," or "you probably know i t was lik e th is ," would be uttered after the in itia l stage of the conversations, in which I as the researcher had proven my understanding. Also frequently, the respondents appeared to be speaking in codes, using concepts the meanings of which were presented as self-evident, not warranting explanation. At the same time, the first-generation respondents regularly approached me as an apprentice, needing to learn more about the

Indonesian-Dutch community and history. Regret that they had not approached their own children as such during their upbringing, and the current realization that the younger generations are loosing the

Indonesian-Dutch ethnic id e n tity, and thus that the Indonesian-Dutch community is disappearing, may be the causes for this attitude. Conversely, the recurrent second-generation respondents’ attitude towards me seemed one of respect, reflecting the perception that I as the researcher was the expert. Some respondents asked me questions about my interest in the Indonesian-Dutch community, as well as about my ethnic id e n tity. In some cases, i t appeared that I was used as a source of information, concerning Indonesian-Dutch history, culture and e th n icity.

There were only two topics that were brought up by the ( fir s t - generation) respondents, without the questions asked referring to them. In

Chapter Seven, i t is described how the first-generation respondents 104 brought up the issue of the disappearing ethnic group, and the question about having made the rig h t choice fo r country of residence. These matters appear to go to the heart of the first-generation respondents existence. They show a concern with the past and the future necessary to be addressed in a description of "the" Indonesian-Dutch experience.

I t might be discussed to what extend the emergence of these two topics are associated with my ethnicity and age. It appears that such emotional questions w ill not be mentioned to ju s t any researcher, disconnected with the respondents’ specific experience. In addition, the fact that apart from these two topics, a ll other themes were lo g ica lly related to the topics planned to be covered during the interview, seems to indicate that the predetermined topics were relevant to the respondents’ experience. My know-how in the matter might have caused th is good match. A negative consequence of being an insider-researcher, as experienced during th is study, has already been discussed in a prior section on analysis during data collection. Total immersion in the

Indonesian-Dutch community obstructed switching roles from participant to researcher, at certain times.

Concluding Statement

I began this chapter with a philosophy of science discussion. I discussed the d iffe re n t research paradigms and positioned th is study in th is paradigm discussion. I addressed the research design. The sampling method used is presented. The research methods that evolved out of a p ilo t study and out of the researcher’s paradigmatic position, namely interviewing, participant observation and to a minimal degree document 105 analysis, are described. Their variations and strengths and weaknesses, as referred to in the research lite ra tu re , are discussed. Then I provided a description of the analysis procedure. I discussed my decision to write up my findings in both more descriptive and more analytic findings chapters. Finally, I addressed the quality and credibility of this study. CHAPTER IV

LIFE HISTORIES

Introduction Life histories allow readers to perceive a culture from within and show that individual experiences in the culture under study are varied and diverse (Williams, 1991). In addition, the life histories in this study o ffe r a necessary context fo r the findings described in the following chapters. An overview of the respondents’ lives provides a background for the reader’ s interpretation of my findings on Indonesian-Dutch learning of culture at home and in school, and findings on Indonesian-Dutch identity development.

A findings chapter in itse lf, this chapter presents the constructed lif e histories of six of the twenty-two respondents. The remaining lif e histories are given in Appendix E. I need to emphasize that each respondent referred to in the following findings chapters has a unique background, that a ll lif e histories represent a particular angle of discussing Indonesian-Dutch culture, and thus that the collection of the lif e histories as a whole illu s tra te the d ive rsity of the Indonesian-Dutch experience. Reading all life histories before reading the following findings chapters would be most ideal fo r these reasons.

I understand, however, that the reading of all twenty-two stories might be too elaborate and monotonous a process. Therefore I made a

106 107 selection of six life histories for this chapter, while the remaining stories are presented in an appendix. The six lif e histories given here should provide the reader with a taste of both the diversity within Indonesian-Dutch individuals, yet more so of the array of Indonesian-Dutch experiences (as a conglomeration) across time. Placing the respondents’ life histories on a time line, the following array o f Indonesian-Dutch experiences can be distinguished. The respondents’ live s illu s tra te lif e , and educational experiences in particular, in a colonial society. Successively through the life histories, lif e in Japanese occupied South East-Asia during World War I I , and lif e during the Indonesian Nationalist Revolutionary War is depicted. Furthermore, the lif e histories illu s tra te the d iffic u lt decision process on (double) migration and/or change of nationality, and changing status and changing educational provisions in a new or changing society. Lastly, the respondents’ biographies exemplify cultural adaptation processes and the processes of learning minority status.

I selected the stories of Maudy and Wim for their insightful description of Indonesian-Dutch experiences in colonial society. Maudy’ s and Wim’s stories provide the reader with some insights into the importance of race in the Dutch East-Indies. Maudy discusses her

Indonesian-Dutch stepmother discrediting her deceased native Indonesian mother, purely on basis of race. Wim’s story however, shows the complexity of the colonial society in its peculiar provisions reducing the influence of race as a determining factor, as for example the European Status for native Indonesians in colonial government service. 108

Maudy’s and Wim’s life histories both exemplify a critical perspective of colonial education. Although they do not represent all respondents, their stories discuss the curriculum in school in more detail than most of the other life histories. Jannie’s story illustrates what life during World War II and the Revolutionary War taught many Indonesian- Dutch people. She discusses formal educational moments in the ROW camps and the informal lessons learned there fo r survival. Her story also illustrates what life as a child was like outside the school building, when Indonesians fo rc e fu lly claimed the independence of th e ir country.

The stories of Maudy, Wim and Jannie describe the period in time when all Indonesian-Dutch were forced to make the decision where their future would be. Maudy and Jannie describe th e ir perceptions of th e ir parents’ choices in remaining in, or leaving an independent Indonesia. Wim describes his own decision-making process, as well as that of his brothers and the disappointment his father had to endure during this period, after

30 years of loyal Dutch service. Wim decided to stay in Indonesia, Maudy’ s and Jannie’ s parents decided to go "back" to the Netherlands, and fin a lly

Maudy and her husband decided to immigrate yet another time, to the United States. Jannie’s and Maudy’s stories discuss what it was like arriving in the Netherlands in a d iffic u lt period of reconstruction, after the German occupation. Wim addresses the circumstances under which some Indonesian-

Dutch in Indonesia continued their lives. Jannie, Maudy and Wim discuss th e ir perceptions o f adaptation of Indonesian-Dutch culture to the changing environment. 109

As representatives of the second-generation, I chose the stories of Skryler, Liene and Vincent. Liene’ s story addresses issues related to

growing up as an Indonesian-Dutch person in the Netherlands. I t reflects the changing climate in the Netherlands with regard to its acknowledgement

and appreciation of multicultural ism. Liene’s case illustrates the

complexities of b ira c ia lity and bicultural tty , and yet the enrichment i t may bring to one’s life and to the multicultural society at large. Vincent’ s story highlights the Indonesian-Dutch experiences of being

an outsider and being discriminated against. His findings complement Wim’s

experiences as a first-generation Indonesian-Dutch liv in g in Indonesia.

From reading both stories, i t appears that over a period o f some twenty years, a change of attitude toward the Indonesian-Dutch took place in the

Indonesian society. Skryler’ s lif e history is the la st biography presented in this chapter. Although an extreme case, Skryler represents the feeling among some second-generation Indonesian-Dutch that ethnicity is not of any

sig n ifica n t importance in th e ir presentation of se lf. Skryler grew up in the United States. Yet, she is not necessarily a representative case of the second-generation Indonesian-Dutch in this country. Especially

Francine’ s lif e history in the appendix shows that some Indonesian-Dutch growing up in the United States take a lo t of pride in th e ir heritage.

Like in the cases of Wim and Vincent, Skryler’ s story complements Maudy’s in its assessment of assimilation and integration in the new country of residence. It portrays one development in the spectrum of Indonesian-Dutch experiences in the United States. 110

MAUDY MOLTZER

Being my hostess, in California, Maudy told me short stories about

her life , on a daily basis in an informal setting. The stories were interesting and it appeared to me that her life history would be a great contribution to my study. When I asked her for an interview, however, she in itia lly declined. The idea of the official nature of an interview scared her; she had nothing valuable enough to say, she said. I t took me some time to convince her that I only wanted to hear more stories of the kind she had already told me.

She fin a lly agreed to do the interview, when time started to run out on me, the last day of my stay at her home. Through the interview, I could

record the stories she had already told me and many more. The interview was mostly conducted in Dutch. At times, she switched to English.

I was born in Bandung, February 28, 1929. My father worked fo r the

Dutch Railroad as an accountant. We moved a lo t because he was being

transferred every time. From Bandung to Batavia, from Batavia we went to

Holland fo r his European Leave, when returning from Holland he was

stationed in Sumatera, in Tanjung Karang, and then we went to Surabaya.

While liv in g there, when the war with the Japanese began in ’ 41, and a fte r the war ended, we went back to Surabaya. From Surabaya, we moved to Semarang.

My father was Indonesian-Dutch, but from Portuguese descent; his

ancestry is a mixture of Indonesian and Portuguese. My father and his

brother Ferdinand were the dark members of the family, a ll the others were I l l blond with blue eyes. Can you imagine? My mother was Indonesian, a Sundanese woman. She descended from a royal family; Enyi Raden Emas was her name. 1 lost all contact because, after my mother's death, my father remarried my stepmother, who was re a lly against Indonesians, very prejudiced. So, all connections with my mother’s family were cut off. We have never seen my mother’ s family again, isn’ t that horrible? Being a child , we were in contact a lo t. I was seven years of age, when my mother died, my older sister was ten, and my brother four.

My mother’ s family owned stretches of land, many rice fields, and ponds with goldfish. I t was realy pretty were they lived, in Tasikmalaya, near Bandung. I was fluent in the Sundanese language, which I a ll forgot afterwards. I t ’s really a shame, we lost all the culture of my mother’s family: their ideas, and way of life . For instance, I s till remember participating in a circumcision celebration of my mother’ s youngest brother, when I was only five or four years old. It was a grand party.

They prepared a whole water buffalo, played gamelan (Indonesian tra d itio n a l music) and had wayang performances (shadow play) a ll night long. This was one of the climaxes of Sundanese culture. And then all the tie s with our family and that culture were cut o ff. My stepmother said my mother was a mere maid, who used to pick tea. But, that was not true at a ll. She was an educated woman, of a royal family.

I am re a lly proud that my mother was Sundanese and that she raised us the firs t years of our childhood. After her death, we more or less raised ourselves, a ll three of us. During the revolutionary war, my father was stationed in Singapore, a fte r being released from a Japanese prisoners-of-war camp. Our stepmother had le ft us. With an Ambonese or 112

Menadonese neighbor, we flew to the interior, to prevent running into the Indian Gurkas, who had the reputation of raping girls. In the interior, we landed in a camp, where 1 witnessed a ll babies dying of the measles epidemic. For two years, we were in that camp in the interior.

Fortunately, we survived. The way my father raised us was tremendously s tric t: We had to walk a straight line, especially with boys. At 17, when we went to a party, he would sometimes check on us. My father always told us: i f something happens to you I w ill break your legs. And he meant i t a lrig h t, he would use a rattan stic k . My mother was s tric t too; we had to learn how to cook, how to clean, how to be neat. She was a great housewife, and really taught us the European way more than the Indonesian culture. She had attended a

Dutch elementary and secondary school, and thus was more westernized.

Everything they taught us in school was pure Dutch. Nothing was mentioned about the Indonesian-Dutch. I t was either Indonesian or Dutch. The Indonesian element was reflected in the Indonesian language lessons, besides English, German, and French. Unfortunately, I forgot a lo t of the

Indonesian language, maybe i t w ill come back to me when I v is it Indonesia.

My husband doesn't know any Indonesian, At least, I s t i l l understand a lo t of i t , unlike speaking i t .

I was very interested in Indonesian legends, lik e Bubur Putih, Bubur Merah, which I read in the library. But, at school, we talked more about the Netherlands. We had to sing patriotic songs about which we joked, like

"Wie Neerlands bloed door d’ aderen v lo e it," (he who has Dutch blood running through his veins) and than the next phrase was "Van vreemden smetten v r ij" (free o f alien blemish). And then you could hear somebody in 113 the back of the class say "Maar dat is niet zo" (but, that's not true).

Those kind of songs we were to sing, also "Hollands vlag, je bent mijn glorie" (Dutch flag, you are my glory), stupid things like that. We didn’t know better, my God, we were Dutch. They made you sing these songs, even though some kids had never been to the Netherlands. We had, so we could understand more. We had seen the Netherlands, The Hague, and Amsterdam. We knew what dykes looked lik e , when we talked about the l i t t l e boy with his finger in the dyke. But most Indonesian legends, I ju s t read myself in my spare time. 1 have to admit, we did discuss the book "Max Havelaar," which talks a lo t about Indonesian-Dutch. But, that was i t . We were considerd either Indonesian or Dutch, period. Consequently, our teachers didn’ t make a difference between white Dutch and Indos. We didn’ t experience discrimination at school. I went to elementary schools, f ir s t, in Tanjung Karang, and then in

Surabaya, where I was in the sixth grade when the war broke out. The last grade of elementary school, when the war was beginning, I received private lessons, my father insisted on. After the war, when I was 15-16 years old and after being in a camp for two years, they tested me and put me in the university-preperatory school. I graduated from secondary education in the Netherlands. The schools I attended in the Dutch East-Indies, were all

Dutch schools. The students were Chinese, Indos, and white Dutch. I t was a mixture, but fun. All the teachers were white Dutch.

We were forced to leave Indonesia, all Dutch citizens were, whether Indonesian-Dutch or white Dutch. We were s t i l l children, so we le ft with our parents. My father’s brother and my cousin Sofie remained in 114

Indonesia. And then, of course, my mother’ s family, whom we weren’ t in contact with any longer, remained in Indonesia. After finishing school in the Netherlands, my sister and I found employment in a lig h t bulb factory. I think they thought we were retarded, or something. They had never seen Indo g irls before, and they looked th e ir eyes out. "Where are you from?" Where did you learn Dutch?" Such stupid questions! They had no idea. People found us excellent fo r the more refined jobs, because of our fle x ib le fingers. We were not allowed to s it down, while working. After a some time, my sister just sat down, and when the boss arrived to make her stand up again, she said "Don’ t you think you can treat us like slaves. We are used to receiving respect." She made her point and, afterwards, we were allowed to s it down. But, we decided to look fo r a better job, which we found at the M inistry of Defense. There we had more Indo-Dutch colleagues. We could feel more at home, there.

From 1951 u n til 1962, I lived in Holland, almost 12 years. Then my husband and I immigrated to the United States. My husband (also Indo-

Dutch) hated the Netherlands, the weather, the people. Even though he is very lig h t skinned, he experienced more prejudice than I ever did. He couldn’ t get along with the Dutch people. He couldn’ t stand th e ir dishonesty and th e ir rudeness. I didn’ t have any problems with the Dutch;

I had a lot of white Dutch friends, just like I had Indo-Dutch friends. I didn’ t feel the need to immigrate as much as my husband did. But, he said

"Let us go, I hate the wheather, and the people, and i t is so crowded here. I f we can’ t make i t in America, we w ill return, I promise." And I thought why not. My sister and my brother were already living in the

States, that made a big difference. 115

So we le ft for the States. It was scary in the beginning, you have to speak the English language, which nobody understands because of our Dutch accent, and the lack of slang. "Where are you coming from?" they asked. And when I showed my Dutch passport, they looked surprised, as i f they wanted to ask "how is that possible, you are so dark-skinned?" They didn’t have that reaction with my husband. But, to me a guy said "Oh, Arigato," thinking I was Japanese because of my eyes and the olive color of my skin.

In California, one could notice the different attitude once we said we were Indonesian-Dutch. A ll of a sudden they were nicer, once they knew you were not Mexican, and they were interested in our heritage. For instance, they would ask us why we came to the States. "For the future of our kids we don’t have yet," that was our main reason: not for ourselves but for our kids. But despite the confusion —they even thought I was

Hawaiian "You look lik e a native," they told me— I never experienced any discrimination. Once we considered moving to Wisconsin, where everybody was extremely nice to me, but where I didn’ t feel too much at ease because

I realized I was the only "Little Brown Bear" over there.

I re a lly feel at home in C alifornia. There are a lo t of Indos here, and Indo associations. Florida is okay too, as is Las Vegas fo r its Indo population. But here in California, we comfort each other because we’re a ll displaced persons, even though i t doesn’ t feel as such, anylonger.

S till, the Indo associations are active in getting the Indos together: The "Wapenbroeders," "Neerlandia," "Rosi," the Dutch soccer club. This

Saturday, we w ill go to a Rosi party. I think the Indos here keep more in touch than the Indos in the Netherlands. We w ill meet each other about 116 every two months fo r dancing, flo o r shows, food. We ta lk about Indonesia, about its good food, the tropical fru it, how good a life our parents had, in the olden days. The women ta lk about th e ir mothers being able to act as the lady of the house, because of the many servants, about playing bridge and pentollen (domino). The men ta lk about hunting tigers and boars. Often times, I am asked where I am from and when I say I am

Indonesian-Dutch, the reaction is always positive. At firs t, they think I am Mexican, F ilip in o , or from T a h iti. I am proud to be Indo and that we made such a good lif e fo r ourselves, here. Many Indos have good careers, in the army, as physician, lawyer, engineer, etc. Of course, there are always rotten apples, every race has those. But most of us are okay. I am proud to be a Dutch-Indonesian American. The Indo values of inner civilization, like politeness, respect, graciousness, cleanliness, and good appearance, I consciously transmitted to my children. Always be courteous, be nice. "Behave lik e a human-being not like an animal. It helps alot in your work environment, they like a nice person, not a rude one." And I can see, i t has good results with my children. That is Indo, you could see that in Indonesia: the girls were neatly dressed in a Saron-Kebaya, and always showed respect with a sembah

(respectful greeting made with palms together, fingertips upward and touching the forehead). Those are the remains of my upbringing.

I never e x p lic itly talked about our Indo background, they automatically knew. I have heard them say "My mom is Dutch-Indonesian, and my dad too, but my dad looks more Dutch." Even their partners think it is great. My daughter's ex-husband is Mexican-American, and he asked me what th e ir kids were. I told him, Mexican Dutch-Indonesian American. My 117 grandchildren are beauties. I think my children are attracted to dark- skinned people, both of them have non-white partners. I told my children about my mother and showed them pictures. They reacted with "Oh my God, mom, you only have very l i t t l e Dutch blood." My European blood is Portuguese. My son asked me about the shape of his nose and I told him that th a t’ s the Jewish nose, which he inherited from his father’s side of the family. They think it is all very interesting. Our children are s t ill Indo, even though th e ir environment is

American. My daughter trie s to speak Dutch, but my son laughs about i t . I t sounds so funny, he says. My two grandchildren are with me a lo t, and thus are raised Indo too. They understand Dutch and speak some words. They call us opa and oma. But, I realize the Indos w ill disappear. They te ll us we should hold on to our culture, but how is that possible. Our children have become Americans. You cannot force them, because they are born here. I t is too bad, because i t is fun to be in your own community.

I have never been back to Indonesia. We w ill go a fte r my husband’ s retirement. I would love to see the c ity I was born in , and Surabaya, where I was so often times spanked. They te ll me not to have too high expectations, because it is a poor country, with lots of beggars in the street and such. But, I w ill enjoy the scenery, nature. I think i t is impossible to locate my mother’ s relatives. I have forgotten the names, and the war destroyed records. I t would be great, though. 118

WIN HERNIE

When I introduced myself to Wim over the phone, I was amazed with his Dutch language s k ills . He spoke i t so well that he made me doubt whether I used ray Dutch correctly, and he made me feel as i f I used an archaic form of Dutch. I used formal language, wanting to show respect, whereas he used some slang words, indicating his keeping up with recent developments in the Dutch language. 1 was picked up by th e ir driver at my boarding house, and luxuriously driven to the elegant Hernie residence. Wim had changed his o ffice hours in order to accommodate my schedule. During our interview, I was introduced to some of the Hernie children, who stopped by on their way to work. I was offered coffee and Black Forest cake, of the finest quality.

The interview was held in the liv in g room of Wim’s home. The language used was Dutch.

I was born July 23, 1928, in Menado, Indonesia. My father’ s

ancestors were from Menado, but my mother’ s ancestors were from Java and

Europe. My mother was Indonesian-Dutch, her maiden name was Zelig. Her mother was Javanese and her father was European. My father, although native Indonesian citize n , was given the European status, because of his

European education and (colonial) government service. According to

colonial law, Indonesians were offered the p o s s ib ility to apply fo r th is

equal status, which for example, entailed "European" salary, and

"European" benefits lik e "European Leave," membership of the Dutch Society 119 /Club, and the right to put your children In European schools. Consequently, I was allowed to enter the European elementary school and secondary school.

I was raised in a family of four sons. Two of them live in the

Netherlands and one lives in Los Angeles, the United States. We were raised in a Dutch way. For instance, our food was Dutch. For breakfast we had bread and milk, not frie d rice lik e the Indonesians and lik e many Indo-Dutch. Even now, I cannot stand eating frie d rice in the morning. My mother cooked potatoes and dishes lik e green pea soup, often times. We always had to take a nap a fte r lunch. Indonesian children didn’ t have to do that. But s t i l l , we were kids, so, as soon as we were in our room to sleep, we would sneak out the window to fly our kites. We lived in a Dutch neighborhood where we were the only "blackies." We always had to wear shoes, weren’ t allowed to walk around bare foot. My father was the authority, and my mother was the homemaker -those were the days. So, his word was rule. At dinner time, we were not allowed to talk until my father addressed us. I don’ t know whether th is is typical Dutch, however. He spanked us at times too. We were taught to eat with fork and knife, which even many Dutch themselves didn’ t do. I t was my father’ s intention to send us to the Netherlands fo r further study.

I went to a European elementary school, then to the f ir s t form of a Dutch college preperatory school (Hogere Burger School), subsequently, I went to an Indonesian secondary school, and fin a lly , I graduated from the

Dutch college preperatory school. My education is a reflection of my being: I am a to ta l mix o f cultural experiences. 120

Some of my secondary school years were during the Japanese occupation of the Dutch East-Indies. The Dutch schools were closed, at that time. The Indonesian children went to Japanese/Indonesian schools.

The language of instruction was Indonesian, but the teachers did speak Dutch when they couldn’ t make themselves clear. Of course, they had had their training in Dutch Teacher-training Colleges. But the language spoken was mostly Indonesian. After liberation, I went back to the Dutch college preperatory, to the third form.

What we were taught in the Dutch schools was sim ilar to what we were taught at home. The Jesuit monks and priest made sure o f that: the teachers would v is it the homes to inspect what language was spoken. I t was not allowed to speak Indonesian. The teachers were Dutch and Catholic, the religion of my family. Most of my school years, I was taught by these

Jesuit priests and monks. There were five other Indonesian students in our school, in a similar situation as I was in. Most other students were white

Dutch and Indo-Dutch. We had good times together, never did I experience negative reference to my Indonesian background. Children ju s t don’ t tend to do so.

The monks were s tric t. We weren’ t allowed to speak any Malay in school. Sometimes, we did i t , without knowing. We would y e ll: hey, kamu

(hey, you)! Then the monks would immediately intervene. I don’ t think they discriminated otherwise. I was taught very well and received real good grades. I was offered entrance into college preperatory without having to take an entrance exam. All of this, despite the fact that I was

Indonesian. 121

They also taught us about Indonesia, but very little and from a

Dutch perspective, of course. I remember being taught some Indonesian geography and history. Much more attention was given to Dutch history and geography. They immersed us with the Netherlands. Later, I read about

Indonesian history, but w ritten by my own people. I t was a completely different story. At the time, though, I was not disturbed by the Dutch perspective. I didn’ t know about a possible difference, between me and the

Dutch. Only when I registered for secondary school, and was asked to f i l l out what my citizenship was, my father had to correct me and I found out

I was not a Dutch citize n , but only had equal status. I was twelve years old.

During the Japanese occupation everything changed. My father was badgered by the Japanese because of his employment with the colonial Dutch government. Although we were not allowed to speak Dutch at home, we s t ill continued to do so. I could speak Malay too, though, and always spoke i t with the servants and with my Indonesian friends. At school, the language of instruction became Bahasa Indonesia, --Malay changed into Bahasa

Indonesia. The Dutch weren’ t mentioned any longer, not even in a negative sense. We didn’t feel any hatred. The only negative thing was that we were not allowed to speak Dutch any longer, which I think is only natural, we had to learn Bahasa Indonesia. After liberation, my Dutch had deteriorated enormously. I had to sta rt from scratch. But, I s t i l l graduated college prep with an excellent grade for Dutch language: mine was the highest grade o f the whole class. I graduated from secondary education when Indonesia became independent. 122

My father requested retirement, in 1946. He didn’ t want to work for either the Dutch, or fo r the Indonesians. He had sworn his oath of loyalty to the Dutch, but was not allowed to immigrate to the Netherlands, after independence. One of my brothers stayed in Dutch service and went to

Western Iria n , which remained Dutch te rrito ry . He requested permission to take my parents with him. But i t was denied by the Dutch government, because both my other brother and I remained in Indonesia. We were supposed to take care of them. My father never said a word but I think that, maybe, he was disappointed the Dutch didn’t take care of him after

30 years of loyal service. I made a conscious choice to stay in Indonesia, and so did my eldest brother. I t was a complicated situation fo r us, but I knew I actually was an Indonesian citize n . Why would I want to immigrate to the Netherlands? Unlike for my eldest brother, for me, it wasn’t a political decision.

Somebody ju s t had to take care of my parents. They wouldn’ t survive on just my father’s retirement money. My eldest brother was a guerilla fig h te r, an Indonesian nationalist. Can you imagine, within one family, two brothers worked for the Dutch police, while one fought for Indonesia’ s independence. A ll my parents could do was cry.

A fter independence, I worked fo r the Indonesian government. They re a lly treated me correctly. Early in my career, I received a promotion and became an attache in Singapore. That’ s where I met my wife, her father was my superior. She has almost exactly the same cultural background as I have. Her father was Indonesian, her mother was Indo-Dutch, and she was brought up European. We married in Singapore and returned to Indonesia.

When I turned 39, I was a high ranking government o ffic ia l. So, I cannot 123 say I encountered any negative discrimination by the Indonesian government. On the contrary, I was chosen to teach civil servants the Indonesian moral principles: the Panca Sila. I t seems that my Dutch upbringing and education provided me with a privileged position in the new Indonesia. I am re tire d from the government now, a fte r 31 years of service, and am presently working for a company in the private sector. But at work, they ca ll me the Semi-Dutchman. For instance, time- wise, the Indonesians have th is laid-back attitude towards time. Jam Karet (literally rubber time, flexible notion of time), which I don’t like, and they know i t . My features are Indonesian, on basis of my looks they w ill never confuse me with a Dutchman. My wife looks more European and, often times, is asked how long she has lived in Indonesia, commenting her fluent command of the Indonesian language. Our education is European, and certain values we were brought up with w ill ju st never change.

Again, we didn’t experience any discrimination because our mixed

Indonesian and Dutch ancestry. But diffe re n t Indo fam ilies have d iffe re n t experiences. I am sure there are Indo families who feel discriminated against. There are Indo families that didn’t make it, like we did. I wonder whether their failure has to do with their pride. Maybe they s till expect to have certain privileges, lik e in colonial days, maybe they are unwilling to work their way up.

I consider myself to be a real Indonesian. I feel very much at ease in different areas of the country, whether urban or rural areas. But, release me in the Netherlands and I w ill manage fine, as well. In the

Netherlands, I noticed how many Indo-Dutch stick to th e ir own community and how some of them speak Dutch incorrectly. I have never spoken Dutch 124 that way! The Jesuits Immersed me with the most correct version of Dutch.

In sum, I really feel I am a member of two cultures. My wife and I have picked the good aspects of both cultures and transmitted th is combination to our children. We are convinced that i t is not smart to s tic k to one culture only. One should develop a global attitude. Therefore, our children feel at ease in every environment. They are always polite, know how to behave, like different kinds of food. We taught our children to be honest and informed our daughter of the dangers a young woman faces, but le t her make her own decisions. The funny thing is she married an Indo-Dutch guy. Our second son also married a g ir l from mixed Indonesian (Ambonese) and Dutch ancestry. The oldest son married a Javanese woman. You can re a lly notice the difference. She is very submissive. She was taught not to draw any attention to herself and to be humble. S t ill, she has a good education, she has a college degree. Only now she learns how to eat different food, how to speak out for herself. We took her to Holland with us. In our family, girls and boys have the same rights. We mostly use the Indonesian language in conversations with our children. My wife used to speak Dutch to the children, when they were l i t t l e , whether they understood i t or not. They would hear us speak Dutch to each other, so they did learn some Dutch words. Our youngest son always refused to speak any Dutch. But, they went to Indonesian schools, and they had Indonesian friends. They lo st th e ir knowledge of Dutch. I t is a p ity , a second language is always useful, especially now Dutch is gaining popularity again. 125

I have been teaching Dutch, fo r seven years now. I t 's my hobby. Many students in law school want to learn Dutch because our laws are s t ill based on Dutch law. But, realistically speaking, English as a second language is much more important than Dutch. I t is much more widely spoken.

Now, my children speak English with their cousins in the Netherlands. I must admit, that seems kind of awkward to me.

I had a long conversation with my brother about the future of

Indoness. His children a ll married white Dutch, and his grandchildren have a very light complexion. I think this trend is inevitable, because they liv e in a Dutch community. And s t i l l , what difference does i t make; the more interracial mixture, the better the outcome (ha, ha).

Our grandchildren know all the European fairy-tales, like L ittle Tom

Thumb and Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs. Their parents are complaining that my wife buys Dutch fa iry -ta le books, which they can’ t read. The grandchildren understand, though. They say: "Welterusten, Oma" (goodnight, granny), and "Dag, Oma" (Bye, granny), and "Zwaaien, Oma" (Wave, granny).

But, I don’ t know what happens when we’ re not around any longer to teach them. 126

JANNIE BOS

Jannie Is closely related to me. I have known her since my birth, but never had had the opportunity to ta lk in-depth about her lif e as a whole. She is a busy homemaker, mostly to be found in her kitchen, preparing Indonesian food. At f ir s t, Jannie wasn't sure whether her story would be interesting enough for this study. Once she started talking, however, i t was not d iffic u lt to keep her going. Consequently, the interview took longer than anticipated. Jannie’ s childhood is determined by her experiences during her imprisonment in a Japanese prison camp, during World War I I , at the age of seven through ten years. In the interview she tended to focus on this period of her childhood. Afterwards, I felt somewhat guilty having streamlined her impressions with my questions, and, eventually, leading her away from th is topic. The interview was held in the living room of her home, in the presence of her husband, who mostly only listened to his wife’ s story. The language spoken was Dutch.

My father was a m ilita ry in the Dutch East-Indian army. He was placed in Magelang, Central Java, where I was born, December 17, 1935. My parents are both Indonesian-Dutch, and that is a ll I know about their ancestry. I have never been really interested in the exact details of my ancestry. After I was born, we moved to Bandung, West Java, where a younger brother was born. From Bandung we moved to Kotaradja, Sumatera, where another younger brother was born. Then the war broke out. A ll I can 127 remember from th is period, is our stay in two d iffe re n t prisoners-of-war camps, from March 1940 u n til 1946, while my dad was taken away from us and was forced to work on the Burma Railroad for the Japanese.

In the prison camps, we only had a small area designated to our family. I t was not more than a half meter square in which we had to sleep and where my mother kept her last belongings. I t was our only private place. My mother was forced to work on the fie ld s fo r the Jap. During this time, I had the responsibility to look after my two brothers, who were five and one-and-a-half years old. When she didn't have to work —I can’t quite remember when she had to work— she would come to our space in the barrack and teach us Dutch reading and writing.

I s t i l l remember how my mother would trade gold against food. Our barrack was at the edge of the prison camp, near the barb wire. Behind the barb wire was a ditch and the fie ld where we had to do exercises every morning. Adjacent to the fie ld was a Chinese neighborhood. My mother probably made contact with the Chinese inhabitants, during exercise time.

She apparently agreed on diffe re n t codes fo r d iffe re n t things she wanted: meat, rice, or vegetables. At night the Chinese would bring it to the barb wire, where my mother’ s jewelry would already be waiting. And then either my mother, or my brother or I had to pick up the food. My mother also cooked in that l i t t l e private space we had. I would search fo r left-overs in the Jap’ s garbage cans. Anything that would give us some n u tritio n and give some more flavor to rice, like edges of onion, leeks, was extremely wanted. There was a soup-kitchen, but the food was too l i t t l e . The food my mother cooked was additional to that. And i t was needed. My youngest 128 brother suffered from malnutrition, he was seized with a convulsion and almost died. Fortunately, I didn’t witness any torture practices executed by the

Japs, nor did I witness any deaths. My mother always kept us fa r away from things like that. I do remember times that my mother had to report to the Jap’ s o ffice because my brothers had done something they were not supposed to. But, fortunately, she didn’t talk about any beating she got, or something lik e th a t. In the meantime, I had to stay at home and watch over my brothers. After liberation, my brothers, my mother and I went to Bangkok to meet my father who had survived working on the Burma Railroad. Together we went to Nakupatong (in Thailand), where we lived fo r 6 months. Then we returned to Sumatra, where we lived until we left Indonesia for the

Netherlands, in 1949. In Sumatra, my father worked as administrator and instructor of a division of the newly emerging Indonesian army. A fter the war, my youngest sister was born. We le ft for the Netherlands, using my father’ s European

Leave. We were supposed to return to Indonesia, but the country had already become such a dangerous place to liv e fo r the Dutch, that my father used the trip to transfer from the Dutch East-Indian colonial army to the Dutch army in the Netherlands. And thus, we settled in the

Netherlands. I w ill give you some examples of how we children were confronted with the dangerous developments. On our way to school my brother and I were regularly ambushed by a group of aggressive Indonesian boys. They wanted to beat us up. We ran to the home o f a strong Dutch friend of ours 129 and asked him to accompany us to school. Halfway we were throwing stones at each other. My brother stood behind me, picking out the stones and handing them to me to throw. This way, we cleared our way to school. I don’ t remember whether these same boys would be back to normal once we were in the school building together. Another incident I remember was a bunch of Indonesian boys waiting for us with one finger on their nose, trying to spray us with their snot, while they cried out: th is should happen to you! And then there were the matchboxes with the Dutch flag on them. They would throw them on the ground and trample them in front of us. The strange thing is that the same boys were our friends only a week earlier. The third of January, 1950, we arrived in the Netherlands. First, we lived in Haarlem. Through correspondence with a colleague who had le ft before us, my father had arranged a home. We rented a couple of rooms in the home of a farmer’ s family. We lived here for almost a year and moved when we found a house fo r ourselves in Amsterdam. Here, I spent most of my teenage years.

We were the only Indonesian-Dutch children in our school and in our neighborhood. In this period, I re ally fe lt awkward, I had to get used to a ll the new things in my environment. In the street they would ye ll

"Soekarno" at me. At least, they knew there was a connection with him, somehow. But, th is would make me furious, and I would y e ll back to them: "Hitler!" That was the only thing I could think of, hitting the nail on the head. These things wouldn’ t happen in school, the university preparatory school I went to. It would be yelled in the street by ignorant people, like the pavers and the street kids. In a way it didn’t really 130 bother me, because my self-esteem was high. I considered myself to be way more c iv iliz e d than these people and thus untouchable in a way. I t was v irtu a lly impossible to buy any Indonesian or oriental spices and ingredients at that time. Only scarcely one could buy rice. So, most of the time, we ate the traditional Dutch meal of boiled potatoes, and boiled vegetables, with a small piece of pan-fried meat. I t was also d iffic u lt to find friends. Most of my class mates were so narrow-minded that I wasn’t interested in friendship beyond the school yard. At home,

inside because of the big-city dangers outside, I would play with my brothers and sister. Only one time, I found a friend I took home with me.

Her father had travelled a lot and in their home they had beautiful a rtifa c ts from Indonesia. Her world was broader and she knew about

Indonesia from her father. Unfortunately, my mother made me break up the friendship because we found out she had been lying to her parents; she told them she would be with us while she was seeing boys.

Because of my interrupted elementary education due to the war, I wasn’ t re a lly successful in secondary education. I repeated a ll the classes, and by the time I was in my late teens, I was only in the third form of secondary school. I le ft school, with a diploma fo r the three-year

version of the university preparatory, and started working for the Dutch

air-fo rce . That is where I met a lo t of other Indo-Dutch g irls . My best

friend, an Indo-Dutch g ir l, to ld me about the d iffe re n t Indo-Dutch organizations and clubs, and took me there a couple of times. I enjoyed

being around other Indos and in a way i t reminded me of the parties distant relatives of mine had in th e ir home in Amsterdam. The atmosphere

at their home was always very pleasant, with lots of food for everybody 131 who wanted to stay fo r dinner, and music and dancing. Most of the young people there were Indo-Dutch and unconsciously I must have fe lt that these parties were special because of it. My parents never had parties like that in our home, nor would they attend parties o f other Indo-Dutch. We would have family gatherings, with my grandmother as the central figure. My parents weren’t looking for other

Indos, besides our family, to have friendships with. I met my husband at the wedding o f my best friend whom I ju st mentioned. He Is also Indo-Dutch and his family is very sim ilar to mine.

So, I didn’ t re a lly notice what made us d iffe re n t from the mainstream.

Like my parents, my husband and I decided not to socialize with others outside our families. We chose not to frequent the Indo clubs or festivals, and not to have friends other than our relatives.

My husband is preoccupied with the continued existence of the Indo- Dutch people. In a way he is disappointed that our children all married people from the m ajority group. He would rather have his children have

Indo in-laws, that would make the interaction more pleasant for him. To compensate, he is consciously teaching our grandchildren Indo-Dutch codes of behavior, lik e appreciating Indo-Dutch food, and using Indonesian words. The funny thing is that he wasn’ t that preoccupied with Indo-Dutch culture at the time our children were young. I think it is part of growing older.

We have been back to v is it Indonesia four times now. In itia lly , I didn’ t want to go there. I ju st had bad memories of Indonesia, because the

Big War, the revolutionary war, and the way we le ft. But my husband insisted on going and now I am glad we went. I have regained the special 132 bond I had with Indonesia, even though I don't consider it to be my homeland. I like to visit Indonesia, but I would never want to live there anymore, unlike my husband. I t is re a lly a th ird world country and I am so used to Western luxury. In addition, there are many Indonesian tra its I don’t really like, like their idea of .1am karet (literally rubber time, flexible notion of time) and their unrealistic optimism.

I consider myself to be Dutch, but a Dutch person enriched with an Indo-Dutch background. This entails my upbringing, my country of origin, and the love I have regained for this country later in my life . I consider myself to be much richer in experience than my white Dutch neighbor. But we don’t like to be called Indo, and especially we don’t like to be confused with Indonesians. I feel more Dutch than Indonesian. 133

LIENE DELANOOY

I met Liene as a fellow participant on a study tour for minority educators to Berlin, in 1989. The l i t t l e I got to know about Liene’ s life , during this trip, intrigued me from the start. Liene’s life has many parallels with my own, in terms o f personal and professional a c tiv itie s . 1 asked Liene to participate in th is study because of my interest in her story, o f which I had not heard the complete version, and because 1 knew she is aware of her ethnic identity and willing to talk about it. At last, we sat down in the comfort of her home, nicely decorated with some Indonesian a rtifa c ts , and talked fo r three hours in a row. The part of her life I had not yet heard about, turned out to be completely different from my own childhood. It is a much more interesting story.

I was born in the Netherlands, in The Hague, August 2nd, 1954. We were liv in g with my grandmother (from mother’ s side) and my aunt (my mother’s sister). I have two sisters: one six years older and one three years younger than I am. My parents are both Indonesian-Dutch. My father was born in the Dutch East-Indies and my mother was born in the

Netherlands, when her family was there on European Leave (from her father’ s work in the Dutch East-Indies). After she was three or four years old, her family returned to the Dutch East-Indies, where she was raised.

Both the families of my father and mother had been liv in g in the

Dutch East-Indies for several generations. If you ask me to identify the f ir s t Indonesian woman in my family, the only one of whom we are certain 134 is my grandmother’ s mother. She was from Celebes and died at my grandmother’ s b irth . Not much is known about th is woman. In the documents it is only mentioned that she was a native. Just like that, nothing else.

The families didn’t seem to be in contact after the death of my great grandmother. My great grandfather’ s family came to the Dutch East-Indies through

Ceylon. I don’ t re ally remember who was the f ir s t native woman in that branch. My mother and aunt probably know better. Maybe i t was his mother, but I am not sure. I have forgotten those stories.

The ancestors of my father are less clear to id e n tify. His grandfather from father’ s side came to Indonesia from Switzerland. And then there are two versions about the grandmother. She was either a native or an Indonesian-Dutch woman, or she was a Polish woman whom he had married before his departure to Indonesia. Neither version can be fully confirmed. But I understand that the next generation married people of mixed Indonesian and Dutch ancestry. My father’ s ancestors from mother’ s side are probably from the island of Ambon and from Portugal. Some family members ta lk about the Portuguese grandmother only, but others in sist there must have been some Ambonese blood as w ell, because of people’ s features. It is all somewhat unclear. But, my mother is in the process of developing a family album describing the ancestors of both her and my father’s family. She uses old documents and stories as resources for this book.

I know a ll that I have ju st told you, mostly from stories told by my aunt, whom we temporarily lived with. She used always to te ll us stories about her youth, but also stories about her ancestors that she had heard 135 when she was growing up. She would give these liv e ly descriptions, as i f she had been there when they happened. But the facts of most of them went in one ear and out the other, only the atmosphere that was transmitted with the stories stayed with me. The more factual knowledge of my ancestry I got by talking to my family when I became interested in my cultural heritage and discovered I was a member of a larger community, la te r in my lif e .

Because my father was offered a teaching job at a high school in Paramaribo, Suriname, early in his career, I spent some years of my childhood in Suriname. I went to the kindergarten there, and during a second stay, I attended the second and th ird grade of elementary school.

Back in the Netherlands, we moved a lo t. A fter Suriname, we lived in two different cities, where I finished elementary school. Then we moved to

Bussum where I attended secondary school. From then on there was no more moving around but I have the least pleasant memories of th is period of my childhood. The high school had a ’ Christian* atmosphere and especially the well-to-do students I found arrogant. It made me feel miserable, yet I finished the old style Gymnasium Alpha there.

After graduation, I went to Oxford, Great B ritain, to work as an assistent-matron in a residential school for boys, which I liked very much. The Ita lia n cook named me "Passe Partout," a nickname I understood only la te r when my ethnic identity developed more.

But, Amsterdam is the c ity I have lived in the longest and where I started building my own life . Back in the Netherlands, I started college and graduate school at the University o f Amsterdam, with pedagogical sciences as my major. At the end of my study, I worked as coordinator of 136 an inner-city community education project, in Utrecht. I finished my

Bachelor’ s and Master’ s degree after 10 years of combined study and work. Experiences that were extremely important fo r the development of my ethnic id e n tity were my trip s to Tunesia and Morocco. I went there with only l i t t l e knowledge of the language or culture, but fo r some reason really felt at ease there. It wasn’t a traditional tourist vacation, instead 1 stayed with relatives of friends and experienced the authentic day-to-day life which seemed somehow fam iliar to me. I was surprisingly at ease with the codes, the communication through facial expressions, the way you verbalize, the humor and laughter. They appeared more fa m ilia r than the codes in the Netherlands, and I realized it was the Indo-Dutch part in me that caused the feeling.

I went to Indonesia with my partner, in 1990, after the trips to Northern Africa, and expected to have at least sim ilar experiences. My parents had already gone back to Indonesia several times, and both my sisters had made a trip to Indonesia. They returned with all kinds of stories. It was very much in the air to go to Indonesia and it was more or less expected of me to go there, but in itia lly I didn’t really feel the urge.

This Indonesia vacation was rewarding and interesting, but for some reason the trip was somewhat of a disappointment. I didn’t experience fa m ilia rity as in North A frica, at least not to the extent I expected.

During th is Indonesia trip , I experienced mixed feelings, both fa m ilia rity and estrangement. And a fte r six weeks, I was very anxious to go back home again. Maybe i t was because we stayed with relatives and friends of my parents who are more or less Western in their orientation. Most of them 137

were Christian and some were re la tive ly wealthy, which appeared to make them more distant than Indonesians I met in the street. I did enjoy our stay with my uncle and his family, who are muslim, except fo r my uncle,

and a ll very warm people, and several other moments in which we could

experience authentic Indonesian life . I am glad I went there, but I didn't want to return immediately a fte r I got back home, lik e my younger siste r. She saves constantly, so

she can go back to Indonesia every year. She has already gone three or

four times. She really feels at home there. I don’t have that feeling with Indonesia. After returning from Morocco and Tunesia though, I had that

feeling much more. Until I was about 25 years old, I wasn’ t conscious of a part of me

that was related to a larger community, the Indo community. I didn’ t

re ally think about my otherness in that sense. As I look back, I realize

that up until then, my being different was something individual or of my family only, and I connected i t with a negative feeling. I experienced the

differences especially because we moved so much when we were young.

I remember that I hated it that, in conversations at school and with

friends, there were so many things of my peers’ way of life I wasn’t

familiar with. And I had the feeling I had to learn the customs from

scratch, through t r ia l and error, through observing and paying good

attention, through listening. For instance, in Dutch families people talked about taking the grease o ff the ice-skates, so they were ready to be used as soon as the ice on the ponds was solid enough, in the beginning of the winter. I had no idea what they were talking about; I didn’t know about the skates nor the grease. At our house, i f there even were skates. 138 they were old and rusty, handed down by some aunt. Skates had no central place in our household at a ll. I remember sometimes getting irrita te d by differences lik e th is and asking my mother why she didn’ t grease the skates we had.

My parents would explain those differences by saying they were Dutch things, and were handy to know but not to be taken too seriously. It was Dutch, but we did things d iffe re n tly . By saying i t in such a way, unconsciously, they transmitted a feeling of superiority. It was a little b it lik e : we Indo-Dutch know better. Despite my urge to know a ll these

"Dutch" things, I do think that my parents’ im p lic it messages were stronger and stayed with me more. Emotional experiences stay with you longer than cognitive experiences, according to my opinion.

I don’ t remember e x p lic it lessons in Indo culture, at home. I remember my parents advising me how to handle situations, how to behave, but i t was never mentioned in connection with our ethnic background. I know fo r sure, however, that I understood i t in an ethnic way, because I realized it was often times different in Dutch families. My parents raised me with a double message, as in many other Indo-Dutch fam ilies. Through stories of my father about his experiences with rude Dutch, at work or in the bus, we were made conscious of existing discrimination in the Dutch society and were given lessons in dealing with i t . On the other hand, we were told not to draw any attention to ourselves, to behave as Dutch as possible. I think a lot of other Indo-Dutch, biracial people, or even newcomers in society in general, have that urge to pretend not to be d iffe re n t from the dominant group. But in our case, i t was just 139 pretending, because it wouldn’t be appreciated in our family to really become Dutch.

But because of those differences, I was embarrassed to take my Dutch friends home. I was afraid to be laughed at because of i t , and afraid to be hurt. Don’t all children just want to be like other children? Now I realize that the atmosphere, at school and at the houses of friends, must have been ignorant or intolerant of cultural differences. This was a big contrast with my fam ily’ s attitude. My grandmother always opened her home for all kinds of people, with all kinds of backgrounds, and all kinds of strange behaviors. She would never openly pass judgement on them, or reject them.

