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~ " ~-I concentrate primarily on the question of na separate development, it was necessary to of the war, both beyond the borders of the concept of people's education, trying to tional oppression. allow some space for the Black population country and within them, against the South use elements of Black history and popular The attempt to modernise the syllabus, to develop separately, with institutions hav African people, and because of the falling culture in its school syllabuses in an attempt and to make it more efficient in contributing ing a limited degree of what was termed rate of wages, which means a smaller to rob the concept of its radical trajectory, to economic growth, led to the techno community control. Within this space, the revenue base. These shortfalls have to be and uncoupl~ it from the concept of peo cratic concern of reformers (like those education system became a relatively pro reconciled with the growth of the largely ple's power. In many of the new non-racial whose views were expressed in the De tected sphere, where, given the severe state-financed service sector, the sector private schools, there is a similar concern Lange Commission of 1980) with an educa repression of the 1960s, ideas and organisa . that has to expand if a Black middle class with using more popularly acceptable tion that fitted in neatly with the demands tions of opposition could continue to is to be kept in employment. Because of its curricula. of international capital. This view of the flourish. fiscal crisis, the regime is trying to shift to content of education was quite at odds with It appears to me that it was the failure of the private sector the costs of many social the development of oppositional ideas bantu education as an instrument of repres services, of which education is one. Liberation of Education within the trade unions, the community sion that led to the very severe attack by A third problem for the regime is that, organisations, the student movement and the regime on the educational organisa despite the unprecedented level of repres the units of the ANC underground. The tions of opposition. In the period from 1984 sion in the country, it has been unable to All these policies have inherent dangers for mismatch between the new ideas about to the present, students, schools, univer extinguish the opposition forces of the the regime, and may backfire, but their suc curriculum and the aspirations of the mass sities and educational organisations have mass democratic movement, the trade cess or failure depends crucially on the democratic movement contributed to the been attacked by detentions, bannings of unions and the J\.NC underground. Partly condition of the forces in opposition. On an development of demands for a wholly new organisations, murder of leaders, outlaw this is because of the desire of the regime assessment of the limited material available kind of education, people's education in ing of activities, the presence of the military to retain some degree of international from the press, it appears there are some the service of national liberation, an educa in schools and on campuses. Many of the credibility in .a period when there is con problems within the education organis tion for people's power. These demands terms of the emergency regulations apply cern among all the major powers to see ations of the opposition. While demonstra were crystallised in the resolutions on peo specifically to control on schools. some form of:~nd to apartheid. Partly it is tions and school boycotts continue, and ple's education at the NECC conferences This leads to the second question I pos because the organisations of opposition underground organisations are clearly of 1985-86. ed. Do the problems for the regime in us have become deeply embedded in local managing to survive, these struggles ap ing bantu education as an instrument of communities, both ideologically and pear more fragmented than before, less Reminders of Oppression coercion still exist? Put another way, will organisationally, and even the detention of able to survive on a national basis. the education struggle continue to pro leaders and the banning of certain While there are important initiatives in building up people's education in institu While many of the failures of bantu educa gress despite the present repression? organisations is. unable to dislodge this mobilisation. tions like UWC, the mass-based structures tion as an instrument of oppression were of the NECC had hardly any time to estab inherent in its early successes, the seeds Black Education Expands Strategy of the Regime lish themselves before the organisation was of failure lay within the very notion of a banned, and they still exist on a very segregated education system. Residential precarious basis. It appears there is a lack areas in South Africa were segregated; What are the conditions of the regime at Given these conditions of the regime, what of national strategy in the education strug segregated schools and universities replic present? To mention a few - the downturn is its strategy in education? It appears to be gle, partly because the leadership con ated, in the poverty or wealth of their of the economy is long-term and structural. attempting to divide and co-opt teachers tinues in detention, and the organisations facilities, the degrees of oppression of the South Africa is heavily indebted to foreign even more extensively than before. now banned are still struggling to re population. This meant there was no way banks, sanctions are causing a drastic Teachers known for their commitment to establish themselves. Moreover, while im- Black children at school or students at reduction in foreign investment, and high the mass democratic movement have been . portant initiatives have been taken by the university could fail to be reminded of the interest rates in many countries mean fall suspended or detained; other teachers trade union movement in developing work conditions of national oppression, the ing gold prices. The regime and its sup have generous pensions to look forward to, er education, this seems to be running at poverty and struggle of their parents and porters now accept that economic growth assistance with buying the leases on their a tangent to the work of the educational community. These facts were made sharply cannot occur, and cannot be the engine of houses, and equal pay with White teachers organisations, and important collaborative and painfully apparent to them every day. 'political stability,' but they continue to according to qualification. work does not seem to be taking place on With this awareness, it was no accident that hope that the creation of a Black middle The regime is trying to divide schools. a large scale. the student movement easily and naturally class with an economic stake in the con Some schools in Soweto and Tembisa, Thus, while conditions within the ruling made contact, and worked, with the other tinuation of the present system will form a . known for their radical student population, bloc mean that fruitful ground for struggle organisations of the mass democratic brake on demands for political change. have been closed down in recent weeks. continues to exist, there is a great need Cor movement. This means that there is a continued com The regime is also trying to shift the costs the ANC and the mass democratic move Secondly, the regime itself, from the mitment to the expansion of Black educa of education to big business, encouraging ment to formulate a creative strategy that 1950s on, propounded the doctrine of tion, believed to be the most important in the growth of private schools, many overt can exploit the weaknesses and contradic separate development, of which the grow strument for the creation of that class. ly non-racial but clearly elitist, in luxurious tions in the position of the regime, and ad ing Department of Bantu Education was However, the regime faces a consider buildings and attractive surroundings. vance the struggle for people's education one manifestation. To protect and advance able fiscal crisis, because of the heavy cost Lastly, the regime is trying to co-opt the for people's power. .-.~ "L_ ~ _. 4J - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ~ - ~ ly hates us," Jerry Thlopane, a Sebokeng "He is an important part of our history," says .- 1-0DAY'S GENERATION activist the state could find no evidence Lekota. against, said during the trial. Thlopane's ex pected acquittal could scarcely raise his THE UDF TREASON TRIALISTS spirits, while he watched a bungling pro Ban the Regime secution suggest that the efforts of the UDF '. By N Mosikare and the Vaal Civic Association and other The defence gave the judge a few head bodies to mobilise township residents aches and the defendants' some cause to against unfair rent increases and poverty smile. For instance, on the question of fur was part of a Communist-inspired plot to thering the aims of the ANC, Arthur reduce South Africa to chaos. The state Chaskalson pointed out that sharing the at The Pretoria regime tells the world that it is reforming. It has released held that the campaign 'People's Education titudes of another body was not the same for People's Power' was not a programme as sharing its objects; if it was, then Harry Gwala and Zeph Mothopeng; it 'released' Govan Mbeki, only to to enable Black people to acquire educa similarities between the Conservative Party place him under restrictions, and has transferred Nelson Mandela from tional skills to equip them to contribute in and the "hypothetical" ultra-right-wing prison to the isolation of a prison house. At the same time, it has gaoled a free South Africa, but was rather a recipe paramilitary group that likes to dress up in for violent revolution.

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