In school there was no attention to our d iffe re n t background. In a way I was pleased about that because, as I said before, I didn’ t want to stick out as being d iffe re n t. There weren’ t any other Indo-Dutch students, except two Moloccan sisters who were always together, didn’ t do well academically because they didn’ t understand the lessons, and had such an isolated position that I didn’t want to be considered one of them. But, I do think, unconsciously, I disliked the fact that Indonesia and Suriname never were talked about, and i f they were discussed in a textbook they were at the end of it and skipped.

With the firs t attempts towards multicultural education, I remember feeling relieved i t didn’ t develop in my school days. I t would have been horrible to hear them teach about Indo culture in a to ta lly distorted way, as they did with the cultures of other minorities. I think it would have been worse than not mentioning i t at a ll. 140

I began to understand and appreciate my otherness in i^y contacts with other people of color. While working with Turkish and Moroccan fam ilies, I was always asked about my ethnic background. Here, my otherness was considered something positive, something that I had in common with them and thus which gave me authority to speak on behalf of them. At the same time, I started to study together with a Surinamese student and, in discussions, we discovered we had so many experiences in common. Through meetings lik e these, I realized my otherness was not only related to my membership of the Delanooy fam ily, that was always moving around and therefore never got the chance to discover and act in accordance with the local habits. I discovered I was a member of a larger community of Indo-Dutch and a member of an ethnic m inority group.

Suddenly, I understood why things had gone wrong in the past and I was able to translate my otherness into something positive. My ethnic background and the growing awareness o f i t , probably determined my career choice. I work with and fo r people o f color and I like it because I am personally involved, because I share their feeling of being a stranger in society. But, I also realize that I am biracial and therefore an in-between. I like to work with both white Dutch colleagues and colleagues of color, because in such an environment I can emphasize the necessity of creating bridges between cultures, something we do all the time in our own lives. I hate discussions about second generation minority students experiencing "living between two cultures." In my experience, it is more correct to speak of "living with two cultures." It is so western to think in terms of "e ith e r-o r." Instead, I conceive of my b ira c ia lity as an enrichment and think in terms of "and-and." 141

It is hard for me to define my ethnic identity. It is something which is emotional and thus d iffic u lt to verbalize. The Indo-Dutch history is complicated and cannot be explained quickly. Therefore it is so much easier if that history is known and the Indo culture is intuitively understood. I think that as a member of the second-generation Indo-Dutch, I don't have the same feeling of collectivity as my parents have, belonging to the first-generation. The second-generation really has an in- between position and therefore can never really choose whole-heartedly for one position, but feels for different positions at the same time. This causes the w ill to create bridges, to a subtle approach, which might be considered a positive or a negative characteristic, depending upon individual.

I think my family and our background taught me to be more fle x ib le , not to judge immediately, but to tolerate differences and unfamiliar phenomena and work within its context without feeling the immediate urge to have a grip on them. My family and background also taught me to have a sense of humor with which one can laugh about, and tease others without the intention of hurting them. 142

VINCENT PARDEDE

I met Vincent in the home of his great aunt, where he was to pick up his mother and her friend. I was Intrigued by him because I saw how he laughed and had a good time with a ll of us, while people were joking In

Dutch. He didn't Interject anything In the conversation, but he seemed very much Involved In i t . He seemed to ta lly at ease In an environment which, I In itia lly thought, didn’ t match his appearance at a ll. He looked young, modern, and especially Indonesian. When I went out with him, being among his peers, I realized that Vincent Indeed had characteristics which I label as Indo-Dutch. He spoke freely about himself, was Interested In my background and activities, danced, a very sociable young men. In sum, his behavior was outgoing.

S t ill, he had the old-fashioned or Indonesian charm, which one doesn’ t encounter much In Western youth. Vincent lived In the United States, for some four years. He did his

Bachelor’s degree In business. His girlfriend, like Vincent of mixed

Indonesian, Dutch, and Chinese descent. Is s t ill continuing her studies there. Vincent works for a Import/export company but has his own business on the side. He Is a very successful young men, which especially shows In his car and driver, and his stylish clothes. Vincent s till lives with his mother. In a beautiful new neighborhood In Southern Jakarta.

The Interview was held during our th ird meeting. He came to my boarding house a fter work, where we f ir s t talked and then had lunch. While talking, It struck me how serious and philosophical a person he Is. We used the English language. 143

I was born in 1970 In Jakarta. I am in part named after a Catholic nun Roberta, whom my mother liked very much. My father is Indonesian, from

Sulawesi. I don’ t know the exact details about my mother’ s background, but her mom is of Dutch, German, and Javanese descent. And my mom’s dad is

Indonesian-Chinese. My mom’s maiden-name is Kolendam, from her mother’ s side.

When I was three years old, my parents got a divorce and my mother le ft for the States. Both my parents remarried and started a new family while my older siste r and I were liv in g with my grandmother. From the relationship between my dad with another woman, I have another brother and sister. Also, my mother remarried and I have yet another brother of their relationship. So, it is kind of confusing. My grandmother raised me. She talked Dutch to me a ll the time. At that time, my command of the Dutch language was better than now. Since then, a long period in which I did not hear Dutch elapsed. So, I forgot how to speak the language. Yet, I s t i l l understand everything.

I went to Catholic school from playground and elementary school on.

Sister Roberta was the principle at that school. My mom and her sister had gone to the same school, when they were young: Santa Teresia. There were more g irls in the school than boys, so the boys received extra attention. That’ s the thing I liked most about that school (ha,ha). I remained in the same school until the SMA (senior high), after which I went to the States for college.

There were a couple of other Indo children in that school, only five or six. In certain ways, I fe lt different from the other kids in school.

We were raised by Indo caretakers, whose ways could be completely 144 different. Living with my grandmother meant a regular, disciplined life , lik e in Holland. Returning from school, we would have 10-15 minutes for unpacking our bags, then we would have our lunch. A fter that we should take a nap, and then study, play, have dinner, study some more, etc. We weren’t allowed to sleep after 10 o’clock. She wanted us to follow this time schedule, in which she never made any exceptions. I t was hard fo r me sometimes though when I was getting a l i t t l e older, around my 10-11 age. I fe lt I needed more freedom, lik emy friends.

She didn’ t understand that, she stuck to her old-fashion ways and always worried about me. I couldn’ t go to see a movie. She was too afraid something would happen. At the same time, I would see that my friends’ parents didn’t worry that much and gave their children more responsibility. But I know she just loved me and my sister very much.

My grandma taught us in such a way that automatically we always told people the tru th . Indonesians always pretend everything is perfect. They don’ t want to c ritic iz e . I also think Indonesian children in my school wanted to be glamorous. They always insisted on being picked up by a driver, didn’t want to take public transportation. We didn’t care actually about our parents’ wealth. We didn’t consider it ours anyway. But

Indonesian kids think what is th e ir parents’ is theirs.

I was always aware that I was given a d iffe re n t education, which I do not regret to th is day. I think every aspect of i t was positive and I know i t was rig h t. Of course, I clashed with others sometimes, but I knew

I spoke the truth. We were taught to be ourselves, not to pretend like they do. 145

My grandmother never really talked about our ancestors. I think she thought we were too young to hear about that. I never had enough time together with my mother to hear i t from her either. I only lived with her

for nine months before I went to the States for four and a half years, and a fter my grandma died. F irst, I moved to my mom’s siste r, then I stayed with my mom for 9 months, and after that I lived with my dad for one year. Sometimes, I re a lly did not know who my family were and where my home was. It is not really important for me to know about my ancestors. I was raised

by my grandma, and a fte r she died I raised myself. With the others, i t was more ju s t having a roof over my head. So, I re a lly grew up when I was in the States, all by myself.

In the States, when people asked me where I was from, I got confused. Even now, I am confused when people ask me that question. I t ’ s hard to answer. I t ’ s a long story of which "my mom is from Holland but my dad from Indonesia" is only the abbreviated version. I think my mom doesn’ t even know. During the generation of my grandpa the mixing took place. I never worry about i t though. I am ju s t me and the past is the past.

I never ju s t say I am Indonesian. I feel I have to explain about my mom’s and dad’ s side, because I feel d iffe re n t from the Indonesian people. S t ill, we liv e here and we have to adapt to the Indonesian ways. You cannot ju s t say: I am Indo and I am going to act lik e an Indo. You liv e in th is country, so you have to adapt even though i t might clash with what you want.

Most of my friends are Indo. I can re a lly get along with them because o f the same culture and background. And, at least th e ir parents or 146 grandparents know my parents and grandparents. We just have a lot of things in common.

I find Indonesians to have strange personalities, sometimes too shy, too quiet. We, Indos, a ll are easy going people, we love to ta lk to people. But real Indonesian people are always trying to hide something.

When there are guests, they withdraw, they don’ t re a lly want to interact, which is completely d iffe re n t from us. We lik e to ta lk to people, know more about people, to get to know them so we can go out together, have fun. I t is not appropriate to be too formal at a party. When i t ’ s time for fun, you should have fun, when i t ’ s time fo r study and work, you should work. Here, at a party, people dress th e ir nicest, with a nice hair-style and nice make-up. But they don’ t know what a real party is . They don’ t enjoy; I don’ t know what they want to show. I can dress nicely also, but it is not necessary to just s it like a statue and show you are a lady. In the States, people re a lly liv e the lif e I would want to have. The reason I came back here was only because of my job. Here, I have more opportunities to have my own business. But the western world is more what

I lik e . I have to admit that another thing that made me want to come back to Indonesia is the luxury of servants. If I immigrated, I could never afford that kind of service: i t is too expensive. But, I re a lly lik e the people there.

I have been to Holland three times. I visited family there. I like Holland very much, except fo r the weather. I f the weather were lik e

California, I would like Holland more. I feel I am part of the Indo community there. I don’t feel like a stranger there. In the States, I s till feel like a stranger, but in Holland I feel more at home. I actually 147 feel more at home In Holland than in Indonesia. But the weather and the job p o s s ib ilitie s are not so good. There (Holland) I can get along with everybody; we bike, have fun, and I can fu lly express myself. Here, you can also have fun, but you have to adapt yourself. You cannot ju s t be yourself. Holland is really more like my home. In the beginning, when they talk about colonialism and the Dutch in history lessons, I fe lt attacked. All my friends know about my family and in the beginning they were looking at me and joking and teasing, like: see what your ancestors did! That's why we are behind all the other nations! They would always tease me lik e that, ju s t kidding. But s t i l l i t made me think. What can I say, i t is the past. We cannot blame anyone. I t has already happened. We are already independent. We have to be conscious of the development of Indonesia from colonialism u n til now. Before I thought: oh gosh, all my friends think I am to be blamed. But later on I realized it was only history, and not only Indonesia, many other countries have had that situation. If you keep thinking and blaming or taking the blame, it is not going to help you. You ju s t have to accept the past, know how the people have suffered with such a regime, and keep i t in mind fo r the future. But Indonesians don’t have this kind of feeling, they just like to blame somebody. For us, we hear i t and get the positive out of i t , learn from i t .

The school I went to was a Catholic school, and the teachers, the sisters were from Holland. I t was more an Indo school actually. Had we been in a government school, i t could have been very d iffe re n t. The way history is taught can influence the way students look at Indos. In the 148

public schools a nationalistic interpretation of history is s till being

taught, which lays the seeds for discrimination. There are people who think that Indos are not real Indonesians. They

think that Indos don't have the national status real Indonesians have. Up

u n til now I hear people ta lk about the Chinese or Indos and say they don’ t re a lly have a nationality and aren’ t re ally considered Indonesian people. They don’ t know I have a Chinese and Indo background. As soon as they know

I am of that background, they w ill behave d iffe re n tly towards me.

I am covering myself in the beginning of a friendship; I don’t talk about my background. In the beginning, I always ju s t say I am Indonesian, which I am. In th is way, I protect myself. Otherwise, I can never get to know them or they to know me. Sooner or la te r, they w ill see that I can be a real friend no matter what my background is : a negro or whatever. Sometimes it is hard; I don’t like to protect myself by saying that I am pure Indonesian f ir s t time I meet people. But we ju s t don’ t have another way out. Later, when we have proven ourselves, we can be ourselves more. Real friends w ill accept us in spite of our background. Fortunately, the majority of people are like this. But you always have to be careful in the beginning. Prejudice might obstruct them getting to know you. This is one of my challenges which I see as positive. I f I had not been born in th is position, maybe I would have judged people immediately too.

My g irlfrie n d is also a mix of Dutch, Indonesian and Chinese. My firs t girlfriend was also an Indo. My girlfriend has the same experiences as I have: what I have experienced when I was young, and a ll I have ju st said. So I can really get along with her. My dad’s family prefers me to have a real Indonesian g ir l. When I was at a party of my dad’ s siste r and 149

I took my g irlfrie n d they asked me why I didn’ t want to have an Indonesian g ir l, lik e from Menado. I t is a form of nationalism. But my dad is okay, he is completely different. When I have children, I w ill not raise them the Indonesian way. My plan is to speak English with them. Of course, they also have to understand Indonesian. I want to raise them in the way I have been raised, because I know that all I have learned is positive. I really feel that with such an upbringing, you can be more independent and respectful to people, be yourself more. You w ill have friends because people lik e you not, as with Indonesian people, because you have money, a nice car, a nice house, or you can get something through them, lik e a job. For th e ir background knowledge, and to illu s tra te the difference, I think it is important for my children to know that they are a mix of different groups. I want them to know that all the cultures have positive sides. You can mix all the cultures and take out the positive. I don’ t know whether th is is the Indo way of thinking, although I know it is not Indonesian. I was raised this way and my family is Indo: I am not re a lly sure whether i t was my fam ily’ s culture or Indo culture. I have other Indo friends who are not like me, so maybe my upbringing is not necessarily just Indo. I don’t think Indos have a real culture, because they themselves are a mix. Talking with 1000 people you w ill get 1000 answers. So talking about Indo culture you can never be wrong or rig h t. 150

SKRYLER KOERS-PHILLIPS

Skryler is the only one of Ria’ s daughters who lives in the v ic in ity of her parents. Skryler’s eldest sister lives in the Netherlands and her middle s is te r lives in Colorado. I met Skryler at her parents’ house, where I immediately asked her to participate in my research, after I heard she had lived in the

Netherlands with her grandmother, fo r a year. She was w illin g , despite her busy schedule as a fu ll-tim e working mother. Before our actual interview, I had the chance to talk to Skryler shortly while interviewing her mother, and while doing the dishes together at a party organized by her parents.

For her interview, I visited Skryler at her home. I was struck by the l i t t l e importance she claims that her ethnic heritage has in her life , and therefore the little interest in issues I wanted to talk about. The topics I suggested to talk about seemed irrelevant to her experience. Skryler’s story is important exactly for this reaction to my questions, for it shows so clearly the variety within the Indo experience.

I was born 12-16-56 in Nijmegen (Netherlands). 1 w ill te ll you what

1 know about my parents. My mom was born in Indonesia, 1 think in Jakarta.

My dad was born in the Netherlands, 1 don’ t know in what c ity . My mom’s dad was Dutch, 1 think, and her mom was Indonesian. My father is pure

Dutch. He was in the air-force and went over there, they met, and got married. After they got married, they went to Nijmegen, from Indonesia. 1 really have no idea why they went to the Netherlands. 1 think i t was because my dad was from there. 151

I have three brother and two sisters. Both my sisters were born in the Netherlands, like I was. They are three and two years older than 1. We went to the US when 1 was three months old, so they were two and three. My three brothers were born here. I t ’ s a big family. I would guess my parents came to the US because this is the land of money. Most of the schools 1 went to were Catholic schools. I graduated early, when 1 was a junior. Then I went to the Netherlands fo r ten months, to Den Bosch, where my grandmother and (step)grandfather lived. I worked

in a factory there and one day a week I had to go to school too. They sent me to th is a ll- g ir ls school. I was so mad, 1 wanted to go to school where there were some boys too. The girls are no fun. The g irls weren’t friendly towards me. They didn’ t want to ta lk to me. I guess i t was because 1 was

American and they were scared to ta lk to me, even though they a ll speak English.

I didn’t know a lot of Dutch. But, it wasn’t really a problem because i t was sort of a home economics school. You could learn cooking.

I t was Kruiskamp, haha, I can’ t say i t rig h t. 1 took Dutch lessons there. But it wasn’t really fun, nobody would talk to me. I really didn’t learn too much Dutch there. The friends I did have, talked English with me. 1 met a guy there and I hung around with him a ll the time.

Those ten months I lived with my grandmother. She had lived with us before when 1 was little , I think, so my parents could afford a house. But

I can’ t re a lly remember. I t was d iffe re n t to liv e with my grandmother; I thought i t was more fun. She likes to laugh a lo t, and I can te ll her things 1 cannot te ll my mom, about boys and s tu ff. Everybody always told me, my friends, that my parents were kind of old fashioned. But 1 would 152 never te ll them that, I wouldn’ t want to hurt th e ir feelings or anything.

My grandmother was more outgoing, more modern. Like fo r instance, my parents would never give me sex education, lik e they did in school. I think parents should tell their kids to prevent them from getting pregnant. But they probably thought: learn it on your own. Other things were that I couldn’ t wear make-up u n til I was 16, and I couldn’ t go out on dates u n til I was 16. I graduated from high school when I was 16! My parents were also different in their attention for our school a c tiv itie s . They didn’ t do much with us because they f e lt uncomfortable being around American people, I believe, because they were Dutch. I don’ t think my teachers ever said anything about them not participating. Also, because I was from a one-income fam ily, they couldn’ t afford a lo t of things the other parents could do. But, they did take us on vacation every year. We would go camping and s tu ff. When I was growing up, most of the mothers of my friends would work.

So, when we came home from school we would play at th e ir house, th e ir mothers wouldn’ t be home. My mom was always home, because she was a homemaker. But I didn’ t really bring friends to my house. I guess, 1 ju st didn’ t want them to see my parents. Not because I was ashamed of them, but ju s t because they were d iffe re n t and you know how l i t t l e kids are; they would think my parents were weird, and they talk weird too. My parents were d iffe re n t. This was when I was young, when I was in my twenties, I would bring people over and know that i t was okay. People would be surprised that my parents speak with an accent but think it was neat.

Another reason I didn’ t bring kids to the house was because my parents didn’t want us to. The only person who brought friends to the 153 house, was my little brother. My friends didn’t really insist upon going to my house. I guess I didn’ t re a lly have good-good friends who were interested. I just had friends to go out with, but we weren’t really interested in our home life or nothing. In school I ju s t considered myself American. So, the things that were taught were normal to me. I considered American history part of my own history. I never held any speeches or did any projects about

Indonesia.

I guess you can’ t re a lly raise kids now as you did back then. The way we raise our kids is with more involvement in th e ir school a c tiv itie s . They take lessons for different things. We can afford that, when I was little , my parents couldn’t. I talk to them about how they feel about things. I think it is important to talk to your kids and see how they are feeling. I didn’t experience that myself. I always did what they wanted me to do. They never asked me what I wanted to do. I don’ t think I was very close to my parents when I was small. I think I am closer to them now.

That’ s probably because I understand them now.

My parents took us camping a lo t, they spend time with us that way.

And they took us to the Netherlands, by boat, when I was nine years old.

My parents would save money to do trip s lik e that. My husband’ s family never really took a vacation, saw different things. I want to do the same with my children as my parents did with us, visit different places. This year we want to go to Niagara Falls, Canada. I want to show my kids the park and the art galleries. So, when they grow up they won’ t be out in the streets, but interested in all kind of things. 154

I don’ t really have any Indo-Dutch friends, so i t is hard fo r me to compare Indo-Dutch culture and American culture. I don’ t know whether

Indo-Dutch are more frie nd ly and warm; I have American friends who are re a lly frie nd ly too. The only Indo-Dutch people I know are my family and my parents’ friends. When I was young, we went to v is it the other Indo-

Dutch families often. I don’t know how old the Van Dijcks kids are, but when we went over to th e ir house, we would ju s t play with ourselves. Their kids didn’t play with us. We did play with the Huebner kids. The oldest daughter told me my parents were old-fashioned, which made me mad with her. I didn’t really feel I had anything in common with the Huebner girls.

We never really talked about it. I didn’t notice any sim ilarities with the other Indo-Dutch fam ilies. I guess I didn’ t really think about i t . We didn’ t re a lly meet a lo t of people when we were growing up. When I was l i t t l e , I stayed by myself a lo t, I would read, or something. When we have parties at my parents’ house, now, with other Indo-

Dutch people, i t ’ s ju st the same to me as being at parties with Americans.

I don’t really notice any difference. For me i t ’s all the same. My parents didn’ t ta lk about th e ir past and, I guess, I never really asked, even though I would have been interested. I don’ t know a lo t about my dad. One time, I asked him whether he wanted to ta lk to me about his childhood, which he didn’ t want to. I guess he was unhappy. I know a

l i t t l e b it more about my mom. Her mom had her when she was young and she told everybody that my mom was her sister. Her father died when she was young, so she was really alone with her mother. I guess she didn’ t have a real happy childhood either. They told me these things much later, when we were adults. I was never close enough to my parents that I wanted to know 155 these things. My parents s t i l l don’ t ta lk about th e ir past to us. I should ask; I am especially interested in my dad’s history.

People don’ t notice I have a d iffe re n t background because of language and my white features; I came here when I was three months old, so I don’t have any accent. The only thing is food. At work they te ll me

I eat some weird food. I eat rice with vegetables and meat. They go: what is that, that looks yukkei and i t smells. But, I don’ t care i f people say that to me now, I don’t take things personally. But, yeah, they always thought I ate weird food. I always ate bread with those chocolate sprinkles, what’ s it called "hagelslag," they thought that was weird too.

When people ask me about my background, I w ill say that my mom is

Indonesian and my dad is Dutch, and that I came here when I was three months old. I don’ t say that my mother is mixed, I ju s t make i t easy. And some people w ill say: w ell, you don’ t look Indonesian. And then I w ill say: no, I look lik e my dad. I check the box that says "white" or something, because I am white, I don’ t look Indonesian. I have always done that, I always thought: I look white, so I check white.

People only ask me about my background when they see pictures of my parents. One person ask me: is your mother black? I go: nooo, she is from

Indonesia. She doesn’t look that color. And they always notice I am the lightest one in my family. Well, I just don’t get dark, I wish I could. I don’ t mind being tanned a ll year round.

I don’ t know what people think when I te ll them about my background. I f they do think something, they don’ t te ll me. They only comment on my food. I try to cook Indonesian. But I don’ t make i t as good as my mom, of course. I don’ t have the rig h t kind of spices probably. She taught me, I 156 don’t know the names, like tumis. I love that, but I can’t make it like my mom does, real good. We normally just eat the American food. I t ’ s a lo t easier. I don’ t know what my husband thought when he f ir s t met my parents. I know he probably thought my parents were different, but I don’t know in what way. We didn’ t re a lly ta lk about i t . He did te ll me, when my mom talks she uses a lo t of English and Dutch words together, and he would go: what is she talking about? She says the word "itu " and he goes: what is that word, and I go: I don’ t know. I f she doesn’ t know the English word she uses the word itu (th is. Indonesian). He knows she talks different. My husband comes from a mixed background too. His mom is Spanish and his father is from West V irginia, but they don’ t ta lk with an accent. His family is not really the typical American family either. His mother was on medication and his father is really rough. Neither do I know what the spouses of my brother and sisters thought when they f ir s t met our family. My two sisters married and moved away, I don’ t re a lly know much about them. I am not re ally that close to them, we ta lk on the phone sometimes, my sister in Colorado and I, and I write letters with my sister in the Netherlands, but only once a year or so. I am pretty close to my middle brother, he works in the same place I work.

The whole family gets together at holidays and birthdays. We, me, my husband and the kids, try to go to my parents once a month. When we have the money saved up, we would lik e to go to the

Netherlands. We want to v is it different European countries and vis it the fam ily. I plan to ta lk to my children about my background when they are a 157 little b it bigger. I want them to know everything. Now, my children never ask about oma and opa, why they ta lk and look d iffe re n t. I don't know about Indonesia. I am interested in it, but I don't know whether i t is save to go there. With everything that is going on in the world, violence and floods they have there. I know that my sister went. I never talked to her about how i t was fo r her. She went with my parents. They liked it, but it was a lot different then how it was some 40 years ago, when they lived there. A lo t of people there are very poor. I can't believe how they live. I think I would be kind of afraid. I'd be looking over my shoulder all of the time. And especially since my parents are not going there another time; i f I would go, I would want to go with somebody who would know about the place. When I see pictures of Indonesia,

I think it looks beautiful. I would like to see the temples because I am interested in different religions. CHAPTER V LEARNING CULTURE IN SCHOOL

Introduction

In th is chapter the findings of my study are described as they relate to the respondents’ experiences in school. F irs tly , a description is given regarding the denomination of the schools the respondents attended. This category emerged from the data. I didn’t anticipate it to be of any importance before I started the data collection. Then, an analytic description of the research findings is given.

Categories, emerging from the data and research questions, provide the framework for this chapter. While studying the respondents’ experiences in school, i t became apparent that the experiences of the first-generation respondents were to be described separately from the experiences of the second-generation. All first-generation respondents attended school in the former Dutch East-Indies. Difference in age determined a d iffe re n t context in terms of period, in which each respondent went to school.

Being Dutch citizens, the Indo-Dutch automatically attended concordant schools —schools founded for Dutch students u tiliz in g exactly the same curriculum as schools of the same type in the Netherlands^.

’ The Dutch colonial government founded separate schools fo r (I) the Dutch, (2) native-Indonesian and (3) Chinese students.

157 158

By founding such schools, Dutch children who "went back" to the Netherlands, either temporarily (on European Leave) or permanently, would not face adjustment problems in terms o f school content.

The second-generation respondents went to school in the three different countries their (grand-)parents had chosen to live. The different contexts in which they attended school influenced their experiences. Therefore, it seemed logical to present the analysis of second-generation respondents' experiences in school separately.

In the analysis of experiences in school, three major categories determining the curriculum emerged: content, relationship with teachers, and peer relationship. For the first-generation major societal transitions influenced th e ir educational experiences. In addition to the three major categories, experiences evolving from these transtions are described in separate paragraphs. For the second-generation, a category Home-School

Discontinuities is added. Only the second-generation respondents commented on possible differences in education at home and in school.

Denomination of Attended Schools Of the twenty-two respondents, at least twelve attended private schools.^ Eleven respondents attended a Catholic school and one a

Protestant school. This distinction is especially interesting when looking at the two generations separately.

Of the first-generation respondents, it is known that four (Elvire, Wim, Ria and Yvette) attended a Catholic school and three (Jannie, Karl

^ Of seven respondents i t is unclear whether they attended public or private schools. 159

and Maudy) a public school. Three of the first-generation respondents (Sophie, Johannus and Eleanore) did not refer to denomination of the schools they attended. Because public and private schools were funded equally by the Dutch government from the early 1900s, and consequently the overall quality of private and public schools are sim ilar, f ir s t- generation respondents and second-generation respondents in the Netherlands chose private education for ideological reasons only. Of the second-generation respondents liv in g in the Netherlands, two went to Catholic schools (Eddy and Richard), one to a Protestant school

(Liene), and one to an alternative public school (Lilian). In Indonesia, a ll respondents (Gabi, Alexandra, Janet, and Vincent) attended Catholic schools. Of the second-generation living in the United States, Skryler and Gary went to Catholic school; type of school is unknown fo r Francine and Doris.

Richard has experiences sim ilar to Gary regarding the relationship home-school-church. He describes how attending a Catholic school and membership of the Catholic church facilitated this family's integration, fo r i t functioned as a bridge between home and the Dutch society.

My Catholic background was something which I had in common with my schoolmates. My parents went to the church and we re a lly became members of th is new community. We were accepted pretty early. Richard also emphasizes how the content of the Catholic faith influenced the way his family was approached.

Catholics are raised with the equality principle. The black person is equal to the white person, because we are a ll created by God. In an atmosphere lik e this one’ s Indoness is not expounded on.

D ifferent from Richard, Liene fe lt more excluded in the Protestant school she attended. "The high school had a real 'C hristian' atmosphere and 160

especially the well-to-do students I found arrogant, both made me feel miserable," she says.

The second-generation respondents in Indonesia were sent to Catholic

schools because it was a family tradition. Vincent, for instance, describes how he went to the same school his mother attended. And Janet explains how her daughter and nieces are attending the same school she and her brothers went to. I t appears that fo r many Indo-Dutch liv in g in Indonesia, the Catholic church and its schools constituted one of the few constant factors in life before and after independence. Christian faith remained a divider between them and the m ajority, the native Indonesians.

In addition, due to more resources resulting from higher tu itio n , the quality of education is considered to be higher in private schools than in government/public schools, as in the United States. The respondents in Indonesia describe the difference i t made fo r them to attend a Catholic school, in terms of interracial atmosphere and curriculum content. Wim states

I don't think our children ever experienced negative attitudes because of th e ir diffe re n t background. But they a ll went to Catholic schools. I have heard that fair-skinned children in government schools are teased though. Vincent points out that the sisters in his school are from the Netherlands, and therefore negative reference to Dutch ancestry did not occur in his Catholic school.

I t was more an Indo school, actually. Had we been in a government school, it could have been very different. The way history is taught can influence the way students look at Indos. In the public schools a nationalistic interpretation of history is s till being taught, and that is how discrimination starts. 161

First-Generation Experiences

Colonial Education Seven of the ten first-generation respondents attended most of th e ir elementary and secondary education during the pre-WWII colonial period. In the Dutch school, the formal curriculum reflected Dutch content and method, the respondents say. In terms of the offered content of education, no distinction was made between white Dutch or Indonesian-Dutch students, according to the respondents. Different respondents have different memories of, and reactions to , the content and method they were taught.

Maudy emphasizes that in her recollection, the Dutch concordant schools used a completely Dutch curriculum. She says did not appreciate th is one-sidedness because she was also interested in learning about Indonesian mythology. Maudy found herself forced to go to the lib ra ry and read about Indonesian mythology in her own spare time, which she did.

Everything they taught us in school was pure Dutch. Nothing was mentioned about the Indonesian-Dutch. I t was either Indonesian or Dutch We had to sing p a trio tic songs about which we joked, like "Wie Neerlands bloed door d’ aderen v lo e it," (he who has Dutch blood running through his veins) and than the next phrase was "Van vreemden smetten v r ij" (free of alien smudges). And then you could hear somebody in the back of the class say "Maar dat is ni et zo" (that's not true). Those kind of songs we were to sing, also "Hollands vlag, je bent mijn glorie" (Dutch flag, you are my glory), stupid things like that. We didn’t know better, my God, we were Dutch.

Jannie also remembers the patriotic songs they were taught to sing, but the words of the songs have not disturbed her as they have Maudy.

In Ria’ s experience, the curriculum reflected both the Dutch and the Dutch East-Indian colonial society. During lessons in the Dutch language, the readings portrayed white Dutch women, dressed in the local 162

Saronq-Kebava. Ri a remembers. Different from Maudy, history lessons about Indonesian mythology are also part of Ria’ s recollection of the curriculum. Wim recalls being immersed in knowledge about the Netherlands, especially in geography and history lessons. But, according to Wim, there was also some attention fo r native Indonesian history. I t appears from

Wim's statements that the attention for Indonesia was given within the framework of colonial education. Teachings about Indonesia had a colonial bias and were of minor value. Later, I read about Indonesian history, but w ritten by my own people. I t was a completely d ifferent story. At the time though, I was not disturbed by the Dutch perspective. I didn’t know the possible difference between me and the Dutch.

In the colonial period, the language of instruction in the Dutch schools was Dutch. Despite variance in the command of standard Dutch by the I930’ s, most Indonesian-Dutch students had the Dutch language as th e ir f ir s t language. A ll first-generation respondents have Dutch as th e ir f ir s t language, which explains the fact that none of them mention problems with the Dutch language of instruction.^

Wim, whose father was native-Indonesian, recalls extra attention of

his teachers, the Catholic brothers, as far as the Dutch language was concerned.

The brothers were very strict. We were not allowed to speak Indonesian in school, nor at home. Sometimes, unconsciously, we would y e ll out something in Indonesian to our school mates. I f a

Although the first-generation respondents’ native language was Dutch, most of them appear having grown up bilin g u a l. Communication with native Indonesian relatives, friends, and servants resulted in, at least, some understanding of informal Indonesian. For more, see below, section on cultural curriculum at home. 163

teacher overheard us, he would rebuke us. They would v is it our homes regularly to make sure we spoke Dutch there too.

In the secondary Dutch schools in the Dutch East-Indies, the formal curriculum was somewhat adapted to the colonial situation. Mandatory foreign language instruction in the Indonesian language was added to the tra d itio n a l courses in French, English, and German, according to the recollections of Maudy and Jannie.

Teachers

Even though, the teachers in the Dutch schools were predominantly white Dutch, none of the respondents mentions a preference towards white

Dutch students, on the teachers’ part. Maudy presented the following. We were considered either Indonesian or Dutch, period. Consequently, our teachers didn’ t make a difference between white Dutch and Indos. We didn’ t experience discrimination at school. Even Wim, who was officially a native Indonesian, did not experience different treatment on basis of his ethnicity, he says. The only difference in treatment Wim experienced was the teachers’ special attention to usage of the Dutch language. His high grades might have positively influenced his teachers’ attitudes, Wim postulates. El vire states, she never experienced any racism on the part of the sisters. On the contrary, she says, she only has very positive memories of her nun teachers. When her father died, the sisters enabled her to finish secondary school, by providing her with a scholarship.

None of the respondents commented on the treatment of native Indonesians and Chinese classmates was equally non-discriminatory. 164

Almost a ll first-generation respondents mention the re la tive ly m ulticultural student body in the Dutch concordant schools. Although this type o f school was prim arily meant fo r white and Indo Dutch students, upper-class Indonesians and Chinese, in many cases were allowed to attend i t as w ell. Maudy remembers " I t was a real hodge-podge, but fun." Jannie emphasizes the intercultural opportunities of her youth. I remember we also had rich Indonesians and Chinese in our school, next to white Dutch and Indo-Dutch children. We didn’ t have a secluded youth, in which one is only allowed to play with Dutch children. We had Indonesian friends too.

Ria’s experience is slightly different. In her school there were no Indonesian students.

I had a g irlfrie n d , she was from the island of Timor, she could not go to our school, even though her father worked in our church. I think that they did not want native Indonesians in school. They did admit Chinese kids. Maybe because Chinese are wealthy.

Even though her schoolmates were white Dutch, Indo-Dutch, and Chinese, Ria’ s friends were mostly Indo-Dutch.

I t happened that white Dutch children played with Indo-Dutch children; there was no real segregation between these groups. But Indo-Dutch children played more amongst themselves. I think automatically you play more with your own kind, you understand each other more.

Yvette went to an elementary school with predominantly white Dutch children and a secondary school with both white Dutch and Indo-Dutch children. She liked the latter much better, she evaluates. The mix of students’ d iffe re n t backgrounds opened up the atmosphere for interracial relationships.

I was a relatively good student, but I was extremely bored at school. Most of the students were white Dutch and i t wasn’ t easy for me to make friends with them. So, I skipped school a lo t and would just wonder around in the forest. I had no friends until I went to secondary school. At this school, there were both white Dutch and Indo-Dutch students and I liked it much better. In such an 165

atmosphere, i t was easier to make friends, both with the white Dutch and the Indo-Dutch.

Transitions

The first-generation respondents faced five d iffe re n t periods in which they went to school; (1) the colonial period (2) the Japanese occupation period, (3) the revolutionary war period, (4) the period before a decision on citizenship was made, and (5) the period after the final decision on citizenship. Five o f the ten first-generation respondents

(Sophie, Wim, Elvire, Johannus, and Ria) graduated before the onset of World War II and/or didn't return to school after liberation. Yvette,

Jannie, Maudy, Eleanore and Karl, however, faced numerous drastic changes

in their curriculum, following the changing political context and the changing educational provisions.

The Japanese Occupation. Wim is the only respondent who was allowed to continue formal education during World War I I . His Indonesian citizenship

kept him out of Japanese prison camps and allowed him to attend a Japanese

Indonesian school.* Wim summarizes his experiences of this interim period.

The Dutch weren’ t mentioned any longer, not even in a negative way. ... The only aspect that was different during the Japanese time, was that we weren’ t allowed to speak the Dutch language any longer. And in a way, I think th a t’ s lo g ica l: how could we have learned the Indonesian language otherwise?

Yvette, Jannie, and Maudy discuss th e ir experiences while being in

a Japanese Prisoner-of-War (ROW) camp. Jannie, who lived in the camp with

her mother and two younger brothers, was taught the basic reading.

* During World War I I , the Japanese occupiers closed a ll Dutch institutions, including all the schools founded by the Dutch. 166 w ritin g , and arithmetic by her mother, in the confinement of the prison camp. In her memory, the Japanese didn’ t provide any education fo r the children, nor did they prohibit it. During our prison camp years, my mother taught us, using the l i t t l e material we had: sitting on a tree trunk in our corner of the barrack, using some empty pieces of paper, and a l i t t l e piece of pencil. I think there were some textbooks circulating in the camp as w ell. Everybody would use them, fo r a couple of days each time. When it was our turn, we would learn from those. I don’t really recall whether I could already read when I entered the prison camp. I don’ t think so, because I was only six years old. My mother must have taught me that f ir s t . She taught us Dutch language and arithm etic. My mother stressed Dutch vocabulary in her teaching, from simple words to sophisticated ones.

Yvette, whose mother had died before the war, was separated from her father and placed in a prison camp, at the age of five . White Dutch

Catholic nuns took care of Yvette and her baby brother. After her baby brother died during th e ir imprisonment, Yvette was the only child in the prison camp. She received private lessons in the basics taught by the nuns.

Traumatic experiences, during the war, were they inside or outside the Japanese prison camps, may be seen as part of the informal curriculum

fo r the first-generation respondents. In prison camps, Yvette lo st her baby brother, Maudy witnessed hundreds of babies die from a measles

epidemic, and Jannie fe lt the anxiety of her mother’ s secret trade of food

against la s t possessions with Chinese liv in g in the v ic in ity of the camp. Although her mother endeavored to save her children from witnessing

cruelty, she couldn’ t keep Jannie from seeing how her baby brother almost

died from m alnutrition. Jannie appreciates her mother’ s behavior.

Fortunately, I didn’ t witness any torture practices executed by the Japs, nor did I witness any deaths. My mother always kept us far away from things lik e that. I do remember my mother had to report to 167

the Jap’ s o ffic e because my brothers had done something they were not supposed to. But, fortunately, I don’t know whether she got a beating or something like that. In the meantime, I had to stay at home and watch over my brothers. Karl almost died the second time he was put in a Japanese labor camp for young men.

Elvire and Ria describe how, outside the Japanese prison camps, many Japanese soldiers would roam the streets at night, looking fo r young women to give them pleasure. Elvire and her siste r were 19 and 17 years old, and thus targets. The Japanese occupiers took stigmatizing measures against Wim’s father because of his prior affiliation with the Dutch colonial administration. And Ria recalls how she and her mother had to fly from one place to another, leaving a ll th e ir possessions behind while circumventing imprisonment by the Japanese. F inally, at the end of the war, Ria and her mother received a message stating that her father had died in a Japanese labor camp in Burma, just after liberation.

The Revolutionary War. Liberated from the Japanese, the Dutch reclaimed power and Dutch concordant schools were reopenened. A fter some six years of instruction in Indonesian, Wim returned to the Dutch secondary school, where he encountered d iffic u ltie s with the Dutch language. He states proudly that, although his formal Dutch was poor when he returned to the Dutch school, he graduated with the highest grade fo r Dutch language.

Yvette, Jannie, Karl, Maudy and Eleanore returned to schools that had been closed for a period of at least three years. Jannie remembers how her father, who survived Japanese forced labor on the Burma Railroad, taught her a crash-course in the Dutch language while they were s till stationed in Thailand. Back in the Dutch East-Indies, she went through an 168 o ffic ia l six-month course in an elementary school, to prepare her fo r the entrance exam to secondary education. I recall how fo r the entrance exam, I had to read a piece of text and then answer questions about i t . The piece was on a silv e r bird in the sky. I immediately knew the author was referring to an airplane. My father’ s teaching was thorough enough for me to know about metaphors. Maudy and Karl graduated from secondary school in these interim years. The reopened Dutch schools reflected the problems of rein stitu tio n a lize d Dutch colonial rule. A fter World War II, the schools never became the same again. Jannie describes how Indonesian children acted out th e ir parents’ and th e ir own hatred towards the returned Dutch by assulting th e ir Dutch (white and Indo) schoolmates. "The strange thing is that the same boys were our friends only a week earlier," she recalls.

The Period prior to Citizenship Decision. Of the first-generation respondents, only Yvette, Jannie, and Eleanore were s t i l l in school after

1949, the year the Dutch o ffic ia lly recognized Indonesia’ s independence. The most drastic change in the new Indonesian schools was the changed language of instruction: from Dutch to Indonesian. Yvette attended the second form o f secondary school when the tra n sitio n took place —a year fille d with new material to be learned.

The transition meant a change of the language of instruction from Dutch to Indonesian. I didn’ t mind the change for most of the time, I spoke Indonesian anyway. I only spoke Dutch at home, with my father. With my mother, I spoke Indonesian and even my parents spoke Indonesian with each other. The Indonesian grammar was somewhat d if f ic u lt to learn, though. And so were the lessons in Arabic, which were introduced with the transition.

Unlike Yvette, Jannie could not cope with the sudden change in language of instruction. Her grades dropped considerably. Indonesia’ s national anthem 169 and the regional anthem of Sumatra’ s east coast were added to Jannie’ s repertoire o f Dutch p a trio tic songs, rig h t before her family decided to leave Indonesian which was half a year after this major change. Next to language, history and geography lessons changed focus d ra stica lly. Now, Yvette was taught Indonesian history. The Catholic school Yvette attended, hired Indonesian teachers to teach the new contents, but the Dutch nuns continued to teach as well. Yvette describes how Dutch people who insisted on Dutch education for their children were forced to migrate or send their children to the

Netherlands. Eleanore’s family le ft in 1947 before Indonesia’s official independence. Many Indo-Dutch however, continued to send th e ir children to the Indonesian schools, taking some more time to decide about th e ir future.

From th is period on. Catholic schools appear to have become a haven for the Indonesian-Dutch, which w ill be further illustrated later, when discussing the second-generation Indo-Dutch in Indonesia. Despite many changes the former Dutch Catholic schools were required to make by the new

Indonesian government, in many schools the colonial s p ir it would s t ill linger. Yvette, whose father decided to change nationality from Dutch to

Indonesian, fe lt forced to betray her new people’ s cause on Queen’ s Day, a Dutch national holiday.

I remember, hating the nuns fo r making us wear an orange (color of the Dutch royal house) ribbon on Dutch national holidays, like Queen’s Day. We all thought that was ridiculous, Indonesia was already an independent country! I was really embarrassed having to walk around with that ribbon. Of course, Indonesians would comment when they saw us.

Yvette enjoyed her school years, most of which took place in the new Indonesian state. She enjoyed the company of both her old reference group. 170 the Indonesian-Dutch students, who were gradually leaving, and of her new reference group, the newly entering Indonesian students.

Schooling in the New Country. After having experienced school in the relatively multicultural setting of the Dutch former colony, learning much about the world beyond the Dutch East-Indies, Jannie and Eleanore were shocked by the narrow-mindedness and the lack of knowledge of the Dutch colonies, on the part of most Dutch teachers and students in the Netherlands.

Jannie accepted the situation in a bitter-sweet manner. Her family was the only Indo-Dutch family in the neighborhood, and they were the only Indo students in the school. She criticizes the Dutch for their lack of knowledge and experience, and for their prejudices. S till, her criticism did not paralyze her. With pride she states that she experienced no problems with the Dutch curriculum and that she needed no special attention.

Eleanore, however, believes that knowledge of the Dutch East-Indies should have been included in the Dutch curriculum. Dutch students should have been given the opportunity to widen their perspectives by learning more about different ways of life in different places, she asserts.

Second-Generat i on

A ll but one respondent (Alexandra) among the second-generation respondents were born a fte r Indonesia’ s Independence. Alexandra was born

in 1946 but a ll her school experiences were in an independent Indonesia. 171

The second-generation respondents grew up and went to school in the Netherlands, Indonesia, and the United States.

Although a ll second-generation respondents were born in a m ulticultural society, not many of them experienced i t in th e ir school curriculum. I t appears that, in the late 1950s and 1960s, knowledge presented in schools was predominantly knowledge about, and knowledge valued by the dominant group in the three societies.

Indonesia

In considering formal educational content, instruction in language and history appear to be of importance in the educational experiences of the Indo-Dutch m inority group in the Indonesian schools. Because, tra d itio n a lly , the Dutch language is the language spoken in the Indo-Dutch community, I think the experiences of second-generation respondents during language education are interesting to discuss. History education is interesting to discuss, because of Indonesia’ s occupation by the Dutch for

350 years, and the respondents’ affiliation with the former colonizers.

Language. Alexandra is the oldest second-generation respondent. Born in

1946, she went to school in the immediate aftermath of colonialism. She s t i l l experienced some of the Dutch influence by the presence of many

Indo-Dutch students. In addition, even though the language of instruction had turned to Indonesian, the Dutch language was s till tolerated in the school and taught as a foreign language. As Alexandra says " i t was s t i l l a popular language to speak." 172

This situation changed around 1958 however. From th is time on,

Indonesia’ s firs t president Soekarno broke radically with the Netherlands.

He nationalized Dutch companies and forced a ll remaining Dutch citizens out of the country. For several years, the Dutch language became a banned language and was prohibited in the schools and homes. By th is time, Alexandra had already finished elementary school, which provided her with a formal basis of the Dutch language in addition to having spoken Dutch at home during an important phase of her development. She had a sufficie n t basis in Dutch to further develop her fluency, despite a gap of some years in which no Dutch was spoken, either at home or in school. Alexandra is now a licensed teacher fo r elementary

Dutch language education. Her younger sisters, however, never developed a sim ilar fluency in Dutch because of the ban. The Dutch that was secretly spoken at home was not su fficie n t to encourage further development.

Gabi, Janet, and Vincent were a ll born some 15 years after

Alexandra. They went to elementary school almost 20 years after Indonesia’ s independence. They went to elementary school in a new era, with a new president (Soeharto) and his new established order, again in v itin g in Western companies and th e ir products.

Gabi, Janet, and Vincent did not have any formal education in Dutch. The new order did not reinstate Dutch as a foreign language in schools.

The Dutch language was pushed back to the realm of the home (see more section on discontinuities), resulting in Gabi and Vincent’s passive knowledge of i t , and Janet’ s speaking i t but with grammatical errors.

Alexandra mentions in passing, that she was not as fluent in

Indonesian yet when the school switched to ta lly to the Indonesian 173 language. I find i t interesting that none of the younger second-generation respondents in Indonesia mention d iffic u lty with the Indonesian language. The fact that the second-generation respondents’ caretakers speak Dutch to each other, and sometimes to them, does not seem to have impeded th e ir capability to learn the dominant language. Of course, immersion in a foreign language at a young age is not known to be problematic.

Janet mentions her strength in foreign languages compared with her Indonesian schoolmates. The fact that her parents speak Dutch, have lived in Singapore, where they spoke English, and travel often to Europe, has facilitated her learning, she says.

History Lessons. Being brought up by parents who fought for the

Nationalist Movement (both her Indo mother and her Moluccan father),

Alexandra was raised to be proud to be Indonesian. Although she does not explicitly talk about it, I would think that because of her parents’ background and th e ir values, Alexandra had no d iffic u lty choosing sides while confronted with colonial history. She would probably have identified more with the Indonesian nationalists than with the Dutch colonizing power.

To Gabi and Janet, discussing the colonial period in the classroom did not confuse th e ir loyalties either. They do not remember talking about this period in Indonesian history as painful, nor exciting. I t did not really affect them that much. Gabi states.

Because I forgot it, it probably means it was not important. I never really fe lt involved. I see history as a story. I neverfe lt at the side of the colonial, no, I felt neutral. 174

Janet fe lt more involved and more Indonesian.

History lessons about the Dutch colonial times, d id n 't really bother me. It has been such a long time. I would feel like the other students, learning about our history. There were never any real nasty remarks about my ancestors, like your grandparents were our enemies, or something lik e that. Times have changed. Of course, jokes were made sometimes. But, that was more teasing, and I would always have a quick and smart response.

Vincent summarizes the strongest feelings, while discussing colonialism in history lessons. He remembers he was very much aware of his Dutch background and conscious of the oppressive role the Dutch played in

Indonesian history, and describes how he wanted to move beyond the act of taking the blame.

In the beginning, when they talk about colonialism and the Dutch in history lessons, I felt attacked. All my friends know about my family and in the beginning they were looking at me and jo k in g .... I t made me think. What can I say, i t is the past. We cannot blame anyone, i t has already happened, we are already independent. We have to be conscious of the development of Indonesia from colonialism u n til now You just have to accept the past, know how the people have suffered with such a regime, and keep i t in mind fo r the future We hear it and get the positive out of it, learn from it.

Teachers. Janet brings up her relationship with teachers when she describes one of her attitudes which she labels as Western. Janet’ s parents taught her to be assertive: speak your mind, but in a respectful and eloquent way, to bring about a discussion of ideas. Janet claims her teachers did not appreciate her questioning behavior, at firs t. Only when they became convinced of her good intentions and saw her c iv iliz e d manner, did they accept i t .

I didn’ t ju s t say: you are wrong, but would give my opinion and would ask fo r permission to discuss the issue in class. The other students were impressed with my brave behavior, but warned me for negative repercussions from the teachers. However, after a month or two, they all started to ask questions too. 175

Gabi refers to teachers’ behavior when they would do a role-call and showed d iffic u lty with pronouncing her name. Repeatedly, her f ir s t name was pronounced in an Indonesian way and thus sounded lik e the Indonesian word for clumsy (gabir), followed by a total mispronunciation of her long German la s t name. Because i t a unique name, people who are fa m ilia r with the name, easily recognize it and ask me whether I am related to other Freudenbergs they have known. I lik e that. And most people are ju st interested.

I t appears Gabi did not take the repeated mispronunciation o f her name personally. She didn’t end up hating the name. It remained clear to her that the situation was a re fle ctio n of a shortcoming on the part of the teacher, not her parents who gave her such an un-Indonesian name.

Peers. Whereas Alexandra went to school in a time that most of her peers were Indo-Dutch, the peers of the younger Indonesian second-generation respondents were predominantly native Indonesian.

Gabi remembers one other Indo g irl in her ju n io r high school, who colored her hair but could not hide her other Indo features and her Indo name. Gabi never fe lt a preference for Indo friends. On the contrary, Gabi would rather have Indonesian friends.

I didn’t usually make friends with other Indos. I always liked to make friends with Indonesians, so I would feel more accepted in the surrounding of Indonesians In addition, I just didn’t meet many Indo people whom I could be friends with. Maybe i t is true what my cousin Robbie said: Indos don’ t lik e other Indos that much And Indos are not lik e Chinese people, sticking to each other in a group, they mix with the Indonesian group.

Gabi’ s preoccupation with acceptance appears to indicate to me that she must have fe lt an outsider to a certain extent. She describes how kids in the street would tease her with the word Belanda (Dutch) used as 176 abusive language, during her elementary school years. She stresses the lack of knowledge on the part of these Indonesian kids. They obviously did not know that not every fair-skinned person is necessarily from Dutch descent, Gabi analyzed. Janet also remembers being called names, especially Buie (Whitey), which made her feel lik e an outsider, she says. She didn’ t want to stop and think about it too much, and she didn’t let it influence her pride in her Indoness. Also in Janet’ s school, there were several other Indo students. One of those other Indo students became Janet’ s good friend. They enjoyed each other’ s company and loved to talk Dutch to each other’ s parents. Despite their many sim ilarities, Janet indicates they were very different as well.

She emphasizes she did not have Indo friends only. She has always had some very good Indonesian friends as well, Janet adds. Janet described herself as "Dutch-Indonesian, but raised with

Indonesian standards." This addition appears having to make up fo r what are conceived to be Dutch-Indonesian shortcomings, in Indonesian eyes.

Janet f e lt she always had to prove her native Indonesian friends that she did not f it the negative stereotype of a Western, undisciplined young woman.

Different from Janet, Vincent appears to feel that his multicultural background has enriched him and made him more sensitive, compared to his

Indonesian friends. Vincent rejects his peers’ discrimination against non­ national m inority groups, lik e Dutch-Indonesians and Chinese. Such an attitude is an obstacle for friendships, he says. By contrasting his upbringing and his fam ily’ s values with a stereotypical Indonesian way, he 177 presents his background as more civilized and pure. Vincent refers to his

Indonesian peers in school as "spoiled rich kids."

Netherlands Content. Apart from L ilia n , the youngest second-generation respondent in the Netherlands, the Indos going through Dutch schools claim to be offered a monocultural Netherlands-oriented curriculum, with no attention to the former Dutch colony, even in history lessons. Eddy is not critical toward his education. It all made sense to him to learn only about the

Netherlands. In retrospect, Liene and Richard regret the lack of attention to th e ir specific background, although they do not remember feeling that way at the time. Liene states I think, now, that I must have unconsciously disliked the fact that Indonesia or Suriname never were talked about in class. They were always in subjects in the end of the book. But, more importantly, I didn’t want to stick out as different.

Liene has a career in minority education and, as a professional, she witnessed the development of m ulticultural education in the Netherlands.

Because of early misconceptions of the new idea, Liene claims to be pleased that in her time i t was not an issue yet.

I t would have been horrible to hear them teach about Indo culture in a totally distorted way, as they did with the cultures of other minorities.

Richard only realized la te r that a ll education was dominated by

Western culture, as he says. He adds that he was shocked to discover the assimilating nature of education is typ ica lly Western, and not something universal. Later in his life , he became a supporter of multicultural education. Yet, when Richard was in school he experienced no problems with the monocultural curriculum. He explains that his education had made him 178

individualistic. When an instructor critiqued his work as "typically Asian" he was insulted, he remembers. Lilia n is some ten years younger than the other Dutch second- generation respondents and thus went to school in a different period in Dutch educational history. Her school career started in an alternative elementary school (Dalton-system), where she had the same teacher for three consecutive years. This teacher encouraged expression of ethnic d iversity by setting an example through his own behavior and appearance, through his knowledge of other cultures, and by frequently discussing d iversity in his classroom.

Although the atmosphere was open and d ive rsity was valued by the teacher and consequently by the students, Lilian remembers not feeling

involved, or even disliking the attention to her community. She now

believes, this attitude might have come from a deep shyness, which might

or might not be related to her upbringing. L ilia n notes she loved the fact

that the central theme in her senior high school history curriculum was

the Dutch East-Indies. By this time, she had overcome her shyness and she fe lt and acted very involved during the lessons. Liene mentions a sim ilar

shyness, and she states i t took her u n til college to overcome i t .

Teachers. L ilia n ’ s experience of having a teacher who was Jewish, and who

expressed strong pride in his ethnic heritage, is a unique experience, in

comparison with a ll other respondents. This teacher must have been one of

the f ir s t , and s t i l l one of the few teachers in the Netherlands who

actually used their own ethnicity as starting point for multicultural 179

education. Others do not comment on the relationships they had with their teachers.

Peers. As in Indonesia, the peers of the Dutch respondents were

predominantly members of the dominant group, in th is case the white Dutch. Lilia n and Eddy remember having a number of other Indo children in th e ir school and in th e ir neighborhood. For Eddy, the presence of other Indo children was a given. He says he didn’t pay any attention to their similar background, and emphasizes that he, lik e the other kids, played by d iffe re n t rules than th e ir parents. I t was important whether you were strong or whether you were good in soccer, not that you were born in Indonesia, says Eddy.

Lilian recalls observing a difference between herself and other Indo kids, whom she primarily met in school. She discovered that there were

Indos who were s till very Asian in their habits and values and that there were Indos who were to ta lly assimilated to white Dutch culture. And she positioned her own family somewhere in between, not too Oriental, but not too Western, either.

Probably due to her teacher’ s attitude, L ilia n ’ s schoolmates in elementary school appreciated her d iffe re n t e th n icity. Receiving so much attention from the teacher made her a popular student. This changed, however, in secondary school, L ilia n describes. Whereas her former teacher appreciated the spicy smell of Oriental cooking in her clothes, her new schoolmates urged her to drink some of their milk to get rid of the garlic smell in her breath when she talked to them. L ilia n ’ s white Dutch peers 180 mistook her shyness and modesty fo r dishonesty, about which they frequently complained. Liene’ s peers were mostly white Dutch and she fe lt a strong, maybe self-imposed, emphasis on assim ilation, she says. Liene did not want to stick out as different and thus tried hard to catch up with the knowledge of the details of all the popular different activities of her white Dutch friends. She didn’t take any friends home with her because she was afraid to be the laughing stock and to be hurt, once her friends found out how d iffe re n t her home was. Richard emphasizes how he was immersed in the white Dutch culture by his education: the content and the context. There were no other students or teachers of color in his classes and thus no other non-white role models, he says. Gradually assimilating to the white Dutch culture,

Richard encountered peers who accepted him, but who regularly thought he was the odd-person-out.

The United States

Gary, Skryler, and Francine were born in the Netherlands. Doris was born in the United States. Only Gary started school before his parents immigrated. The women a ll started school in the United States. Doris and

Gary have a college education, while Francine has an associate’ s degree.

Skryler went to the Netherlands a fte r her graduation from high school, where, during one year, she went to a Dutch home-maker school one day a week and worked in a factory. 181

Language and Other Content. While in the American school, Gary and Francine remember receiving extra attention because of their different language background. Especially Gary, who was already 11 years of age when entering the American school, needed a lo t of additional language lessons to catch up with his class mates in English. Gary remembers patient nun teachers, who were always ready to help, and who, together with students, found creative ways to help Gary understand th e ir English. Francine remembers teachers conscious of her non-English native tongue. "They know you are of foreign born parents and therefore at a disadvantage," she says.

The extra attention fo r Gary and Francine might be typical fo r the period when they entered American schools. Attention for immigrant/ minority children was shaped in the form of compensatory measures. The emphasis was on diminishing what immigrant students lacked, without considering the enrichments of, for instance, learning two languages. Gwen and Skryler do not mention having had any problems with English. Their teachers probably did not see the purpose of extra attention.

But Gary went to a school were he was also encouraged to ta lk about his background, about his country of birth, Indonesia, but especially about the country he migrated from, the Netherlands. Gary remembers that both the teachers and the students were interested in hearing more about his lif e , before he immigrated to the States.

Gary and Francine both chose to bring forth their specific history on several occasions, in papers and presentations. But the core curriculum did not reserve time to discuss the different backgrounds of students in the classroom. Gary observes in retrospect that too much emphasis was 182 placed on American history and geography. "From a personal viewpoint, I would rather concentrate some more on world history, the culture of other countries, especially nowadays," he says.

In school, Skryler considered herself to be plain American, and thus was not bothered by the lack of opportunities to talk about her family’ s experiences. As discussed later on, her parents preference for her not to take friends to the house coincided with Skryler’s own rejection of it. Just like Liene who grew up in the Netherlands, Skryler didn’t want her American friends to see and judge her d iffe re n t home environment.

Peers. Similar to the situation of second-generation respondents in

Indonesia and in the Netherlands, the peers of the American second- generation Indos are predominantly members of the dominant ethnic group.

Gary makes a strong point of not having had any preference for friends on the basis of race. Although he fe lt a sense of responsibility towards new

immigrants from Belgium (who spoke Dutch as he did) and thus spent some time with them, his friends were mostly white American.

Gary discusses his schoolmates in itia lly had this stereotypical picture of a Dutch person. They realized Gary did not f it that stereotype.

Gary would respond with "not a ll Americans are white," and then explain

his background. In a way, Gary’ s presence and his schoolmates curio sity

provided the basis for a "micro multicultural curriculum."

Aware of codes of social behavior, Gary remembers feeling uncertain

about proper ways in his new country. He now realizes that "we were s till

kids," and thus "you don’t have to go by the book." Gary fe lt time took

care of his preoccupations. 183

Skryler recalls her class mates wondering over the food she brought to school. "They always thought I ate weird food. I always ate bread with those chocolate sprinkles, what’ s i t called, ’ hagelslag.’ They thought that was weird," she says. Not her sandwiches with chocolate sprinkles, but her American looks and English language were found to be "weird" by the students of the home-maker school in the Netherlands. Because Skryler was d iffe re n t, the Dutch g irls avoided her.

Francine remembers having friends over, who were surprised to hear her parents speak Dutch, or English with a Dutch accent. Unlike what Skryler anticipated with her friends coming over to her parents’ house, Francine’ s friends liked the d iffe re n t environment and enjoyed staying for dinner and tryin g Dutch and Indonesian food.

Home-School Discontinuities

Situations in which respondents noticed that the values/habits in school differed from the values/habits transmitted at home are mentioned by second-generation respondents liv in g in the United States and the

Netherlands. This, of course, does not mean that the other respondents have not experienced any discontinuities. I t ju st was not brought up by the others.

Some brought up the cooperation between parents and teachers.

Skryler points out how her parents were never much involved with her school activities and that, consequently, there was not much contact between school and home. "Our parents didn’ t do much with us because they were afraid to be around American people, I believe, because they were Dutch," Skryler remembers. 184

In Gary’ s case, however, there was a strong lin k between school and his parents. The fact that the school was affiliated with and on the premises of the Catholic church his parents were members of which was the same church that had sponsored th e ir immigration to the States, may have been of influence. Gary recalls

Every wrong move I made in school, my teachers would call my parents. And then there was a monthly PTA meeting, that sort of thing. And then we were so close to the convent, there was the church, the school, and there was us. So, my parents would p ra ctica lly see the nuns everyday.

As mentioned e a rlie r, the Catholic church played an important role in the educational experiences of the m ajority of the respondents. L ilia n , who went to school in the Netherlands, brought up slig h t problems she experienced with the Dutch language. Although she spoke Dutch at home, she noticed slight differences in vocabulary, intonation, and syntax. "Friends would realize I was different after a while, because they would hear that my sentences had strange windings sometimes," L ilia n says. Also, she realized some o f the home vocabulary was Indonesian.

In language class, fo r example, we were making compound words and I created th is word which turned out to be Indonesian . I was convinced i t was a proper word, but my teacher explained to me i t was not and that i t must have been an Indonesian word. So, I went home to my mom and to ld her what happened. She had to laugh about i t , and told me that indeed th is was an Indonesian word and what its meaning was.

Eddy refers to colonial Dutch vocabulary at home which was perceived to be archaic and thus confusing in the environment outside the home.

My mother would send me to the store to buy "confection," and the clerk didn’t know what that was. Apparently, in the Dutch East-

With "D uiven-til" (pidgeon house) as example, she created the word "K oe-til (cow house), having no meaning in Dutch but meaning "birthmark" in Indonesian. 185

Indies that was the word they used. So, I had to explain that I was ju s t asking fo r candy. Liene remembers experiencing difficulties with grasping all the different traditions white Dutch children and adults would live buy.

For instance, in Dutch fam ilies people talked about "taking the ice- skates out the grease," so they were ready to be used as soon as the ice on the ponds was sturdy enough, in the beginning of the winter. I had no idea what they were talking about; I didn’ t know about the skates or the grease. At our house, i f there even were skates, they were old and rusty, handed down by some aunt. Skates had no central place in our household at a ll. I remember sometimes getting irritated by differences like this and asking my mother why she didn’ t grease the skates we had.

But at home Liene was taught to think more fle x ib le , even though in class she was introduced to more s tric t Dutch habits.

In school, they presented daily life so strictly: Monday is Laundry Day, Wednesday is Ground Beef Day, you know, those rig id patterns. Whereas at home they told me that the laundry could be done Monday, but other days as well. They told me i t was good to know th is about the Dutch, but that we did things d iffe re n tly.

Opposite to Liene, her Indonesian counterpart Janet describes her introduction of habits learned at home into the classroom at certain times.

Concluding Observations

The first-generation’ s educational experiences in school d iffe r from the second-generation’ s experiences in content and context. Whereas the f ir s t generation attended school in a period of colonialism, domination by the white Dutch, the second generation attended schools in independent nations, where they constituted a minority group. At the time of this study, each one of the countries in which the Indo-Dutch people reside recognizes their multicultural population and is o fficia lly committed to strive for equity of minority groups. 186

Regardless of the re la tive ly sim ilar context in which they attended school, the first-generation respondents provide d ifferent recollections of d iffe re n t educational experiences, and d iffe re n t emotional reactions to those experiences. With a ll these d iffe re n t experiences, i t is d iffic u lt to make concluding statements on "the first-generation experience."

However, it appears to be clear that almost all first-generation respondents agree upon the emphasis in th e ir curriculum on knowledge from a white Dutch perspective, with only little attention for knowledge reflecting the pluralistic colonial society.

This does not mean that a ll first-generation respondents have a c ritic a l a ttitude towards a curriculum dominated by a white Dutch perspective. In fa ct, only three respondents comment on the colonial curriculum in c ritic a l terms. For the others the formal curriculum was a given and its content was not given much thought. Notwithstanding the predominantly monocultural, Netherlands-centric formal curriculum, relations with peers and teachers created an atmosphere of relative intercultural appreciation. White Dutch teachers did not express any racism in th e ir behavior towards the respondents. White Dutch or Indo-Dutch, the students were treated equally.

The peers of most first-generation respondents were predominantly

Indonesian-Dutch, with some white Dutch, native Indonesian, and Chinese students. In the Dutch schools in the Dutch East-Indies, the Indo-Dutch students constituted a numerical m ajority, even though th e ir group was under political domination. It appears to me that this numerical majority in the classroom in combination with the broader p lu ra lis tic colonial context may have provided an opportunity fo r Indo-Dutch students to adapt 187 the formal curriculum to their own experiences. Maudy’s example of students’ reactions to a sentence in a Dutch patriotic song, supports this argument. The second-generation respondents went to school in a period, and an environment where neither the content nor the context of the formal curriculum addressed th e ir presence in the classroom and th e ir history.

This applies to Indonesia, the Netherlands, and the United States. The younger Indonesian second-generation respondents express feelings of alienation in school, more than their Dutch and American counterparts.

But, unlike their Dutch and American counterparts, they more often insisted on their own ways in the interaction with teachers and peers.

Unlike the younger Indonesian second-generation respondents, the

Indonesian second-generation respondent born immediately a fter World War

II, did not experience hostility based on ethnicity. The fact that her parents were nationalists and her father was Indonesian might have been the reason for this lack of prejudice. I postulate that another reason might have been the remnants of a certain extent of colonial tolerance for m ulticultural ism, which disappeared with Soekarno’ s breaking away from Western cooperation and Suharto’ s attention to (only) the national ethnic minorities.

The Dutch and American second-generation respondents are less confronted with e x p lic it acts of prejudice. Their conscious and unconscious endeavor to conform as much as possible to th e ir majority student peers however, indicates that the educational context does not stimulate respondents to feel comfortable with th e ir differences. One 188 might categorize such atmosphere as being created by im plicit prejudice against differences. In the Dutch case, the second-generation respondents were unaware of alternatives for the Netherlands-centric curriculum. They accepted it as a given. Now, in a time of rising popularity of multicultural education, some of them realize what demands they could have made, although they are not sure whether th e ir educational outcome would have been better. The youngest Dutch second-generation respondent did experience the beginning of what turned out to be multicultural education. She is the one Dutch second-generation respondent who most appreciates inclusion of the Indo- Dutch experience in the curriculum.

The American second-generation respondents Gary and Francine, experienced compensatory education as fa r as th e ir English language instruction was concerned. Despite the emphasis on shortcomings of the

Indo-Dutch students, the relationship with th e ir teachers is one characterized by an abundance of friendly attention. Unlike their Dutch counterparts, Gary and Francine had the opportunity to present th e ir background in the school though informal ta lk and individual projects provided.

In all three countries, the schools affiliated with the Catholic church provide many of the second-generation Indo-Dutch students with at least one similar point of reference —religion and the values taught at home based on religion. Especially in Indonesia, where 90% of the population is muslim which influences the curriculum in the government schools, the Christian private schools provide a save-haven. 189

In the cases of Indonesia and the United States, the Catholic schools also guarantee better quality education than the public schools.

Sending their children to Catholic schools, notwithstanding financially tig h t times (see Gary), shows that many Indo-Dutch parents in sist on the best education fo r th e ir children. Finally, most second-generation respondents commented on the relationship btween home and school. Parent involvement in school was mentioned by some respondents. One respondent pointed out how her parents were not much involved with school activities because of their unfamiliarity and discomfort in American settings. Another respondent however, expounded upon the tig h t relationship between home and school, due to his parents' strong affiliation with the Catholic church that ran his school.

More second-generation respondents considered discontinuities between home and school culture, in terms of language. Two American second-generation respondents commented on th e ir disadvantageous situation in school, due to a d ifferent home language. Two Dutch second-generation respondents explained how they discovered that, in some cases, th e ir Dutch differed from the Dutch used in school. Unknowingly, they were brought up with some expressions that proved to be remnants of the colonial society in the Dutch East-Indies and with some Indonesian vocabulary.

One Dutch second-generation respondent talked in length about her struggle with knowing and understanding traditional Dutch habits and a c tiv itie s . These habits and a c tiv itie s determined the lives of her schoolmates, but were not taught in her own home. While helping her 190 understand these habits and a c tiv itie s , her parents at the same time endeavored to teach her a cultural re la tiv is t and a comparative attitude.

This chapter dealt with educational experiences in school, comparing the experiences of f ir s t- , and second-generation Indo-Dutch, and the experiences of the second-generation in the Netherlands, Indonesia, and the United States. The next chapter discusses the respondents’ educational experiences at home. CHAPTER VI

LEARNING CULTURE AT HOME

Introduction

Dutch scholars who have attempted to describe Indonesian-Dutch culture have encountered a great deal of criticism from d iffe re n t sections of the Indonesian-Dutch community. Apparently, the Indo-Dutch community considers its e lf too heterogeneous to make generalizations. Bearing th is in mind, I need to emphasize that the following description of culture at home is my interpretation of what has been disclosed to me by my Indo-

Dutch respondents. What has been told, may or may not count for other Indo-Dutch and, similarly, it may or may not resonate with people from other ethnic groups.

In this chapter I primarily focus on the culture in the homes of first-generation parents and second-generation children. Some reference may be made to the upbringing of the firs t generation by their parents or upbringing as enacted by the second generation as parents, in other words, to the generations on either side of the ones I am dealing with.

Because the homes of the respondents are in the three countries, and considering the importance of context in the a rticulatio n of culture, the respondents’ experiences in the Netherlands, Indonesia, and the United

States, are analyzed in separate sections. Each section begins with a

191 192 b rie f description of the physical environment of the homes, where in many cases the upbringing took, and is still taking, place.^ In a final section, s im ila ritie s and difference across the three countries are pointed out.

Culture In Indonesian Homes

The Physical Setting

Alexandra shares her home with her mother Sophie, her siste r and her family (husband and two daughters of elementary school age), and her youngest daughter and her family (husband and baby-daughter). Her middle- sized home is clean and neat, and has a European interior: with walls with fu ll bookshelves, a piano, three d ifferent seating arrangements. The one major seating arrangement, which has glass doors opening to the yard, has a large Indonesian drawing above the couch.

The homes of Yvette and Vincent are furnished and decorated in a similar fashion. The basic furniture is of Western style, but the decorations are Indonesian. Vincent s till lives with his mother in a house with three European style bathrooms. Yvette’ s home, shared with her youngest son, also has walls with fu ll bookshelves, containing prim arily

English books, balanced by an abundance of woodcarvings from different Indonesian islands.

The data collected for this study show that upbringing in Indo- Dutch homes is a continuing process, which does not necessarily stop with the coming to adulthood of the children. In addition, it is a shared process, in which not only the parents, but also other related elders (grandparents, aunts and uncles) take part. 193

Wim’ s residence is most Western with its oak wood and leather (antique) furniture, the collection of D elft Blue ceramics, and the collection of European dolls in an antique cabinet. One wall is full of portraits (enlarged photographs and one painting) of Wim and his wife, their parents and their children and grandchildren.

In sum, the Indo-Dutch homes in Indonesia re fle c t a Western, upper middle-class, and intellectual atmosphere, with appreciation for Indonesian and Dutch a rt and a rtifa c ts .

The Transmitted Values

Knowledge o f Ancestors and Language. Janet points out how in her own upbringing she became aware of her d iffe re n t background. Her parents explained to her about her Indonesian and Dutch ancestors when she was teased by peers in school because of her fa ir skin. She states that, when her daughter is a l i t t l e older, she w ill inform her daughter about her ancestors and that she wants her to be proud of the mixed ancestry.

Yvette doesn’t recall talking explicitly about her ancestors to her children, but emphasizes that they automatically knew they were different.

When they went to school, they already knew they were different, because of their name, their looks. It goes automatically. It was never a problem fo r them because we never problematized i t . They know about th e ir French, German and Javanese ancestors. And when that German Freudenberg guy came to ta lk to us about our ancestors, they were interested. They did realize, though, that having this old aristocratic German family for ancestors is not much more than just fun, nothing to be too proud of and exited about.

It appears that Yvette is of the opinion that talking about it will translate th e ir mixed ancestry into a problem. 194 Similarly, Vincent stresses it is not very important for him to know about his ancestors.

My grandmother never re ally talked about the mix of ancestors we have. I think she thought we were too young to hear about that. I have never had time enough with my mother to hear i t from her either. Vincent seems to refer to the individuals more than to the ethnicity of his ancestors. Because he had a somewhat troubled childhood, away from his divorced parents and raised by his grandmother, i t might be painful fo r him to think of his individual ancestors. Therefore he pushes the matter aside as unimportant.

Alexandra is the only Indonesian second-generation respondent whose f ir s t language is Dutch. Although she speaks an impeccable Indonesian, she stresses that Dutch is the natural language for her, whereas the use of

Indonesian feels lik e using a second language. Immersion in an Indonesian context, caused her to do what the other first-generation respondents did with their children, unconsciously talking to them in Indonesian. My children don’ t speak Dutch, they only understand i t a l i t t l e . I have never spoken to them in Dutch. Strange isn’ t i t . S t ill, I have always spoken Dutch with my husband.

During the interview fo r th is study, Yvette encourages her daughter to speak Dutch to the researcher. Gabi states that Indonesian is her f ir s t

language, but that she learned to understand some Dutch through her

parents’ conversations in Dutch, and their use of it to the children, only when they were angry. After graduating from school, she took a course in

the Dutch language and now she sometimes uses i t with her husband (who

studied in the Netherlands fo r six years), fo r instance to discuss

something they do not want the servants to hear. 195

During family gatherings of the Freudenberg family, Dutch is spoken by the first-generation and the grandparents. Gabi’ s grandmother, Yvette’ s mother-in law, in sists on speaking Dutch to everybody. And thus Gabi continues to hear Dutch spoken during meetings between her mother and her Indo friends, and during family gatherings with the older generation. Wim, explains that during the colonial period he was not allowed to speak Indonesian at home and how a fte r 1958, the Dutch language was banned. Wim and his wife have always spoken Dutch to each other. His wife used to speak Dutch to their children in their early childhood, like she does now with their grandchildren. But, when the children got older, they gradually switched to speaking Indonesian. Wim regrets that now, saying "an extra language can always come in handy."

Like Gabi, Janet is an only daughter and the only one of her siblings to speak Dutch. Janet is able to converse in the Dutch language during the entire interview. She likes to speak different languages, has a good example in her parents, and already emphasizes multilingualism to her four year old daughter.

My brothers don’ t speak Dutch as well as I do. Now I know why this is so. I enjoy learning more languages, not only Dutch, also English and Japanese. 1 think that speaking d iffe re n t languages makes me feel comfortable in many different places. That’s why I am not embarrassed to practice.

Vincent has a similar plan for his children as Janet has for hers: he wants his future children to be bilingual in Indonesian and English.

Like Gabi, Vincent states he only has passive understanding of spoken

Dutch. He understands spoken Dutch but does not speak i t any longer. This is exemplified by my observation of a family gathering in which the language spoken is Dutch. During th is gathering Vincent’ s facial reactions 196 indicate that he understand the whole conversation, even the jokes.

Vincent’ s grandmother spoke Dutch to him when he was growing up, and he notes that in his childhood, liv in g with his grandmother, he was much more conversant in Dutch than he is now. His mother speaks Indonesian with him.

Codes of Behavior. Overall, the Indo respondents in Indonesia present the following values as important in the way they were brought up and the way they brought up, bring up or w ill bring up their children: values related to discipline, such as regularity, etiquette, and respect for elders; honesty; individual rights of free speech (within the constraints of polite behavior) and free choice; independence/individual responsibility; modesty; gender roles: re strictio n s on young women; family closeness; and expressiveness. Many respondents refer to th e ir regular life -s ty le while contrasting th e ir upbringing with the upbringing of native Indonesians. Several respondents give an overview of th e ir lif e as a child, with its steadily repeating set activities: get up, eat breakfast, go to school, return from school, eat lunch, take a nap, take a shower, change clothes, do homework, play some, eat dinner together, do some more homework, play some more, and go to sleep.

Unlike th e ir native Indonesian peers, they were not allowed to eat snacks from hawkers in the street between meals, and they had to s it down for dinner with the whole family, eating the prepared food. Especially the second-generation respondents comment on th e ir parents’ imposed structure as re s tric tin g . They were not allowed to "hang out," had to come home from school instantly, were not allowed to go out with friends too often. 197

The codes of behavior appear to be based on Western etiquette. Janet refers to good manners in company; how, fo r instance, she was taught by her parents to make a point of greeting the parents of friends when she visited. Janet recalls her native-Indonesian friends did not do the same thing. Respect for elders is also important, as indicated in the interviews and shown in behavior. During an observation session, Vincent’ s mother asked her older guest from the Netherlands to take food f ir s t . Then she offered the food to her younger guests. Alexandra allows her mother to answer the interview questions firs t. Only when her mother is finished talking does she take over. Janet emphasizes how she is now teaching her daughter not to interrupt when she (Janet) is talking to others. I witnessed how Janet, her siblings, and the grandchildren greeted th e ir (grand)parents by kissing them on the cheeks, on coming and going, despite the fact that they see each other every day.

Honesty in the sense of telling the truth, but also in the sense of speaking one’ s mind is said to be taught in the respondents’ homes.

Vincent describes

My grandma taught us in such a way that, automatically, we always told people the tru th . Indonesians always pretend everything is perfect. They don’ t want to show any negative attitude, even though some things ju s t are negative. Being honest results in saying what one really thinks, and this is a value which was also promoted in the homes of the respondents, but always in relation with p o lite behavior. Alexandra says "We allowed our children to give their own point of view, as long as they verbalized it politely." And

Sophie stresses that this was d iffe re n t in native Indonesian homes, where children were supposed to do what th e ir parents wanted. 198

Respondents state that, unlike native Indonesians, their children have not been, are not or w ill not be constrained by tradition, in their choice of partner, occupation, or what have you. Yvette explains that not being a member of a national ethnic group, with a ll th e ir tra d itio n s and rites, makes life easier for Indo children. There is more fle xib ility.

Yvette describes how her father taught her to respect the servants and how she forbade her children to order the servants around. She taught her children to take care of th e ir own wishes, not burdening the servants or their mother (Yvette), who had a full-time job. Janet illustrates she encourages independence in her daughter by making her play and walk by herself. Just like Yvette, Janet states she encourages her daughter to be independent by not to pampering her the way native Indonesian women do with young children. For the future Janet has the following in mind. I want my daughter to study abroad, because a stay abroad w ill make her more independent. Many Indonesians don’ t dare to travel alone, or to make any decisions alone. That’ s exactly what I want to teach my daughter.

When Wim’s wife offered me a piece of cake and I gladly accepted, Wim recalls another value he was taught.

The Dutch ju s t say "yes, please." In Indo fam ilies they say, "Let me not catch you saying yes." My mother always said "only one time you may accept, but remain modest. And i f you re a lly long fo r something, I w ill prepare it for you at home." That’ s the way we were raised.

Modesty is a value which Indos share with Indonesians and therefore i t is

only remembered when contrasted with Dutch behavior. The women respondents emphasize giving th e ir daughters the same

rights as their sons. Again they decribe their own way by contrasting it with the way native Indonesian g irls and young women are raised. Both

Yvette and Wim’ s wife are teaching th e ir native Indonesian daughters-in 199 law to speak up fo r themselves. Gabi delineates how her mother did not bring her up to fu lfill traditional roles of a caretaker and how she was not as restricted in her behavior as her native Indonesian g irlfrie n d s were. Despite th is emphasis on equal rights, however, the Indo parents do restrict their daughters’ behavior somewhat in order to protect their virginity and reputation. Yvette tells how she taught both her sons and daughter the dangers fo r a young woman’ s reputation when spending too much time alone with a date. And she is proud to say that her daughter was s t i l l a virg in when she married. The same counts fo r Janet who complained about her parents’ strict rules in terms of going out, but at the same time she stresses her acceptance of her parents’ disapproval of premarital sex.

Because I was their only daughter, I think my parents emphasized the Indonesian aspects more in my upbringing. When I was in secondary school, I was not allowed to have dates with boys. Boys were allowed to come home with me, but I couldn’ t go out with them. When I trie d to get permission to go to the disco or to a movie, they wanted me to be back at 10 pm. How was that possible? The disco only started at 10:30!

My father was traditional in one thing: I had to be 100% virgin. He taught that was the most important thing for his daughter, growing up in the Indonesian society. There ju s t is no other way. And even though my husband didn’ t ask me, I wanted him to know that I was raised in the Indonesian way, as far as th is is concerned.

From observations, I conclude that the families Hernie and Hehuat have strong family ties. The four-generation Hehuat household is described earlier. By living together, they are in each other’s company at least every evening, a fte r work and school. During the interview, Alexandra and her sister sit closely next to each other on the couch, the one playing 200 with the other one’ s hair. The children gathered around as w ell, are listening to the conversation.

Of the Hernie children only one son is s till living at home. Yet the house is filled with children and grandchildren every day. The grandchildren are dropped o ff by one of the daughters-in law in the early morning and brought to the Catholic neighborhood school by the servant. The daughter runs a beauty salon in her parents’ home and thus is around longer periods every day. Once a month, the Hernies take th e ir children out fo r dinner and dance.

Yvette’ s youngest son s t i l l lives with her. Gabi, her daughter, lives across town. And her oldest son lives in Sumatra. She sees her oldest son and his family only once a year, like this year at Christmas.

She meets her daughter on a regular basis. They accompany each other on trips to the hair-stylist, the doctor, go shopping together, etc. They also regularly go on vacation together, with Gabi’ s husband. Although the youngest son s till lives at home, Yvette and he do not interact too much.

They do not eat meals together. They both have th e ir own occupations and schedules.

As a family, Yvette’s children do not get together often. Unlike her own house, the home of Yvette’s mother-in law is more a place for family gathering. She v is its her regularly, meeting many of her other in-laws.

Next to family closeness, these meetings at Yvette’ s mother-in law illu s tra te the emphasis on expressiveness in Indo homes. Yvette underlines how "loud" with laughter Indo meetings are compared to native Indonesian family meetings. Her cousin-in law agrees, illu s tra tin g with body language 201 how Indonesians express th e ir fun in company: s ile n tly , while shyly covering their mouths with their hands while they laugh.

Changing Culture. The respondents illu s tra te that culture is dynamic by describing the mix of cultures they were brought up with, and by emphasizing the changes in home culture as transmitted in the homes of their children and grandchildren.

Yvette discusses she was brought up with a mix of two cultures. Her father, who was Indo-Dutch, emphasized European culture in his interaction with Yvette. Her Indonesian step-mother however, raised Yvette with many

Indonesian tra its . My mother le t my father make the major decisions about what I could and could not do. But she made me drink herbal teas, forbade me to stand in the door at sundown, and taught me a ll those other things that are supposed to be tabu, according to ancient native Indonesian beliefs. Her mother’ s humble and s a c rific ia l attitude towards her father, and the expectation that Yvette act the same, clashed with what she was taught by her father, she says.

Yvette’ s children married Indonesians, and her oldest son traded the

Catholic religion of his youth for the religion o f his wife: Islam. Yvette realizes that, therefore, the education of her grandchildren w ill be more

Indonesian. She points out how her grandsons address one another with the terms vounoer brother and older brother, assuming a hierarchical relationship, instead of using th e ir (English) given names. But daughter Gabi, stresses progressive Indonesians have become more egalitarian in the upbringing of their children, and thus, that there won’t be too much difference between the raising practices in both groups. 202 Finally, Wim delineates their combining of the good characteristics of two cultures: the Indonesian and the Dutch culture.

We take what is good from two cultures and transmit that to our children. Therefore, our children feel at ease in different environments.

Culture In Dutch Homes

The Physical Setting

The in te rio r of most Dutch respondents’ homes, both f ir s t and second-generation, is a reflection of their mixed heritage. Jannie’ s home is fille d with artifacts from Indonesia: woodcarved Balinese and Javanese statues in different corners on cupboards and shelves, a large painting of a Javanese landscape over the couch, a bundle o f dried rice stalks hanging from the wall (fo r good luck), l i t t l e knickknacks portraying Indonesian merchants and farmers, two ta ll banana plants, and two t a ll coconut plants. The Bos’ small living-room is fille d with heavy leather and oak- furniture, leaving little empty space.

Lilian’s I7th century home is tastefully decorated with antiques. There are some id e n tifia b le Indonesian a rtifa c ts mixed in with the mostly

antique furniture and decorations, like a bowl with wooden tropical fru it

and a small statue of a satay-vendor next to some African statues. Also,

some the latest issues of a magazine focussing on the Indonesia-

Netherlands relationship are stacked in her magazine basket. L ilia n ’ s

closets are fille d with large collections of shoes and clothes, books, and stuffed animals. She considers her drive to co lle ct a ll kinds o f things

ty p ic a lly Indo-Dutch. Unlike her mother, however, her collections are 203

hidden behind a closed closet door, illu s tra tin g the influence of white Dutch notions of tidiness.

Kitchens are central places in Indo homes, because of the emphasis on food within the Indo community. Jannie spends most o f her time there, preparing food. Unlike in many white Dutch homes (often times spic-and- span), her kitchen shows signs of work in progress at every time of the day: d irty dishes, cooking equipment and smells of food. L ilia n ’ s kitchen is "white Dutch-like" tid y , but her d irty dishes are stacked in an in visib le place under the sink and her many pots, pans, hidden spices, and rice steamer show signs of elaborate cooking a c tiv itie s .

Elvire’s kitchen is also "white Dutch-like" tidy, and there are no smells of food lingering in her house. And although the same tidiness is found in her living-room, big picture books on Indonesia and some Indonesian a rtifa c ts decorate her room, creating an Indo-Dutch atmosphere.

The home of her son Eddy is decorated in modern style with no visib le , material elements reflecting his Indo background. However, easy liste n in g / country music is constantly playing in the background. Like Jannie’s boom- box, Eddy’ s stereo seems an important part of his home.

Liene’ s and her parents’ home show a rtifa cts from Indonesia and other places. A batik tablecloth over the coffee table, some enlarged photographs of Indonesian street lif e on the w all, and a couple of

Javanese wayang dolls in the window s ill are combined with a large painting on the wall of a white Dutch woman (dating from around the turn o f the century) over the piano. Johannes’ home has some Indonesian artifacts but also artifacts from other parts of the world. Next to a 204 dresser, against the wall, there is a row of ceramic tiles with the code of arms of all the cities in the world where the Delanooys have lived in.

While v is itin g these homes, I was offered nice food without exception. Coffee, tea and soda with big chunks of pound cake, French cheese and Japanese nuts, Indonesian egg-roll, Indonesian sticky cakes, tra d itio n a l Dutch almond paste pastry, Chinese steamed buns, and Asian fried shrimp crackers exemplify the variety of Oriental and European treats presented with warm h o sp ita lity.

The Transmitted Values

Knowledge of Ancestors and Language. Growing up, Liene appears to be the only one second-generation respondent who regularly heard stories told in the home about her ancestors and about daily lif e in the Dutch East-

Indies. She stresses that the stories were mostly told by her aunt, her mother's sister, and her maternal grandmother, with whom they lived. Her parents talked less frequently to the children about their history overseas. She (the aunt) would frequently te ll us stories about her youth, but also about our ancestors, stories she had heard, etc. She could te ll stories so w ell, that i t appeared she always has been present at the scene. But, much of the factual information she offered us, at that time, went in the one ear and out the other. What lingered in my memory was the atmosphere of my fam ily’ s lif e in a foreign country.

Liene also describes how she got to hear different versions of stories about ancestors told by d iffe re n t family members. Another aunt of hers emphasized only the European descent of the family in her stories, whereas others were more inclined to talk about the mix of cultures in their family’s history. 205

While Eddy grew up hearing some stories about his parents’ lif e in Indonesia, Lilian’s and Richard’s impression is that their parents were unwilling to speak about th e ir past experiences overseas, when they were young. Richard says " i t was as i f they didn’ t want the children to know about certain phases in their life ." Lilian adds that questions about the

history of the family were not appreciated that much. "It was something they le ft behind in that country, i t was the past," according to L ilia n ’ s perceptions.

When the second-generation respondents reached adulthood and th e ir parents reached middle age, the ta lk at home about Indoness and the Dutch East-Indies/Indonesia started to increase. "Only when they returned (to

Indonesia fo r vacation) themselves, they proudly started to ta lk about it," Lilian remembers. Elvire describes how she talks to her grandchildren about her lif e in the Dutch East-Indies on th e ir request. When exaggerating to make i t sound even more beautiful than i t actually was, she remembers being confronted with a: "was i t really that beautiful, grandma?" from her clear-headed granddaughter.

During a recent Delanooy family gathering, Indonesia, the Dutch

East-Indies, and the Indo-Dutch experience is referred to several times.

I am under the impression that these conversations have l i t t l e to do with my presence as a researcher for their current character. Liene’s mother and aunt show photographs they ju s t had printed from 70-year-old negatives, showing th e ir home in the Dutch East-Indies. Johannus shares a recenty received le tte r of his brother liv in g in Indonesia with his daughter Liene. A friend of the family is showing flyers announcing an

Indo-Dutch film festival organized by him, coming up soon. 206

The f ir s t language of a ll Dutch respondents is Dutch. The f ir s t- generation, however, has some command over Indonesian as mentioned by th e ir children. The second-generation respondents say that Indonesian was spoken among their elders in their homes at times that the conversation was not supposed to be understood by the children. Liene also explains her understanding of her elders’ usage of Indonesian at times when i t was important to emphasize communal experiences.

The clue of stories, told during get-togethers with Indo-Dutch friends and family, would always be in Indonesian. The Indonesian words used at such a time signify the tie they made while throwing lines to each other. While using Indonesian words they meant to say: "th is is ours only." Liene emphasizes this natural way of sharing did not transfer to her generation in the family. Although they explained the meaning of some of the used Indonesian words and phrases, her parents did not purposefully teach her Indonesian.

Richard, L ilia n and Eddy have sim ilar experiences. Richard and

L ilia n explain th e ir parents’ emphasis on the Dutch language as assimilationist, notwithstanding the fact that Dutch had always been the native language of the Indo-Dutch community. Jannie addresses th is issue by referring to her early experience in the Netherlands.

We never have spoken Indonesian, although the white Dutch in the Netherlands expected that of us. When some sales person coming at our door complimented me on my perfect Dutch, I would think: "I have spoken Dutch my whole lif e , you fool! And, indeed, I speak i t better than you do."

Johannes defends the first-generation’ s emphasis on Dutch language lessons

for their children, by referring to an additional reason.

We didn’ t teach our children a high command of Dutch because we wanted them to be lik e the white Dutch. Instead, we taught them a high command of Dutch, because knowledge of a country’ s language is 207

a requirement for optimal functioning in that country, no matter where in the world one lives.

According to Johannes, a second-generation immigrant needs to have a good command of the dominant language in order to be successful.

Codes o f Behavior. Johannus is alone in emphasizing that the values he transmitted to his daughters were based on Christian values and have l i t t l e to do with his Indo-Dutch heritage. He does admit that social environment (the Dutch East-Indies/the Indo-Dutch community) has influenced the articulation of the Christian values, but is hesitant to indicate what the influence has been.

The other Dutch respondents refer in d iffe rin g extent to d iffe re n t values transmitted in their homes, touching upon family closeness, hospitality, informality/flexibility, discipline, modesty, humor, re lig io n , gender roles, and emphasis on education. Unlike the respondents in the two other countries, the Dutch respondents refer more to the question of how the values are transmitted in the homes. A separate section at the end of this part describes this question.

The Dutch respondents refer to (extended) family closeness in terms of sacrifice for family members in need. Elvire describes how, when she was a child, her father’s family offered to share their home with her parents and siblings. At that time, Elvire’s father was laid off from his work and needed to look for another job in the capital city. Later in her life , when she arrived in the Netherlands with a family of her own, Elvire had a sim ilar experience with relatives of her husband. During a period of approximately nine months, E lvire ’ s family stayed with the family of her brother-in law. She says: 208

That was a wonderful time. Even though he didn’ t have much room, lik e other Indo-Dutch, he insisted there was room enough. And we arrived with four of us! They made room. We slept in a small bedroom of two by three meters. But the atmosphere was great. Liene recalls sim ilar practice in her family. Before her b irth , when her parents firs t arrived in the Netherlands, they moved in with relatives of her father, where her eldest sister was born. Liene was born six years la te r when her parents were liv in g with her maternal grandmother and aunt. She describes her parents took in other newly arriving family members and friends themselves, after they had their own home. The Dutch respondents also refer to family closeness in terms of regular family get-togethers. Richard and Eddy recall how, when they were children, they would often meet their cousins at family gatherings. This lessened when they reached adolescence. Richard and Eddy also admit they do not see their parents and siblings very often lately. Richard’ s parents understand that the distance between them is too long (three-hour’ s drive between the residence of most of the children and their parents) to v is it at other times than birthdays and holidays. Eddy notes he no longer enjoys family gatherings that much. Eddy’ s mother Elvire confirms that Eddy does not attend every family gathering, but says that the other children, in-laws and grandchildren do meet regularly. The Bos and Del anooy families also meet on a regular basis. Jannie’ s elderly parents have lunch at her house almost every day, while the children, in-laws and grandchildren v is it almost every weekend. Family pictures in the Dutch respondents’ homes may also be considered an indication of the extent of family orientation. In the homes of Jannie, L ilia n , Johannes and Liene, family photographs are part of the decorations. 209

The family and friends included in the close (extended) family relation of the Dutch respondents were/are predominantly Indo-Dutch. Liene remembers that her parents also had white Dutch friends, but that the atmosphere was sig n ifica n tly d ifferent when they would v is it. "With the white Dutch friends we were really having ’ company,’ whereas with the Indo friends and family it was more intimate," according to Liene. This more distant attitude towards the white Dutch is also mentioned by L ilia n and Richard. L ilia n recalls how her mother would instruct her not to bring white Dutch children home with her. L ilia n quotes her mother: "They w ill ju s t spy on us and gossip about our ways with th e ir parents and friends." Richard states i t is a normal process fo r groups to exclude outsiders; he explains that, in his perception, his white Dutch sister in­ law can never become a real insider in th e ir family. Asking herself whether i t is an Indo-Dutch value or ju st a value of her family, Liene refers to open-mindedness. In her contact with white

Dutch, she realizes that her family has always been very open to people who were different from the norm. In her opinion, in contrast, many white Dutch people at f ir s t reject people who are d iffe re n t and only later realize that it was not as bad as it appeared. "I do think that is Indo-

Dutch, because i t deals with accepting a variety in people’ s behavior," she concludes.

Hospitality is an Indo value referred to earlier, mentioned in relation with the offer of food and drinks to guests and the welcoming of relatives and friends at gatherings and when in need of a place to stay. The hospitality of (Dutch) Indos is of an informal and flexible kind.

Liene already contrasted the d ifferent atmosphere while having white Dutch 210 and Indo-Dutch vis ito rs at her parents home. The more intimate relationship with people within the Indo community results in a more informal and fle x ib le attitude when having guests. In many cases, I experienced that the guests are expected to stay fo r dinner without formally being invited. In spite of exquisite Indonesian food, dinner is casual; one is expected to be capable of eating with one’ s plate in one’ s lap, for often times there is not enough room around the table fu ll with dishes of food.

Inform ality also shows in the fact that guests are not entertained but, because of the shared background, are expected to find th e ir own way, to find their own conversation partners, and thus to play an active role in social interaction. In addition, conversations are not central, but held in smaller subgroups. And fin a lly , guests are not restricted to one central meeting place in the house, but can be found in d iffe re n t locations: different rooms in the house and outside when the weather permits it.

Liene and Eddy address the role of humor in Indo get-togethers and

its specific type. Unlike white Dutch, Indos laugh about people’ s missteps or funny behavior without the intention of hurting the persons laughed at,

Liene says. She claims th is sort of humor is an essential part of story te llin g in the Indo-Dutch community. I t bothers her that, in the white

Dutch community, this kind of humor, laughing at someone’ s missteps and funny behavior, is perceived as a demeaning act.

Most respondents in the Netherlands refer several times to values related to the broad value of discipline. The value most mentioned is

emotional and material modesty, which may be considered part of inner 211 d iscip lin e . Emotional modesty is mentioned in relation to individual acts

in the context of the group. Voicing one’ s opinion is considered appropriate when done in a polite fashion, considering other people’s feelings. Tactfulness is very important, not hurting other people’s feelings while stating your opinion.

Material modesty refers to never asking fo r something, but waiting u n til one is offered something. And when offered something, not being too anxious, too greedy by immediately accepting. Many respondents in the

Netherlands indicate that they were taught to always forego an offer firs t, and only to accept when the person offering is insisting. Lilian and Elvire discuss the possible misunderstanding when using such a code in white Dutch company: expecting a direct response, the white Dutch would take the (in itia l) rejection as an indication of true feelings. In addition, discipline is referred to in terms of knowledge of the hierarchy in the family/community. Respect for the elders is mentioned as an important value, meaning all adults of an older age. This respect is evident for instance, in the politeness an Indo child is supposed to show towards adults.

Jannie describes she expected her children always to greet adults properly when arriving and leaving. She also expected to be greeted by the white Dutch friends of her children in such a way, which did not always happen. On such occasions, she would consider it her responsibility to teach those children the same politeness she taught her children. Elvire also talks about the different ways white Dutch children were taught.

I was a very s tric t mother. I saw the impudent actions of white Dutch children towards their parents, and thought to myself: "that won’ t happen to me." 212

In the Bos family, discipline meant that the children were restricted in activities outside the home as well. Jannie explains this type of discipline as protectiveness. Richard mentions discipline in reference to internalizing delayed satisfaction. According to Richard, the economic well being of many Asian countries is an illustration of this Asian characteristic. Finally, Elvire expounds upon discipline as the restraint from showing emotions. Her husband taught th e ir children not to get angry when wronged, but instead, walk on with pride.

Discipline on the part of the children was required for the firs t- generation’ s emphasis on good education. All four Dutch second-generation respondents have a college degree, and Liene and Eddy have a graduate degree. Their parents perceived education to be a guarantee of th e ir children’ s success in the country of immigration. Liene, Eddy and Richard discuss th e ir parents’ stress on appropriate behavior. Their parents instructed them not to draw attention to themselves by behaving in a deviant way outside the home. Liene id e n tifie s th is message as a double message: act white Dutch outside, but act according to Indo-Dutch codes of behavior inside the home. Her father’ s stories about the racial prejudice he experienced in encounters with white

Dutch, illustrated flaws in white Dutch people’s behavior. Lilian is brought up learning the traditional role expected of a woman. In her own home, the tasks are divided evenly, and L ilia n ’ s fiance takes care of the homemaking tasks as much as she does. When she v is its her parents’ home however, she resumes the traditional role expected of her. L ilia n and her sisters, mother, and aunts take the sole responsibility for preparing and serving the food and drinks, and for 213 getting ready fo r and cleaning the table a fte r meals. This appears to be similar in Liene’s case.

Im p lic it Lessons. A ll second-generation respondents in the Netherlands summarize that the values in their upbringing were transmitted in an im p lic it way. Liene and Lilian explain im p lic it lessons consisted of contrasting appropriate Indo-Dutch behavior with white Dutch behavior of adults and children. They both indicate that the implicit lessons transferred ethnic pride. L ilia n remembers anticipating a reprimand when g irlfrie n d s d ire c tly asked for something to drink, did not greet on coming and going, and did not show respect in th e ir attitude towards L ilia n 's parents, when v is itin g . At that time, the anti-authoritarian approach to raising children was very popular in white Dutch circles. Children would call their parents using i i i (you for equals) instead of g (you showing respect) and by their first names. But, in our home, that was absolutely not the case. So, I had to instruct my girlfriends to always greet and say Mrs. Bos. I had to , otherwise I would be in trouble with my mother, and she would prohibit me from taking these g irls home next time. But i t didn’ t embarrass me, really.

L ilia n ’ s mother convinced her that th e ir ways were more civilize d than the white Dutch ways.

When she would ask her parents fo r explanation of a white Dutch habit or value she did not understand, Liene often received an explanation combined with the message: "That’ s the way thev do it , we do things d iffe re n tly ." Liene also remembers stories being told in Indo company where the punch lin e was "They are Dutch, they don’ t know better."

S t ill, im p lic it lessons also took place referring to the Indo-Dutch community itse lf. Instead of citing specific situations, Liene and Eddy 214 refer to an atmosphere in which certain behavior was modelled. For Liene, this way of learning has proven to be most effective. The values transmitted in such an im p lic it way, "communicated at heart-level and not at head-level," have fully become part of her identity.

Culture in American homes

The Phvsical Setting

Karl is an engineer and, before his retirement, he used to work in the construction of homes. When he firs t arrived in the United States, he noticed how d iffe re n t American homes are from Dutch homes. The construction of houses is less solid compared to the Netherlands, he says.

Also, he finds the windows too small "It is probably because of the

Indians that they have these small windows, so they can shoot from behind them!" And it is his opinion that the interior decoration in Dutch homes

is more tasteful.

I think a lot of Dutch have good taste. You could already see that in the Dutch East-Indies. Indo-Dutch copied that, although some thought it was nonsense to pay so much attention to their interiors. In the Huebner home, there are lots of plants, mostly in the window s ill

(Dutch style). They have a rattan living room set, in their relatively

small liv in g room, which they say they picked i t because i t reminded them

of Indonesian homes. Further on, they have a ta ll Indonesian puppet in the

corner on a coffee table. This puppet was given to them by their daughters at Christmas. Francine explains her older sister found it in a Texas store

and they immediately thought of buying i t fo r th e ir parents. A great deal 215 of family pictures, of the Huebners, their daughter with spouses and their grandchildren, are found in d iffe re n t places in the liv in g room. The Koers residence is bigger and lig h te r than the Huebner home. Six children were raised in this house. The sunlight coming in the living and family rooms indicates that they, also, have relatively big windows. To the yard, they have a large glass sliding door, which covers the whole wall. In one corner of the family room, they have a great deal of tall plants. One of which, Ria says, they have smuggled into the country, coming back from th e ir tr ip to Indonesia. In the family room, there are many pictures of their children and grandchildren on the walls and on dressers, one of which is taken in the Netherlands with everybody in traditional Dutch clothing. In the living room, there is a large batik painting from Bali, Indonesia, hanging on the wall over the couch. Also, some Indonesian woodcarved statues decorate the liv in g room.

The Moltzer residence is new. The Moltzers moved away from Los

Angeles, only a couple of months before I visite d them. The new home that is located in the desert, is huge, and typical Californian in its abundance of lig h t coming in through the windows, re flectin g on the high white walls. The interior is very tastefully decorated, resembling a picture out of a journal on interior decorating. Maudy is an artistic person, which is reflected in the appearance of her home. The furniture is relatively standard, yet not of the heavy colonial style. It is comfortable but elegant, in light colors. What makes the home special are the many decorations from Indonesia and other places: ta ll Javanese woodcarvings, colorful Balinese banana tree statues, a big, colorful 216

Garuda (the Indonesian mythical eagle-like b ird ), a ta ll ceramic panther sitting next to the fireplace. The homes of two American second-generation respondents that I visited, I found typically American. Family pictures, like a black-and- white picture of Skryler's Indonesian grandmother, and some a rtifa c ts from both the Netherlands and Indonesia, are the only visib le connections with their ancestry.

The Transmitted Values

Knowledge of Ancestors and Language. Karl explains that he taught his daughters about th e ir ancestry by showing them photo albums with pictures of their life in the Dutch East-Indies/Indonesia. The photographs cover a long period from before Karl and his wife were born u n til they le ft, and include pictures of their journey to the Netherlands. They have some photographs of th e ir ancestors, as fa r back as Karl's grandfather who was born and raised in Germany, and his w ife ’ s mother as a young woman dressed in traditional Dutch cloths, during a vacation in the Netherlands. Most of the pictures portray social gatherings with family and friends, in the sunny yards of th e ir homes. Francine remembers the stories about her parents’ childhood and adulthood in Indonesia. She realizes, however, that the period of adulthood, during and after the war, was a painful time in some ways. She says her parents did not ta lk much about those memories u n til recently.

According to Skryler, her parents never re ally talked to the children about th e ir past in Indonesia. Skryler admits that she wasn’ t 217

that interested anyway. "I guess I was never close enough to my parents

that I wanted to know these things," she says. And thus she never asked about th e ir youth and adulthood in Indonesia and the Netherlands, resulting in her little knowledge of, for instance, her parents’ reasons for migration. As in the Netherlands and in Indonesia, the American f ir s t- generation respondents a ll speak Dutch. I t is interesting, however, to notice how certain English words are used in their Dutch conversations, lik e answering machine and retirement. I t appears that the fir s t- generation respondents switch to English with those words that were not used in the colony or in the Netherlands when they lived there. Some American Indo-Dutch also use some Indonesian words and expressions in their conversations. And thus, at certain times, a conversation can be Dutch, with Indonesian and English words mixed in. Ria uses the Indonesian word itu , meaning th a t, regularly when she cannot think of the English or Dutch word for an item. Skryler remarks how her husband, when he f ir s t came to th e ir house, was confused by her use of that word. Although Skryler says she does not know the meaning of the word, she understands her mother’ s use of i t when she does not know the

English or Dutch word.

Maudy notes that she hardly ever e x p lic itly talked to her children about th e ir Indo-Dutch heritage. Her children "automatically" knew th e ir parents were Indo. She regularly overheard her children explain th e ir ancestry to their friends. "They say, ’my mom is Dutch-Indonesia, and my dad too, but my dad looks more Dutch.’ Even their partners think it is wonderful," Maudy says. Maudy says she did ta lk to her children about her 218 mother while showing them pictures of her. She describes her children were amazed how l i t t l e Dutch ancestry th e ir mother actually has, her European ancestors mostly being Portuguese. "And then Andrew asks ’ whose nose do I have?’ He has a Jewish nose, from his paternal grandmother’ s side. They like that," Maudy explains.

The American second-generation respondents a ll understand (some)

Dutch. In three of the five families, the parents have always spoken in Dutch to their children, which created this passive knowledge. The children, however, started to answer in English early on in their childhood. Karl describes how his daughters were confused when they were firs t confronted with English. The eldest ran inside and said: ’Dad, the kids over there talk so strange, like ooh-ooh-ooh.’ I w ill never forget that. So, I had to explain that was English.

He explains his family gradually shifted from using Dutch to using English

at home. Teachers advised Karl and his wife to stop speaking Dutch because

of its possible negative influence on the g irls ’ achievement in school. Of course, the Huebners did not want th e ir daughters to be in a

disadvantageous situation, and because they got used to speaking English

at work anyway, they switched. Over a period of six years (by the time the

girls were in junior-high), they had switched to English completely, Karl

explains.

Presently both Karl and his wife, and his daughters regret the switch. Karl was told later that the advice was unfounded, that children

can grow up bilingual without any problems. Francine, who understands most

of spoken Dutch but who speaks i t only a l i t t l e , says "I could kick myself

for not keeping up with i t . But as a child , you think you don’ t need it . " 219

She and her American husband do use some standard phrases in Dutch, while talking to the dog. She is embarrassed, however, to speak to people. Now, she wants to take a course in Dutch language. Besides the Dutch, Francine also knows some Indonesian (mostly innocent cussing) words, although she has a hard time distinguishing between the Dutch and Indonesian. Doris illustrates that it was not always made easy for her to keep up her Dutch. "I used to practice with her (grandmother) because she wouldn’ t laugh at me or te ll me how "cute" I was." She stresses how her verbal understanding of Dutch dropped with the death of her grandmother and moving out of her parents’ house. Although his parents continued to speak in Dutch and read Dutch magazines, Gary switched to speaking English in the home when he was around twelve years old. Gary emphasizes i t was more beneficial for his whole family to speak English, and he says he turned to speaking English to help his parents. He describes how, in the beginning of their settlement in the States, he was embarrassed when his parents would speak Dutch to him in public. He explains "All these people would be looking at us, (while thinking) ’foreigners’ ."

Codes of Behavior. The three related values/behavior patterns that are mentioned as important in the American Indo homes are social get-togethers with Indo friends and family, h o sp ita lity, and focus on food. Other values mentioned are: family closeness, endogamous patterns of friendship, traditional gender roles, politeness, emphasis on good education, spiritualism , and race relations. 220

Karl remembers that the emphasis on social get-togethers with friends and family was part of life in Indonesia and in Holland, and continued to be of importance in the States. In Indonesia, they made trip s

on the motor bike to the mountains, where they held picnics. They held large celebrations of Dutch national holidays in their yard. In the

Netherlands, they would have dance-parties with the other Indo families in

their boarding houses, and later in their own homes. In the United States, many Indo families continued this preference for parties.

Eleanore reports that her daughter Doris recognized Indo h o sp ita lity while visiting another Indo family. She uses Doris’ words to describe the values she has tried to transmit to her children: making visitors feel welcome and at home. Francine illustrates how this value was transmitted in their home as w e ll.

I find that the Indonesian-Dutch people are very warm people You come to the house, you stay, you don’ t have to go. I think you make people feel welcome. You don’ t have people staying in hotels, everybody stays at your house. I t doesn’ t matter how many. I remember many times of growing up and having a house fu ll of kids lying all over the floor in sleeping bags, anywhere you could find a place. You are stepping over children in the hallway. We have one bathroom and we are a ll sharing one bathroom. We have three fam ilies in the house, I think we had nine children and more than six adults. I t was unbelievable, but we had so much fun.

Karl calls this "typical Indo hospitality" and claims that his daughters have th is same attitude, now they are adults. "When we have family v is itin g from Holland, they always say ’ we make room, don’ t worry about i t . ’ "

The h o sp ita lity, the respondents refer to, is of an informal and flexible kind, as Francine’s example already shows. The night before a housewarming party at the Moltzer residence, Maudy’s brother called to 221 inform her he was getting ready to come to th e ir house and sleep over, so he could help with preparations for the party early in the morning. Maudy did not seem to fuss about i t . When he arrived, he took a shower, changed into his pajamas, and sat down with the Moltzers in their living room.

Informality is exemplified by guests eating their dinner with plates in their laps in a ll corners of the house, during Maudy’ s housewarming party, and in three families staying over after the party. During the social get-togethers Indonesian food is very important.

Through an abundance of good Indonesian food, the American f ir s t - generation respondents show th e ir h o sp ita lity to th e ir guests. Although they were served Indonesian food regularly ( i f not d a ily ), the American second-generation respondents have not always liked i t . Ria points out that her three oldest children always liked

Indonesian food, whereas the three younger ones, a ll born in the States, hated having to eat i t . Doris says she did not lik e Indonesian food when she was young, but loves i t now. When moving out of th e ir parents’ homes,

Francine and Skryler asked th e ir mothers fo r recipes of Indonesian dishes, so they could prepare i t themselves at home.

The American second-generation respondents grew up experiencing their parents’ emphasis on close family ties. Most of their family members, however, lived in the Netherlands. Francine describes how the other Indo families in their environment took over the role of family.

We were very close with other Indonesian-Dutch people, almost as i f they were family of us. It is not the same friendship I find with a lo t of other people, because you feel a lo t closer, they are part of my group. We immigrated with a lo t of the same families and we kept in touch with them. We found that the groups would stay together and you would introduce one another and then you would keep in close touch with those people. 222

Although Gary and Doris share Francine’ s experience, Skryler, who grew up with children from other Indo families, has different memories. She did not notice any similarities with the other Indo children, nor does she notice i t today: "When we have parties at my parents house now, with other Indo-Dutch people, i t ’ s ju s t the same to me as being at parties with

Americans."

It is interesting to notice that the American first-generation respondents sought most of th e ir friends in the Indo community, and not in the wider community of Dutch migrants in the States. At Maudy’ s house­ warming party, for instance, of the approximately fo rty people present, the m ajority was Indo-Dutch. White Dutch people present were mostly spouses; Only two white Dutch, unrelated to Indo-Dutch, were present.

The American second-generation respondents do not seem to continue this close relation with Indo family and friends. As Doris says "When we were young, I spent every weekend with grandparents, cousins, etc. Now i f

I see my cousins three times a year, I think I am re a lly doing w e ll."

Skryler does not communicate often with her two sisters, one living in the

Netherlands, the other in Colorado. Only her brothers, who liv e in her environment, does she meet regularly at her parents’ house on birthdays

and holidays. Francine’s parents and sister live at great distance from

each other: C alifornia, Ohio, and Texas, preventing them from getting

together very often. They do call each other regularly, they claim.

Even when distance is not an issue, i t appears that most American

second-generation respondents do not keep in touch with the families they grew up with. Although some of the second-generation respondents continue

to meet the elders at their parents’ house, they do not keep in touch with 223 the children, nor do they initiate contact with the elders. But, as Francine says "they keep in contact with you or are always asking your parents about you." The American Indo-Dutch grew up celebrating Dutch holidays. Karl shows pictures of the Dutch Saint Nicholas celebrations in Indonesia and the Netherlands. The pictures also show the celebration of Queen’ s Day, in the former Dutch East-Indies, with children dressed in the Dutch national colors: Red-White-Blue. The Catholic Carnival was celebrated. Karl’ s photographs show his toddler daughters, in costume, during a Carnival parade in the Catholic Southern Netherlands. In some o f the American Indo families these celebrations were continued. Doris remembers always celebrating Saint Nicholas, on December fifth . Two women in the American Indo families were homemakers and two worked outside the house. S t ill, gender roles as shown in the American first-generation Indo homes are predominantly traditional. During social get-togethers (held in first-generation homes), the women, both firs t- and second-generation, are preparing the table and the food, are serving, and are cleaning up.

Skryler describes how she grew up with her mother always being home, taking care of the children, whereas the mothers of most of her American girlfriends were working outside the house. Maudy proudly talks about how

Indo women are more gracious, p o lite and better dressed and groomed, compared to Western women, and sees a continuation of that behavior in her daughter. The American second-generation women, however, a ll have th e ir own careers. Doris and Skryler combine their working outside the home with 224 raising children. Francine, who does not have children, shares the cooking responsibilities and the care of the dog with her husband. According to Skryler, her parents did not give th e ir children sex education. Instead, to protect her, they would prohibit her use of make-up and going out on dates u n til she was 16 years old. Maudy talks about similar strictness in the way she was brought up: "We have to walk a straight line, especially with boys." Her father threatened her and her sister with beatings if anything would happen. In some American Indo families politeness is shown to be of great value. Although their children are adults, Ria and Maudy for instance, make a point of having their children properly greet unknown family and friends. Karl remembers receiving compliments from Americans on the proper ways of his daughters in company, or while visiting. Skryler, however, complains about a ll the rules her parents imposed on them. She recalls that her parents never asked her how she fe lt about things, but instead "I always did what they wanted me to do."

Doris and Gary, who both have a college degree, illu s tra te that good education was of great importance in th e ir fam ilies. Doris’ parents and th e ir relatives complained about American education as being too lenient, not demanding enough. And Doris remembers how they emphasized hard work and high achievements in their childrens’ schoolwork. Gary realizes that his parents sacrificed a lot by letting him go through private school. "My parents had to pay for the school. But they weren’t financially set. So, they let us pay in installments. And it wasn’t cheap." The De Bidder family mentions spirituality as important part of th e ir upbringing. Doris remembers her mother emphasizing religion while 225 raising Doris and her siblings. According to Doris, Eleanore would read them from the bible before they went to school. Eleanore herself, however, refers more to being raised with respect for the supernatural. The Huebners and Maudy mention attention to (Indonesian-Dutch) race relations in their upbringing. For Maudy the memory is painful. She remembers how her stepmother would fiercely c ritic iz e anything that was native Indonesian, at the same time insulting Maudy’ s deceased mother. Karl’s father, on the other hand, emphasized respect for the native Indonesians in the upbringing in his children. Karl states proudly that he regularly has Indonesian v is ito rs (scholars and students from the nearby university) and that these v is ito rs feel at ease in his home. Francine remembers enjoying the company of these Indonesian friends of her parents.

Changing Culture. The American respondents, both f ir s t - and second- generation, illu s tra te abundantly how Indo culture is changing over time. Maudy refers back to colonial society where the Indo culture emerged out of a mix of white Dutch and Indonesian culture. She explains how her mother, a native Indonesian woman, had gone to Dutch schools (elementary and secondary) which had made her Western in her orientation. S t ill, through her mother and her mother’ s family, Maudy was introduced to the

Sundanese (West Javanese) culture. She says that her behavior is re ally a product of these two cultures.

Karl is somewhat pessimistic about the knowledge of Indo-Dutch heritage in the third-generation —his grandchildren. "All Americans have mixed ancestry, for which they don’t particularly care too much," he complains. The Indonesian food his daughters cook, every now and then. 226 w ill not teach them much about their heritage either, he foresees. "The children think that Indonesian spicy food is Mexican food. They liv e in Texas, you see," Karl concludes.

The American second-generation respondents are less pessimistic about maintenance of their heritage. They realize they w ill teach their children a new cultural mix. Francine, who has lost fluency in Dutch and who takes pride in her American citizenship, s t i l l emphasizes she wants her children to know about her Indo-Dutch heritage and to know some Dutch and Indonesian words.

Doris says she w ill teach her daughter "what she knows" about Indoness, when the time is rig h t. Her parents teach her daughter Dutch nursery rhymes. Doris realizes that the Puerto Rican heritage of her husband should be part of her daughter’s upbringing as well. Maudy’s grandchildren are in the same situation, having a Mexican father. In one thing the (Indo-)Dutch heritage of the American first- generation respondents is clear. Most of them call their grandparents ooa en oma (grandma and grandpa).

Concluding Observations

In comparing the respondents in the three diffe re n t countries under study as far as the cultural curriculum at home is concerned, I find a confirmation of the notion agreed upon amongst social scientists, that

context exerts great influence on the articulation of culture. The

Indonesian-Dutch culture, a culture that evolved in the Dutch East-Indies,

is a mixture of two (or more) cultures —native Indonesian (mainly 227

Javanese) and European (mainly Dutch). Outside of the setting i t evolved in, the colonial society in the Dutch East-Indies, Indo-Dutch culture was destined to change. Time is a major factor of influence in this process of cultural change, as is illustrated in the different experiences of the first- and second-generation. The first generation grew up in a period of colonialism, whereas the second-generation was raised in a period when their country of residence and birth was free from foreign rule, yet while constituting a m inority. In the case of the Indonesian Indos, the group that did not migrate away from their ancestors’ soil, the influence of time is mostly fe lt. The American and Dutch Indos were faced with changes due to changing time and place.

In the education of th e ir children, the first-generation respondents in the three d iffe re n t countries emphasize d iffe re n t aspects of Indo-Dutch culture. In a society dominated by Indonesian culture, the Indonesian

Indos appear to emphasize the Western/Dutch aspects of Indo-Dutch culture, lik e outspokenness, individual rights and lib e rty , and emancipation of women. The Indonesian aspects o f th e ir culture are not mentioned that much, since it is similar to the dominant culture and thus not exceptional. On the other hand, living in a country where individual rights are stressed, the Dutch Indos seem to emphasize those aspects of th e ir culture evolving out of Indonesian culture (with its emphasis on community), lik e diplomacy, d iffe re n t forms of discipline (subjugating individual interests to the interests of the group), respect/hierarchical relations, and (more) traditional roles for women. 228

Both the Indonesian and the Dutch Indos are fam iliar with the dominant culture in their country of residence, for the history of both countries are closely linked. I dare to speculate that perhaps this familiarity with both cultures, evolving in a relative comfort despite minority status, provided the first generation with the strength to emphasize th e ir differences. For the American Indos the situation is different. They raised their children in a society with which there were no p rio r tie s . Preoccupation with survival in this new environment appears to have forced the American Indos to assimilate more than th e ir Dutch and

American counterparts. Although not a ll Indo-Dutch cultural tra its are lost in this process, there appears to be a loss of native language and knowledge of ancestry among American second-generation Indos. Although the native language of a ll first-generation respondents is

Dutch, the native language of the second generation varies depending on country of residence. Only the Dutch second-generation Indos s till have

Dutch as th e ir native language. The Indonesian second-generation Indos speak Indonesian and the American second-generation Indos speak English. Regardless of second language education provided in school, a ll second-generation respondents have some knowledge of the languages

(Indonesian and Dutch) spoken by th e ir parents. The Dutch second- generation respondents know only few Indonesian words and expressions. The American second-generation respondents understand spoken Dutch to a certain extent (but do not speak, write, or read it) and, like their Dutch counterparts, know only few Indonesian words and expressions. They are not always aware that the words and expressions are in fact Indonesian. 229

The Indonesian second-generation respondents have at least sim ilar understanding of Dutch as th e ir American counterparts. In many cases, however, th e ir command of Dutch is better than the Americans. In varying degrees they might be capable of reading, w ritin g , and speaking i t as well. Thus, the Indonesian Indos are closest to being bi/m ultilingual as compared to the American and Dutch second-generation respondents. The

Dutch second-generation respondents are least bi/m ultilingual as fa r as language education at home is concerned. Because of the emphasis on foreign language education in Dutch schools, however, the Dutch second- generation respondents are conversant in English and have (at least some) understanding of French and German. Most second-generation respondents either were not exposed to, or were not very interested in stories about their parents’ life in the Dutch

East-Indies, about th e ir ancestors. Apparently, in general, the Indo-Dutch do not have a strong oral tradition, initiating their children in Indo culture through ancestral stories. Instead, home culture was transmitted in a more im p lic it way, through modeling in an Indo environment, or through contrasting home culture with the dominant culture. In search of commonalities in the description of Indo culture, by f ir s t - and second-, and American, Dutch, and Indonesian respondents, the following patterns emerged. The Indos throughout the world value social gatherings with Indo (extended) family and Indo friends. Because of sim ilar background, the meetings are informal, in v itin g people to be at ease. The gatherings are flexible, leaving room for additional guests to come and guests to stay overnight, extending the party. An abundance of

Indonesian food is served at such gatherings. 230

The mentioned informality and fle x ib ility at social gatherings are in contrast with another set of values mentioned by most of the respondents: the importance of discipline. Discipline is used to teach children the importance of the group over the individual. Most second- generation respondents were facing rules restricting their activities, emphasizing a greater goal.

The Indo culture that evolved from a combination of Indonesian and European cultures, has become mixed with yet other cultures since the end of World War I I . Some first-generation respondents experienced the mix of Indonesian and European cultures d ire c tly , in the way they have been brought up, and when they found themselves in d iffe re n t societies. The same might be said fo r the second-generation respondents. Although they in itia lly grow up in a relatively closed community of Indo-Dutch, going to school and coming of age in a context where another culture is dominant, the second-generation respondents adapted th e ir home culture in a natural way. Indo culture has changed over time and space. The next chapter deals with the question what the outcome of these changes is , in terms of ethnic id e n tity. CHAPTER V II

ETHNIC IDENTITY

Introduction The research questions guiding this study’s findings related to ethnic id e n tity read: (1) How do the respondents describe th e ir ethnic identity? (2) What is their perception of the influence of minority education on the development of ethnic identity? In this chapter I discuss the answers to these questions. I asked the respondents questions d ire c tly related to the f ir s t research question, but did not have predetermined questions on the relationship between ethnic identity and education. Yet some of the respondents’ reactions to the overlapping areas of ethnic identity and the cultural curriculum in school (described in Chapter V) provided interesting insights to this question.

Due to the overarching influence of the topic, the respondents reacted to issues related to ethnic identity in different sections of their talk, not only when they were explicitly asked for it. In some cases, their behavior, as I observed it, provided information about their ethnic identity as well.

Themes that emerged out of the data are ethnic pride, ethnic identity growth, discrimination, and choice of friends and partners. In three separate sections I discuss the experiences of the Indonesian,

Dutch, and American Indo respondents while successively addressing the

231 232 d iffe re n t themes. When i t appeared important, I made distinctions between the first and second generation. The chapter ends with concluding observations, summarizing sim ilarities and differences across nations and generations.

Indo Identity in Indonesia Ethnic Pride Conversations with Indonesian respondents on ethnic pride resulted in a wide spectrum of reactions. Each one of the seven respondents articulate different degrees of pride, referring to different elements from which the pride evolved. The answers given to the questions on ethnic pride and the answers given to questions in d ire c tly addressing ethnic pride, are not in all cases similar. The complexity of the ethnic identity of the Indo-Dutch people, or biracial groups and immigrant groups in general, is reflected in some contradictory statements and behaviors.

Alexandra is the one respondent who most emphasizes pride in being

Indonesian and, in so doing, distances herself from the mixed ancestry. Her mother Sophie says she always taught her children to take pride in th e ir Indonesian citizenship. However, being brought up as an Indo-Dutch person herself, Sophie admits having raised her children with Western values as w ell. This resulted in Alexandra emphasizing her Indonesian citizenship, but at the same time distinguishing herself from other Indonesians. She points out she would have been d iffe re n t i f she were born native-Indonesian, be i t Javanese or Moluccan. Her double orientation shows in the next quote. 233

I am proud to be Indonesian. At times my mother would say to my father: "what a lousy country, this country of yours!" and I would be so insulted. S t ill, I don’ t feel lik e an average Indonesian. I would be d iffe re n t from what I am now, were I pure Javanese or pure Ambonese. I must admit, I am sort of proud of i t too I think mentality-wise, I feel most comfortable in Dutch company. Just like my mother, I rather read Dutch books. But s t i l l , I feel comfortable with Indonesians too. I am lik e a chameleon; I adjust to my environment. And I am ju s t as happy. Gabi and Janet feel positive about th e ir mixed heritage because i t makes them somewhat diffe re n t from the mainstream, they state. Otherwise,

Gabi says she does not really care about her mixed background. Her attitude is neutral. Wim shares this neutral attitude towards Indo-Dutch heritage with Gabi, but, like Alexandra, stresses his capability to be at ease in different settings, in Indonesia (both in urban and rural areas) as well as in the Netherlands. Vincent, Janet and Wim agree on th e ir advantage of being able to choose the positive aspects of both cultures. Janet illu s tra te s her statement by emphasizing the enrichment she experiences, liv in g with two cultures.

People always say: "You have no country of your own." But I have two countries. In my opinion i t is better lik e th is , I know Indonesia and I know the Netherlands. I feel richer than the others.

Vincent appears to be at the opposite extreme from Alexandra. Even though he is not sure whether his home-culture is ty p ic a lly Indo-Dutch culture, Vincent’s pride in his heritage is suggested in his language, using the terms "us and them," and in his c ritic is m of Indonesian culture.

"I sometimes think Indonesians have strange personalities," is only a mild example of Vincent’s critical reference to Indonesians. S till, Vincent realizes that having the Indonesian nationality and liv in g in Indonesia forces him to adapt to the culture he despises in many ways. 234 Yvette is the only respondent who e x p lic itly and clearly describes her pride in her Indo-Dutch, that is mixed heritage. Unlike Vincent she positively refers to her own group.

I have always been proud and pleased to be an Indo-Dutch person. I f I could choose being born again as a pure Indonesian, a pure Dutch, or an in-between, I would want to liv e as in-between again, because you are really at the center line. You can choose le ft or right, you can imagine th is and that. Should I want to become a real Indonesian, I can follow their tradition and codes of behavior, and they would accept me. Should I want to become a Dutch person, I can go to the Netherlands and become a real Dutch person. But that is not what I want. I am satisfied with being ju st here —in-between.

Growth

Most of the Indonesian respondents experienced important moments in which they faced decisions on th e ir ethnic id e n tity. Although there is a general trend in experiencing moments of growth, again, the moments are diverse, created by the unique experiences of each individual.

Wim describes his astonishment in finding out that his nationality was not Dutch at the end of elementary school. Not experiencing real discrepancies between culture at home and in school and approached in

school as i f he were a Dutch citize n , at age 12, Wim found out what the colonial construction of "Dutch status-only" meant. For the firs t time,

Wim discovered that despite his home culture, he was an Indonesian citizen.

Despite the fact that i t is not e x p lic itly mentioned, Sophie's marriage to a native Indonesian man in a time when such a marriage was

looked down upon in the Indo-Dutch community, must have confronted her

with her ethnic id e n tity. She chose for the Indonesian Nationalists,

notwithstanding her privileged position in the colonial society. When 235 offered the opportunity to leave Indonesia for the Netherlands, she chose fo r her husband and his cause yet another time. Gabi describes a change in her attitude away from adoration of

Westerners to a more balanced appreciation of both Asian and Western cultures. In her adolescence, Gabi discovered some shortcomings in Western values: "Europeans are to ta lly open. They say what they think, without thinking of hurting other people’ s feelings." She developed a preference fo r the Indonesian counterpart o f these values. About her e a rlie r behavior she says "When I was a teenager I loved to see foreigners because they are diffe re n t and I understand th e ir behavior." Now, she emphasizes her mixed ancestry more.

Like her father, Janet was faced with questions about her ethnic identity in a school situation. When called "Buie" (Whitey) by her peers in elementary school, she went home to ask fo r an explanation. Her peers in school and her parents made her understand she was d iffe re n t.

For Vincent study abroad, in the States, forced him to take a stand and to articulate his eth n icity. Being asked where he was from, an answer indicating he was from Indonesia would have sufficed. Yet, in honesty to himself and his family, Vincent preferred not to answer as such. He chose and s till chooses to tell the long version of his background. "I never just say I am Indonesian. I feel I have to explain abut my mom’s and dad’s side, because I feel d iffe re n t from the Indonesian people," Vincent explains. 236

Discrimination While talking about discrimination, i t becomes clear that a d istinction can be made in experiences across the two generations. Whereas the first-generation respondents feel very much accepted in the Indonesian society, the second generation feels that they have to deal with different forms of discrimination. Wim refers to his successful career, and points out that he would have never gotten th is fa r i f there was prejudice towards Indo-Dutch in the Indonesian society. Yvette agrees with Wim and states that she never experienced hatred towards Dutch instigated by Indonesia’ s f ir s t president Soekarno, as assumed by Indo-Dutch in the Netherlands. They explain that th e ir choice to remain in Indonesia was considered an act of fa ith and tru st in the new Indonesian society and its citizens. And thus ensured th e ir acceptance. But Vincent, Janet, and Gabi have a different experience. Although i t appears that Indonesians were aware of the commitment of Indo-Dutch like Alexandra’s parents, the society in which the younger second- generation respondents grew up appears to see Indos as outsiders and remnants from an oppressive history. Janet and Gabi describe how they experienced d iffic u lty in th e ir search for a partner. According to them, many native Indonesian parents have objections to th e ir children marrying the Indo-Dutch, because of existing stereotypes. The young women also point out that Indonesian parents want th e ir children to choose partners of th e ir own kind, meaning members of national ethnic groups (bumi asli=literally: real soil), if not members of their own particular ethnic group. 237

Vincent appears to be the one respondent who takes th is

discrimination most seriously and who is most disturbed by it. It might be

that th is prejudice is more used towards men than towards women.

There are people who think that Indos are not real Indonesians. They think that Indos don’ t have the national status real Indonesians have. I s t i l l hear people ta lk about the Chinese or Indos and say they don’t really have a nationality and aren’t really considered Indonesian people. They don’ t know I have a Chinese and Indo background. As soon as they know I am of that background, they w ill behave d iffe re n tly towards me. Vincent describes the d iffic u lty he encounters in finding Indonesian friends, because of this attitude. Despite his negative experiences,

Vincent acknowledges positive lessons learned. I f I had not been born in th is position I would not be me. Maybe I would have judged people immediately too. Now I have learned that you need to get to know people to see who they re a lly are.

Choice of Partners and Friends

A ll Indonesian respondents appear to have a preference fo r partners who are either also Indo, or Indonesians who were raised with Western values. Yvette married an Indo-Dutch man she met during an Indo-Dutch party. Wim married an Indo woman whose mother was Indo and whose father was Indonesian but with Dutch status, ju st lik e his parents. Sophie married a native Indonesian (Moluccan) who had European ancestors as well and who was raised in a Western fashion, both at home an in Western schools.

The second-generation Alexandra married a native Indonesian

(Moluccan, lik e her father) who was raised with Western values. Janet married an Indo-Dutch man who was born in Indonesia, lik e herself. Gabi married a Chinese man whose parents were raised in a Western way at home 238 and in Western schools, and who studied in the Netherlands for six years.

And Vincent is engaged to a woman of mixed Indonesian, Chinese and Dutch ancestry, like he is. Being members of a minority group, and with the Indo-Dutch values and codes of behavior being so opposite to the dominant culture in many cases the Indonesian respondents appear to be attracted to people with sim ilar backgrounds. Although they do not mention deliberately searching for such a partner, they delineate feeling "the right chemistry" from the beginning. Apart from partners, Yvette, Alexandra, Sophie, and Vincent have a preference for Indo friends as well. Vincent points out how most of his best friends are Indo. Yvette states that Indos amongst Indos, no matter where they were born and raised, w ill appreciate each other’ s company because of sim ilar upbringing. Alexandra and Sophie refer to the easy communication, because of the sim ilar culture.

For Janet i t does not really make a difference. She emphasizes she has good Indo and Indonesian friends. Gabi prefers to have Indonesian friends. She stresses it is d ifficu lt to find good Indo friends, because there are only few Indos compared to Indonesians. In addition, she suggests that the sim ilar background might be a reason to d is lik e each other. "Maybe i t is true what my cousin Robbie said: Indos don’ t lik e other Indos that much," she proposes. Finally, she admits prefering

Indonesian friends because i t makes her feel more accepted in the community she feels closest to. 239

Back to Roots

Wim travels to the Netherlands regularly fo r business and for pleasure (visiting his relatives), in the company of his wife and some of his children and grandchildren. He perceives these trips to be part of the upbringing of his children (including in-laws) and grandchildren; they learn about life in a different country. Wim feels very much at ease in the Netherlands, he says. The Hernies have plans to buy a house in the

Netherlands and annually spend some months there, a fte r Wim's retirement.

Janet visited the Netherlands twice, with her parents. She loves to liv e in the Netherlands, she says, and regrets her father never migrated there. Her Indo-Dutch husband, who has many family members there, does not want to immigrate to the Netherlands, however, much to Janet’s disappointment.

Vincent visited the Netherlands three times, and, lik e Janet, likes it there very much. He says he feels very comfortable in the company of his Indo relatives. And yet, the weather and the career possibilities make that the Netherlands is not the ideal country for Vincent. Gabi recalls her one-week vacation to the Netherlands with pleasure.

S till, like Vincent, she says she would never want to live there. She would have a hard time adjusting to lif e in the Netherlands because, according to Gabi, the culture and the climate are not ideal.

The Indo Identity in the Netherlands Ethnic Pride

In response to the member check, conducted in th is study, Johannus pointed out that the term Indonesian-Dutch is not a correct term to refer 240 to the people under study. His discussion of terms appear to shed some light on his ethnicity.

The official name of the former Dutch colony in the Far East is "Netherlands (or Dutch) East-Indies" and not "Netherlands (or Dutch) East Indonesia." Indonesia is the new name of the Republic of Indonesia after December 1949, the official delegation of the sovereignty. So the name "Indonesian Dutch" is wrong for the people concerned. I t should be "Indies-Dutch." As is mentioned in Chapter One, the term "Indonesia" was used by

Indonesian Nationalists, starting in the early 1900s. However, in reference to the people concerned, Johannus insists on using the terms as used by the Dutch colonial power, the o ffic ia l government at the time.

Johannus’ preference for o fficia l terms is also shown when characterizing his ethnicity. "I am Indies-Dutch, but above all I am Dutch, for I never had a nationality other than the Dutch (Netherlands) nationality," he explains. Johannus denies that an "Indies-Dutch" culture exists at this time.

He states that there was such a culture in the Dutch East-Indies, but that it transformed into something new with migration to another environment, not deserving the name "Indies-Dutch culture." He ridicules the Indo-Dutch people who show pride in th e ir Indonesian(-Dutch) ancestry by wearing tra d itio n a l Javanese dress at parties, fo r instance, emphasizing "We are not Indonesians!" Johannus’ remarks may be an indication of his a ffilia tio n with the Dutch rather than with the Indonesians, although his later remarks on prejudice show differently.

In a sim ilar fashion as Johannus, Jannie emphasizes her white Dutch heritage. "I consider myself to be a Dutch person, but enriched with an

Indo background," she notes for "I perceive myself to be much richer in 241 experience than my white Dutch neighbors." Jannie, who says she hates the term "Indo" (and people's confusion with the term "Indonesian" she hates even more), refers to herself as Indo-Dutch only a fte r emphasizing that not a ll Indo-Dutch are the same. "I feel lik e an arrogant Indo," she admits. In contrast, El vire plays down her Dutch ancestry and affiliation. She states she has only little white Dutch ancestry and calls herself a "Passport Dutch," indicating that she is only Dutch in o fficia l documents.

El vire states she does not lik e being Dutch, while referring to the need many senior citizens feel to glorify the past. Her pride is in her Indonesian ancestors, and she emphasizes, lik e Johannus, that there is no Indo-Dutch culture existing. Unlike Johannus however, she notes that the values in the Indo community are remains of Indonesian culture, a culture she loves.

My grandmother was so refined, so alus as they say in Indonesian. They gave us so many beautiful values. For instance, what the Indonesians call pelan-oelan. the peacefulness, the joy, the idea "tomorrow there is another day." I perceive these to be great values of being Indo. A Westerner cannot even touch that. He is always in a hurry, doesn’ t see the beauty around him. El vire c ritic iz e s Indo-Dutch people who are over-anxious to assimilate into white Dutch culture. "That’ s the tragedy of the Indo," she says. But, she also c ritic iz e s the Indo-Dutch people who cling too much to th e ir own community. El vire found a balance for herself, keeping a separate Indo identity and yet interacting with white Dutch people. She makes a point of explaining her d iffe re n t ideas and habits to her white Dutch friends in an effort to educate them. Her strategy has resulted in successful code­ switching skills, with which she feels very much at ease. 242

Like Elvire, a ll second-generation respondents refer positively to liv in g with two cultures. Eddy notes "Overall, I think that by being Indo- Dutch I have a wider range of manners at my disposal." Characterizing this tra it as "chameleon-like," he adds that this tra it can be found in other minority group members as w ell, due to growing up with d iffe re n t cultures. Liene and L ilia n agree.

Liene and L ilia n stress the usefulness of growing up biracial in interaction with other minorities and majority people. "It is possible for us to understand perspectives of both groups, to be open to unknown perspectives," Liene explains, "and thus to bring people together by deconstructing perspectives." Liene enjoys her biraciality for this particular reason, and yet she admits i t is not always easy.

You’ re never 100% one thing. You always want to add a l i t t l e b it of something else, because (as second-generation) you never re a lly had one identifiable group you belonged to....And thus you’ re constantly tryin g to give a carefully balanced appraisal. The dominant way of thinking, in terms of either-or, problematizes bi­ raciality and (second-generation) minority group members. Liene explains

I have noticed this way of thinking in interaction with white Dutch, and always clash with it. They think in terms of either-or. and I, almost always, think and-and. Being ashamed o f your heritage logically gives you the feeling to be hanging in-between. But you can also see it as something that is, at least possibly, enriching. L ilia n , Liene and Eddy also agree that Indo-Dutch values should not be glorified. Each one of them has their criticisms. S till, they appreciate the mix and the possibility to pick and choose from both cultures the values that are meaningful to them.

Eddy and Richard emphasize that being Indo-Dutch is not of major importance in the articulation of th e ir iden tity. Eddy explains he perceives his Indo-Dutch heritage more as a given; he does not think about 243 it very often. Richard claims that his Western socialization during his formal education has driven him away from a strong affilia tio n with the

Indo-Dutch community. Although Eddy states that his appearance "never caused him any problems," meaning that he was not addressed as a minority person, Richard says his looks confront him with his e th n icity.

I am being reminded of my Indo-Dutch e th n icity because people address me as such, on basis of tny looks. For instance, I was ju st walking down-town and th is Chinese man starts talking to me in Chinese. And all of a sudden I realized again, I look Asian, or Indonesian.

Growth

Richard, Liene, Jannie, Elvire, and Eddy describe moments that influenced their perception of ethnic identity. For Liene, Elvire and Jannie the moments of change in perspective took place in their twenties; fo r Richard and Eddy i t happened in th e ir th irtie s .

Jannie describes how she did not have any Indo-Dutch friends until she began working in the Dutch air-force. Meeting other Indo-Dutch young women and men there, she became aware of the existence of an Indo-Dutch community beyond her fam ily. Her Indo-Dutch friends took her to Indo parties and at her best frie n d ’ s wedding, she met her Indo-Dutch husband. Her husband, who was more aware o f his ethnicity than she was, confronted her with questions about Indo-Dutch identity she had never thought about before.

Liene discovered she was part of a larger Indo-Dutch community when she started to work with Turkish and Moroccan families. Their positive approach towards her as a person of color changed her thinking about ethnic identity. Suddenly, the negative connotations being-different had 244 turned into positive ones, because of other people’ s positive reactions. Working together with other people of color (clients and colleagues), not only brought consciousness o f her own ethnic group, the Indo-Dutch, i t also developed her understanding of shared experiences amongst minority groups. Liene states a changing attitude towards d ive rsity in the Dutch society coincided with these personal encounters resulting in a positive approach to her ethnicity. Being in the front line of a new social development provided her with authority and appreciation of the dominant group as w ell.

Eddy also refers to the changing spirit of the time, when asked to describe the development of his ethnic identity. He refers to the early 1980’ s, when second-generation Indo-Dutch attracted attention through their literary works and through their activities using popular media. The portrayed experiences of these persons did not p a rticu la rly resonate with

Eddy, however. Only when Eddy was confronted with Indo-Dutch in the United States during a vacation, did his interest in the larger Indo-Dutch community and in his own history take serious shape.

A colleague of Richard describes how she witnessed Richard’s development from a "mere" Dutch student to a student who emphasized ethnicity during his short stay of nine months in the United States.

Richard explains that his stay in the United States confronted him with his ethnicity more than anything else because of people’ s direct questions about his cultural background. Richard observed how confused Americans were by his Asian looks and yet his Western behavior, and he discovered the many tra its he had in common with Asian students. These encounters and 245 the popularity of multiculturalism in his department forced him to think about his position, both culturally and ideologically. With his return to the Netherlands however, most of his interest in e th n icity disappeared,

Richard says. For Elvire, migration to the Netherlands was of extreme importance to her ethnic identity development. Being confronted with the prejudice of her white Dutch neighbors, Elvire sought help fo r her misery in church- organized discussion groups. These encounters forced her to think about and articulate the characteristics of her ethnicity, and its conflict with white Dutch culture. Elvire states she learned a lo t from these sessions. Lilian states that ethnicity has always been constantly important in her lif e . Because of her lig h t complexion, L ilia n is hardly ever recognized as a minority person. Because of her pride and appreciation of her home culture, however, L ilia n has always made a point of mentioning her Indo-Dutch ethnicity.

Discrimination

Eddy does not remember any problems with white Dutch neighbors when he was growing up. In his memory, the Netherlands was much more tolerant towards Indo-Dutch at that time compared to nowadays. His mother Elvire, however, remembers things d iffe re n tly . She describes how her husband and she experienced racism. In the working class neighborhood they lived, the neighbors frequently called her names. Elvire had problems understanding the c ity dialect of Dutch that was spoken by her neighbors, which was understood as arrogance. 246 Like Elvire and her husband, Jannie and Johannus experienced prejudice. Jannie remembers being called names in the street, and both

Johannus and Jannie describe the reference of white Dutch to their

"perfect Dutch," which showed th e ir ignorance and th e ir dissociation. L ilia n is the only second-generation respondent who mentions racism. She points out how she would be hurt when people made racial remarks about people of color, assuming she was white Dutch. In her work with abused children she is confronted with the white Dutch parents’ racism through the words of the children. A child told me one time: "My mommy says you are black, but different from other blacks," and "You are a brown piece of shit, my dad said." Well, they live in poverty and they find it hard to accept that somebody of color is the professional who te lls them how to solve th e ir problems.

Choice of Partners and Friends

The three first-generation respondents a ll married Indo-Dutch partners. The two second-generation women have white Dutch partners.

Richard has no steady partner. Eddy married an Indo-Dutch woman, but he is not sure whether the attraction was based on ethnicity. "Maybe i t also had to do with her Oriental characteristics that were more obvious because of her late immigration to the Netherlands," Eddy adds. Liene mentions how she likes working with both white Dutch colleagues and with colleagues of color, but she does not refer to Indo-

Dutch friends. She did allude to her parents’ having mostly Indo-Dutch friends, with whom they all fe lt more comfortable, before. Eddy explains he appreciates friendship with other Indo-Dutch people more, as he is getting older. The sim ilar humor and not having to explain cultural 247 aspects, are examples of Eddy’ s growing appreciation for Indo-Dutch friends. As a child, however, i t was never an issue, he says. L ilia n agrees with Eddy’ s reference to fa m ilia rity and says that this speeds up getting to know each other in friendships. S till, she has many white Dutch friends, and does not have a real preference, she says. Richard has some

Indo-Dutch friends, but states that i t is the person that counts more than ethnicity in his choice of friends.

Back to Roots

Liene talks extensively about her f ir s t tr ip to Indonesia, some years ago. She explains how, unlike her sisters, and other second- generation Indo-Dutch, she did not feel a great urge to v is it Indonesia.

Trips to Tunisia and Morocco and stories of others, however, had developed expectations of recognition and feeling at home to happen during the Indonesian encounter. Liene returned home from her f ir s t tr ip to Indonesia

somewhat disillusioned, having experienced a l i t t l e b it of both fa m ilia rity and alienation. She summarizes she is pleased having gone, but

is not overly anxious to go back very soon.

Eddy talks only a little about his trip to Indonesia, describing how

i t took him some time to get adjusted to the Indonesian way of lif e . The

shock was so bad, he says, that he wanted to return to the Netherlands the

firs t day he arrived in Indonesia. The bargaining practice and the money- minded attitude of many small merchants gave him the impression he was

taken advantage of. But soon Eddy got adjusted and enjoyed experiencing Indonesia, he evaluates. 248

Richard and L ilia n have never visited Indonesia. L ilia n says she very much wants to do so, but that she has problems saving the money.

Richard only refers to his parents in addressing th is topic. Richard says about his parents "They have th is connection with Indonesian, which is impossible to dismiss and which they have to act upon." Jannie and Elvire mentioned experiencing deep emotions as fa r as going back to Indonesia was concerned. Jannie dreaded going back, based on the bad memories she had of the second World War and of the revolutionary war. "I d id n 't have memories of the Good Old Days," she says. But because of her husband she did go, and they enjoyed i t so much they returned to

Indonesia every summer fo r vacation. Elvire describes how emotional i t was for her to return to the country of her birth. When I went back to visit Indonesia, and the pilot said: we are flying over the Java Sea, I cried. I cannot explain where the tears were coming from, but I was so emotional. And back in the Netherlands, I had to start adjusting all over again. So, I don’t believe it is good for me to go back to Indonesia, to visit; I tear open a healed wound. The heartiness and kindness of the people are incredible. And while walking around in Indonesia, I was so proud that this culture is part of me.

The Indo Id e n tity in the United States Ethnic Pride

Despite the choice fo r American citizenship of some, none of the first-generation respondents id e n tify themselves as being exclusively

American. All first-generation respondents refer to their ties with both the Netherlands and Indonesia. While discussing ethnic pride, Karl and Eleanore address the feelings many first-generation Indo-Dutch and th e ir ancestors have towards th e ir Indonesian heritage. 249

When asked for my ethnic background, I describe myself and my family as Dutch. The stigma of being "half-caste," so ungraciously expressed by the English and British-India troops, stationed on the island of Java to protect the citizenry during the independence war in 1946 and 1947, has needed a long time to more or less erase itself from my memory. Even now, it is with reluctance that I explain my dual ethnic background to the less informed American. Also, I tend to correct the children of my ethnic group when they state that they are Indo or Indonesian, by emphasizing that, born from a Dutch father, one is Dutch by law.

Karl expounds upon th is "shame" fo r the Indonesian ancestors. He explains that many Indo-Dutch have an in fe rio rity feeling because they look down upon the Indonesians, when in fact they are partly Indonesian themselves. Karl, in whose upbringing respect fo r Indonesians was central, says he does not feel that shame fo r his heritage. When asked about his Indonesian ancestors, he w ill say his maternal great-grandmother was Indonesian. " I t really hurts me to see people disguise their ancestry," Karl adds. When asked whether he is proud to be Indonesian-Dutch, he says, " I t doesn’ t matter. I focus more on life ."

Ria and Maudy emphasize th e ir non-white Dutch background. Ria states that, when asked, she w ill say she is from Indonesia. "Because when I say

I am Dutch, they think I am from Holland," Ria explains and continues to say that, " I t is not easy to explain that I was born in Indonesia but I am Dutch; they don’ t understand i t . " The ignorance of most Americans of the relationship between the Netherlands and Indonesia causes her to focus on her Indonesian ancestry. Her darker complexion and her fe lt need to be brief might play a role in this choice. Her appearance does not f it the American stereotype of a Dutch person and thus, most lik e ly , further explanation would be needed. 250

Maudy takes more pride in her Indonesian background out of respect fo r her Indonesian mother and in reaction to her stepmother’ s prejudice towards Indonesians, I assume. She adds that she is proud of the reputation of Indo-Dutch women being more refined than Western women. Skryler and Doris appear to ide n tify mostly with Americans, although they both refer to th e ir non-American parents. Doris who is born in the States and thus an American citizen, informs me up front that she does not have much to say about being Indo-Dutch. She realizes, however, that th is in itse lf might be an interesting finding for this study. In Doris’ story, there is no clear reference to her parents’ past in Indonesia, she only talks about her parents being Dutch (except fo r the Indonesian food she grew up w ith). " I know that my Dutch heritage is being lo st somewhat," she says, "but I also think i t ’ s ju st becoming a part of my own personal heritage, which is now mixed Dutch and American."

Skryler, who is not an American citizen (yet), considers herself to be a white American. "I always thought: I look white, so I check white," she explains. Because of her appearance —she says she looks lik e her white Dutch dad— she is hardly ever asked about her heritage. Only, when people see pictures of her parents w ill they ask about i t , she says.

Skryler illu s tra te s : "One person asked me: is your mother black? I go: nooo! She is from Indonesia." Gary says to identify mostly with the United States. "I feel mostly American, probably because I have lived here the longest," he says, and he continues with "I was only born in the Dutch East-Indies, and Holland I really only consider as a stepping stone." S till, Gary’s criticism of the

United States indicates he keeps some distance. Gary talks about his firs t 251 perceptions of the United States, arriving by boat in New York and continuing by train to his future city of residence.

The thing that most surprised me was how dirty it was. I think it is ju s t the American way. Americans are ju s t not as self-conscious. You would never see a woman in Holland go to a store with curlers in and all kind of clothes. They just don't care.... You heard the remarks of the Japanese congressman about American workers. They are not the only ones that have that feeling.

Francine, raised in the States from her second year, emphasizes the pride she took in becoming an American citizen after her marriage. At the same time, Francine is extremely proud of her Indonesian-Dutch heritage.

Her pride stems from the positive reactions of others, showing great

interest in stories about her heritage, and from Francine’ s feeling that growing up in the Indo-Dutch-American community has made her a better person. Francine like s to cook Indonesian fo r her friends and says she is always excited when she hears people speak Dutch. Although Francine has a Western appearance, she speculates that her children might be darker

skinned, explaining, "You never know, the genes are there." And she sums

up her pride with "They have always said all that mixture makes prettier

people. So, we are p re ttie r people! Ha, ha."

Growth

Changes in ethnic identity are mentioned by Doris, Eleanore and Karl only. For Karl, major changes in his ethnic id e n tity happened when he

migrated to the Netherlands and to the States. He talks at length about

his homesickness a fte r having to leave Indonesia, and is not sure whether

this homesickness was caused by his love fo r Indonesia only, or whether

discomfort in the Netherlands was of influence too. Immigration to the 252

United States and change of citizenship forced Karl to reconsider his ethnic Identity yet another time. Karl does not consider himself American though, and says "We assimilate those aspects of American culture that are positive, but the rest we retain." Eleanore describes that In getting older, with the memories of the war years fading, she begins to accept her mixed ancestry more. She realizes that she allows herself to be more open to characteristics she relates to Indonesian culture, for Instance a more laid-back attitude.

For Doris, finding her own Identity during adolescence and becoming a parent constitute two breaking points In her ethnic Identity development. During adolescence, breaking away from her parents meant breaking away from their heritage, and thus ethnic Identification with the

Indonesian-Dutch became less. However, having children of her own made her re fle ct more on "the common ground" she shares with a particular segment of the American people.

Discrimination

The fact that the United States does not have historical ties (of domination) with Indonesia, the fact that the Netherlands Is a Western European country (with a culture very close to the culture of the dominant group In the States), and the fact that Indoneslan-Dutch-Amerlcans are re la tiv e ly a small minority group appears to result In absence of structural discrimination. Yet, many Indos might experience discrimination based on their skin color. Maudy discusses how she Is often times mistaken for a Mexican,

Hawaiian or Pacific Islander by white Americans. She describes the re lie f 253

in her white American neighbors when they find out she is not member of one of these groups, but Indonesian-Dutch. Maudy's impression is that her not being a member of a traditional American minority fa c ilita te s

interaction with white Americans. Maudy, being of a darker complexion, indicates she feels very much at ease in the Californian multicultural society. Once, she and her husband considered moving to Wisconsin and in spite of people’ s kind behavior towards her while v is itin g there, she says "I realized I stuck out amongst a ll these white people. I was the only ’ L ittle Brown Bear.’ " Maudy summarizes "I re a lly feel at home in C alifornia. I am so happy here."

Choice of Partners and Friends

Of the American first-generation respondents, three have Indo-Dutch partners and one (Ria) has a white Dutch partner. Of the four American second-generation respondents, two have white American partners, one is divorced (from a white American partner), and one has a Hispanic American partner.

Growing up in multicultural California, Maudy claims her children have always had a preference to date other minority persons. Her daughter was married to a Mexican American man and her son dates a Japanese

American woman. Many of Maudy’ s nephews and nieces, who a ll grew up in California, have non-white American partners. It is different for Indo-

Dutch children, growing up in the Midwest. Francine, Skryler, and Gary have majority group partners, even though Francine stresses that her older s is te r’ s f ir s t husband was Mexican American. 254

The first-generation respondents appreciate friendship with fellow

Indos. The common experience due to culture and double migration attracts, they say. Not having very many Indo-Dutch people liv in g in his Midwestern town, Karl misses the Indo parties he remembers from the Netherlands. Maudy s till enjoys these parties in California.

There are quite some Indo-Dutch associations here: De Waoenbroeders (Brothers in Arms), Neerlandia. De Rosi, and The Dutch Soccer Club. This coming Saturday, we w ill go to De Rosi. I t is my impression that the Indo-Dutch keep in more frequent contact here as compared to the Netherlands. We meet each other at least once every two months, fo r dancing, flo o r shows, food. We always ta lk about Indonesia, during those meetings. We ta lk about the nice food and fru it, and about the luxurious life our parents use to have.

Back to Roots

Of a ll American respondents, only Ria and her husband have been back to v is it Indonesia. The other first-generation respondents only have visited the Netherlands (at least once), where most of their relatives liv e . Eleanore and Maudy are seriously planning to go to Indonesia in the near future. Interestingly, Karl (who was extremely homesick for

Indonesia) prefers to visit Hawaii as a major trip in the future.

Ria went back to Indonesia some years ago, encouraged and accompanied by one of her daughters (Skryler's older s iste r). Ria describes how her daughter wanted to know as much as possible of

Indonesia’s tourist attractions, her parents’ past there, and present daily life , which included climbing a volcano, visiting her parents’ friends and her mother’s school, and using the hectic public transportation. Although i t was adventurous, Ria admits being somewhat disappointed by the many changes and the poverty. Maudy and Karl emphasize 255 the need to be aware of the many changes and the poverty before departure

for Indonesia, in order to prevent disappointment. The first-generation respondents have less of an emotional tie with the Netherlands, since many of them have not lived there more than ten years. Yet all of them have close relatives living there, and thus a reason to v is it i t . The second-generation focuses more on v is itin g the

Netherlands, when discussing "going back." Doris is the only American

second-generation respondent who has not visite d the Netherlands yet. Gary went back there when he was stationed in Germany, with the United States military. Skryler went there once with her family, when they were children, and once alone as an adolescent. And Francine went there once, with her parents and sister.

Francine describes her experience meeting her parents’ relatives in the Netherlands.

We met family who didn’t feel like family at firs t. The Indo-Dutch friends in America fe lt more like family than your real family ----- After a week of course, it became totally different.... Seeing my father with his family was very special. He was very ornery, joking. He is the baby and his mother was cuddling him. I t was re a lly neat, because we had never seen him lik e th is before.

Francine and Skryler stress how they would love to go back to the Netherlands with their own families, to see the sights and have their

children and husbands meet their parents’ families.

While Skryler is hesitant when asked whether she wants to visit

Indonesia —it is too different and dangerous in her opinion— Gary and

Francine play with the thought. Gary says he would like to v is it his place

of birth, Surabaya, and some of his relatives who are s till living there.

Francine who explains being introduced to Indonesia not only by her parents but also by Indonesian exchange students who visite d her parents’ 256 home, emphasizes that i f she goes, she wants to go with her parents because of their direct ties to that country.

Concluding Observations Discussing pride in Indo-Dutch ethnicity is complicated because i t has a d iffe re n t meaning fo r each Indo-Dutch individual. Yet overall, the respondents in th is study appear to understand pride in Indo-Dutch e thnicity in terms of (a) pride in Indonesian ancestors and culture (fo r some first-generation respondents), (b) pride in Dutch ancestors and culture (for some firs t- and American second-generation respondents), (c) pride in the combined Dutch and Indonesian ancestors and culture (both f ir s t and second generation’ ). Pride in Indo-Dutch e th n icity is articulated by both praising conceptions of Indo-Dutch values, and by c ritic iz in g conceptions o f the dominant group values.

The respondents who emphasize pride in th e ir Indonesian ancestors and the Indonesian culture express i t in a strong manner. Analysis of their lives described in the interviews brings forth the following possible explanations for this way of expressing ethnic pride. For two Indonesian respondents, I argue that the pride might stem from th e ir a ffilia tio n with the Nationalist Movement during Indonesia's struggle for

Independence. For the Dutch respondent indicating th is type of ethnic pride, this attitude might have developed due to disappointment in her relationship with both white and Indo Dutch. In addition, as she indicates

I t should be noted however, that these categories are not mutually exclusive. Some respondents have stated one category when sp e cifica lly asked about ethnic pride, yet added statements addressing another sense of ethnic pride. 257 herself, her looking back on her life at the age of 70 might cause her to idealize her youth and early adulthood in the Dutch East-Indies. D ifferent respondents indicated a focus on pride in Dutch ancestors and culture. The first-generation respondents indicating this type of ethnic pride appear to have a colonial mindset, emphasizing th e ir status as Dutch citizens (and the rights derived from that status) and using colonial classifications and language. They problematize separating the experiences of Indo-Dutch from the white Dutch experience. Yet, at the same time, they conceive of th e ir (Indo-Dutch) experience as one broader and superior to the experience of white Dutch. Second-generation respondents’ a rticulation of pride in Dutch ancestors does not appear to be based on a colonial mindset. On the contrary, one Indonesian respondent appears to stress his Dutch background out of both c ritic is m of the dominant (Indonesian) group and feelings of rejection by th is group. The American second-generation respondents in this category emphasize the Dutch part of their ancestry because of the

Dutch language spoken at home, th e ir parents’ in itia l Dutch citizenship, and their parents’ affiliation with the Netherlands.

Most, i f not a ll, respondents express a certain degree of pride in th e ir mixed ancestry and the culture that evolved from a combination of native Indonesian and white Dutch culture. The pride lie s p a rticu la rly in th e ir perceived wide range of codes of behavior to base th e ir actions on. The range of codes of behavior is perceived to be wider than available for the majority group because of the different cultures they can draw upon.

The respondents challenge the dominant view of b ira c ia lity as a problematic matter. Instead of considering themselves "between" two or 258 more cultures (the Indo-Dutch and the native Indonesian, the Indo-Dutch and the white Dutch, or the Indo-Dutch, the white Dutch and the Anglo- American), or, sim ilarly, not having a home country (the Netherlands, Indonesia, the United States), they perceive themselves to liv e "with" two cultures, and having two (or more) home-countries. The respondents state they draw upon the different cultures for determining their personal values and codes of behavior. Being fam iliar with the codes of behavior of two or more cultures, the respondents say they pick and choose from the cultural determined codes of behavior depending upon situation. More than once, a reference was made to the metaphor of a chameleon.

Experiencing the complexity of (biracial, ethnic) identity, the respondents emphasize that dominant groups in society tend to think in "either-or" terms. The respondents, however, tend to think more in "and- and" terms. They realize this multidimensional thinking is not unique to

Indo-Dutch, but that it is shared by members of other minority groups. Living in a society where the dominant culture is different from one’ s home culture creates for many individuals opportunities for developing intercultural capabilities. Three of the respondents indicate that th e ir bi/multicultural experience assists them in their work with multicultural groups of students, colleagues and clients.

Through th e ir sometimes contradicting statements concerning Indo ethnic pride, respondents indicate that Indo ethnic identity is not a one­ dimensional nor a s ta tic matter. Respondents also refer to shortcomings in Indo-Dutch values and behavior, as they experience i t in determining appropriate behavior in a society with a different dominant culture. In addition, in the conversations with respondents, the same values and codes 259 of behavior might be referred to as positive in one instance and as negative in another. Yet overall, they consider their ethnic background to be an asset. From the second-generation respondents' comments i t can be concluded that school is of influence on ethnic identity development in the sense that it, for the first time, systematically confronts Indo-Dutch respondents with m ajority culture. Some respondents e x p lic itly indicate that school has socialized them totally in the culture of the dominant group. Others claim that experiencing the differences between culture at school and culture at home developed a sense o f embarassement in them. Indonesian second- generation respondents describe how they encounter prejudice for the firs t time, in the realm of school.

In analyzing the respondents’ accounts, across generations as well as during the lives of individual respondents, time appears to be of influence on Indo-Dutch ethnic id e n tity development. When comparing the ethnic id e n tity of first-generation respondents with that of second- generation respondents, it appears that the context in which the lives of the firs t generation took shape allowed them to retain a greater sense of ethnic id e n tity as measured by knowledge of and a ffilia tio n with (a) native Indonesian, European, and Indo-Dutch culture, and (b) history of the Indonesian-Dutch group.

On an individual level, this study indicates that a significant development in ethnic id e n tity appears to happen during the age-range of late twenties and early thirties years. Being settled and having children appears to stimulate people to think in terms of eth n icity. Another transition period appears to take place when grandchildren are born and 260 growing up. Some respondents (who are grandparents) are confronted with the question of continuation of Indo-Dutch heritage, while witnessing the upbringing of th e ir grandchildren. Lastly, fo r some respondents reaching the age of senior citizen, looking back and evaluating one's life , might result in a change of ethnic identity.

Comparing respondents in the Netherlands, the States, and Indonesia, it appears that American Indos are mostly integrated in their society. The openess of American society to fu ll participation of Indos, has lead to almost complete assimilation of the second generation.

Due to the combination of the e a rlie r mentioned absence of histo rical tie s of domination between the United States, Indonesia, and the Netherlands, and the small numbers of Indo-Dutch, Indos are not only tolerated in the United States, th e ir heritage is appreciated. Although Indos are mistaken fo r Mexicans, Hawaiians, and Pacific Islanders, and in itia lly treated as such because of their similar features, once members of the m ajority group find out they are Indonesian-Dutch th e ir attitude changes for the better.

Overall, the Indonesian (younger) second-generation respondents feel least integrated in the their society. Unlike their parents, they are discriminated against on basis of their ancestry and features. The

Indonesian emphasis on Bumi A s li. the "pure" national m inorities, not only neglects but denigrates people of combined Indonesian and Dutch/European and Chinese ancestry.

Dutch second-generation respondents experience more discrimination than th e ir American but less than th e ir Indonesian counterparts. In comparision with the American situation, their numbers are larger and the 261

Netherlands has not a very long tradition in being a multicultural society. Also, the racist attitudes towards Indo-Dutch that developed during the centuries in which Indonesia was a Dutch colony are s t ill manifest in the Dutch society. However, Dutch multicultural policies are opposite to the Indonesian policies, in th e ir inclusion of a ll people of color.

Not mentioned e a rlie r in the separate sections on Indo-Dutch ethnic identity is a theme that emerged (without questions referring to it) across the three national groups and across generations —preoccupation with continuation of Indo-Dutch heritage, mostly on the part of f ir s t - generation respondents. Half seriously, half jokingly, references are made to "The Last of the Mohicans" indicating the respondents fear that the

Indo-Dutch community w ill probably disappear from the cultural world's scene. The first-generation respondents indicating th is preoccupation, admit that in the upbringing of their children, they did not endeavor to cu ltiva te Indo-Dutch culture beyond th e ir teachings in "proper" behavior.

Second-generation recollection of the im p licit character of lessons in

Indo culture they experienced growing up affirm th is .

Living "outside their natural element" (Eleanore), a natural element which belongs to the past, respondents realize that outside forces may change Indo-Dutch culture beyond recognition. In a ll three nations of residence, the respondents make up a minority group. Small numbers and relative integration, resulting in exogamous partner choice, leaves little hope fo r continuation of Indo-Dutch culture as i t is articulated by most of the first-generation respondents. 262

However, pride in the Indo-Dutch cultural heritage and conscious and unconscious transmission of Indo-Dutch values in the upbringing of the next generation by Indo-Dutch second and future generation care-takers w ill re sult in continuation of (parts of) Indo-Dutch culture. In addition, some first-generation respondents already are making a special effort to teach th e ir grandchildren Indo-Dutch values, behavior, and history. The question is whether, in the future, it w ill be recognized as such.

Another theme that emerged from the data, without being referred to in questions, is Indonesian and American first-generation pondering over their decision(s) on migration. In Indonesia, I was confronted with the remark "You people always lik e coming here, because you are homesick."

Indonesian respondents discussed friends and acquaintances who, growing older, f e lt lonely and miserable in the Netherlands and asked themselves and the respondents whether they had made the rig h t choice to immigrate to the Netherlands. The Dutch respondents in th is study, however, did not bring up this question.

American respondents, who migrated twice, play with the question whether th e ir decision to leave the Netherlands was the rig h t one. For one family the question was so serious that they decided to liv e in the

Netherlands for five months, as a try-out. Another family received reassurance of th e ir children, who thought going to the United States was the best decision th e ir parents had ever made. CHAPTER V III

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

Introduction This dissertation is about the educational experiences of a biracial group, the Indonesian-Dutch. I conceptualized the study out of my broader concern with education in m ulticultural societies. The goal of th is study was to shed lig h t on how old and young members of the Indonesian-Dutch communities in the Netherlands, Indonesia and the United States, learned and experienced being a member of a minority group, at home and in school.

The portrayal of th is group’ s experiences is meant as an exemplar of minority group experience.

The firs t section of this final chapter w ill summarize the previous chapters b rie fly . The relevant lite ra tu re , as discussed in Chapter I I , is reviewed. The research questions are brought forward again and an outline of the research methods used, as described in Chapter I I I , is given.

In the following sections of this chapter the conclusions of this

study are discussed, based on the research questions and my interpretation

of the literature and findings chapters. In addition, possible

implications are addressed, in response to research question five. Finally, questions fo r further research are posed.

263 264

Summary Literature review

In Chapter II, an overview was given of some historical, anthropological, social psychological, sociological and educational studies important for the understanding of the topic of this study. An overview of some h isto rical studies of the Indonesian-Dutch was provided to familiarize the reader with the group under study. The Indonesian-Dutch group emerged out of mescegenation between white Dutch men and native Indonesian women, in the colonial society of the Dutch East-Indies. To preserve their relative privilege, being Dutch citizens, members of the Indonesian-Dutch group mostly married w ithin the group, thus creating an intergenerational community with a separate culture. After 350 years of colonization of Indonesia and contributing to the existence of an Indonesian-Dutch community, the Dutch were forced to recognize Indonesia’ s proclaimed independence, in 1949, and consequently leave the country. Proud of th e ir Dutch citizenship, most Indonesian-Dutch followed, and immigrated to the Netherlands gradually over a period of some ten years. While some 350,000 Indo-Dutch le ft, only about 6,000 chose to change nationality, that is become Indonesian, and stay in their country of birth.

As the f ir s t large group of immigrants of color arriving in the

Netherlands, the Indonesian-Dutch are portrayed as an ideal m inority in

Dutch literature. They are said to have fully assimilated in the Dutch society (without experiencing any major obstacles). More recent studies, in which Indonesian-Dutch respondents speak fo r themselves, however, indicate that both old and young Indonesian-Dutch do not consider 265 themselves to be fully assimilated. These studies indicate that their assimilation is not complete. Many Indo-Dutch, old and young, s t ill consider themselves c u ltu ra lly different from the dominant (white Dutch) group. Furthermore, these studies deny that Indo-Dutch assimilation has taken place without obstacles. Many Indo-Dutch indicate that they always have experienced discrimination. The fact that some 50,000 Indo-Dutch decided to leave the Netherlands and immigrate a second time, th is time to the United States, is an indication that the assimilation process in the Netherlands did not proceed as smoothly as portrayed by many scholars. To understand the process of Indonesian-Dutch assimilation and the development of Indo-Dutch ethnic identity. Chapter II provided an overview of some American studies on the m ultiracial and interracial dynamics in pluralistic societies. In search of a definition of ethnicity/ethnic identity, a subjective and an objective dimension are distinguished. The objective dimension refers to the mere fact that one is born into an ethnic group. I prefer to allude to this phenonmenon as a person's ethnicity. The subjective dimension however, refers to a person’ s sense of belonging to an ethnic group, which I designate as ethnic id e n tity. In Chapter I I , I described how some scholars discuss power relationships in a pluralistic society, resulting in a hierarchy based on race/ethnicity and class. The dominant group in a society (the Anglo-

Americans in the United States, the white Dutch in the Netherlands, and native Indonesians in Indonesia) determines the valid rules and standards, according to these authors. Other ethnic groups’ social and economic positions are determined by the closeness to the dominant group, in terms of characteristics determined by th e ir race, ethnicity and class. 266

Furthermore, in Chapter I I some attention was given to measuring ethnic identity as it relates to assimilation. While illustrating degrees of ethnic id e n tity with studies of the Indonesian-Dutch ethnic id e n tity , I concluded that most models offered in the lite ra tu re are too rig id to be able to re fle c t the complexities of the concept of ethnic id e n tity . The Indonesian-Dutch people appear highly assimilated in certain areas, for instance in the job market and in partner choice, and consequently should have low feelings of separateness (ethnic identity) in these areas. Prior research indicates however, that even in the job market and with white Dutch partners, both old and young Indo-Dutch feel d iffe re n t. Because Indonesian-Dutch are a biracial group, and because the lite ra tu re on the Indonesian-Dutch often refers to th is b ira c ia lity as problematic. Chapter II also dealt with the "Marginal Man" concept. Stonequist (who is amongst the firs t scholars to introduce the concept) discusses three possible reactions to biculturality/biraciality: the assimilationist, nationalist, and internationalist adaptation. While later interpretations of the concept only refer to the assimilationist reaction,

Stonequist refutes this reaction is prevailing, by emphasizing that it is one chosen by frustrated personalities only. Stonequist expresses deep appreciation for the nationalist and internationalist "marginal" personalities, for their contribution to intercultural understanding and ju stice .

Finally, Chapter II dealt with educational provisions for the promotion of m ulticultural ism and with attitudes toward the dominant group and school (dominated by the dominant group) as generated in m inority homes. American literature on minority status and schooling may contribute 267 to the largely unresearched area of Indonesian-Dutch educational experiences. An histo rical sketch is provided of the background of multicultural education. Based on several historical studies, I claim that globally, m ulticultural education evolved from the mere presence of peoples oppressed by colonialism, as well as from overt c iv il rights movements.

This study includes Indonesian-Dutch articulations of appropriate educational provisions. An overview of d iffe re n t definitions of m ulticultural education has shown how educators’ societal views determine their articulation of the goals, content and methods of multicultural education. I have stated my adherence to critica l multicultural education. In the fin a l section of Chapter II the focus on school is shifted to the homes of minority students. Obgu’s cultural models of adaptation to minority status illustrate how different groups of minority students react differently to education, due to a cultural framework they are taught at home. The Indonesian-Dutch case illu s tra te s that th is model may be problematic in analyzing the experiences of a ll m inority groups. I t appears too rig id , and to apply to the major American m inority groups only.

The Research Questions

The five research questions asked in this study are (I) How do f ir s t - and second-generation Indonesian-Dutch respondents, in the Netherlands, Indonesia, and the United States, describe their educational experiences at home and in school? (2) How do the respondents describe their ethnic identity? (3) What is their perception of the influence of 268 minority education on the development of ethnic identity? (4) What are the s im ila ritie s and differences within th is group of respondents, across the two generations and the three countries of residence? (5) What does this case reveal for educational policy in multicultural studies? In th is study, first-generation Indonesian-Dutch are those members of the Indonesian-Dutch community who were born during colonialism and attended (at least partly) colonial schools in the Dutch East-Indies.

Their ages ranges from roughly 50 to 70 years. The second-generation

Indonesian-Dutch are the children of the first-generation, born a fte r decolonization and attending school in (independent) Indonesia, the Netherlands and the United States. The educational experiences addressed in the f ir s t and major research question, refer to learning experiences as influenced by cultural background and cultural context. In addition, I considered i t of importance to study th e ir learning experiences both in school and at home.

In th is study, Indonesian-Dutch ethnic identity is considered

"...th e more or less obvious feeling of being d iffe re n t from Indonesians and yet being d iffe re n t from the autochthonous Dutch, without being able to indicate the origin and nature of the distinction more precisely than referring to the presence and actions of Dutch (Europeans) in the

Indonesian archipelago, roughly between 1600 and 1950" (Cleintuar, 1990, p.54). Using Horowitz (1975), in th is study Indo-Dutch ethnic id e n tity is a continuum between "low" ethnic id e n tity, that is i f one considers oneself part of the Indo-Dutch community only because of b irth , and "high"

Indo-Dutch ethnic identity, that is if one strongly and voluntarily a ffilia te s with the Indo-Dutch community. High Indo-Dutch ethnic id e n tity 269 is also reflected in awareness of cultural alienation due to imposition of the white Dutch culture and language (Cleintuar, 1990). The assumptions underlying these questions were that (1) Indo-Dutch respondents have experienced education as monocuTtural, ethnocentric, and thus as discriminatory, (2) Indo-Dutch have a high degree of ethnic iden tity, and (3), because (1) and (2), Indo-Dutch c ritic iz e th e ir education. Further underlying assumptions were (4) that colonial education (experienced by the first-generation) was more alienating than postcolonial education (experienced by the second-generation), but that

(5) the first-generation Indo-Dutch respondents have a more colonized mind-set compared with the second-generation Indo-Dutch respondents, resulting in (6) similar appreciation of received education.

The Methods Chapter III has provided an overview of three different epistemological positions: positivism, postkuhnianism, and post­ colonialism. This study is presented as being conducted within a postcolonial framework; I interpret the social world from a postmodern and c ritic a l point of view. Especially in discussions surrounding multicultural issues, it is my conviction that postmodernism alleviates shortcomings in c ritic a l theory, and visa versa.

Because my epistomology is postpositivist, the methods used in this study are qualitative research methods. Data are collected predominantly through interviewing and participant observation. Chapter I I I has discussed how interview findings are socially constructed through the interaction between researcher and respondent, and some examples have been 270 given of the shaping of the interview during the interaction between me as a researcher and the Indo-Dutch respondents. Furthermore, d iffe re n t forms of interviewing have been discussed, in order to situate the interview technique used in this study. The interview model used was semi-open

(conversational with predetermined topics) and retrospective. A ll the interviews were audio-taped and transcribed.

Participant observation took place during the interviews and during separate sessions. Chapter I I I has discussed how these two methods of interviewing and observing may blur together: interviewing always requires participant observation and in some cases participant observation requires interviewing. It has been argued in Chapter III that my insider position as a researcher may have contributed to the naturalness of the observed situation. In order to be least intrusive, the fieldnotes of interesting occurrences during these participant observation sessions were made after

I le ft the scene.

Four c rite ria fo r v a lid ity in qualitative research have been addressed in Chapter III: triangulation, construct validity, face validity, and catalytic validity. Chapter III described this study's effort to address all four criteria to a certain extent.

An overview was given of th is study’ s analysis of the comprehensive, systematic and in-depth data, collected during and after data collection.

Interview transcripts and fieldnotes provided the basis for the construction of lif e histories, given in Chapter IV and Appendix E. In addition, the interview transcripts and fieldnotes were coded based on a lis t of codes that emerged from the research questions, the interview topics, and topics that surfaced spontaneously (the "un-asked" questions). 271

Then, interview transcripts and fieldnotes were sorted. After reading through the several bundles of citations and fieldnotes, I began to write up my findings in Chapters V, VI and V II.

The Findings

In respondents’ educational experiences acquired in school, a distinction should be made between the firs t- and second-generation, for they attended schools in a different period of time. It may be concluded that according the first-generation respondents, the overall content of education in the Dutch East-Indies reflected the white Dutch colonial concept of good education. The educational context, however, reflected the pluralistic character of this colonial society through, for example, good

interracial relationships with teachers and peers.

I argued that the colonial education experienced by th is study’ s respondents was not as harsh as the colonial education portrayed in most of the literature. Content may have alienated the students to a certain extent, but the educational context provided an atmosphere in which pluralism was, at the very least, acknowledged and tolerated.

Referring back to Bennett’ s (1986) categories of school responses to

a multicultural student body, one might argue that colonial education as

experienced by the first-generation respondents of th is study, was o f a "business-as-usual" type response as fa r as content was concerned. The

formal curriculum developed fo r schools in the Netherlands was implemented in an unaltered form in the Dutch schools in the Dutch East-Indies. The

students of different racial groups were expected to adjust to this

curriculum. 272

Conversely, in analyzing the context of education, the respondents seem to indicate that the broad curriculum of colonial schools acknowledged the presence of students of color (be they Indo-Dutch, native

Indonesian, or Chinese). Of course, in a colonial society, pluralism can only be acknowledged, tolerated, and valued as fa r as the colonial ideology (characterized by legitimization of some form of oppression based on a racial superiority theory of the colonizer) permits.

In general, the second-generation respondents have experiences that are similar to the first-generation in that their educational content reflected the dominant group's definition of valuable knowledge. In addition, being a minority, numerically and in terms of power relationships, the second-generation’s educational context was very monocultural. I t can be argued that the Dutch and Indonesian second- generation respondents went to schools with a "business-as-usual" response to th e ir presence. The American respondents indicate that they received remedial teaching due to th e ir foreign mother tongue, and thus th e ir schools used an assim ilationist approach.

The basis of the respondents’ home culture came into existence in a period p rio r to the present situation in which Indo-Dutch constitute a m inority. According to Ogbu (1991), m inorities in such a situation develop cultural adaptation models that are non-oppositional. In the case of the

Indo-Dutch, Ogbu’ s assertion proves only partly correct.

The culture transmitted in Indo-Dutch homes is oppositional to the dominant culture in that the dominant culture determines which values of the Indo-Dutch culture w ill be emphasized. The Indo-Dutch culture is comprised of both Western and Oriental culture tra its. In order to survive 273 as a hybrid culture, in Western societies the Oriental traits are emphasized, and visa versa. The culture transmitted in Indo-Dutch homes is non-oppositional in the sense that it leaves room for learning the dominant culture as an additive to the already existing cultural repertoire. Indo-Dutch respondents indicate that the Indo-Dutch home culture is changing, due to a change in time and place, and due to the pressure to assimilate. In the American and Indonesian cases, the language spoken in

Indo-Dutch homes has changed from Dutch to the dominant language. Yet, in a ll cases some knowledge of the languages spoken by the f ir s t generation (Dutch and Indonesian) is retained in the upbringing of the second generation. In the homes, Indo-Dutch culture is not transmitted in an e x p lic it way. Second-generation respondents indicate that they learn the culture in a natural way, as an apprentice does. In their upbringing, most second-generation respondents are not fam iliarized with th e ir fam ily's/ group’s history through story-telling.

Except fo r one respondent (an American, second-generation respondent who only acknowledges her Indo-Dutch e th n icity), a ll respondents indicate having some feeling of pride in th e ir Indonesian-Dutch heritage. The degree of pride varies across respondents, reflecting a continuum from a low to a high degree of pride.

Pride in Indo-Dutch heritage is articulated in three d iffe re n t ways: pride in native Indonesian ancestors and culture, pride in white Dutch ancestors and culture, and pride in the combined Indonesian and Dutch ancestors and culture. Some of the older respondents feel that pride in

Indo-Dutch culture consists of pride in the native Indonesian culture of 274 th e ir ancestors. Some other older respondents and some American and Indonesian second-generation respondents stress pride in th e ir white Dutch ancestors. For the older generation this choice can be explained by referring to a colonial mindset and quest fo r recognition as Dutch citizens. The younger generation, however, expresses such a pride because of lack of knowledge (in the American situation) or opposition to the dominant group (in the Indonesian situation).

S t ill, most of the respondents indicate a pride in the combination of both white Dutch and native Indonesian ancestors and culture. This pride is not an unconditional pride however; the respondents also refer to shortcomings of Indo-Dutch culture. The Indo-Dutch respondents indicate that th e ir ethnic ide n tity has taken shape through interacting in two cultures, th e ir Indo-Dutch home culture and the dominant culture. They believe that living with two cultures, their cultural repertoire is extended beyond that of the dominant group. Living with the complex play of e th n icity, the Indo-Dutch criticize and refute the dominant way of binary thinking (hooks, 1993).

The ethnic id e n tity development of the Indo-Dutch respondents is influenced by experiences in school, integration in the society, and time.

Starting school in itia te d the respondents’ ethnic id e n tity development; confronted with the dominant culture, respondents became aware of being d iffe re n t. School reflects the broader society in its acceptance of cultural differences. Discrimination and pressure to assimilate, both in school and in the broader society, forced some respondents to take a stand on their ethnic identity. Because of the different period in which the f ir s t and the second generation Indo-Dutch developed th e ir ethnic 275 id e n tity, i t appears that, measured by knowledge of and a ffilia tio n with Indo-Dutch culture and history, the first-generation respondents have a stronger sense of being Indo-Dutch. Lastly, many respondents indicate that growing older and looking back at one’ s lif e has been of influence on their ethnic identity development.

While discussing ethnic id e n tity, two important issues were brought up by the respondents, characterized by two questions: (I) Will the Indo-

Dutch community continue to exist? and (2) Did we make the rig h t decision to stay in ../immigrate to ..? Especially the older generation is troubled by the possible prospect of disappearance of the Indo-Dutch culture without leaving a trace (in terms of documentation, for example) of their existence. Some second-generation respondents u tte r the same preoccupation, but realize that culture is dynamic and thus necessarily changing. Their pride in th e ir Indo-Dutch heritage w ill ensure that some of the Indo-Dutch culture w ill continue to e xist, a lb e it in a changed form.

The question of the right decision is a question asked by some

American and Indonesian first-generation respondents, and by two

Indonesian second-generation respondents. Weighing the advantages and disadvantages of lif e in a ll three major countries of Indo-Dutch

residence, some respondents speculate what th e ir lif e would have been lik e in one of the other countries.

Conclusions and Implications

I t may be concluded that my assumptions as described on page 271 were only partly correct. On basis of the respondents’ accounts, I 276 conclude that, overall, the formal curriculum that was offered to the

Indo-Dutch respondents was monocultural, ethnocentric, and prejudiced, labelled by Bennett (1986) as the "business-as-usual" and the

"assimilationist" types of school response to the presence of students of color. In contrast to the second-generation experience, the curriculum context as described by the first-generation, however, appears to have occasionally been more of the "pluralistic coexistence" type (Bennett, 1986).

It is interesting to note that in the experience of the Indo-Dutch, progress in time does not necessarily mean progress towards a more humane and equitable educational practice. Formal education for the first- generation Indo-Dutch respondents consisted of colonial education with a ll its mischievous flaws. Yet, the educational context — the school atmosphere reflecting a p lu ra lis tic society with Indo-Dutch and native

Indonesians as a numerical majority — provided the first-generation with

(informal) opportunities for multicultural learning that were not available to the second-generation respondents, liv in g in independent (developing) multicultural societies. Thus, from the Indo-Dutch case one can learn that in some cases colonial education may have produced (unintended) positive outcomes by providing a m ulticultural learning environment, based merely on the presence of students from different ethnic and racial groups. The Indo-

Dutch case illu s tra te s the shortcomings of classical lib e ra l education, the dominant educational model in most modern societies, in terms of ethnic identity development. It affirms the finding of prior research that 277

classical lib e ra l education builds on the experience of the dominant

culture only. Anticipating the conclusions on the Indo-Dutch respondents’ ethnic

id e n tity, i t must be concluded that even though the respondents’ descriptions indicated that their formal education was monocultural,

ethnocentric and prejudiced, the majority of respondents do not take a

c ritic a l stance towards i t . Their acceptance of the curriculum as such might indicate that they could not conceive of any possible alternatives and/or did not perceive it as threatening to their identity. The following conclusion on culture at home explains why the curriculum reflecting the dominant culture is not perceived as threatening.

In Indo-Dutch homes, knowledge of the dominant culture was encouraged but only as an additive to the home culture; Indo-Dutch culture was presented as superior. The respondents indicate that Indo-Dutch culture was communicated by modelling and by contrasting i t to the dominant culture. Overall, second-generation respondents in the

Netherlands, the United States and Indonesia, refer to the same values transmitted in th e ir homes, one of those values being encouragement of good education.

Even though the Indonesian-Dutch constitute a group whose presence

(especially in the Netherlands and in Indonesia, to a lesser extent in the

United States) is due to colonialism, in terms of educational attitudes they show the characteristics of what Ogbu (1991) labels the (voluntary) immigrant minority cultural model fo r adaptation to minority status.

Despite a history of subjugation, the Indo-Dutch continue to maintain 278

(1) a fo lk theory of getting ahead (Van Araersfoort, 1974), especially through education, (2) a non-oppositional sense of collective identity and cultural frame of reference for judging appropriate behavior, and (3) trust in the goodwill of dominant group and the institutions they control

(Ogbu, 1991).

In the re la tive ly succesful Indo-Dutch minority community, as represented by the respondents, there appears to be no clear demand for m ulticultural education. The Indo-Dutch respondents claimed not to have experienced monocultural education as an obstacle to success in th e ir re la tiv e ly new environments. But, as Gibson (1991) asserts, the accommodating attitude of many immigrant minority groups does l i t t l e to modify basic inequalities. I agree with Gibson that, instead of looking fo r in d iv id u a lis tic solutions, i t would be advantageous fo r the Indo-Dutch to join other minorities in their demands for a change away from cultural alienation both in schools and the broader society. This appears especially true since many Indo-Dutch respondents articulated a preoccupation with continuation of the Indo-Dutch heritage.

For the multicultural education discussion, this study of the Indo-

Dutch experience has the following implications. It is my conviction that the critical pedagogy approach to multicultural education is most appropriate fo r improving educational experiences of Indo-Dutch students.

In th e ir pedagogy, progressive teachers need to encourage Indo-Dutch students to draw from the experiences in the Indo-Dutch community. In the classroom there should be an atmosphere legitim izing m ultiple traditions of knowledge, eliminating an incorrect notion of the superiority of whiteness and Western ra tio n a lity , and encouraging students to question 279 perceptions of the dominant group in addition to stimulating their

awareness of an existing hierarchy of knowledge (Estrada & McLaren, 1993). Through c ritic a l pedagogy, Indo-Dutch students w ill become conscious of their own heritage forthcoming from a history of inequity. They w ill learn to act positivily on the basis of that knowledge, realizing that they have opportunities to make changes. They w ill discover that meaningful knowledge is created by connecting new knowledge with th e ir own world of experience and that they have a significant role in the creation of knowledge.

This study of the Indonesian-Dutch experience confirms that ethnic

identity is a highly complex matter. As the Indonesian-Dutch case reveals, the "play" of ethnicity (Peshkin, I99I) involves different configurations, is dynamic, and possibly consists of contradictions. The description of

Indo-Dutch ethnicity corroborates what postmodern scholars (Lather, e.g.) claim: the positivist notion of a unified subject is nonexisting.

Unlike my assumptions, the ethnic id e n tity of the Indo-Dutch

respondents is not ubiquitously high. I t varies in degree (from some pride to a high degree of pride) across respondents, across situations, and

depending on what aspect of culture is discussed. S t ill, nearly h a lf of the respondents (both f ir s t - and second-generation) indicate an awareness

of cultural alienation, which Cleintuar (1990) proposes as an indication

of a high degree of ethnic id e n tity. I t has been mentioned e a rlie r,

however, that this acknowledged alienation is not perceived as threatening

to the formulation of ethnic identity.

This overall relatively high degree of ethnic identity explains why

both f ir s t - and second-generation respondents indicated a wish to preserve 280 the Indo-Dutch heritage. While the older generation said they regret th e ir shortcomings (in terms of cultural transmission) in the upbringing of th e ir children, the second-generation in the Netherlands are going through ethnic revival on their own strengths, during their adulthood. The Indo-Dutch respondents, especially the second-generation respondents, confirm Glazer and Moynihan’ s (1963) notion of dynamic cultures by mentioning the changes in Indo-Dutch culture they experience due to changing environments. Going to school and coming of age in a context where another culture is dominant, the Indo-Dutch respondents indicate having adapted their home culture in a natural way. It may be concluded that, in stressing their extended behavioral repertoire, the Indo-Dutch respondents characterize themselves as

"internationalists" (Stonequist, 1937). They stress their capability to create bridges between groups in a minority position (not only Indo-Dutch) and dominant groups, as well as th e ir satisfaction in participating m ulticultural interactions. Not one of the respondents indicated signs of assim ilationist behavior, behavior mostly ascribed to Indo-Dutch in the literature, referring to their "Marginal" status.

Some of the Indonesian-Dutch respondents have indicated that posessing a m ulticultural behavior repertoire is not unique fo r Indo-Dutch only. Speculating that other groups with minority status have similar experiences to the Indonesian-Dutch, an important implication of th is finding is that in multicultural education practice the students of color are, and thus should be used as, the exemplars fo r teachers and students of the dominant group for learning multicultural behavior. The capability of many students of color to "bridge" cultural differences due to their 281 b ira c ia lity and/or b ic u ltu ra lity should be used as a resource for multicultural education. Both teachers and curriculum developers should learn and draw from their interaction strategies. Growing up in different multicultural societies, the second- generation respondents experienced d iffe re n t (dominant) attitudes towards them as m inority group members. Consequently, they developed d ifferent cultural models to adapt to their minority status. The Indo-Dutch integration in the Dutch, Indonesian, and American schools are a reflection of their integration in society, as well as society’s integration practices. Drawing from the American Indo experiences, one might speculate that a society, like the American, that (only) tolerates cultural differences promotes assimilation. As Peshkin (I99I) argues, minority provisions in school and society that lack encouragement of ethnic maintenance and that reward those who assimilate most w ill lead to accelerated change in minority cultures, as well as loss of learning opportunities. In contrast, from the Indonesian Indo experiences one may extrapolate that exclusion of a m inority group leads to oppositional cultural maintenance. Lastly, a semi-open society with characteristics of both previously mentioned societies, like the Dutch society, appears to allow groups with minority status gradual integration.

A last implication concerns the transferability of the above findings. The educational experiences and ethnic identity development of every group with minority status is unique, and yet there are commonalities in th e ir experiences, as indicated in Sleeter’ s (1993) review of minority discourse. Minority groups, especially those in 282 comparable situations as the Indonesian-Dutch (other "successful" Asian- American groups, fo r example), might recognize the experiences described in this study. The recognition might lead to a change in perception: growing awareness of their right to see their culture reflected in schools and society. For educators, this study might be used as an exemplar for

(seemingly succesful) minority students' experiences, in their individual and group deliberations on developing multicultural education. Educators and parents may use the findings of this study as a vehicle for reflection on ethnic maintenance and school practices.

Further Research

While conducting th is dissertation research I generated several ideas fo r future research. The most important ideas are the following.

Confronted with the reactions of Indonesian respondents to th e ir formal education, I developed a curiosity about the Indonesian educational system, its theory and practice. Too l i t t l e research has been conducted on non-Western multicultural societies and their educational provisions.

Indonesia’s case is especially interesting since "unity in diversity" is one o f the p illa rs of the Indonesian constitution. Yet people of Chinese and Dutch descent are not acknowledged as part of that diversity. I would like to study further the experiences different groups have had with colonial education. An h is to ric a l, comparative study of the educational experiences of for instance Indian, Algerian, African and Native American peoples appears extremely interesting. 283

Another interesting research topic that evolved from this dissertation research, is the study of formal and informal educational experiences of other small and re la tiv e ly successful minority communities, as d iffe re n t Asian groups present in American society. I t would be

interesting to compare and contrast th e ir experiences with the Indonesian-

Dutch experiences, as well as with the experiences of the more traditional minority groups, as African Americans, Hispanic Americans and Native Americans.

Lastly, an interesting study would be one that looks at the

educational experiences of another minority group present in diffe re n t multicultural societies, as for instance the Asian Indians, Turks, and

Vietnamese refugees. With m ulticultural ism becoming more and more

acknowledged in societies all around the world, it is important to

constantly compare the situation in North America with that in the

Caribbean, South America, Europe, Asia, Africa, the Pacific, etc. I find myself constantly inclined to compare the situation in North America with

the one across the A tlantic because of my particular background.

Concluding Statement

This study has attempted to contribute to the scarcely existing scholarly knowledge about the Indonesian-Dutch people, as well as to the

growing knowledge on m ulticultural education. Much more ethnographic research needs to be done with the Indonesian-Dutch. With a growing number

of social scientists in the Indonesian-Dutch community and an increasing

interest in the Indonesian-Dutch heritage among the postcolonial

generations, the optimal circumstances for initiating further ethnographic 284 research of the abundance of Indonesian-Dutch experiences appear to be there. This group, as one of the rich ethnic communities of the world, should be assured of continuation. Yet, with the possibility of a disappearing Indonesian-Dutch community, at least th e ir existence should continue In written documents. The debate surrounding m ulticultural education Is an ongoing process. Hopefully, this study has contributed to this discussion by outlining the different perspectives and Illustrating what multicultural education can offer one particular group. APPENDIX A QUESTION TOPICS

285 286

QUESTION TOPICS

1. Please give a brief overview of vour life and cover the following points: - Where and when are you born - What is the ethnic background of your parents; are they both mixed European and Indonesian - How many older and younger siblings do you have - What formal education do you have and where did you go to school 2. Can you describe specific Indo-Dutch elements in vour upbringing (bv your parents)? 3. Did the curriculum of the schools you visited leave room for or give attention to the specific (immigration) experiences of your family or the Indo-Dutch in general? Do you or did you consider this a lack in the curriculum? 4. Do you transmit Indo-Dutch values to vour children? I f so, please describe them. 5. How do you describe vourself when asked fo r your ethnic background (not nationality)? Please elaborate. 6. Do people often ask about your ethnic background? What kind of people are most interested in your background? And what are th e ir reactions? 7. Have you experienced changes in your own ethnic identity? For example, was being mixed Indonesian-Dutch of more or lesser importance to you at certain phases in your life ? I f so, what created the change(s)?

8. What are according to you the characteristics of Indonesian-Dutch culture and how do you feel about them?

9. Are you in contact with other Indonesian-Dutch people, be i t family or friends?

10. What are your impressions on the survival of Indo-Dutch culture and the Indo-Dutch people as a separate ethnic group? (Topic introduced by some of the respondents and la te r presented to others) 11. Have you ever "returned" to the Netherlands and/or Indonesia? Could you please elaborate on your feelings to v is it either of these countries? APPENDIX B

INSTRUCTIONS

287 288

INSTRUCTIONS

Instructions to respondents

The purpose of my dissertation research is to systematically investigate the experiences of firs t and second generation Indonesian- Dutch in the Netherlands, the United States, and Indonesia, as related to learning and experiencing their culture at home and in school. In each of the three countries I will be in contact with three families. I w ill talk separately to I. the parent(s) and 2. daughter or son about their experiences in an informal conversational interview (using predetermined topics). With your approval the interview w ill be tape- recorded. Each interview w ill last about two hours. Furtheron, again with your permission, I will attend a family gathering in which the two generations are present and during which I w ill observe family interaction. Most likely this w ill take place during an afternoon, or an evening. I w ill make fieldnotes of this gathering after I have le ft. If it is impossible for me to meet key-informants I will try to correspond with them. The major benefit of participating in this study lies in its contribution to ( s t i ll scarce) knowledge about the Indonesian-Dutch ethnic group. Furtheron it may increase understanding of one’s cultural a ffilia tio n s and the Indonesian-Dutch cultural heritage. In some cases i t may lead to increased ethnic pride. As a researcher I believe in the value of a relationship based on equality with my respondents. I hope our meetings w ill be characterized more by friendship than by form ality. I encourage you to ask questions as much as possible. I am very w illing to talk about my own experiences as an Indonesian-Dutch person. Before I w rite my dissertation, I w ill inform you about my major findings and ask your reaction to them. In this way possible misunderstanding on my part of information you have provided can be corrected. I secure you anonimity fo r a ll the information I gather while interviewing and observing you and your family. I w ill ask you to choose an alias for yourself. You may always request confidentiality for certain parts of information you do not want me to write in my report. Finally, the Ohio State University requires of me to have all my respondents sign a consent form. This is a formal requirement which w ill protect you and the Ohio State University. APPENDIX C

CONSENT FORM

289 290

CONSENT FOR PARTICIPATION IN SOCIAL AND BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH

I consent to parti eating in research entitled

"Indisch" at Home and in School; A Comparative Study of the Ethnic Identity of Two Generations of Indonesian-Dutch in three Settings: Indonesia, the Netherlands, and the United States

Dr. Robert Lawson’ s authorized representative Carol Annink-Lehman has explained the purpose of the study, the procedures to be followed, and the expected duration of my participation. Possible benefits of the study have been described as have alternative procedures. I acknowledge that I have had the opportunity to obtain additional information regarding the study and that any questions I have raised have been answered to my fu ll satisfaction. Further, I understand that I am free to withdraw consent at any time and to discontinue participation in the study without prejudice to me. F inally, I acknowledge that I have read and fu lly understand the consent form. I sign it freely and voluntarily. A copy has been given to me.

Date:______Signed:______(participant) Witness:

Signed: Carol Annink-Lehman: Dr. Robert Lawson’ s authorized representative Signed: ______Dr. Robert Lawson, Educational. Policy and Leadership, Professor and Chair APPENDIX D

MEMBER CHECK

291 292

MEMBER CHECK

Home Address: 2884 Neil Ave, Apt 532-A Columbus, OH 43202, USA Phone: 614-268-5705 July 26, 1993

Dearest respondents:

I am sending you a copy of your Life History, w ritten by me, based on your interview. I would very much appreciate it if you could read through it critically and, using the return form, inform me if you want certain parts modified or deleted. There might be parts that you want changed because I misunderstood what you told me in the interview. There might also be parts you want removed, because you consider them to be too personal for publication. I f th is is the case, please indicate clearly on the return form what parts you want changed (and in what way) or deleted.

I request that you send me back the return form (with possible changes) before Friday. April 30th 1993. so I can make the appropriate changes. The fin a l draft of my dissertation needs to be ready Friday, June 18th 1993. I have enclosed a return envelop. Unfortunately, i t is impossible to include postage, fo r the Netherlands and Indonesia.

In addition, I want to use th is occasion fo r informing you of the pseudonym I have chosen fo r your (possibly with your help). Your pseudonym, as used in my dissertation is :

I am re a lly pleased with the outcomes of the interviews. The stories, each of you have told me during the interviews, are unique and extremely interesting. I am very honored to be the one who may offer them to a broader audience.

Finally, I want to thank you very much for your cooperation in this study and I w ill keep you informed about developments. Sincerely,

Carol F. Annink. 293

-RETURN FORM-

MY OPINION ON CAROL'S ACCOUNT OF MY LIFE HISTORY

(Please check}

0 I agree with the way you have reported my life history. It is not necessary to make any changes. (Please, don’ t forget to sign)

0 I do not agree with the way you have reported my life history. Please make the following changes: (In case you want to change more than one part, please number each change. In case you need more space, feel free to use the backside and/or additional paper.)

Page(s): __

Starting word of part(s) to be changed: Final word of part(s) to be changed: Change(s):

(Real) Name respondent: Signature respondent: Place and Date: APPENDIX E

LIFE HISTORIES

294 295

LIFE HISTORIES Overview respondents

American respondents: Karl Huebner (father) Francine Huebner (daughter)

Ria Koers (mother) Skryler Koers-Phillips* (daughter) Eleanore De Ridder (mother) Doris De Ridder-Sanchez (daughter)

Maudy Moltzer* Gary Janszen (unrelated)

Dutch respondents: Jannie Bos *(mother) Lilian Bos (daughter) Johannus Delanooy (father) Liene Delanooy* (daughter) El vire Swiers (mother) Eddy Swiers (son)

Richard Cortenbach

Indones1 an respondents :

Yvette Freudenberg (mother) - Gabi Freudenberg-Karnadi

Wim Hernie *(father) - Janet Hernie-Scholz

Sophie Hehuat (mother) - Alexandra Hehuat-Taribuka - Vincent Pardede*

* Life histories given in Chapter IV 296

I. American Respondents

KARL HUEBNER

I was given the Huebners’ name and phone number by my key informant, an Indonesian-Dutch elderly woman, liv in g in the city of my residence. Full anticipation, I made my firs t phone call in which I talked fo r no less than 30 minutes with Mrs. Huebner. I t turned out to be a fun phone encounter. I visited the Huebners several times, during the firs t half year of my data collection. The firs t time was planned to be a mere introduction, but developed into a rich participant observation opportunity. I t was Karl who suggested I should bring an audio-tape recorder with my next vis it. Karl's contribution to this study is unique in its introduction of the Question of the Right Choice, as I call i t , reflections on his decision to immigrate to the United States. Also, his reflections on what constitutes a happy life . These topics returned in every conversation and were always in itia te d by him. The interviews were conducted in the Huebners’ liv in g room, while using the Dutch language.

I was born in Surabaya, Indonesia. Both my parents were born in Indonesia. My grand-father on father’ s side was a German who fled to the Netherlands, to prevent being drafted for military service after graduating college. Everybody was forced to go into the army of Emperor William. He and his friends fled to Holland, became Dutch, signed up for the Dutch East-Indian army and went to Indonesia. So, eventually he did joing the army, but it was voluntary and thus different he said. My grand­ mother on father’ s side was born in Indonesia but from Dutch parents. We think she had Dutch, French and Spanish ancestors. She used to speak French. My mother’ s father was a Dutchmen, born in Holland, and her mother was Indo-Dutch. My maternal great-grandmother was Indonesian. 297

My father taught me to respect every individual, and thus to respect every Indonesian. He treated his employees re a lly good and defended them In every possible way when necessary. He got really upset with us kids when we were catapulting the drum of the mosque, or when we would call Indonesians names, lik e "Pentol-Ketjap." Many Indo-Dutch, those days, thought Indonesians were In fe rio r people. But that was unfounded and ridiculous. I went to a Dutch elementary school In Lawang, the Dutch East- Indles, then to a Dutch secondary school In Surabaya, the Dutch East- Indies, and when a fter the war secondary technical schools were founded In the Dutch East-Indles, I switched to one. The f ir s t two years we did a lo t of fieldwork. The last two years were focussed on theory. After graduation, I worked as supervisor In the construction of both homes and bridges and roads, etc. When I arrived In Holland my new boss wanted me to go back to school to get Dutch diploma’ s. While talking to the director of the secondary technical school, we found out that I had already taken a ll the courses In Indonesia. So, I t was useless to do I t a ll over again. During the Japanese occupation, the Japanese put me In a Prlsoners- of-War camp twice, and during the revolutionary war, I was put In a camp again, for a year. My brothers were In a different camp. I was too young to go to the adult men’ s camp they were In. I was put In a labor camp for teenage boys. F irst they released me, but then I was put back In again. The second time, I almost died. They brought me to the hospital just In time. I couldn’t walk anymore, couldn’t eat. A fter the war ended and Indonesia became Independent, there were a lo t of Indo-Dutch who wanted to stay there. We In itia lly stayed but never changed citizenship. It was possible for us to stay there, because the Indonesians needed us. There weren’ t any problems with the regular Indonesian people. The foreman who worked fo r me, for Instance, considered me to be one of his sons. And when we le f t fo r Holland, one of his sons actually cried. He asked me why I le ft: "Don’t you love this country", he asked. I had to be careful not to hurt their feelings, of course, so I said: "Sure I love this country but I want to continue my education and here i t Is Impossible, because the Indonesian language (the new language of instruction) Is too complicated for me". But that was only a lame 298 excuse, I did not want to hurt their feelings. We did not feel safe any longer. For us, the situation in Indonesia got worse over time. And I said to my wife: "To be put in a concentration camp once in your life is enough". This was at the time they prepared for their firs t elections. And the different political parties fought against each other. They also had problems with the Moluccan ethnic group that demanded th e ir own state and was very rebellious against the new Indonesian government. One time I was in the movie-theater with friends and we heard shooting outside. It was an incident between Moluccans and the Indonesian m ilita ry . When we were guided out of the theater, there was a mob of people looking fo r Moluccans amongst the v is ito rs . The Dutch were okay, they made room fo r us to get out. But people who had Moluccan looks needed to be protected by the police from the angry mob. We were scared! Fortunately our motor-cycles were s t i l l outside, without being damaged. When we were home, at night, we s t i l l heard shooting going on. We decided never to go to that cinema again. At that time it was s till safe for us, but we didn’t know for how long i t would remain that way. We had the feeling that Soekarno turned against the Dutch. All the Dutch le ft, both our parents, my sister and her family, one of my brothers and his family. In the end it was just us and my other brother who were s t i l l liv in g in Indonesia. The houses in our street were empty. I t became depressing. So, one night I said to my wife, maybe we should go too. We talked about i t and decided to leave. I wanted to make the arrangement immediately the following day, because i t would s t i l l take a year to get everything arranged before we could leave. Afterwards, I went to my brother to te ll him. He said we were crazy and emphasized that our future would be unknown in Holland. I told him that at least it would be safer, and told him to think of his children. Yet, he was determined to stay. A couple of months la te r he changed his mind. He decided to go to Holland anyway, and at f ir s t he wanted to take a plane to get out as soon as possible! But then we arranged to go together by boat. The preparations to leave took a year, because a ll Dutch were leaving and there were only lim ited places. Even the Indonesians themselves became uncomfortable with 299 a11 Dutch leaving. They did not know what was going to happen. Soekarno and his gang really ruined everything. I really hated to leave. My family had been in Indonesia for generations, which did not make it easy to leave. When I lived in Holland I fe lt really homesick, I think I was the only one in my family who fe lt this so deeply. It worried my mother. But gradually i t disappeared. In the beginning I missed everything of Indonesia. I missed going out on the motor-bike, the whole life -s ty le there was d iffe re n t than in Holland. I became depressed, which might be one of the reasons we decided to go to the United States. A lo t of people have asked me: "why did you migrate to the U.S?" I couldn’ t explain it to them. It might be different in Holland now, but at the time we were there, most people stayed in th e ir houses. They did not go out. I couldn’ t deal with that. I was used to go outside more. Now, a lo t of Dutch people take vacations abroad. Maybe I could have adjusted had I stayed. But a fte r 5 1/2 year we got the opportunity to go to the U.S, and we decided to take it. A lo t of people thought we were crazy. But everything turned out fine. My daughter said it was the best decision I have ever made. We le f t Indonesia by boat and arrived in Rotterdam from where we took a bus to Limburg, to our boarding house. Our boarding house was located between Maastricht and Valkensburg. We became good friends with the people who stayed there with us, maybe seven fam ilies, a ll Indo-Dutch. The atmosphere was great with a ll those Indo-Dutch people. We lived there for a year. In the meantime, I found work as a building supervisor fo r a semi­ government rental o ffice . After our oldest daughter was born, we were assigned a duplex consisting of one bedroom, kitchen, liv in g room, and basement. I t had a cute l i t t l e backyard with flower beds. When my wife got pregnant with our second daughter, the company assigned us a bigger house with three bedrooms. After living there for three and a half years, we considered immigration to the United States of America. We had to wait a year fo r a sponsor, because the f ir s t quota was fille d . But they assured me there would be a second opportunity, thanks to a new set quota, ju s t signed by President Eisenhower. Fortunately, we were the firs t on the lis t, because President Kennedy canceled further extra migration from Holland. After a while, we heard they found a sponsor for 300 us and thus that we could migrate. We only had two months to arrange our departure. I had to go the American consulate for a physical examination, fo r which you had to be 100% healthy. I was a heavy smoker, and was coughing. I immediately stopped, in it ia lly only u n til we were on the boat. But, because of a bet with my colleagues at work about whether I could quit smoking, I stopped permanently. I am glad now. Our daughters were one and four years old when we arrived in the States. At firs t, we talked Dutch at home. But, little by little we began to use English, because the g irls went to school and we spoke English at work. I t went automatically because we a ll were in an English speaking environment. By the time the g irls were in junior-high, we switched to English almost completely. Teachers adviced us not to speak Dutch anymore, since i t would confuse the children. This was also a reason why we switched. I did not want them to be in a disadvantaged situation in school because of the language. Later, I talked to a teacher who said i t was nonsense, that i t would have been better i f we continued to speak Dutch, so the g irls would have become bilin g u a l. But our kids were proud to be Dutch, to be d iffe re n t. The f ir s t day Patricia went to school, she did not speak one word of English. She had a very nice teacher who told the class that Patricia was from Holland. She talked about where Holland was, with the clogs, the tulips, the m ills and everything. And she told the other kids to be patient with her, since she s till spoke Dutch only. That was really nice of her. After a couple of weeks Patricia was able to hold long conversations in English: it went so fa st. When our kids were little , we often times showed them pictures of Indonesia and explained to them where we were from. I bought records to get them acquainted with tra d itio n a l Indonesian music, even though I didn’t really like the music myself. I remember how our eldest daughter used the Indonesian a rtifa c ts we had in our home and our stories for a show at school. That’ s when I knew they were interested in our heritage. Unlike other Indo-Dutch, I w ill always emphasize that I was born and raised in Indonesia. I always am saddened by m inorities denying th e ir ancestry. But to say I am proud to be Indo-Dutch is taking i t too fa r. I t doesn’ t re a lly matter to me whether I am Indo-Dutch, Dutch, or American. 301

I think every person is created equal, and I focus more on lif e as a whole. However, with most Indo-Dutch away from Indonesia, I wonder what the future of this group w ill be like? Of my two daughters, the oldest s till takes pride in her mixed Dutch and Indonesian heritage. She is an American citize n , but she trie s to keep her heritage alive by teaching her children. For instance, her children call us "opa" and "oma." My youngest daughter takes more pride in her American citizenship. I think similar situations as in our family can be found in the Netherlands too. I fear the Indo-Dutch group w ill disappear; I realize i t is inevitable. We cannot force our children to marry an Indo-Dutch person, or a person from any ethnic group, fo r that matter. I would love to go back to Indonesia and v is it, but we cannot really afford i t rig h t now. We hear a lo t of stories of Indo-Dutch people who go there and return disappointed. I realize it is just a matter of attitude; I wouldn’ t go "back," but would go there as a to u ris t. I am very interested in Indonesian culture, and love to read about the country and the culture. My wife was 25 years old when we le ft, and I was 29. We had a really good life in Indonesia, so how can we forget that? Yet, I have to admit, fo r now, I want to v is it Hawaii more so than Indonesia. 302

FRANCINE HUEBNER

Francine is K arl’ s youngest daughter and, in appearance, takes a lo t after her father, according to herself and her mother. During her childhood, Francine had blond hair, lik e her dad. But, in spite of her lig h t complexion, Indo features can be discovered and I think she looks more lik e her mother. Early in my contact with the Huebners, they told me that their daughters were interested in talking to me too, and invited me to th e ir homes. The Huebners gave me Francine’ s phone number and informed her that I would contact her fo r an interview, during my stay in California. Francine received me with warm hospitality, which I find characteristic fo r Indo-Dutch people. I was struck by her clear description of her ethnic identity that reflects a lot of pride in her heritage. The interview was conducted in Francine’ s living room, while our husbands were walking the dog. We spoke in English.

I was born in Maastricht, the Netherlands. We immigrated to the United States, when I was two and my older sister was four years old. So, I don’ t re a lly remember Holland at a ll. My parents le f t the Netherlands, because, I believe, they didn’t like it there. I have never really discussed in depth why we le ft. But from what they have talked, I don’ t believe they were happy there, I don’t think they were satisfied. They had left Indonesia not really wanting to, but feeling it was not really safe for them to be there. So, they went to the Netherlands, because that was were the family was. They didn’ t re ally lik e i t there, however, and decided they would come to America and try i t here. My parents are Indonesian-Dutch, which makes me Indonesian-Dutch. I feel my heritage is Indonesian-Dutch and I am proud of i t . I think my heritage is very unique. People are very interested in it and I am very proud of i t . But, I re a lly , tru ly feel lik e an American. I was really raised here, all my life . I took a lot of pride in becoming a citizen, after I got married. My father was a citizen before me and, at that time. 303

I could have become a citizen with him, because I was not 18 yet. But I didn’ t want to. My choice was to do I t a ll on i^y own. But, I am also proud of the heritage I can look back on, something I can te ll my children about. I f I ever have them. When I started school, I spoke broken English. When my sister started school, she spoke no English at a ll. In that respect, I think we were a little bit at a disadvantage, my sister a little bit more than I was. In the beginning. In the house, a ll we heard was Dutch. That made I t a little bit d ifficu lt. In addition, my parents were taught the Queen’s English, not the American English. But, your teachers are very understanding because they know, they are to ld . They were very helpful to us. I remember my kindergarten teacher, she was a wonderful older lady that took extra care with me. Most of my teachers, throughout the years at elementary school, I can remember with a lo t of fondness. They know you are born of foreign parents and therefore are at a disadvantage. But, as we got older I t was not a problem. Our parents worked with us. I remember my father worked with us with our numbers and with everything. In our curriculum we didn’t get any special attention as far as knowledge about our background. I don’ t remember any special classes or groups. Trishia perhaps got some as a kindergartner. When I was In high school, and we would have projects, they would have fa irs where you would write or do things. I did one on the Netherlands, my sister, or one of us, did one on Indonesia also. And with typing reports, we would pick our country. Our parents would help and give us Insights; you didn’t have to look Inside an encyclopedia. But that was not until we got a little bit older. Then we took every opportunity we could, because th is was something we knew. Most of the students thought It was real neat, because of the f ir s t hand experience. For the Indonesian presentations we used the dolls and the clothes, and for the Dutch ones we had our "boer en boerlnnetje" (little statues of a Dutch farmer and a Dutch farmer’s wife) and the wooden shoes. A lot of times when I brought friends to my house, they would look funny when my parents would speak Dutch In the household. Around my friends they would usually speak English, unless they forgot. Most of the time my friends loved It, they thought It was really neat. People didn’t 304

know that I was a foreigner unless they went to my house and heard that my parents have that accent. But a lo t of people found that very nice. I never ran across any discrimination because of i t . My siste r did, though. She had a friend who when she found out my siste r was not born in America but born overseas and had immigrated, did not want to have anything to do with my sister after that point. That was an isolated incident. It was the only time we ever had prejudice towards us, or that she fe lt i t , I never have. But, I guess it ’s out there and we just don’t realize it. I don’t think Dave and I are exposed to i t as much, because in the m ilita ry you are basically not allowed to be prejudiced. It is very frowned upon. So, it is very unusual for us to run into anything like that at all. Plus, people don’ t know, ju s t looking at me. We were very close with other Indonesian-Dutch people, almost as i f they were family for us. It is not the same type of friendship I find with a lot of other people. You feel a lot closer; they are part of my group. We immigrated with a lo t of the same families and we kept in touch with them. We found that the groups would stay together and you would introduce one another and then you would keep in close touch with those people. That’ s how we came by a lo t of our friends, lik e the Van Dijcks. They were family of other people and because they were already established in the community, they helped our family getting established. They opened their home to us. I find that the Indonesian-Dutch people are very warm people. I feel lik e we have re a lly been blessed with the fact that our fam ilies are very close. You come to the house, you stay, you don’ t have to go. I think you make people feel welcome. You don’ t have people staying in hotels, everybody stays at your house. I t doesn’ t matter how many. I remember many times of growing up, and having a house fu ll of kids laying a ll over the floor in sleeping bags, anywhere you could find a place. You are stepping over children in the hall way. We have one bathroom and we are a ll sharing one bathroom. We have three families in the house; and I think we had nine children and more than six adults. It was unbelievable, but we had so much fun. I think growing up in this community has re ally been a growing experience. I t ’ s been something that I would never trade, because I feel 305 that I am a better person because of that, just having had the contact with them all. And every time you go home, you w ill see those people again. Even when i t is a short v is it, you always try to see them, because they are fun people. They keep in contact with you or with your parents and then they are always asking about you. I don't really know what made my upbringing typical Indo-Dutch. I feel like I was raised pretty much like other kids. The fact that my parents spoke Dutch is the only difference. I think we grew up normally, like any other family. Food, of course, was very different. Whereas we were growing up eating rice as our staple, our American friends ate potatoes and meat. We ate a lot of chicken and a lot of rice. We very rarely ate meat and potatoes. And with holidays, when everybody else ate turkey, we always had ham. And that was what I was used to. So, as far as food, yeah, there was a lot of difference. Being married to a very picky husband, it was real interesting in introducing him to the Indonesian food. He absolutely loves i t . I love Indonesian food too. I w ill eat i t any day. I cook a l i t t l e b it of i t , here and there. I ' l l cook lumpias and I ' l l cook croquetjes - I don't know whether croquet jes are re a lly Indonesian or not- but satay is the big thing and that's what David absolutely loves with the peanut butter sauce, that's his favorite. So, we do a little bit of cooking. My mother got me an Indonesian cookbook in English, which is very basic and very easy. I have used that to make babi ketjap and s tu ff. We make our own soya sauce, mixed with brown sugar, and make our own sweet and sour soy sauce. So, there are a few things that I have picked up from mom, that I s t i l l do in my cooking. And usually, I cook Indonesian with friends coming over, lik e gado- gado. I like to introduce all my friends to my heritage and our cooking. For me, it is fun just to see their reactions to the food that I make, because it is real different from what they are used to. It's a lot of work but it is fun. I also find it hard to say what the characteristics are of the Indonesian-Dutch culture. My parents d id n 't ta lk a lo t about Indonesia at home. I didn't find out about my father being in a concentration camps during the wars and stuff, until much later. I only found out, when he was 306 doing a testimonial for the church group that he was in, and I transcribed his speech. They d id n 't ta lk much about th e ir lif e in Indonesia at home, really. They definitely didn’t talk much about the war, because I think the war was very painful for both of them. It was separation of family, it was loss of friends. My father has talked a lo t about playing with the kids there, during his childhood. But, the war hit when they were in their teens, daddy was 16. They do ta lk about missing out on school, because they couldn’ t go to school, during the war. My mother talks a little bit about her childhood, but, her parents were divorced, which, I think, made it a little bit of a painful childhood. So, they won’t talk much about their childhood. I am hardly ever asked about my heritage, because I look lik e a typical American and I sound lik e a typical American. I am very fa ir skinned, I take after my father. My mother is a l i t t l e darker skinned then I am, as is my sister. But, I look like a typical American g irl. It does come up in a conversation or in a job interview, where I have to say that I am a naturalized American. Also, in the m ilitary, you run into a lot of foreigners and so, you ju s t kind of compare notes with them, which is kind of fun. I do i t a lo t too when I hear Dutch spoken. Then my ears always kind of perk up and I always have to run over, find out who is talking. That’s a way to start conversations. I don’ t speak Dutch, because I think my accent is bad and I have a hard time finding the rig h t words, verbalizing. We speak a few words of Indonesian, of course, nasty words. I think malende is Indonesian. They are not real nasty words, but ju s t the ones you cannot put into a regular conversation. Malende is crazy I think. And meshret. diarrhea. I don’t know where that was from. My siste r would always ca ll me meshret eyes, real nice. That was ju st another word we’ d heard. But I don’ t know whether they were Dutch or Indonesian. I would get them a ll mixed up. My mother didn’ t re a lly speak Indonesian. My father speaks i t a l i t t l e b it more, because he would play with the Indonesian boys, whom he picked i t up from. As fa r as fo r us in the house, my parents spoke Dutch with us, in the house. My sister w ill speak it more readily than I w ill. I have always thought, if I ever live close to a university where they offered a Dutch class, I would definitely take it. I could kick myself for 307

not keeping up with i t . I am very sorry about i t . But, as a child you think you don’ t need i t . We went back to the Netherlands for a vacation when I was fourteen. We had been in the States for 12 years. One of the big things my father decided was that he did not want to go back to the Netherlands, u n til he had enough money fo r us a ll to go. We went back as a family and I think we spent a month there. I t was real neat, but at f ir s t almost uncomfortable. We met family who didn’ t feel lik e family at f ir s t . The Indo-Dutch friends in America fe lt more like family than your real family. We just never had the exposure to them. And they f e lt the same way. A fter a week, of course, it became totally different. I do think Indonesia would have had more meaning fo r my parents, except for the fact that all the family was in the Netherlands. I think my parents don’t consider the Netherlands their home, they only lived there for five years. I guess he thought he could give us a better life in America. But, I ’ m not real certain. They re a lly did not want to leave Indonesia, but they had to for their safety, and for our safety. Even now, daddy s till thinks Indonesia is very corrupt, the government, and that bothers him. He remembers i t in d iffe re n t times, when he was growing up. But, he knows he cannot go back. He is happy here. In that respect I am re a lly proud of my parents. They made a good lif e here fo r us and for themselves, while arriving with v irtu a lly nothing. We never did without, ever. That says a lo t fo r my parents. I can never even remember wanting anything. We might not have been rich, but we always had what we wanted. Finally, I w ill te ll you a little story that my mom used to te ll me about the color of the Indonesian people. God put d iffe re n t people on the earth. There are the d iffe re n t dark skinned people that he le ft in the oven a l i t t l e longer. Then there are the lig h t skinned people, he le ft in the oven for only a short while. And he le ft in the Indonesian people just the right amount of time because they are the pretty brown. I thought that was real cute. And I always thought: even though I am a little light, I s t i l l feel I am ju s t rig h t because I have that in my background. 308

RIA KOERS

The Koerses are close friends with the Huebners, and I met them during my f ir s t v is it to the Huebners. The Huebners had invited them, anticipating I wanted to meet more Indo- Dutch families in the city of my residence. Ria is Indonesian-Dutch, but married to a white Dutch man. Her husband is very much assimilated into the Indo way of life . His subscription to three Indo-Dutch magazines is just one example of his interest. Ria’s story reflects a critical perspective on both Dutch and American society. The Koerses have known d iffic u lt times in th e ir new environments. At the time of my v is its , Ria and her husband were getting ready fo r a five month tr ip to the Netherlands. It was their intention to find out, during these fiv e weeks, whether they wanted to return to the Netherlands fo r good.

I was born in Bandung, the Dutch East-Indies, on December 29, 1929. My father was white Dutch and my mother was native Indonesian, Javanese. I don't know where she was born, I think Purwokerto. You know at that time, when you married a white Dutch, native Indonesians didn’ t acknowledge your marriage. So, from the moment she married my dad, her family never visited us. She did not talk a lot about it. I was the only ch ild . When people ask me where I am from, I always say I am from Indonesia. If I say I am Dutch, they think I am from Holland. It is not easy to explain: I am born in Indonesia but I am Dutch, they don’ t understand i t . At home, we used to speak the Dutch language. I would speak Malay with the maid and when I would go to the market. I do not know how to speak Malay correctly, especially the Malay they speak now (Bahasa Indonesia) I don’ t understand at a ll. Even daily Malay, I can’ t remember, i t ’ s been so long. Only some words I s t i l l remember, lik e food and drinks. 309

I went to a Catholic Dutch elementary school in Cimahi. They taught us everything, but not the Indonesian language, ju s t Dutch. With reading, the lessons were about Dutch women who went to Indonesia, who walked around in Sarong Kebaya. And I remember with Geography, we would learn both about Holland and Indonesia. The same was the case with history lessons. I did not lik e Indonesian history. A ll those legends, gods, about superstition and that kind of stuff. Most I forgot because I wasn't very interested. I thought it was very difficult. The school had both white Dutch and Indo-Dutch students. I don’ t remember whether i t was possible, at that time, fo r native Indonesians to attend a Dutch school. It was a Catholic school. I had a girl-friend, she was from the Indonesian island of Timor who could not go to our school, even though her father worked in our church. I think that they did not want native Indonesians in school. They did admit Chinese kids. Maybe because Chinese are wealthy. My friends were mostly Indo-Dutch. I t happened that white Dutch children played with Indo-Dutch children; there was no real segregation between these groups. But Indo-Dutch children more played amongst themselves. I think automatically you play more with your own kind, you understand each other more. But then the war came, when I was in grade 5 or 6. I didn’ t go back to school, after the war ended. Everything that was Dutch had to be closed during the Japanese occupation. The minister and the nuns were imprisoned. We did not have to go in a Japanese prison camp, because we had trained homing-pigeons. The Japs in it ia lly wanted to imprison us, since we were a certain percentage Dutch, but because of the pigeons, which the Japs thought they might need, they didn’ t go through with i t . We lived in a house with many other people and small children. My mom had to lock each cage to prevent l i t t l e kids from opening them. I f open, the pigeons could fly away and the Japs might think we were sending messages. When one pigeon died, the Kempetai (Japanese police) fin a lly took them away. We were relieved. We had so many problems with the pigeons, we had to baby­ s it them the whole time. During the war, i t was very dangerous to walk around. In Chimahi where I lived, there were a lot of military quarters where the men were imprisoned. And i f I wanted to go down-town, I had to pass them a ll. My 310 mother did not want me to do that, so she made me stay home. I t was not so safe to walk in the Kampung (compound) at night, because there would always be a chance to run into people who might harass you. My mother wanted me to stay home. So, I earned some money knitting at home and, when the war was almost over, my mom le t me go out fo r work. When you worked for the Japs, they would protect you. Everything was a mess during the war. Over-night, we had to fly to Bandung, with only some clothes and a mattress as our belongings. When we found out that my father had died in a (Japanese) prisoners-of-war camp in Birma, we didn't have anything le ft. After the war, we were put in camps for protection against the revolutionaries. This is how I met my husband. He was wandering around in the camp with an Indonesian (from Timor) interpreter. My g irl friend was dating this Indonesian, whom she took home with her. That’ s how my husband and I met. I was 16 years old. I couldn’ t see him much, because he had to fig h t in d iffe re n t parts of Java, u n til the Dutch endorsed the Indonesian independence. So, we couldn’ t get to know each other very w ell. Oh, and I was always so peculiar: I liked to walk around with bare feet, and he didn’ t lik e that. I f I walked around with him he insisted I wore shoes. We got engaged in 1947 and married in 1949. In 1948, the Dutch volunteer soldiers went back to Holland. At that time, my husband transferred into the Dutch East-Indian Army, for which he patrolled the airport. Because we were dating, he wanted to stay in th is country, which he found a beautiful country to start with. For my mom, our marriage was no problem. She married my dad, who was a white Dutch man as w ell. And what my husband’ s family concerns, they only got to know about i t when we were already married. And he had always been a little different from the rest, anyway. After Indonesia’ s independence was recognized by the Dutch government, we didn’t want to stay there. We tried to stretch our stay as long as possible, u n til May 1950. Then we took a plane from K a lija ti to Batavia, where we stayed some weeks, and then we went to Holland by boat. We had one child who died on our way to Holland. Too many Dutch went back to Holland at the same time, and there weren’t sufficient Dutch boats. So, 311 we went to Holland with an English boat. The crew was not used to having babies aboard and because of lack of good baby-food many babies died. The tr ip took th irty days, and mind: without air-conditioning! You can imagine how warm i t was in the beginning of the journey. When possible, we just slept on deck, but the sand was horrible. The men slept separate from the women. I t was re a lly crowded. In the Netherlands, we were housed in the former Jewish concentration camp in Eastern part of the Netherlands, Westerbork. They assigned us a small barrack, which used to be fo r the Nazi o ffice rs. We had a small bedroom, a small liv in g room, a small kitchen, and a small bathroom. There was s t i l l barb wire everywhere. Anytime you went away, you had to report i t . We arrived there in June and in January we le ft. We had to make place for the Moluccan refugees. There was a severe shortage of housing. And I did not want to liv e with family. I ’d rather stand on my own two feet, however hard it is. We went to Noordwijk aan Zee, to a boarding house. They subtracted 60% from your salary, while my husband wasn’t even there most of the time. With our arrival in the Netherlands, he transferred into the Dutch air-force and was stationed in Nijmegen. Every two weeks, he went home fo r the weekend. On top of the 60%, we had to pay an additional two and a h a lf Dutch guilder fo r each meal my mother had, while v is itin g us. We refused to pay this and instead, my mother would secretly cook Indonesian food, which was forbidden. We had hardly any money le ft! Then, we moved to another boarding house, closer to husband’ s base, so he could come home every day. I t took almost two years fo r us to be assigned a home fo r ourselves. I was so pleased when i t fin a lly happened! In the boarding house, they really took advantage of us. The owners made us pay fo r things the government had already paid fo r, and we could not even use the bathtub. The Americans allowed immigration of the victims of the floods in Zeeland. Eisenhower passed the "Displaced Persons Act," and because we were kicked out of Indonesia, we were part of that group. So, early 1956, we heard about i t and my husband signed up. There was a lo t of advertisement on how wonderful the US was. They didn’ t ta lk about the negative things. They showed you these beautiful houses, with t.v and a ll 312 those modern things. I t was so crowded In Holland, to which we weren’ t used. Also, my husband started to d islike his job in the anqy. There were so many rules to follow ; he began having problems with authority. We went by boat to the States, which took nine days. And when we arrived, the dock workers were on strike. We had to wait, and with three toddlers, we had to get a ll our luggage ourselves, by hand. I t was horrible, we arrived in the morning in New York and only at night we le ft with the tra in fo r Columbus. We had to wait in the subway. And we were supposed to see beautiful America....The train took us through the poorest neighborhoods. Already, i t was a sharp contrast with the beautiful pictures they showed us in Holland. Then we arrived in German Village. It was an old part of the city, at that time, in desperate need of restauration. Our apartment was above a warehouse. I t was so filth y on the stairs and inside! The plumbing was bad, and when we went to bed the f ir s t night, the bed broke down. We had three sponsors. The Catholic Welfare Conference welcomed us at the railway station. They took us to our apartment and gave us some groceries, food. They helped us with the plumbing. On one side of our apartment building, there was a l i t t l e workshop where tomb stones were made. In the back, there was an alley with four big trash cans; while we were looking outside, we saw the rats go in and out. When the nuns o f the sponsoring church visited us, and admired the view we had, I almost exploded. Had we had money, we would have gone back to Holland immediately. These people probably thought we came from dark A frica, that we were walking around with bow and arrow or something. Incredible! I continuously cried those days. At f ir s t , I thought we were the only Indonesian-Dutch people in our vicinity. But, after two-three weeks, the church organized a Dutch party. I was amazed to see a ll these Indo-Dutch people. We had a nice time, a ll chatting in Dutch. I t fe lt good to be in contact with other Indo-Dutch. You have something in common. We have been living in the States for 35 years, now. Now we like it. But, s t i l l , we are not sure whether we want to stay here. We are going to the Netherlands fo r 5 months to find out whether we want to return. 313

ELEANORE DE RIDDER

I met Eleanore at a housewarming party of my uncle and aunt, in California. Eleanore had heard about my interest in (the history of) the Indonesian-Dutch community, and started a conversation with me out of mutual interest. She was learning the Indonesian language, using old (colonial) textbooks, and she asked me whether I would be interested in a copy. Her interest in the Indo-Dutch experience, and in my research, triggered my question whether she wanted to participate in this study. I immediately noticed that Eleanore was a thinker, interested in and w illin g and capable to discuss her ethnic background. We agreed upon an alternative for an interview, since there was no time le ft in our schedules fo r a v is it. I send her a lis t with questions/topics I wanted her to reflect upon in w ritin g . In spite of our former conversations in Dutch, and the l i s t of questions/topics in Dutch, Eleanore preferred to write up her story in English, probably so her children cook read i t too.

I t seems as i f we refuse to stay hidden more and more. We are coming out into the open now, before we actually diffuse into the general population. Maybe we’ l l get a l i t t l e place in history. Researching my mind while writing the answers to your questions has been stimulating. It also has started a written family history that I w ill continue to work on, w rite, polish, and update, fo r my children and grandchildren. I was born in the l i t t l e town of Malang in East Java, on February 8, 1935. Both my parents are of mixed Dutch-Indonesian ethnic background. I had one older siste r and three younger sisters who died. I have two younger brothers, who now live with their families in California, USA. My formal education has been in the Netherlands-Indies, in the Netherlands, and in C alifornia, USA. I attended kindergarten and elementary school, in the Netherlands-Indies. The war caused a gap of five years in my 314 elementary education. I finished elementary school in the Netherlands, where I continued university-prep secondary school. I graduated from the three year version of it, in 1952. In the States, I continued with higher education, in 1973. My father was given the privilege to immigrate to the USA (through the Roosevelt Quotum), because he had been imprisoned in a Japanese prisoners-of-war camp. Being his child, I received the priviledge too. To us, the younger, war-seasoned generation, the future was cramped with (a) s t i l l more people immigrating into Holland, (b) inadequate housing facilities —thus moving in with other families, legal or illegal, was a frequently used option with a ll its pleasant, but more often unpleasant ramifications, (c) working a job and earning a salary within the limitations of the "Youth-Labor Law," (d) different forms of taxation and controls, all stifling ideas and notions of betterment, creativity, and moving forward to a better future. All these and more restrictions made life in the Netherlands a definite option for change. Thus, March 13, 1957, I entered the United States at New York Idlewild Airport, with my husband and my three-months-old baby boy. Travelling on, we arrived in Los Angeles that same day in the evening, the three of us with two suitcases, an overnight bag and $200,- in cash money. Our sponsor picked us up from the LA Airport and provided us with a home fo r approximately two weeks. After that we were on our own, liv in g and working in C alifornia, hoping to make the "American Dream." It is with a warm feeling of pride and belonging that 1 look at Indonesian-Dutch culture and people. In general, th e ir h o sp ita lity, warmth, mental and physical gracefulness and cleanliness, to me, belong under the heading of Indoness. Also their different, but high quality of civilization in which "adat" (cultural values) and "hormat" (respect) s till have a place, is very attractive to me. My parents brought us up with these elements. In addition, a deepseated feeling of respect and recognition fo r that what we cannot see nor understand, but we know that exists —the supernatural and spiritualism — were elements in our upbringing. I f born and raised on Java, one is aware that these elements are part of lif e . 315

The schools I visited were totaly unaware of life outside their specific boundaries. In 1947, in the Netherlands, my fellow-students and teachers inquired as to our way of living in Indonesia: "in a tree or in a house?" Our way of liv in g in Indonesia, where most fam ilies had at least one servant to assist with the housework, was not understood in the Netherlands at the time of our immigration. We were often criticized as being sloppy and dirty, while we criticized the white Dutch because most of them had no bathroom in th e ir houses and consequently did not bathe as we understood the word’ s meaning. I d e fin ite ly fe lt that the Dutch schools lacked knowledge about the Dutch colonies and our specific experiences. Indonesia had been a colony of the Netherlands. As such, it ought to have been included in the school curriculum. The Dutch people should have known about us. As I was taught, I taught my children. For example, I te ll you what my oldest daughter Doris experienced, when she was a teenager. She was 16 years old and invited by a Dutch lady to a birthday party. The lady told Doris that she wanted her to meet her son. When Doris arrived at the door, she was graciously met and greeted by this lady, who then continued to welcome and introduce Doris to all the other people present at this party: "Doris, I lik e you to meet tante Wies en oom Joop, Oma, th is is Doris, Irene, this is Doris; Doris, Irene is the oldest daughter of tante Els and oom Dee," and so on. Doris enjoyed the party. At home she said: "Mom, that was great! Just like we do! I really like the family, kind of a pity I do not like her son!" When asked fo r ray ethnic background, I describe myself and my family as Dutch. The stigma of being "half-caste," so ungraciously expressed by the English and British-Indian troops, stationed on the island of Java, to protect the citize n ry during the independence war in 1946 and 1947, has needed a long time to more or less erase its e lf from my memory. Even now, it is with reluctance that I explain my dual ethnic background to the less informed American. Also, I tend to correct the children of my ethnic group when they state that they are Indo or Indonesian, by emphasizing that, born from a Dutch father, one Is Dutch by law. Most people accept without further questions "Dutch and the Netherlands" as my background. Only when th e ir interest touches on 316 c ritic a l and exciting moments in my lif e , as fo r example stories about prisoners-of-war concentration camps during World War I I , might they question my ethnic background more closely. Reactions of people in general are more directed towards the sensational part in life , the rest seems to fa ll by the wayside. As the memory of the war years fades somewhat, I do not react as sharp as I did, but the ethnic cla ssifica tio n "Dutch" remains. However, I am more accepting of my mixed parentage and thus am also increasingly tolerant of the Indonesian part in me. This, at times, allows fo r somewhat luxurious and indolent feelings to submerge while suppressing the normal everyday common sense and practical attitu d e. In our circle of family and friends, a group with similar ethnicity and social class, we are definitely at ease and enjoying ourselves. The comfort of understanding without having to explain, being accepted because you belong, and the familiarity in humor and style of living is an undeniable magnet that draws us together fo r strength and renewal. Outside our original element, we w ill not survive as a separate group. The very coarse side and the most refined part of our culture already has faded away. More and more of our Dutch-Indonesian ways and morals w ill diffuse away; the most resistant may continue to live on in future generation. Future Indo-Dutch scholars may explain to the rest of the world Indo-Dutch cultural adaptations as "Nasi goreng met een gebakken ei en een glas ijskoud bier" (fried rice with a fried egg and a glass of cold beer). I have visite d Holland several times but I would not lik e to liv e there anymore. I entered Holland when I was twelve and I le ft when I was twenty-one. The truly patriotic feelings that evolve when I sing and hear "Wilhelmus" (the Dutch national anthem) are not there when I arrive at Schiphol (the major airport in Holland). But I do sense a feeling of belonging. In a few years, we hope to visit Indonesia. In the little time I have, during lunch time on the job, or when I drive home, I am trying to remember and learn Indonesian. This way, preparing myself, makes me feel a little better armed for the possible emotions I may have to cope with when returning to the country of my ancestors and the country of my birth. 317

DORIS DE RIDDER-SANCHEZ

I had asked Eleanore whether her son, whom I also met at the party, was willing to participate in this study too. In her reply, Eleanore told me that he had declined, but that she had asked her daughters to take his place. Long after I finished my data collection, but not too late for inclusion, I received Doris’ written response to my questions/topics. I was very pleased with her contribution and regretted the fact that I had not met her in person. Her story is very useful to this collection. Doris’ s story is different in her acknowledgement of the changing importance of her non-American heritage. Also, her focus on only the Dutch part of her heritage makes her story stick out and illu s tra te s the variety in Indo-Dutch experience. Doris’ story was written in English.

I know up fro n t that I don’ t have too much to w rite about, but maybe that’s just your point! Anyway, I was born in Elmonte, California, in 1961. I have an older brother B ill and a younger s is te r Audrey. My brother was born in Holland, my parents brought him here when he was six months old, I think. I have a B.S degree in Microbiology and I did one year post­ grad Biology work, teaching labs, etc. I also did a one year internship at St. Joseph’ s Hospital, Orange California and took the State and National Board Exams. I now work as a licensed Medical Technologist (I work in a hospital laboratory doing clinical testing). When people ask about my background, I say that 1 am Dutch. I understand the language when i t is spoken to me, but I don’ t speak i t much (especially since my maternal grandmother died —I used to practice with her because she wouldn’ t laugh at me or te ll me how "cute" I was— and also since I ’ ve moved out of my parents house). I have a d iffic u lt time reading Dutch. I can te ll my verbal understanding has dropped somewhat recently, probably because I ju s t don’ t hear i t as much as I used to. However, being surrounded by so many Dutch relatives (a ll Dutch actually) 318 and growing up with Sinterklaas (Dutch Saint Nicholas, celebrated December 5th) and hearing so much about my parents’ childhoods in Indonesia, I consider myself Dutch. People actually become interested because my married name is Sanchez, and I ’ m so obviously not Hispanic. My husband has blond hair and green eyes --he doesn’t look the part either. When I te ll people I am Dutch, I ’ m almost always sure they won’ t know what country I ’ m talking about. They ask where "Dutchland" is , or, even worse, they think I ’ m from Germany and ask me to speak Deutsch. I don’ t know i f i t ’ s because Holland is just small and quiet, or if it ’s a reflection of the horrid US quality of education. My interest in my identity has fluctuated throughout my life . When I was young, I wasn’ t that interested —being Dutch was ju s t part of who I was, not something I actively participated in. I think now that that attitude was due to two different things. First, I developed an interest in becoming my own person, ju st a natural part of growing up. Secondly, my parents really didn’t stay active in the Dutch sub-culture in Southern C alifornia. I know they went to AVID parties and such when we were very small, but as we grew up that slowed down to almost nothing. They really didn’t trade so much for American culture (baseball or anything like that), they justkept to family or a few close family friends. We s till spoke Dutch, ate tons of Indonesian food (which I hated then but love and miss now) and as I said, stayed close with our family. But, there was no effort to become involved in Dutch traditions celebrated here in the Dutch community, as a group, or to expand our Dutch friends or anything lik e that. Now, as an adult with children of my own I appreciate much more how your ethnic heritage is such a part of you, something you should treasure. I t gives you common ground with a specific group of people, rather than just being "American." It seems like there’s a renewed interest in just about everyone in celebrating/remembering th e ir cultural roots, whatever they may be. I think th a t’ s te r r if ic . I miss the Indonesian food I was forced to eat as a kid, the Dutch nursery rhymes and swearing at each other in Dutch. 319 Indonesian-Dutch culture I really can’ t relate to, since I consider myself Dutch. My parents lived in Indonesia as children, so I know a few words and I’m familiar with the food, but that’s about it. What I know about the Dutch culture is prim arily from my fam ily only, so anything th a t’ s peculiar to my family only and not to Dutch people in general —I ’ m not sure I ’ d recognize the difference. Dutch people tend to be practical and frugal people. The women seem to be large (maybe th a t’ s ju s t in my family). The family structure is very patriarchal —although maybe that’s just a generational issue. We went to church fa ithfully when I was small (Methodist fo r my mom, thoughmy dad is Catholic), but that faded as I grew older. My mom took an active interest in our religious education as children (reading the bible before we went to school, etc.), much more than many of my friends’ parents, but I don’ t know i f th a t’ s ju s t my mom. Religion is important to her. Education was very important in my family —my parents and th e ir sisters and brothers frowned on US education as too soft, allowing kids to be ignorant and lazy, and they always encouraged us to try more, do more. College was a given requirement, not an option. It wasn’t a problem for me as I was always very competitive and self-motivated, but my sister had more of a struggle with it. I try to keep in touch with my (extended) family as much as possible. When we were young, I spent every weekend with grandparents, cousins, etc. Now, if I see my cousins three times per year I think I am doing really well. I live in Chino Hills —Chino has a fa irly large Dutch population (look at all the dairies!) so I bump into Dutch people a lot — but I don’t actively pursue a friendship based on that. Looking at my own family. I ’d say we’ve prety well assimilated in the second generation. None o f my cousins have married a Dutch person, and I would imagine that it ’s going to be past history to my and their children that they have any Dutch heritage. My cousins refer to themselves as "Aunts" and "Uncles," not as "Tantes" or "Ooms." My Dutch nursery rhymes are rusty and I don’ t know how to make Indonesian food. I love i t , but I also have to watch my weight and Indo food doesn’ t exactly f i t the "diet" category. 320

My parents sing the rhymes to my daughter and she ca lls them "Opa" and "Oma." I collect Delft Blue and my parents supply me with Dutch cheese and other Dutch food. I know that my Dutch heritage is being lost somewhat, but I also think i t ’ s ju s t becoming a part of my own personal heritage, which is now mixed Dutch and American. My daughter is only four, but when she is old enough I ’ l l te ll her what I know. She also has a Puerto Rican heritage in her background! I have not been to Holland, and i t is something I would really love to do. 321

GARY JANSZEN

I got to know about Gary through his mother, my key informant. She gave me his phone number and assured me he would be interested in participating in this study. I talked to Gary on the phone explaining my background and i^y research topic, and he visite d me at iqy home, a couple of days la te r. He arrived at 8:00 pm and le ft at 12:00 am; we had a lo t to ta lk about both on and o ff the record. Gary struck me as an in te llig e n t person, who didn’ t think much in terms o f ethnicity, but whose unconscious interest became apparent while speaking to me about his (fam ily’ s) history. His b e lie f that a ll people are equal seemed very convincing as a reason not to think too much about ethnic preference. The interview was conducted in English.

1 came to the States in 1957, 1 was 11 years old. 1 went to a parochial school, to the th ird grade. 1 was in th is grade fo r three or four months when they boost me up to the fourth grade. The education that I had in Holland was a l i t t l e b it more advanced, especially with math. I stayed in th is school up u n til the 8th grade. Then I went to the high school, which was located in the same building. It was a very small school, with a total of 80 students. My senior class was 11 students, two boys and nine g irls . I re a lly enjoyed i t . I t was a good school. The nuns were good teachers. I got a lot of personal attention. I got a real good education. My parents had to pay tuition, while they knew we weren’t financially set. So, they let us pay in installments. And it wasn’t cheap. I graduated in ’ 64 and went to Ohio State, where 1 played soccer. My soccer s k ills were carried over from Holland. My brothers and sisters went to the same school. My eldest brother went straight to high school. Another brother and my s is te r spent a year or two at junior high and then they went to high school. My youngest brother was not in school yet. 322

Our house was on the premises of the school, rig h t across from the playground. Eventually, they had to tear the house down and we moved back to the c ity . That was half a mile from the school, so I would walk. They did not bus then. Going to school in the States was a new experience. Everything was s till strange. I did not know how to speak English. The only thing I could understand were the math problems. I t was very d iffic u lt at f ir s t because of the language barriers. But the nuns and the kids were very helpful. They knew I did not know English, so they tried to explain what things meant. The big thing that helped me was television and the friendship with my class mates. When I d id n 't understand the English, both teachers and students would try to explain it to me by drawing pictures, or they would point at something. Also, the behavior codes were different. I didn’t know how to act. I couldn’t do the same things in America as I was doing in Holland. But, i t wasn’ t that much of a problems, because we were s t i l l kids, you don’ t have to go by the book. It was different for my parents. My main objective, at the time, was to learn to speak the language as quickly as possible, which I did while associating with the kids. I t ’s an advantage of coming here as a kid. When I had a problem, I could always knock on the nuns doors, which I did regularly. We didn’t have television at home, and they allowed me to watch television, in the school building. The nuns would guide me in what I should and shouldn’ t watch. They were a blessing. They were always w illin g to spend time with me a fte r class, and they realized what areas I needed to concentrate on. My biggest problem was comprehensive reading. Even in college, I continued to have problems with this aspect of English. The sentence structure is English seemed opposite of the structure in Dutch. Probably, in the sixth grade, I got away from speaking and reading Dutch. When we f ir s t arrived, we spoke Dutch at home and, in it ia lly , I continued to read Dutch magazines. My parents did not associate with Americans as much as I did. I t was harder for them to pick up the language. By insisting on using English at home, I was trying to help my parents speak English. It was more beneficial for us to speak English. My dad spoke only a little bit of English. 323

Especially the kids were always interested in n(y background. "What would you do when you were in Holland?" And I te ll them some o f the things that I did, lik e soccer, a fte r school and during school while recess, and ride my bike along the canals out in the country-side, stealing vegetables from the farmers, ice-skating on the canals. They always thought it was very interesting. It was mostly during breaks that I would tell about Holland. I remember in the 7th grade, you had to w rite a paper about your most interesting experience. My subject was being an immigrant and coming here. I got an "A" on that. In addition, the teacher would sometimes ask me during class and after class what it was like coming here, what things were like in Holland, and in Indonesia, —but more Holland. This happened during social studies. This was all possible because it was such a small school. The real nice thing was that kids accepted me for what I was. We studied Ohio and American history. I t was a ll American, there was no attention fo r d iffe re n t cultures. Native Americans and Slaves were mentioned during history, because Ohio was part of the Underground Railroad. But i t was s tr ic tly American. Nothing as fa r as Dutch, or world history. From a personal viewpoint, I would rather concentrate some more on world history, the culture of other countries, especially nowadays. I can vaguely remember going to Kindergarten in Indonesia. In Holland I went to f ir s t , second, and th ird grade. Because I was too short a time in Holland, i t wouldn’ t be fa ir to compare schooling in the Netherlands with schooling in the States. But, I think from the three years I went to school in Holland, i t was probably more advanced, especially in math. In Holland you go to school more, you don’ t have that long summer vacation. In my school, they knew I was from the Dutch East-Indies. They sometimes would call me "Indonesian H illb illy," or "Pineapple." I don’t think they looked at me as being black though. In Holland, sometimes I would experience that they would think I was from Suriname. Like I said, here I was more confused with an Hawaiian person. The only people that would see me as an Indonesian, are the ones that are from Indonesia or who visited the country. Even now, there are American people who w ill ask me: 324

"Are you from the Dutch East-Indies, or that side of the world?" because they’ ve been there. You always have stereotypes, also in my school. The Dutch man is the guy with the wooden shoes. "Where are your wooden shoes" was always the comment, " i f you’ re from Holland how come you don’ t wear wooden shoes?" And how come you look more lik e you’ re from Hawaii. And then you would explain: "Well, my father is Dutch" and so on, and "my mother is born in Dutch East-Indies". And then you would te ll them: "Well, not Americans are white". But there was not discrimination at a ll. Like everybody else, you have your favorite friends. I had four to five with whom I associated more, a ll white Americans. I t was not that I disliked Blacks, but we had only two blacks students, who were from the same fam ily. Thus, the school was predominantly white. For me, the black and immigrant students were ju s t lik e anybody else. I never have, and s t i l l don’ t , separate people on basis of th e ir race or color. I lik e a person, because of what he is, I s t i l l feel that way. I f I don’ t lik e him, I don’ t lik e him. I didn’ t know anybody that was from Holland or Indonesia either. I didn’t have a choice, my friends had to be Americans. Eventually some immigrant children from Belgium entered our school. They spoke flemish and I fe lt some bond with them because I knew what they went through. It was the same thing. The bond was more trying to be helpful. The f ir s t years of our residence in the States I thought I was the only one from Holland. After a couple of years we discovered there were more Dutch immigrants who were liv in g in our environment, and some of them were even born and had lived in Indonesia. Through association with these people, we build up a whole Dutch community. And i t was kind of nice to exchange experiences. But even then, I did not associate with their kids, probably because of distance barriers. My parents were strict Catholic, and they believed in the basic values as hard work, lik e our teachers. Every wrong move I made in school, my teachers would call my parents, and then there was the monthly PTA meeting, that sort of thing. And we lived so close to the convent, my parents would practically see the nuns everyday. I can understand some Indonesian words. I can s t i l l understand Dutch but I cannot read i t . My parents can. They w ill always ta lk to me in 325

Dutch. For some reason, I would always hate i t when my mom would ta lk to me in Dutch when we f ir s t were here, and we would go to the grocery store. A ll these people would be looking at us: "foreigners". I do think i t is a shame but you tend to loose a language when you don't speak i t . I should read the Dutch magazines my mom s t i l l has. I have been back to the Netherlands in the 1960’ s, when I was stationed in Germany, in the service. I used to v is it my aunt, who lived in the Netherlands, a four-hour-drive from where I was stationed. She would spoil me mad, when I visited. I loved i t . I have never been back to Indonesia, although I would love i t . I was born in Surabaya. And my parents s till have relatives there. We le ft there by boat and had the one month boat trip to Holland. I saw all the interesting sights, like the Rock of G ibraltar. And then, we also went by boat to America. We arrived in New York and took the train to our final destination. I was amazed, when I firs t came to New York. In Holland, you would see streets fu ll of bikes; here, there were ta ll buildings and cars. But the thing that surprised me was how dirty it was. I think it is part of the American Way. Americans are ju s t not as self-conscious. You would never see a woman in Holland go to a store with curlers in her hair, and here you see them with curlers and a ll kind of clothes. The same can be said about school. When I f ir s t came here, the nuns would love my handwriting. In Holland, you don’ t p rin t you w rite. They were so amazed about my penmanship. Here, when kids graduate they don’ t know how to w rite properly. Also my dress, my mom would always iron my shirts, and they would always be impressed how neat my clothes were. And n\y papers would always be neat and in order. S t ill, I feel mostly American, and th is is probably because I ’ ve lived here the longest. I was only born in the Dutch East-Indies and Holland, I really only consider as a stepping stone. 326

I I . Dutch Respondents

LILIAN BOS

Lilian is one of Jennie's three daughters, the middle one. Being of a lig h te r complexion than her siblings, often times during her early childhood, her friends asked her whether she was an adopted child. L ilia n struggled through school, but graduated from college at 26. The fact she was diagnosed as dyslexic, during her senior high school years, added to her persistence to get a good education despite experienced d iffic u ltie s . L ilia n ’ s lif e is determined by her ethnic id e n tity, in a way which goes almost unnoticed by close relatives and friends. The interview was held in the bedroom of her home, where she was in bed, recovering from stomach problems. The language spoken was Dutch.

I was born on the f ir s t of December, 1963 in Amersfo o rt, the Netherlands. My parents are both Indo-Dutch. I was raised in the c ity of Weesp with an older brother and siste r and one younger siste r. In my experience, there was always room in the school curriculum for other cultures. I went to an alternative elementary school, a Dalton school, where independence of the students was emphasized. The teacher I had for several years was Jewish and loved to talk about diversity in the world, in our country, and in our classroom. He often talked about the Jewish culture and always wore a yamoulka to show his Jewishness. He knew a lo t about Indo-Dutch and Surinamese history and culture and always showed interest. I don’ t know why, but I didn’ t re a lly make use of the space that was offered me for expressing my cultural background. I think I just was too shy to ta lk about myself, my family, and background, and maybe i t was because I was the only Indo-Dutch student in the classroom. I remember how, in elementary school, the teacher was prompting me to give my fellow students insight into my family’s history and culture, or just to 327 participate in class discussions. The teacher was talking about how the Dutch had exploited Indonesia by taking their spices, and also about how the Indo-Dutch people experienced an uncertain future with the acknowledgement of Indonesian independence. In situations lik e th is , he would give me a certain look which showed expectation for participation. But I never re ally wanted to. In secondary school, there were a lot of fellow students who had some knowledge of Indo culture and history, because they had either Indo relatives, Indo friends, or knew people who had lived in Indonesia. Coincidentally, the topic of the national history examination at the end of secondary school was the Dutch East-Indies in the period 1940-1948. The w ill to participate, to ta lk about my experience changed in secondary school. I remember voicing my opinion and giving my family’ s experience in discussions about life in the Dutch East-Indies. I talked about my grandfather who was forced to work on the Burma Railroad fo r the Japanese. They were amazed to hear about i t , they didn’ t know. By that time, I lost my shyness and I was re a lly interested in learning more about my own history. I have always fe lt different from my fellow students and friends. We ate differently at home, our house was furnished differently, I smelled d iffe re n tly . My elementary school teacher appreciated i t , but not a ll my friends. Some kids would te ll me "Your breath smells, please take a sip of milk so I won’t notice the garlic smell in your breath." That would insult me. My parents didn’t allow me to bring too many friends to our house, exactly because of those reactions of Dutch kids. But, in my turn, I would also marvel about the Dutch kids’ homes, they made you take o ff your shoes when you came in, so th e ir carpet would stay nice and clean. My Dutch friends often referred to, what they perceived to be, my dishonesty. They fe lt I was dragging my feet too much, too long denied offers even though I wanted i t . They were aggravated by my behavior. Some people understood, lik e our next-door neighbor. She knew that a "no,” when offered a cookie, actually meant a polite "yes." So, after holding the cookie ja r in front of our faces, she would ju s t hand us one. I t would be ju s t one though, but I liked that single cookie handed to me. 328

I liked to be in contact with other Indo kids. Through interaction with them, at an early age I became aware of the difference between Indo families. Some Indo friends' families remained very traditional, while others assimilated totally to the Dutch way of life . I would always place our family somewhere in the middle, because I didn’t look like an Indo but I certainly fe lt lik e one. I always wanted people to know I was Indo, because of my fa ir skin color. Some people noticed immediately, while others didn’t. But after people got to know me for some time, they would always notice, because of my choice of words and intonation. I disliked the fact that I am fa ir skinned. On the one hand you are excluded from the Indo group because you don’ t look Indo enough. On the other hand you’ re excluded from the Dutch group because you don’ t feel Dutch enough. I took pride in my Indoness and always mentioned i t when people didn’ t immediately notice. The advantage of being fa ir skinned is that people don’ t call you names. S t ill, i t would hurt me when people would utter discriminatory remarks about others. Maybe, it is better that people see you are d iffe re n t from the s ta rt, so they don’ t have to apologize when you say you’ re an Indo-Dutch person. I think my behavior is very Indo-Dutch. I have a compulsory drive to collect things and thus my house is filled with all kind of stuff, each thing with a story behind it. I recognize Indo homes where little space is unoccupied. My home i t is not as neat as Dutch homes. I use the saou lid i (brush) to make my bed and I use the hotel cebok (water bottle to wash with after using the toilet) in my bathroom. Food is very important in my home. I t is necessary for creating a good atmosphere, I think. I have a lo t of Indonesian spices in my kitchen and lo ts of pots and pans. Opening my box of spices, an Indo person comments with: "great, you have so many spices," while a Dutch person would say: "What is a ll th is , i t has such a strong smell." I don’t give my opinion in a straightforward way. I w ill show my disagreement by f ir s t saying a lo t of positive things. I w ill always stay p o lite , even when people are taking advantage of me. But I don’ t think I am submissive. I tend to respect older people solely because they are older than I am. I realize not a ll of these characteristics are positive. I have to adapt to Dutch culture in order to survive here. I have learned to be 329 direct without being rude. I've learned I have to speak out for myself. And I also discovered that ju st being older doesn’ t necessarily means wiser. I am very familiar with white Dutch culture too, and excuse my friends who apologize for some strange Dutch habits, which all can be explained. My friends leave the cookie ja r open because they realize that their parents’ way of closing it and setting it aside is unhospitable. But I te ll them not to do i t because I understand that one of the reasons fo r this behavior is to keep the cookies from getting old too quickly. I lik e being around other Indo-Dutch people. The interaction is so much easier because you share a common heritage. I even feel the same with other ethnic m inorities. We share the experience of being d iffe re n t from the mainstream. This doesn’ t mean that I can’ t have a close relationship with white Dutch people, on the contrary, I have a lot of really good friends who are white Dutch. But, i t ju st makes the in itia l contact a little easier. I want to v is it Indonesia some time in the future. I haven’ t had the financial resources because I am not re ally a saver —maybe something typically Indo too. But I am really anxious to see how I w ill feel in that country. I wonder whether I w ill feel re a lly Dutch because of my appearance. I hope that the Indo-Dutch culture w ill continue to exist. I realize that the features of our children w ill be Dutch because of our partners, but that doesn’t necessarily interfere with our culture. I am very sorry my parents never taught us the Indonesian language. I have Indo friends who speak it fluently, and thus, unlike us, they don’t have to take Indonesian language courses. I think our parents wished to assimilate to Dutch society too much and therefore only spoke Dutch to us when we were growing up. When I was a child, I sometimes pretended to be able to speak Malay in fro n t of my Dutch friends. I t would always impress them. 330

DR. JOHANNUS DELANDGY

Johannus was informed about and asked to participate in my study by his daughter Liene. At the end o f the interview with Liene, she phoned her father to make the in itia l contact. Johannus invited me to his house on the same day he would have other, what he prefers to refer to as East-Indies Dutch v is ito rs . He planned to ta lk with them about the meaning of being an "East-Indies-Dutch person." He invited me an hour earlier than the other guests, to talk to him in private, after which I could participate in the discussion with the other two people. Johannus seemed to have misunderstood the purpose of my v is it. He was under the impression I came to him fo r advice for my dissertation. It was d ifficu lt to get him to talk about his own lif e , which —when he did— he dismissed with an "enough about myself." Therefore, this life history turned out different from the others. It was more a philosophical story, than a story about his educational experiences.

Before I start I would like to emphasize the following. The official name of the former Dutch colony in the "Far East" is "Netherlands (or Dutch) East-Indies." And i t is not "Netherlands (or Dutch) East- Indonesia." Indonesia is the new name of the Republic of Indonesia after December 1949, when i t ’ s sovereignty was o ffic ia lly delegated. So, your usage of the name "Indonesian-Dutch" is wrong in addressing the people concerned. I t should be "Indies-Dutch." I am one of the privileged people who made a good career. I arrived in the Netherlands as a sailor in March 1948 and managed to obtain a doctorate. I realize I am an exception, not many people from the f ir s t generation were able to do this. Generally speaking, one does not expect somebody to be able to study seriously and steadily immediately after suffering about four years in a Japanese prisoners-of-war camp. My main motives to pursue higher education were the following. F irs t, I fe lt responsible to create a good future for my wife and children, for in a 331 competitive society as the Netherlands a good education seemed a necessity. Secondly, I strongly wanted to overcome my disadvantaged situation due to the war and imprisonment, especially because I knew I had the capacity to obtain an advanced degree. Most of my higher education I completed in the Netherlands. I studied at a teacher-training college in the Dutch East-Indies and started teaching elementary school in The Hague, the Netherlands, and later on in a teacher-training college in Suriname. In the meantime, I worked towards my graduate degree in Special Education. I chose to study at the Free University of Amsterdam, because of its Protestant foundations. My father named me fo r a reason which I wanted to match with my actions. After graduation, I was successively attached to three universities in the Netherlands. Among others, I introduced a specialism named transcultural special education in the doctoral study of the University of Leiden. When I f ir s t emphasized the implications of the development of a Dutch multicultural and multiracial society at the time I was doing graduate work at the Free University in the I960*s, people reacted by criticizing my "obstinate and opinionated" attitude and insight. Years later, this same university asked me to start a transcultural special education program. I decided to take up the o ffe r o f the University of Leiden instead, where I could only develop it to a certain extent due to my responsibilities abroad. The Dutch Ministry of International Developmental Cooperation asked me to establish projects in the care and education for the disabled in Jamaica and Peru. Earlier I did so in Suriname. And then, the International Society for Child Abuse and Neglect nominated me as chair fo r the Committee Third World and Developing Countries during an international congress on that topic, held in Amsterdam. This entailed a lo t of traveling for meetings a ll over the world. Finally, the Indonesian government asked me to work fo r them as consultant for the care of the mentally disabled. I have my doubts about the existence of Indies-Dutch culture. What is the Indies-Dutch culture we can pass on, when we have among others Swiss, German, Moluccan, Ceylonese, Dutch, and so on, ancestors? Are our persistence, modesty, and aversion to gambling and drinking, derived from Indies-Dutch culture? No, the values that I transmitted to my children 332 have nothing to do with my Indies-Dutch Identity. Instead, they are the values that I have as a Christian person. Typical customs and morals of Indies-Dutch people evolved In colonial society In which we are not liv in g any longer. So, now we have developed other tra its . Influenced by our new environment. We have to be persistent and frugal, for Instance, In order to survive here. The only characterization of Indies-Dutch culture I can think of Is the emphasis on the collective. The compulsive focus on food In the Indies-Dutch community might be connected to th is emphasis on the collective, because of the social nature of eating. This emphasis on the collective In Indies-Dutch upbringing Is a remnant of colonial times and Is not always functional In Dutch society. Our daughters s t ill think In terms of the larger collective. They think about the consequences of their actions fo r others In th e ir community. But we also gave them the opportunity to make th e ir own choices and to choose fo r themselves. Some scholars like to suggest a generation gap between the firs t-, and second-generation Indies-Dutch people. I think such a generation gap Is a universal phenomenon In all societies, also the Holland-Dutch (white Dutch) one. They continue to claim that second-generation Indies-Dutch are suffering from an Identity crisis, due to their parents' raising practices aimed at assim ilation. But th is whole Idea Is based on misunderstanding. We raised our children to keep low profile, not for asslmllatlonlst reasons but because modesty Is always a virtu e. This value Is worth being transmitted to the next generation. We taught our children to speak Impeccable Dutch because It Is a prerequisite for optimal functioning In Dutch society and not because we wanted them to be a carbon copy of Dutch children. I think the academic Interest In Indies-Dutch culture Is unnecessary. What makes Indies-Dutch culture d iffe re n t from, fo r Instance, the culture of Tuckers (Inhabitants of Central East Netherlands)? I refuse to participate In seminars focussed on the Indies-Dutch community. I t shouldn’t be an object of study. I don’t see the use of It. Some members of the dominant group appear to emphasize our difference In culture because they want to set us apart from them. And I react by saying that I f there are Indies-Dutch, Surlnamese-Dutch, Moroccan-Dutch, then surely 333 there must be a group labelled Holland-Dutch. I try to emphasize this in each presentation I give. I do fight for equal treatment of the Indies-Dutch, for instance in government benefits for victims of war. I helped organize De Stichting Japanse Ereschulden (the Foundation fo r Japanese Debts of Honor). I am advisor of many other Indies-Dutch initiatives, fighting for monetary equal rights of the Indies-Dutch people in the Netherlands and the w ell­ being of Indonesians in Indonesia. The Holland-Dutch people don’ t seem to know much about the history of our group and the Indies-Dutch themselves add to the confusion with th e ir renewed interest in Indonesian fo lklo re . Indies-Dutch people wear Indonesian trad itio n a l dress at festive cultural occasions and are aggravated when the next day the paper has as a su b title underneath a photograph: "Princes Juliana is welcomed by an Indonesian woman in traditional dress." Some staff members at organizations that occupy themselves with the well-being of Indies-Dutch, don’ t even know the difference between Indies-Dutch and Indonesians. From the beginning, I have presented myself as an Indies-Dutch person. I would make sure they knew that they had to take me into account. Yet, I dislike the term ethnic, as in ethnic minority, for it has a derogatory connotation to me, setting the other groups aside. I discuss the situation of Surinamese-, Morroccan-, Indies-, and also the Holland- Dutch. People find that to be strange. They don’ t want to hear the m ajority referred to using a hyphenated term. But when there are Indies- Dutch, fo r example, surely there should be a Holland-Dutch group. I am Indies-Dutch, but I have never had another nationality than the Dutch natio n a lity. And thus, above a ll I am Dutch. 334

ELVIRE SKIERS

Elvire was asked to participate in tny research, by her son Eddy. When I called her to make an appointment fo r an interview, she seemed aware of the purpose of my study and willing to participate. Elvire is a widow, her husband passed away only recenlty, and she lives alone in the home where she raised four children. The home is very orderly, reminding me more of white Dutch than of Indo-Dutch homes. During the interview, I experienced a combination of Indo and white Dutch culture in her warm hospitality and the presentation of conventional white Dutch drinks and snacks. Elvire is an excellent story teller and she seemed to know exactly what topics I wanted to talk with her about. Overall, her story seemed to follow tny topics of interest in a natural way, without me having to guide her with my questions.

I was born February 6, 1923, in Sukabumi, the Dutch East-Indies. I am a real Preanger (area in West-Java) child. My father was a planter on a tea plantation, the Maleber Estate. Both my parents were Indonesian- Dutch. But actually, my father was more Indo than my mother, because he had an Indo-Dutch father and a native Indonesian mother, a Sundanese woman, who didn’ t speak one word of Dutch. My mother’ s mother was Indo- Dutch but her father was white Dutch. The fact that my father had more Indonesian ancestors showed in his attitude towards the native population. I am so grateful he taught us not to look down upon the servants, lik e many other Indo-Dutch did. He insisted we treated them as equals. I spend a lot of time with the servants; I loved to s it around and chat with them. And that was okay with my parents, but mostly with my father. He taught us we had to learn about the native people, whom he fe lt very close to because of the upbringing his Indonesian mother gave him. My mother was completely d iffe re n t; she 335 wasn’t arrogant or anything, but she wasn’t like my father. I really consider myself a child of my father; I am really Oriental. I am the eldest of three children; I have a sister who is two years younger and I have a brother who is 13 years younger. We had a great care­ free childhood. We didn’ t liv e in apartments, lik e here in the Netherlands. We had a big house with a large yard in which we could play. I was always with my father, which didn’ t bother my mother because I was an obnoxious child. My father taught me to appreciate nature. And now I think: what a shame the Westerner doesn’ t allow himself time to look around him. The firs t two years of my formal education, I was taught by my mother who used the "Klerk" method. I t was very comnon in those days. We lived too far from schools and we didn’t have a car yet. And so the colonial government sent my mother textbooks and instructions to teach us. When the children ofmy father’ s boss were of school age,my sister and I could drive with them to the school in the nearest town, Cianjur. I was placed in third grade but, in itia lly, didn’t do well because I had never been around th is many children before. During the Depression my father was laid o ff. This was the beginning of a difficult time. We moved to Jakarta and lived with my father’s family. In Jakarta, I went to another European school. I passed the aptitude test for entry in college preparatory education and completed it, despite the fact that I didn’t do very well in my fourth year, due to the death of my father. The sisters allowed me to fin is h my education and offered me a scholarship, for which I am very grateful. At that time I was 17 years of age, in 1940, and I went into trade, as they called i t back then. One worked either fo r the government or in trade. I started working for the Secretary of Defense, the Navy Department, for six month. But I was too ambitious, there was too little to do and I couldn’t stand that. So, I applied for a job in the trade sector, where, indeed, I had to work very hard. Being only 17 years of age, I was already very independent. I met my husband in Jakarta. We were neighbors, so I didn’ t have to search that fa r. We married in 1946, a fte r the war ended. We were already engaged during the war, but one just didn’t marry then. In a city of the 336 size of Jakarta, the Japanese prison camps were so fu ll that only white Dutch were imprisoned. Despite the fact that we weren’t imprisoned, life wasn’ t easy. Every night, the Japs were searching for young women, and they would come to our door. My siste r and I were 17 and 19 years old, just the girls they were looking for. But, thank God, we were protected and survived the war as virgins. My eldest son was born in 1947. I continued working, which was possible because of the servants. That is very convenient of Indonesian lif e . There are enough hands to keep the house running and our servants were very reliable. We le ft Indonesia for the Netherlands in 1955. My husband le f t h a lf a year in advance to look fo r housing and a job. I didn’t want to go at all. I wasn’t convinced of the necessity of it. I wondered why we had to go to Holland, we had such a good lif e here. But later I realized my husband had the right foresight and I was glad we le f t . My husband promised me a good lif e , ju s t lik e the one we had in Indonesia. But that was impossible. We had tough times when we firs t arrived in the Netherlands. My husband had only a small salary and we had to move in with our relatives. In spite of the fact there were four us and they didn’ t have a big house, space was created fo r us: we slept in a small bedroom of two by three meters. Indo-Dutch people w ill always create space. We had a wonderful time together though, the atmosphere was great. Because I was pregnant with our th ird child, a physician’ s declaration of urgency triggered the local government to provide us with a home. We were assigned an apartment in one of Rotterdam’ s poorer neighborhoods. It certainly was not ideal, but there was no other choice. How much I suffered in that place! The women, talking in the stairway of the apartment building, called me "Mrs. Stuck-up" when I passed. I didn’ t ta lk to them, because I didn’ t understand th e ir Rotterdam dialect, not because I was arrogant. One time, somebody told me: "You are not only black on the outside, but also on the inside." I was so hurt and I wondered how somebody could be so unrestrained, to te ll me something like that rig h t in my face. My husband had a hard time too. He was the only Indo-Dutch person working in his o ffice . His colleagues would call him " l i t t l e brother of Soekarno," which, of course, hurt him but he pretended not to hear i t . 337

People thought I was slow, and I s t i l l am. One would re ally notice that I was Indo-Dutch. I don’t feel like assimilating 100% into the Dutch way of lif e . I f they want to drop dead while running to catch the bus, that’s their choice. I will wait for the next one. I s till do that. In the beginning, I didn’ t feel accepted, I was d iffe re n t, and I immediately signed up fo r discussion groups offered by the church. Whenever I was offered the chance to explain my own way of thinking and my cultural background, I took i t . People c ritic iz e d me fo r being dishonest, even close friends told me that. Later, I realized they were referring to the Indo way o f being subtle and indirect when asked for judgment. I w ill never give my opinion straight forward, because I consider that to be impolite, not because I want to be dishonest. I don’t know whether it is typical Indo but it is part of me. I have changed a lot; I have been very creative. Now I am at ease with both codes of behavior. I behave differently with my white Dutch friends than I do with my Indo-Dutch friends. In a way i t is strange, because you can ask yourself whether you are re a lly yourself. I don’ t believe the Indo-Dutch have a th e ir own culture. I think the Oriental values we have are derived from Indonesian culture. My granny, who spoke Malay with me, was so alus. so refined. I think they transmitted a lo t of values. As fa r as my Dutch blood is concerned, I don’ t have that much. I am a mosaic, and not re ally proud of either my Dutch blood or my Indo blood. Some people say you ought to be proud to be Indo-Dutch, but why? What is enviable about living with two cultures? I am proud of the culture we took from there, that is part of me. For me, the oriental culture is much prettier than western culture. I don’t want to assimilate to white Dutch values. I am ju s t Dutch on paper, a "Passport-Dutch," but I don’ t feel Dutch. I t ’ s not that I hate white Dutch, but the older I get the more oriental I become. Especially now I am alone, my thoughts always go back to Indonesia, to my wonderful childhood. What I re ally appreciate in Indonesian culture is , what we c a ll, pelan-pelan. One encounters i t in Indonesia, the peacefulness the Indonesians have, the quietness and happiness. And you can see i t at a Pasar Mai am (Indonesian festival held in the Netherlands); there are thousands of people and yet there is peace. I t is so enviable, a Westerner 338 should try to emulate i t . The attitude of: tomorrow there is another day, I consider to be a great value of Indoness. The Westerner is always in a hurry. Of course, there is much variation w ithin the Indo-Dutch community. I am pleased to have so much Indonesian blood in my veins, but many Indos deny th e ir Indonesian ancestry. That is the tragical side of the Indo. And as fa r as the second-generation is concerned, I don't know to what extent they s till are Indo. I do know that I raised my children with Indo values, which was not always appreciated by them. My oldest son got so mad with me when, after I instructed them to be modest while visiting a Dutch friend’ s house, they didn’ t get anything to drink and eat. They p o lite ly denied her offer as I instructed them. After hearing this story, my Dutch friends offer me food and drinks several times, to make sure I re ally want or don’ t want. When I went back to visit Indonesia, and the pilot said: we are flying over the Java Sea, I cried. I cannot explain where the tears were coming from, but I was so emotional. And back in the Netherlands, I had to start adjusting all over again. So, I don’t believe it is good for me to go back to Indonesia, to v is it; I open up a healed wound. The heartiness and kindness of the people are incredible. And while walking around in Indonesia, I was so proud that this culture is part of me. 339

EDDY SWIERS

Eddy is a part-time social scie n tist, working as a f u l l ­ time administrator at the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research. He has published several studies on the Indonesian-Dutch experience. I contacted Eddy being impressed with his work and interested in a starting exchange of ideas, through correspondence. Through our le tte r we got acquainted with each other's work and private lives. In some ways ethnic identity plays an important role in Eddy’ s lif e ; in other ways i t doesn’ t . His hobbies and choice of significant friends are a reflection of his ethnic background. However, Eddy states he doesn’ t recognize most experiences of other Indos, expressed in literature and media. In his autobiography, ethnic identity would not be a returning theme. I talked to Eddy in the liv in g room o f his home. We used the Dutch language.

I was born October 25, 1951 in Jakarta, Indonesia, where my parents were liv in g at the time. My parents are both Indo-Dutch, they are of mixed ancestry. If you’re interested, I have a family tree somewhere, even though it is not completely accurate. My parents have four children of which the two eldest, my older brother and I, were born in Indonesia. The two youngest, my younger brother and my younger siste r, were born after their immigration to the Netherlands. We are all about four years apart in age. My parents immigrated to the Netherlands a fter Indonesia acquired independence. They were Dutch citizens and thus forced to leave. My father went ahead f ir s t to search fo r a job and housing, in 1955. A fter that, in 1956, my mother with my brother and I, my grandmother and an aunt arrived. We lived with my father’ s brother’ s family, in The Hague. And so we didn’t stay in a boarding house as many other Indo-Dutch families did. After 340 three-fourths of a year or so, we moved away. My father had gotten a job elsewhere. I started my schooling a fte r we immigrated to the Netherlands. F irs t, I went to elementary school in Overschie and then on to the gymnasium, the traditional university preparatory, Sint Franciscus College, a Catholic school in Rotterdam. It took me eight instead of the normal six years to fin is h . I repeated one grade and fa ile d my fin a l examinations. Maybe the school was of too high a level for me, but s till I finished it. The not too pleasant school experience and the fact that in my family going on for higher education was not a tradition, made me look for a job after graduation. I worked in different jobs, but the idea grew that I had to be studying at night in order to get ahead. So, I took some night courses in d iffe re n t fie ld s , English, Pedagogics, A rt, but i t didn’ t take me anywhere, fo r i t didn’ t require fu ll commitment. Then I decided to follow a strict program with night classes in organizational sociology, although I didn’t really know what studying at a university, or studying sociology entailed. At the same time, my wife worked as a secretary in the anthropology department of the University of Rotterdam. The atmosphere was very oriental. It would smell like clove cigarettes in the hallways and often times there were v is itin g scholars from Indonesia. Emotionally, I was attracted to that atmosphere and I liked the idea of doing graduate work in th is department, even though I didn’ t feel much interest fo r Indo-Dutch issues yet. But the program was too unstructured for me to be successful. The program organization was more important to me than the program content, at the time. After some experience in organizational sociology though, I changed interest. I became interested in studying the Indo-Dutch experience and, more generally, in minority groups in Dutch society. During and after my graduate study, I worked as a s ta ff member fo r a university and I regularly had to read research proposals. Because of my graduate work, I started judging these proposals in terms of whether I would be capable of conducting research. At firs t, I became aware that I actually could do it and later, I even realized that I could do a better job. 341

The Master’ s degree In sociology and my work experience at a university, provided me with a good foundation to elaborate academically on my personal interest in the Indo-Dutch in C alifornia. My w ife’ s parents live in California and we went there regularly for vacation. These vacations brought me in contact with Indo-Dutch who immigrated from Indonesia to the Netherlands, and from the Netherlands to the United States. They told me their stories, which at firs t were only the ones about how successful they were. Later, when I got to know them a l i t t l e b it more, they would also reveal th e ir more unsuccessful experiences to me. I realized that there was no literature about the experiences of this specific group, while the community was anxious to ta lk about th e ir experiences. So, I decided to w rite a book about them. Because I don’ t have much time fo r research during the year, I lik e to spend my vacations th is way, combining relaxation with doing research. When I finished w riting th is book on the experience of Indo-Dutch in the United States, I asked for reactions inside and outside academia. The reactions turned out positive, and I was even asked whether I wanted to use it as pilot work for a dissertation. But I decided against it. I had already told a lot of people in California that I would have the book published soon and didn’ t want to le t them down. Developing th is study into a dissertation would take much more additional work and time. In a way, I learned a lot about myself and my family history, while studying the experiences of the Indo-Dutch who migrated to the United States. I remember at Christmas we always received some postcards from the States. I remember a neighbor-friend leaving for the States and that I had no idea why I didn’ t see him around anymore. I was sad about i t , ju s t lik e his mother but fo r d iffe re n t reasons: I couldn’ t play soccer with him any longer. The contacts I had with Indo-Dutch in California during vacations, in combination with the time of renewed ethnic interest in the Indo-Dutch experience —mostly by the second-generation, got me more into discovering my Indoness. I guess I have been conscious of my being d iffe re n t from white Dutch my whole life , but I never really consciously elaborated on it . I t is because I never experienced much disadvantage of being Indo and thus wasn’ t confronted with my otherness that much. Others, who wrote 342 about th e ir experiences as Indo-Dutch, seem to have been confronted with their otherness to a greater extent than I actually have been. Maybe, it is because people were more tolerant at the time and place where I was young. I t seems to me that people in my surroundings had some background knowledge of Indo-Dutch refugees. In the cases that there were negative reference to my Indoness, I would ju s t beat up the person. I was strong when I was a kid and my strength gave me prestige with my peers. It appears to me that characteristics like strength were more important amongst my peers than cultural ancestry. I never re ally experienced problems with d iffe re n t behavioral codes in white Dutch settings. I probably intuitively felt the different cultural environment and automatically adjusted to i t . I acted lik e a chameleon: I behaved d iffe re n t in a white Dutch setting compared to an Indo setting. During my school years, I never perceived that to be problematic. Only la te r in my professional lif e , I experienced mixed feelings towards some of the values I was brought up with. Modesty and submissiveness were important values transmitted in our family. In my work, there were situations where I perceived these values to hinder necessary assertiveness. These situations were, for instance, situations where one was supposed to show their competitiveness. I just d id n 't think i t was appropriate to boast about myself. But, I wonder, maybe there were people whom I worked with who had th e ir doubts about my capabilities because I didn’ t speak out a lo t of times. There are moments I wish I could react in the straitforward way of my white Dutch colleagues, but there are also moments that I don’t think their way is the appropriate way. Their way seems rude to me sometimes, and moments lik e these make me aware of my Asian characteristics. I learn a lo t about my Western s e lf by interacting with Peranakan Chinese people, who were settlers in the Dutch East-Indies and, together with the Indo-Dutch, migrated to the Netherlands a fte r 1949. They are more Asian, more indirect than the Indo-Dutch. Sometimes, th e ir behavior bothers me, it is too Oriental for the Dutch context. In interacting with white Dutch and with Asians, I realize I am really an in-between. 343

In general, I think my Indo-Dutch background provided me with a larger pool of possible codes of behavior. And I appreciate that. I do not think it is something typical Indo, but more something characteristic of people growing up in a country with a d iffe re n t culture at home than the majority culture. I am sure it is also applicable to second-generation Turks and Moroccans, in the Netherlands. In my case, i t is because of my Indo-Dutch background. I find i t really d iffic u lt to ta lk about Indo-Dutch culture. I am not re a lly sure whether i t exists. To me, i t is more a mixture of a ll kinds of codes of behavior and characteristics, more of a subculture. I want to emphasize the following. Were I asked to w rite my autobiography, my ethnic identity wouldn’t be a central theme in it. It is just not that important in my life . 344

RICHARD CORTENBACH

Richard 1s a graduate student who pursues a career In the combined fie ld of Art (Education) and Business Administration. 1 met Richard when he was an exchange student at my (US) university, for the period of one year. In 1990. He complained to a mutual friend about how I t seemed Impossible to meet other Dutch students on campus, with whom he could exchange experiences. The friend brought us In contact and I Invited him for an Indonesian dinner at my home. We talked a lo t about the Indonesian-Dutch, th e ir history and contemporary situation. At his farewell party, a friend of him told me how she had seen Richard change from a "regular" Dutch student, at the beginning of his stay In the US, to a student of color. Interested In minority Issues In a multicultural society, at the end of his US stay. Remembering this statement more than a year later, I asked Richard to participate In my research. He agreed after warning me that he had a complicated ethnic Id e n tity, which might not be representative fo r other Indos. I Interviewed Richard on a rainy day In his brother's house. In the Red Light D is tric t of Amsterdam, while munching on delicious Chinese steamed buns. We used our native tongue, Dutch.

I was born In Jakarta In 1956. My mother Is of mixed Chinese and Indonesian ancestry, but Is more Chinese than Indonesian. She has a Chinese maiden name. My father Is of mixed German and Indonesian ancestry, he Is Indonesian-Dutch. I am not quite sure who my ancestors were, I never really asked my parents. One or two years after my birth, I am not quite sure what year, we migrated to the Netherlands. At that time, my parents had two children, my older brother and me. Three younger children were born In the Netherlands, two boys and a g ir l. We settled In Southern Limburg, where we f ir s t lived In a boarding house and where we were assigned our own home, la te r. In a 345 way, we were isolated, in the most southern part of the Netherlands. I think i t was government policy to disperse the Indo-Dutch community as much as possible. My f ir s t impression is that my parents' aim was very much towards assimilation. I think, they were trying to deny their past because they had to continue their lives, over here. That’s probably their reason for not teaching us the Indonesian language. The language spoken in our home was Dutch. Only at times my parents wanted to discuss personal things among themselves, they would ta lk Malay. Despite the emphasis on the Dutch language, I did learn some Malay words used during social events. Using these words in mixed company, is rude, I think. I don’ t lik e that and re ally haven’ t used the words since I went to secondary school. Next to our use of the Dutch language, my mother would regularly cook Dutch food. But s t i l l , l i t t l e Indo-Dutch tra its remained, lik e the type of relationship we had with our extended family, recognizable fragrances in the air, little things. My parents’ wish to assimilate had its consequences for the way they brought us up. They emphasized good education, in s tille d in us the wish to conform, not to show strange behavior, certainly not to show criminal behavior, not to be obnoxious. The Catholic background of my father brought discipline as a life -s ty le into our up-bringing. In short, my parents wanted us to be good kids. As explanation they presented us the argument that that was ju s t the rig h t way, the c iv iliz e d way. Maybe, pride was involved too, building self-respect by using discipline. I also recognize something Asian in the disciplined way we were brought up with. While studying Asian countries, th e ir economy, I realize how well they are doing because of a strong sense of discipline. Compare these Asian third-world countries with other developing countries and the difference is undeniable. I think it has to be something cultural, something ty p ic a lly Asian. My parents didn’t really talk a lot about the history of our family. It seems like they were cutting off part of their life , not willing to expose i t to th e ir children. They must have had th e ir reasons. The la tte r part of their lives in Indonesia probably wasn’t very nice. They were forced to leave the country. My mother had to leave her family behind. 346 while my father’ s brothers le ft Indonesia as well. It seems to me that my parents systematically suppressed th e ir memories of Indonesia. They had made a commitment to lif e in the Netherlands and wanted to make the best out of it. They did this by investing in their children, by believing in a good education at home and in school. And I think they were successful. In my early childhood, my parents socialized with other Indo-Dutch people on a regular basis. I t was out of so lid a rity, commonality. But gradually, during my teenage years, th is became less. Maybe, had I been around other Indo-Dutch people more, I could have continued the Indo way of lif e more, but that was not the case. I am very much shaped by the social situations I was in, and these situations were almost exclusively without other Indos. While growing up, only children from the lower socio-economic classes called us names. Children from the middle and upper classes were taught to be more decent. They were allowed to think negative things about us but not to u tter any nasty remarks. They must have found me to be d iffe re n t, but they never said anything. There was never any real conflict. You have to realize that the province of Limburg is very non- typical for the Netherlands because of its Catholicism. Catholics emphasize the equality principle: the black person is equal to the white person because we are a ll created by God. In such an atmosphere, no reference w ill be made to your Indoness. I think the Catholicism and the isolation of the region I grew up in, are very important in the way I am shaped. Our family shared the Catholic fa ith with the people of the dominant group in Southern Netherlands. My parents went to church and thus became part of the majority community. This, of course, increased our assimilation and integration. The socialization in school was extremely Western. There were hardly any other Indo-Dutch students, or students from other m inority groups. I didn’t have non-white persons as role models, and the curriculum forced us to become Dutch in our behavior. There was no attention for the history of the Indo-Dutch. It was the typical ethnocentric curriculum: white Dutch history. Western history. People didn’t know about multicultural education. 347

Also in the university I encountered white Dutch people only. F irst, I studied art and art-education. Many people thought it was a strange career choice. But, I was searching for ttiy own identity, developing my own s e lf, and Art is perfect fo r that purpose. S t ill, my own s e lf was not consciously related to my Indoness. I was an a rtist, period. And most of the time, I was judged as an artist, period. One time, an instructor told me a certain aspect of my work was typical Asian. I couldn't appreciate that remark and considered i t to be prejudice. Subsequently, I became more interested in the greater social context of things and I started to study public administration. Again, I was a loner, even in Amsterdam the people of color in graduate programs can be counted on the fingers of one hand. For me, the importance o f Indoness is not that great. I don’ t re a lly feel connected to the Indo-Dutch community, even though Asian people often confront me with my Indoness, based on my features. For instance, I was ju s t walking around down-town and suddenly a Chinese man started to talk to me in Chinese. And again, I realized, I look Asian, or Indonesian. But my consciousness is very Western, due to the socialization in secondary school, or the white Dutch dominated society as a whole. So, Indoness doesn’ t have a central place in my d e fin itio n of se lf. The Indo socialization was just a short process, during my childhood. Mostly, I have been exposed to Western influences. In my description of self, values come to mind which I have formulated individually, values unrelated to my Indo-Dutch background. S t ill, I am introverted, which might be an Indo-Dutch characteristic. But then, I hate generalization, and while I bring up this characteristic I realize that I have to question i t being ty p ic a lly Indo-Dutch. S t ill, many Asian people are more turned- inward. I am not sure whether that is typical of my group or something individual. Most of the time, I feel lik e an outsider looking into Indonesian and Indo-Dutch way of lif e . For instance while watching a documentary about Indonesia, or a movie about the Dutch East-Indies, or while reading a book about the Dutch East-Indies, or about Indoness, a possible feeling of involvement w ill immediately disappear when stereotypes are brought up. I do recognize little things that I think are Indo-Dutch. For instance, while I was in a Chinese store, an Indo-Dutch old lady walked in. I 348

recognized her Indoness in the way she talked, the ways she points at things she wants. But in relation to myself, I feel a distance. I think i t is something generational. I think, I would recognize your parents as being Indo, but I have my doubts whether I would recognize Indoness in your behavior. The frame of reference of the second generation Indo-Dutch people is to ta lly d ifferent. Interesting things happened when I went to study in the States for one year. I was able to take a distance from the Netherlands and ended up in the international student community at Ohio State. This community addressed my Asian features; they wanted to know about the relationship between my Dutch native language, the Netherlands being my country of origin, and my Asian looks. Their questions put me on the spot and I fe lt I had to take a stand. The Americans realized I was very Western in my behavior, for instance in my jokes. I also began asking myself what I had in common with the many Asians I met there, from China, Taiwan, Indonesia. I had a Taiwanese roommate, and his behavior seemed very fa m ilia r and very comfortable to be around. This is when I met you and when I enjoyed talking about Indoness and m ulticultural ism. When I returned to the Netherlands, the preoccupation with my ethnic id e n tity disappeared almost completely. I don't know what w ill happen in the future. I have a preference to work in Asia. I feel a certain attraction to Asia, maybe just because people look lik e me: they are short and have the same complexion. Again, I find it very d iffic u lt to describe the characteristics that make me more Asian. But there is something that differentiates me from Westerners, what exactly, I don’ t know. I am sorry, but I am probably not the most stereotypical Indonesian-Dutch person. 349

I I I . Indonesian Respondents

YVEHE FREUDENBERG

Yvette was my hostess in Jakarta, and lik e Maudy, she told me a lot about her life during our daily interactions, at breakfast, lunch, dinner, and at night. Unlike Maudy, she was immediately willing to tell me her life history during an interview. Yvette, who is a middle-aged widow, has always been a very independent woman, which, at certain times, caused problems with her husband. She considers her European ancestry to be the main reason for her strive towards independence. Through her knowledge of the country's culture and history, through her participation in Indonesian lif e , and through her treatment of the servants, Yvette shows love for Indonesia and its people. After retirement from a German firm where she worked as secretary, Yvette has fully taken up free-lance translating (using the English, Dutch, and Indonesian languages). Her success shows in her many assignments. I have heard and seen her work long hours. Apart from my hostess and respondent, Yvette was my contact person/key-informant. Through her, I found other Indonesian-Dutch people, w illin g to participate in th is study. I conducted the interview with her in her liv in g room. We used the Dutch language.

I was born in Bandung, Indonesia, September 21, 1938. Both my parents were Indonesian-Dutch, both had European and Indonesian ancestors. My grandparents probably had white Dutch fathers and Javanese mothers. I had a younger brother, who died in a Japanese prison camp. My mother died at his birth. After the war, in 1946 or 1947, iny father remarried an Indonesian woman. My step-mother was a Buginese woman, a "Penduduk A sli" 350

(an authentic inhabitant of Indonesia) as the Indonesians say. They didn’ t have other children. In those days, people considered i t a shame to marry a native person. My father however, couldn’ t care less. He didn’ t interact too much with the white Dutch, didn’t frequent the Dutch Society and didn’t have many Dutch friends. My father didn’ t have the prejudice many Europeans had towards the Indonesians. He loved Indonesia immensely, especially its nature. He didn’ t care what other people thought of him. He married an Indonesian woman and was happy in his environment, in his job. I am not sure whether my father had visited the Netherlands in his youth. I think he did, and he probably didn’t like it too much. He didn’t really talk about it, though. But his experience there and here, must have influenced his la te r decision to become an Indonesian citize n . My upbringing was different from most other children. During the war, I was raised by Dutch Catholic nuns and thus my upbringing was ty p ic a lly Dutch. Then, I experienced a mix of Indonesian and Indo values. My Indonesian step-mother took very good care of me, but le ft the important decisions to my father. For example, when I wanted to go to the movies she would always make me ask my father fo r permission. She taught me Indonesian habits, lik e drinking herbal medicine, every day, and respecting Indonesian tabus, lik e using your le ft hand, certain indecent postures, go outside with sun-down, etc. She taught me a lo t of things, but, because of the Dutch blood in my veins, I revolted a lo t of times. I questioned her superstition and values concerning appropriate behavior fo r a young woman. Only when I became an adult, I realized how valuable her lessons were. My father was a very s tric t man in certain aspects. He insisted that I always spoke the truth, didn’t linger after school, and that I ’d be home at dinner time. He taught me to be respectful to the elderly and to the servants. But, when I finished my school assignments, I was allowed to wander in the forest, talk with the native sago workers, roam around his workshop and ta lk to the soldiers. Sometimes, I didn’ t come home u n til late in the evening. He didn’ t mind that. My father served in the Dutch East-Indian ariny and was imprisoned when the Japanese conquered the Dutch East-Indies. He was sent to Japan, 351 where he was a forced laborer in the mines. He was in Nagasaki when the bomb was dropped. The prisoners didn’ t notice anything, except that they were locked in th e ir underground quarters fo r some days. The Japanese didn’ t come to get them fo r work nor to feed them. They broke out o f th e ir quarters and walked down-town, where they only found ruins. They were picked up by the American army and sent to Manilla for tests. A fter two weeks, they were sent back to Jakarta. After the war, he was offered the choice to remain Dutch and leave the country, or to become an Indonesian c itize n . He chose the la tte r, and was transferred to the Indonesian army. He was one of the firs t to make such a choice. I believe, his decision had very much to do with my Indonesian step-mother. But maybe, he ju s t loved the country that much. And because I was ju s t a child, I became an Indonesian citizen too. I attended a Dutch elementary school and two years o f Dutch secondary education. Then Indonesia became independent and the school changed to Indonesian secondary education. The transition meant a change of the language of instruction from Dutch to Indonesian. I didn’ t mind the change because most of the time I spoke Indonesian anyway. I only spoke Dutch at home, with my father. With my mother I spoke Indonesian and even my parents spoke Indonesian with each other. The Indonesian grammar was somewhat d iffic u lt to learn, though. And so were the lessons in Arabic, which were introduced with the transition. At the time the Japanese occupied the Dutch East-Indies, I was only eight years old. Being a Dutch child, this meant that it was impossible for me to go to school. I was imprisoned and Catholic nuns took care of me, as well as educated me, those years. I was the only child in that prison camp. After liberation, my father found me with help of the Red Cross. And I started elementary school, in the th ird or fourth grade of the reinstitutionalized Dutch school. I was a relatively good student, but I was extremely bored at school. Most of the students were white Dutch and i t wasn’ t easy fo r me to make friends with them. So, I skipped school a lo t and would ju s t wonder around in the forest. I had no friends u n til I went to secondary school. At th is school, there were both white Dutch and Indo-Dutch students and I 352 liked i t much better. In such an atmosphere, i t was easier to make friends, both with the white Dutch and the Indo-Dutch. With Indonesia’s independence, parents who insisted that their children received Dutch education took their children out of the schools, and migrated, or sent their children to the Netherlands. And thus, the number of Indo students in schools in Indonesia, diminished. Both language of instruction and content changed with the transition. While in Dutch schools we only learned about Western history, in Indonesian schools we were taught Indonesian history. I never experienced any problems with th is change, instead, I had a good time in school. The secondary school, which was a Dutch school f ir s t but changed into an Indonesian school after independence, was a Catholic school, with white Dutch nuns as teachers. Our school did have some Indonesian teachers too, especially fo r Indonesian history lessens and Indonesian language lessons. Eighty percent of the students were Indo-Dutch, with Indonesians, especially Ambonese students, in the minority. I remember hating the nuns for making us wear an orange (color of the Dutch royal house) ribbon on Dutch national holidays, like Queen’s Day. We all thought that was ridiculous, Indonesia was already an independent country! I was re ally embarrassed having to walk around with that ribbon. Of course, Indonesians would comment when they saw us. I never re a lly experienced any h o s tility from Indonesians towards us. I think the fact that my father married a native woman made a lot of difference in how Indonesians approached us. In the la tte r part of Soekarno’ s ruling years, Dutch became a banned language. At that time, I was already married and had children. I had to instruct my children not to speak any Dutch outside of our home. But at home we ju s t continued using Dutch. I t was an absurd ruling. They didn’ t realize that there were many Indonesians who spoke Dutch in and outside th e ir homes too. Another possible reason fo r my lack of negative experiences with Indonesians, may be the Indo-Dutch majority at school. Up u n til 1956, most of the students were Indo. And even though Indonesia was independent, the Dutch were s t i l l very much present in business. I f you were of Dutch ancestry, you were offered a job at Dutch firms almost immediately. Of course, this is discriminatory practice, but at the time, it was 353 advantageous fo r us. But even after 1956-57, I didn’ t re a lly notice anything from the assumed Indonesian hatred towards the Dutch. Indo-Dutch, who had chosen fo r Indonesian citizenship, were considered Indonesians. I married an Indo-Dutch man whom I met during a stay with my uncle in Jakarta. The neighborhood my uncle lived in was more or less an Indo enclave, and every Saturday they organized a dance. A ll the Indos would come, because we a ll lik e to dance. And during such a dance I met my husband. I know that many other marriages emerged from these Indo social events. But, most of these couples immigrated to the Netherlands in 1956- 57. My uncle and his family went as well. He asked me whether I wanted to join him, but I decided to stay because I was already married and my husband didn’ t want to leave. Despite the fact I married an Indo-Dutch man, I am convinced that a marriage between two Indos can be problematic. For centuries, the Indo men in the Dutch East-Indies were allowed to fool around with different women and to oppress them, whether they were Indo-Dutch or Indonesian. This tradition must have influenced the socialization pattern of Indo boys. Modern Indo women, however, don’ t accept th is behavior, due to changing times and th e ir European background. And so, clashes seem lik e ly to happen. I raised my children in the Indo-Dutch fashion. I never made any difference between my daughter and my sons. For me, they have equal rights, whether g ir l or boy, youngest or oldest. In Indonesian fam ilies i t is d iffe re n t. There, the oldest has to be respected and the youngest is expected to obey. In addition, unlike Indonesian children, my children didn’t have to follow strict codes of behavior or go through rituals related to certain stages in their childhood. Especially, Javanese people tend to do so. I le t my children make their own choices. I didn’t persuade them to choose for a certain profession or to choose friends from a particular ethnic group. With a ll this emphasis on freedom, however, I did teach them to mind the important issue of a woman’ s reputation, both for the sake of my daughter and my sons’ girl-friends. In Indonesia, it is disastrous fo r a woman’ s reputation i f people suspect she has premarital sex. 354

My children’s different upbringing and their different features resulted in an early consciousness of their otherness. It was never problematic. They know about th e ir d iffe re n t ancestors, the French, the German, the Javanese. They think it is very interesting, although they realize i t is not re ally a big deal. My children a ll have Indonesian partners. There are too few Indos, and to deliberately search fo r them is ridiculous. Further more, I am not really sure whether they feel Indo or not. They found people they are attracted to and comfortable with, irrespective of race. When my grandchildren are staying with me, I show them Indo values. They probably notice that I do things d iffe re n tly , although I don’ t label it as such. S till, at their home, they are raised Indonesian. I don’t interfere with th e ir Indonesian mother’ s way of upbringing. My two grandsons refer to each other using the terms vounoer brother and older brother, which is ty p ic a lly Javanese. I think the next generation Indos, be they in Indonesia, the Netherlands, or the United States, will assimilate into the dominant group. I t is ju s t inevitable. I feel very much accepted by the Indonesians. I don’ t believe I could feel sim ila rly accepted by the Dutch. The Dutch w ill always make you feel an outsider, because of your different features and the color of your skin. You cannot blend in that well. Indonesians accept Indos, even though they have different values. I do feel very Indo and although it is always a complicated story, I like to explain it. I have always taken pride in my mixed Indonesian-Dutch heritage and would I be reborn, I would lik e to be born as an Indo-Dutch person again, an in-between of Indonesian and Dutch culture. It so comfortable to be able to choose between the two cultures, to be able to understand both cultures, to be able to participate in two cultures. I f I want, I can become part of either the Indonesian community in Indonesia, or the Dutch community in the Netherlands. But, I don’t want that. I lik e i t where I am, in between the two. 355

GABI FREUDENBERG-KARNAOI

Gabi is Yvette’s only daughter, the middle child. Being the only daughter and liv in g in close v ic in ity of her mother, Gabi has a close relationship with Yvette. Not only do they see each other during the weekends, they also spend vacations together, accompanied by Gabi’ s husband. Gabi is re la tiv e ly t a ll, in comparison with Indonesian women, and she has lig h t brown hair. In addition, Gabi is a very open, young woman, who likes to make conversation, and like s to joke and laugh. This sets her apart from the more typical Indonesian young women. The interview with Gabi was held in the living room of her mother’ s house. Gabi met me there after work and, before the interview, we had dinner together with her mother. Her mother was present during the interview and she "helped" Gabi answer my questions, with examples and translations ( i f language was a problem). Her mother insisted on Gabi using the Dutch language. The interview ended up being spoken in a mixture of English, Dutch, and Indonesian.

I was born in 1962, in Jakarta. My parents are both Dutch- Indonesian. The European ancestors of my mother were Dutch and French, my father’ s German. I grew up with an older and a younger brother. I don’t really consider myself Indonesian, nor really European: I am an Indo person. They are d iffe re n t from both Indonesian and Dutch people. Their upbringing is different. For instance, as a girl you have more freedom. Indonesian g irls are not allowed to do a ll kinds o f things and aresupposed to learn the stereotypical women’ s tasks as cooking, etc. But in my home, g irls and boys are treated the same, we are allowed to do the same things. The ideas in an Indo home are more modern. In secondary school when I compared myself with my Indonesian g irl-frie n d s , I was always glad I was raised differently. S till, I feel that way. My f ir s t language is Indonesian. But, my mother and father always talked Dutch to each other when they didn’ t want us to understand what 356 they said. My mother spoke Dutch to us at times she was upset. And my grandmother always speaks Dutch to us. So, we learned Dutch by hearing them speak. I never really spoke i t . I only gained passive knowledge by liste n in g , u n til I took a course in the Dutch language. I took i t out of cu rio sity. I always heard the language but I didn’ t know anything about i t . Maybe la te r I w ill take some more, i f I have time. I think I w ill raise my children the same way as I am raised, which is not the common Indonesian way. My husband, who is Chinese-Indonesian, won’ t object because he was raised in a European way and lived abroad. He studied seven/eight years at a university in the Netherlands. Both he and his parents, who went to Dutch schools in the colonial times, speak Dutch. But despite of their upbringing, I think my children would feel more Indonesian. I think that they w ill be too much Indonesian to feel otherwise, for I am half Indonesian, and my husband is Indonesian. In addition, they w ill go to Indonesian schools and be amongst Indonesian peers. Yet, the Indonesian children of today are also not raised as stric tly as before. So, the difference in upbringing between my children and Indonesian children won’ t be that big. When I was young, I was regularly teased with the word "Belanda" (Dutch person). Everybody who had lig h t hair and skin color was called Belanda. They didn’t realize, our ancestry is not necessarily Dutch, it can be German, French, American, etc. But they called everybody Belanda, because they hated the Belanda at that time. Their parents probably didn’t teach them that not every "Buie" (Whitey) is Belanda. I don’ t consider myself Belanda; I am more German, from my father’ s side of the family. I went to Catholic schools from elementary through senior high school. These schools were good schools, the name-calling didn’ t happen there. I t mostly happened during my elementary school years, in the street, when I came home from school, or when I took the bus. When I grew older, the name-calling got less because of better education. People got wiser. I don’ t quite remember how I fe lt when we talked about colonialism in school. The fact I forgot probably means it was not important. I never really fe lt involved anyway. I see history as a story and I never fe lt at the side of the colonial, I fe lt neutral. Nobody pointed fingers at me 357 when we talked about colonialism in class. I attended Catholic schools, though. I don’ t know what i t would have been lik e in a government school. It might have been problematic there. When I was in Junior high school there was one other Indo student, a girl, one year older than I. She colored her hair to look more Indonesian and yet everybody knew she was Indo. I recognized her by her facial features as well as her name, Maudy. I think we were the only two, besides my younger brother. My older brother attended the same school but he didn’t stick out, he is dark, like an Indonesian. I didn’t usually make friends with other Indos. I always liked have Indonesian friends, so I would feel more accepted. I t might be that Indos want to be accepted in th e ir neighborhood by making friends with the local people. And Indos are not like Chinese people, sticking to each other in a group, they mix with the Indonesian group. They always accepted my friendship. Also, I ju s t didn’ t meet many Indo people whom I could be friends with. And then, maybe i t is true what my cousin Robbie said; Indos don’ t lik e other Indos that much. I think that Indos always have an advantage. Here, Indos are s t i l l approached with more dignity, superior to Indonesians. Indonesians entering a hotel with shorts, without shoes, are lik e ly to be sent away. But i f I want to enter, looking lik e a European with sandals and not dressed very w ell, i t is no problem. They won’ t say anything because they are uncertain whether I am a guest in the hotel or not. S t ill, unlike during the time my mom was young, I don’ t experience any advantage of my Indoness in finding a job. I went to the Netherlands once fo r vacation, for one week only. And during that single week, I met the whole family. It was before I married when I was 26. I liked it for vacation, but I don’t think I can live there because of the cold and the culture. I would not be able to adjust. I have never been to Germany. I would lik e to go there once, to see the Freudenberg Street in Berlin. I am not in a hurry, though. I don’t feel the same urge to v is it France. I am proud to be Indo. I cannot imagine being born as a Javanese or Sundanese person. I don’ t think i t is that important to mention i t in a conversation though. I am tire d o f people asking me what I am. When they 358 ask me: are you Indo? I always say: yes, I am Indo-nesian. Otherwise I have to explain the long story, about my father and my mother, my grandfather. S t ill, because of my family and f ir s t name, they always ask me: what kind of name is this? In school, the teachers would always mispronounce my f ir s t and last name. Some would say Gabir, meaning clumsv. and everybody would laugh. Silence would follow and then the mispronunciation of my last name. Because i t a unique name, people easily recognize i t and ask me whether I am related to other Freudenbergs they have known. I lik e that. And most people are ju s t interested. After hearing the story of my ancestors, they w ill ask me whether I can speak German, and I have to answer: no. In Jakarta, they don't judge you on being from a particular ethnic group. You see a lo t of mixes between d iffe re n t ethnic groups. In my youth, there were a lo t of guys who liked me but didn’t dare to ask me for their girl-friend, because I was different. They probably knew that their parents would not agree with their choice, for I am not from their "bobot, bibit, bebet" (same education and class, same soil and origin, and same wealth). Indos don't f i t , because they are raised too modernly. Indonesian parents fear that Indo daughters-in-laws w ill be too liberated. Indo women don’ t accept the superiority of the men, lik e Indonesian women do, and thus are more inclined to create problems and ultimately divorce. Compared to European women, I think I have more moral re stra in t. I am more p o lite , which is more Indonesian-like. Indonesians don't say to people: I don't lik e you, I hate you, etc. Europeans are to ta lly open, i f they don't lik e something, they say i t , sometimes without thinking about hurting other peoples feelings. But Indos, are in the middle. I understand European behavior, but, I also have Asian influence in me, and I like being myself fo r the mix of the two cultures. The Indos in Indonesia can go two ways: they can become more Indonesian or more European. I feel I am becoming more Indonesian. Maybe another Indo is becoming more European. I t depends upon the way you feel, which is stronger, the father or the mother, the Indonesian or the European side of the family. Also, the context of raising children is of great influence on whether Indos raise their children in a more Western or Asian fashion. 359

JANET HERNIE-SCHOLZ

Janet is the Hernies’ only daughter, and the only one of th e ir children who is able to speak Dutch. Janet is married to an Indonesian-Dutch man and has a four year old daughter. She works as a home economics teacher and runs a beauty parlor in her parents’ house. Janet is a thinker. She c r itic a lly analyzes her situation and environment. She is outgoing, but apprehensive o f some of the Indonesian codes of appropriate behavior, in p a rticu la r fo r women. Because her husband’ s father recent death, his mother is living with the family. Off the record, Janet expresses the c o n flic t she feels between Western values of privacy and Asian values of community sacrifice. Janet insists on conducting the interview in Dutch. She is eager to practice in every possible situation. Her Dutch language s k ills are fa ir , she uses the Dutch language freely, but makes some grammatical mistakes. She is aware of her shortcomings, however is not embarrassed to speak. The interview is held in the living room of her parents’ home.

I was born November 23, 1963, in Ujung Panjang, Sulawesie, Indonesia. My parents are both Dutch-Indonesian. Looking at the features and complexion of my grandparents, as well as my own features and complexion, I realize I look different from the majority. I know I am Dutch-Indonesian, but that’s about all I know for sure. I think both my grandmothers are half Dutch whereas my grandfathers are fu ll Indonesian. One grandfather is Javanese. I understand that since my parents are h a lf Dutch-Indonesian, I am only a quarter Dutch-Indonesian. When I went to elementary school, people called me "Buie" (Whitey). In identifying me, they would use this characterization. They would ask fo r example, question:"Do you know Janet?", answer:"Which Janet?", answer:"Janet Buie." At f ir s t , I didn’ t understand why I was referred to th is way, and I asked my parents. They explained me about our ancestry and 360 why I was fa ire r skinned than the other Indonesian children. They explained me I was a Dutch-Indonesian person. At times, I feel like an outsider when they call me "Buie." I decided to ju s t suppress any negative feelings, and not to pay any attention to i t . I lik e being Dutch-Indonesian because i t is diffe re n t. But, I want to convince people my being d iffe re n t is not something negative. There are people who immediately think of negative characteristics, when they hear you are Dutch. That is because of the colonial times, before the war. I want to show them that that's the past and that I have nothing to do with i t . I want to show them that Dutch- Indonesians get along very well with Indonesians and that I have something to offer to my Indonesian friends, like contributing to their knowledge of foreign languages. I use English and Dutch often times in conversations with my friends, because it is part of my upbringing. Thus, being friends with me can have advantages. I noticed the difference between me and my Indonesian friends in school, for example. I was always the best during English lessons. Also, in my upbringing, my parents emphasized etiquette. I don’ t want to brag about it, but I think I have a better knowledge of appropriate behavior than my Indonesian friends. When I v is it my friends’ homes, I always make a point of greeting their parents. It is just a habit. My friends don’t do that. They weren’ t taught to do so. The same counts fo r respect fo r the elderly and using respectful language in conversations with them. During my early childhood, the differences between me and my Indonesian friends weren’ t that clear. Only at the time I went to secondary school I started to experience problems. I lik e solving problems though: one learns so much from i t . When I was an adolescent in senior high school, i t was d iffic u lt to find a boyfriend who re a lly cared fo r me. Whenever a boy would lik e me very much, his parents wouldn’ t approve of him dating me. I didn’ t understand why. Maybe, the fam ilies were really traditional and couldn’ t stand the idea of th e ir sons dating a Dutch- Indonesian g irl, for they expected me to be too liberal in my behavior. Maybe, they thought I would smoke, not wear a bra, things like that. I would always defend myself by saying I am Dutch-Indonesian, but raised with Indonesian standards. 361

I had two serious relationships with Indonesian boys, one Javanese and one from Padang. But, both relationships ended because there were problems between me and the parents. With the Padang family i t was because of religion. In the Javanese family, it wasn’t tolerated that I would talk directly to the parents. I had to wait humbly, until they would talk to me. But I couldn’ t stand that. Why should i t be th is way? I was th e ir future daughter-in-law! Also, I wasn’ t supposed to comment when I didn’t agree with something. I would always question th e ir codes of behavior. They thought I was Indo and thus undisciplined. But instead, my parents were very traditional in bringing up their only daughter. When I married, I was 100% virgin. They thought it was one of the most important values for a girl in Indonesia. There is no other way. And full of pride I told my husband about i t . As a Catholic, I agree v irg in ity is a very important value for a g irl. Because I am the only daughter, I think my parents emphasized more Indonesian aspects in my upbringing. I was not allowed to date boys when I was in secondary school. S t ill, I was allowed to take boys home with me. When I wanted to go to a movie, or to the disco with friends, I had to be back home at 10:00 pm. How is that possible? The disco only starts at 10:30! So, I could never re ally go. Also, we had to come home straight from school, even though the school was very close to our house. I f I wasn’ t home within 10 minutes a fte r school ended, the servants were sent to take me home. I was allowed to go out with friends only after I took my friends home with me so my parents could see the company I wanted to do something with, and only after I had asked permission. I went to a Catholic elementary and secondary school. There were some other Indo students in my school, one became a good friend. She is an Indo with a Dutch mother and an Indonesian father. Her Dutch is very fluent. Comparing her with me, i t is obvious that she is raised very lib e ra l, more lib e ra l than I am. She was liv in g together with her boyfriend, when we were only in high school for example. We were good friends, even though we were very different in certain things. S till, we would feel at ease with each other’ s parents and we enjoyed speaking Dutch. I also have some very close Indonesian friends. Some of them I have 362 known since elementary school. We always kept In touch. So, i t is not that I am only looking for Indo friends. History lessons about the Dutch colonial times didn’ t re a lly bother me. It has been such a long time. I would feel like the other students, learning about our history. There were never any real nasty remarks about my ancestors, lik e your grandparents were our enemies, or something lik e that. Times have changed. Of course, jokes were made sometimes, but that was more teasing, and I would always have a quick and smart response. For instance, boys would say: you are Indo, your people were lik e th is , etc. And I would respond: You lik e Indo g irls , don’ t you, but your parents won’t allow you to date them. That’ s why you’re upset! Often times, I am asked about my ancestors, because of my complexion. I always explain, with some pride, even though sometimes I get sick of i t . Why do people want to know; why do they ask me why I liv e here, while our relatives liv e in the Netherlands? At times, I ju s t want to give a short answer, without going into details. My parents taught me to voice my opinion, to explain my point of view, to have a discussion. This is a European characteristic. I used this in school when I disagreed with something the teacher said. At firs t, the teachers were upset with me, they found me to be disrespectful. But later, they realized that one can voice one’s ideas in a civilized, respectful way. I didn’ t ju s t say: you are wrong, but would give my opinion and would ask for permission to discuss the issue in class. The other students were impressed with my brave behavior, but warned me about negative repercussions from the teachers. However, after some one-two months, they all started to ask questions too. I had the best time in my life . I met my husband through his aunt, who was a c lie n t in my beauty parlor. She arranged a blind date, which I appreciated because I was recovering from a broken heart. My Padang boyfriend, with whom I had been together fo r five years, decided we could not marry because of our different religions. I was really very much in love with him. We split up in December. In January I met my husband, and in February we got married. It was love at firs t sight. I was really pleased with the fact that he was both Indo and Christian, lik e I am. He changed his religion from Protestantism to Catholicism and I knew immediately this relationship 363 would be so much easier because of shared heritage. I do realize, now, that his Dutch background doesn’ t always make things easier, though. I visited the Netherlands twice. The firs t time was during a belated honey moon, in 1988. I didn’ t realize I was pregnant and fe lt miserable over there. I was hungry but couldn’t find the food I was longing for. There was no good rice, no noodles. I lost 9 kilo during this stay. I told my dad, a fter we returned home, I never wanted to v is it Holland again. The second time was only recently. This time I enjoyed i t so much I didn’t want to go back to Indonesia. I would love to live there. I am a teacher in home economics and earn so l i t t l e money in Indonesia. Life is so much better in the Netherlands. Everything is arranged so much better. Life in Indonesia is only good if you are rich. Unfortunately, my husband doesn’ t want to go. He is more Indo than I am, but he can’ t speak the language. I have a lot of family in the Netherlands, both my own and my husband’s. So, it is not as risky to start a new life over there. I would like the challenge, but my husband, who was raised over-protected by his parents, doesn’t dare. It’s not that I would like to live in Holland forever, ju s t fo r some 10 years or so. Meanwhile, my daughter can get a good education, better experiences. It’s too bad my father didn’t immigrate to the Netherlands, lik e his brothers. I always bug him with the question why he didn’t. I want to raise my daughter the same way I was raised by my parents. They really did a good job. I want my daughter to be able to adapt to d iffe re n t environments, to have a regular lif e , to be independent, and to be polite and respectful. My Indonesian friends raise th e ir children d iffe re n tly . They w ill le t th e ir children buy snacks from street vendors. Their children don’t respect their parents’ conversations. They interrupt, make noise, disturb, etc. But with all these rules, I do explain to my daughter why I want her to behave a certain way, and I allow her to discuss it with me. I want to teach my daughter pride in her heritage, in her Indoness. I want her to know about her ancestors. I would lik e her to study abroad, so she would have better chances in her career. Study abroad w ill make her independent. Many Indonesians are afraid to travel. But I want to teach 364 her to be Independent and make her own decisions. I want her to develop into a good human being; I want the best for her. I speak English, Indonesian, and Dutch with my daughter. She went to an English school when she was three years old. She doesn’ t have to be fluent in a foreign language yet, as long as she knows some words. She already knows how to count, and is able to distinguish between Indonesian, English, and Dutch. We do want her to call us "/Vyah" and "Bunda" (resp. father and mother in formal Javanese). In th is way, we also emphasize her Indonesian ancestry. People always te ll me I don’ t have my own country. But th a t’ s not how I see i t . I have two countries. I know Indonesia and I know the Netherlands, I feel richer in experience than the others. 365

SOPHIE HEHUAT

I talked to Sophie in combination with her daughter Alexandra. Alexandra is a busy woman, and thus I was pleased with this arrangement, although in itia lly. I ’d rather talked to the two generations separately for a more complete picture. I realized, however, that witnessing the interaction between two generations might provide an interesting, different angle to the life histories. Sophie has the looks of an a ristocra tic woman: her appearance is polished and she looks cool in the humid Indonesian heat. She smokes elegantly, which is a rare sight for women of age especially in Indonesia. Sophie is given the respect that is due to her, as a mother. With every question, Alexandra lets Sophie answer f ir s t . Sophie’ s youngest daughter and two of her granddaughters (elementary school age) are present at the interview, but they are silent, they appear to listen patiently. On her daughters’ request, Sophie has begun to write her autobiography. Obviously, the family is interested in keeping record of their past. Her way of writing this autobiography probably has influenced the way she interpreted my questions. The interview is held in the living room of Alexandra’ s house. The language spoken is Dutch.

I was born January 19, 1919, in Tegal. Both my father and my mother were Indonesian-Dutch. I don’ t re a lly know more of the background o f my father than that he was an Indo-Dutch person. My mother was a real "h a lf- blood," her father was white Dutch, while her mother was a Dayak woman. This explains the shape of my children’s eyes. I was raised in the typical Indo-Dutch way. In those days, the Indos re a lly had th e ir own community. My parents didn’ t have any Indonesian friends nor any white Dutch friends, most of their friends were Indo, like they were. And Indos married Indos. Only very sporadically, an Indo woman would marry a white Dutch man. The white Dutch fe lt too superior for 366 intermarriage with Indo-Dutch persons. They considered us somewhat in fe rio r. Our upbringing was European, which meant that we were raised with regularity and discipline. I went to a Dutch elementary school in Sagen. After school, we would have our dinner and after dinner all the Indo children in our neighborhood got together to play games and to sing. Only in school I was in contact with white Dutch children. The contact I had with Chinese and Indonesian children was also very l i t t l e . I re a lly lived in a closed Indo community. Because I was an only child, I was never allowed to go anywhere. When my girlfriends went out, my parents wouldn't le t me go because they were afraid I would catch something. And o f course because of th e ir over­ protection, at times I did go with them, without my parents’ permission, I re a lly got sick. During those adventures we would eat Indonesian snacks, while I wasn’ t used to eating hot c h ili, or other native foods. My parents didn’t want me to eat things like that, they were worried it might hurt me. Life was simple, at that time. At night, the men would get together to play cards, like Bridge. They would drink "Jenever" from a bottle with a deer-fetus, of which they believed it increased their fe rtility . The Indo ladies also came together in th e ir "sarong kebaya" (Indo version of the native Indonesian dress). They would gossip while they were doing crochet. I eavesdropped sometimes and my ears would be perked, but I was always sent away. After elementary school, I went to the secondary school in Yokya, and thereafter, I went through training fo r vocational education. After I graduated, I worked for the private school of a women’ s organization. This organization was involved with all kinds of social work. Then the war came, and during the Japanese occupation, I lived in Salatiga, with friends who introduced me to my husband. I married my husband during the independence war in 1945. He was a drop-out from Medical School. Because of the circumstances the wedding was very plain. But the young nationalists gave us a red-white banner (the nationalist banner). Too bad I don’ t have that banner anymore, as a reminder. The young nationalists appreciated my being on th e ir side, 367 despite my Dutch background. Some other Indo women married Ambonese, but most of them didn’ t , even though the Ambonese had very sim ilar life -s ty le s to the Indos and were considered a llie s of the Dutch. With Indonesia’ s independence, a fte r my marriage, I had to make a choice of citizenship. Many Ambonese le ft Indonesia for the Netherlands, and my husband asked me what I wanted to do. But I told him: I have always known you are an Indonesian, and thus I w ill stay here with you, in the country where you belong. I realized that we would be dependent on the Dutch government would we immigrate to the Netherlands, whereas i t would be our rig h t to stay in Indonesia. So, we stayed in Indonesia. I knew my husband’ s feelings towards the Dutch. He was a natio n a list. He stayed away from the o ffic e , once the Dutch recaptured Yokya. I couldn’ t go against his beliefs by choosing to remain a Dutch citizen. At that time, I didn’t have any close family le ft to whom I had to explain and defend my decision. I was an only child, my father had died in a Japanese prison camp, and my mother had died, long before that. My cousins didn’ t care about me, and neither did I care about them. I wasn’ t really close to them. I never regretted the decision. The Indos who went to the Netherlands were better of in material terms, especially in the Soekarno years. At that time, we had to squeeze every penny. My husband’ s salary was too much to die on, but too little to live off. So, I had to earn some extra money by sewing and k n ittin g clothes fo r other people. I raised my children the way I was raised, with regularity and discipline: eat at the dinner table, a regular time schedule, a nap after lunch, school assignments a fte r dinner, outings on Saturday only. My children would eat what was prepared fo r a ll of us, which was always healthy food. Once they got a little older, they could speak their minds and have their own opinions. This is very un-Indonesian. Here is more lik e : you ought to do what your parents want you to do. At home we spoke Dutch, but in school they spoke Indonesian, of course. Our youngest daughter hardly speaks any Dutch because i t was a banned language when she was young. Only years la te r, we started to speak Dutch again, at home. Our second daughter s t i l l speaks some Dutch, which 368 she learned at home only. I used to read them fairy-tales In Dutch, the fairy-tales of the Grimm brothers. When my children were young, I couldn’ t speak Indonesian that well yet. But I always to ld my children: you ought to be proud to be Indonesian. And th a t’ s what they feel themselves to be. I wasn’ t as radically a nationalist to stop speaking Dutch. And I s till think in a European way. For instance, when something is bothering me I w ill always speak my mind. At least in th is way you give people the chance to defend themselves. This is a typical Dutch characteristic. My Indo friends in the Netherlands often ta lk about th e ir home­ sickness to Indonesia. I think they have a problem with discrimination, over there. S t ill, they have a good lif e , they are taken care of by the Dutch government. Yet, they long for Indonesia. We don’ t know that feeing, fortunately. After my husband passed away I was offered the opportunity to immigrate to the Netherlands. But, I didn’ t want to. A ll my children are here, in Indonesia, and I don’t have any longing to go to the Netherlands, even if it would be better financially. An acquaintance asked me whether he had made the wrong choice in immigrating to the Netherlands. I don’ t know whether that is the case. Would I have married an Indo, I would d e fin ite ly have gone to the Netherlands. I don’ t regret my decision, but I also think I wouldn’ t regret my decision had I remained a Dutch citizen and gone to Holland. There are many things people have in Holland, that are unavailable here. I am glad I am growing old in my own environment, where close family ties are s t i l l valued. At least, people don’ t put th e ir parents in nursery homes, here. In Indonesia they s till care about family. We lead a good lif e , here. Yet, a fte r so many years in independent Indonesia I s t i l l prefer to read Dutch books. I hardly read Indonesian books, except fo r the newspaper. Dutch is my f ir s t language, the language of emotion, whereas Indonesian feels lik e a foreign language. 369

ALEXANDRA TARIBUKA

Alexandra was one of the best friends of my hostess Yvette. Together with a th ird Javanese friend, they are the most wanted translators in Jakarta. Yvette and Alexandra are on the phone on a daily basis, discussing their work, and th e ir other a c tiv itie s . Alexandra is a very busy women and thus d iffic u lt to get fo r an appointment. Yvette had made an appointment fo r me, which, unfortunately, I had to miss. The second appointment was made very a ll of a sudden, in the following days. I did not feel much in control, but I was pleased that I did have a chance to ta lk to her. Alexandra is of mixed European and Moluccan descent, the la st often times being referred to as Ambonese. S tric tly spoken this term is incorrect since Ambon is only one island of the Moluccan archipelago. She lives in a house together with family members of four generations; her mother, one of her sisters and her husband, the s is te r’ s two (young) daughters, one of her own daughters and her husband, and her grandchild. Her husband is stationed in Surabaya, and only comes home fo r the weekend. I talked to both Alexandra and her mother in one interview. The interview was held in the living room of their home, with some other people present. The interview was held in Dutch.

I was born November 13, 1946, in Yogyakarta. My mother ju s t introduced herself, my father was Ambonese. He was the only son and didn’ t have sons himself, so with him, his branch of the family disappeared. I have three younger sisters, I am the eldest. The firs t years of my schooling I went to a Dutch school. After Indonesia’ s independence, I went to a Sekolah Rakyat, the Indonesian elementary school, where Indonesian was the language of instruction. In itia lly , I couldn’ t speak Indonesian that well yet. This wasn’ t a problem u n til 1958 (when the remaining Dutch were kicked out of 370

Indonesia). Until that time use of the Dutch language remained accepted in schools and in broader society. After 1958, only a few Indo students remained in Indonesian schools. People never called me "Buie" ju s t because I am not fa ir skinned. They did call me "Belanda" (Dutch person), but I never re a lly experienced any discrimination. In some cases, they liked the fact that you were of Dutch ancestry. Look at Indonesian movie-stars, often times th e ir ancestry is Dutch-Indonesian. Only my mother is a Dutch-Indonesian person, so our upbringing was not ty p ic a lly Indo, but more Ambonese. I am proud to be an Indonesian, and I remember getting upset with my mother at times she teased my dad with his connection to this country. She would sometimes say: What a horrible country is this country of yours. S till, I don't feel typical Indonesian. Would I have been born a pure Indonesian, whether pure Javanese or pure Ambonese, I would have developed d iffe re n tly . In a way, I take pride in my mixed ancestry. I realize I have a diffe re n t type of friendship with my Dutch- Indonesian friends compared with my Indonesian friends. I t seems to be an easier relationship. If I don’t feel like coming over, I just te ll my Indo friends the tru th . With my Indonesian friends, I have to make up good excuses, otherwise they are insulted. But, I don’ t have that many Indo friends. And most of them have become more Indonesian because of th e ir marriage to Indonesians. Purely by coincidence, I think, I married an Ambonese man. I didn’t re a lly search fo r one. One of my sisters also married an Ambonese man. Many Ambonese were raised in the same way we were, the European way. Maybe, therefore we are attracted to each other. His grandmother was of mixed Ambonese and European ancestry too, she had blue eyes. But she was an ille g itim a te child. My husband speaks the Dutch language better than I do. I raised my children the way I was raised by my parents. I don’t re a lly know whether that was European or Indonesian. I never really thought about i t , and I wonder whether i t is that much d iffe re n t. We don’ t follow any tra d itio n , lik e the Indonesian have th e ir adats (customs). Honesty was a very important value in our home. We le t our children make 371 their own choices, and they have the right to have and to defend their own point of view, as long as they remain respectful. I realize, that is d iffe re n t compared with Indonesian fam ilies. But, different from Indos in the Netherlands, we s till have a strong family tie. From family in the Netherlands, I have heard that this is deteriorating in Indo families in the Netherlands. In our family, it is only normal that my siste r and th e ir children liv e with us, while her husband needs to be here fo r his study. My children don't really feel Indo, although it is part of their existence. They have a lig h t complexion, ju s t lik e we have. Perhaps they feel more Ambonese, I am not quite sure. I have heard them say th e ir background is "Belanda-Belanda or something lik e th a t." They a ll married Indonesians, not Ambonese. They don’ t speak any Dutch. Strange enough, I always spoke in Indonesian to them. My husband and I speak Dutch together. I feel at ease with Dutch people as well as with Indonesian people. I am lik e a chameleon, I adjust to my changing environment. In both situations I am happy. I am not sure whether th is has to do with my mixed Dutch and Indonesian ancestry, maybe i t does. REFERENCES Amersfoort, J.M.M. van. (1974). Immigratle en mlnderheidsvormina: Een analyse van de Nederlandse s itu a tie 1945-1973 [Immigration and m inority development: An analysis o f the Dutch situation 1945-1973]. Alphen a/d Rijn, NL: Samson.

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