EDWARD GREGG the Exiled Stuarts: Martyrs for the Faith?
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EDWARD GREGG The Exiled Stuarts: Martyrs for the Faith? in MICHAEL SCHAICH (ed.), Monarchy and Religion: The Transformation of Royal Culture in Eighteenth-Century Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007) pp. 187–213 ISBN: 978 0 19 921472 3 The following PDF is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND licence. Anyone may freely read, download, distribute, and make the work available to the public in printed or electronic form provided that appropriate credit is given. However, no commercial use is allowed and the work may not be altered or transformed, or serve as the basis for a derivative work. The publication rights for this volume have formally reverted from Oxford University Press to the German Historical Institute London. All reasonable effort has been made to contact any further copyright holders in this volume. Any objections to this material being published online under open access should be addressed to the German Historical Institute London. DOI: 7 The Exiled Stuarts: Martyrs for the Faith? EDWARD GREGG The standard explanation for the Glorious Revolution of 1688, and the subsequent exile ofJames II, his wife Mary of Modena, and their son James Francis Edward Stuart, subsequently known either as James III (1701-66) or 'the Old Pretender', was James II's conversion to Roman Catholicism and his blatant favouritism to his co-religionists during his brief reign in Great Britain (1685-88). It was an interpretation which was embraced by the Stuarts themselves. In 1689, James II assured Pope Alexander VIII (1689-91): 'The only source of the Rebellion against us is that we embraced the Catholick Faith, and we do not disown that to spread the same not only in our Three Kingdoms, but over all the dispersed Colonies of our Subjects in America was our determination.'1 The theme was echoed by their servants and advisers: referring to Mary of Modena,John Drummond, Earl of Melfort, told the same Pope that 'Her Cause is not only Just, but it is the Cause of the Catholick Religion.'2 Two decades later, James III's confessor lamented that 'Nothing keeps him out of his Kingdoms but his religion, and adhesion to the Apostolick see.'3 This interpretation was widely accepted by others: in 1689, writing from London, an unknown French agent assured Versailles that 'Vous pouvez conter pour certain que !'aversion de ce peuple n'est pas si grande contre les troupes étrangères, contre les republicains ny 1 Henry Ellis (ed.), Original Letters Illustrative ef English History, 2nd series, 4 vols. (London, 1827), iv. 191 n:James II to Alexander VIII, 26 Nov. 1689 OS, Dublin. (All dates in this essay are New Style, unless otherwise indicated.) 2 British Library, London (henceforth BL), Add. MS 38194, fos. 6-rr: Melfort's cover- ing letter for a memoire from Mary of Modena to Alexander VIII, n.d. [c.Nov. 168g). 3 Westminster Diocesan Archives, London (henceforth WDA), Epistolae Variorum (henceforth EV), IV, 86: Dr John Ingleton to Father Lawrence Mayes, 17 July 1712 [Saint-Germain). I am greatly indebted to the keeper of the WDA, Revd Ian Dickie OSB, for his help and generosity. 188 EDWARD GREGG mesme contre la pauverte et la misere, que contre la réligion catholique. '4 Against this background, this essay will examine three aspects of the Stuarts' claims to be 'martyrs for the faith': first, the polit- ical implications of their steadfast adherence to the Old Faith; second, the complex interaction of Catholicism and Anglicanism at the Jacobite court; and third, the fervour of the religious prac- tices ofJames II and James III, which made theirs one of the outstanding Catholic courts in eighteenth-century Europe. I On a mundane level the claims of martyrdom, of course, were designed to create sympathy and rally support for the exiled Stuarts in Catholic Europe. However, they ignored other-and more fundamental-reasons why Roman Catholic powers consis- tently refused to come to their aid, principally because in December 1688 the Stuarts had thrown themselves into the arms of Louis XIV (1643-1715). Louis had many reasons for champi- oning the exiledjames II: they were first cousins; they were co- religionists; they were both anointed kings. The most compelling reason, however, was the French desire to keep the British Isles in political turmoil and to use the exiled Stuarts to challenge the Revolution settlement of William III (1689-1702) and his succes- sors. As I have shown elsewhere, from the beginning Louis and his ministers had few illusions that they would actually be able to achieve a Stuart restoration, and realized full well that religion was a major impediment to Jacobite success;5 on the other hand, Louis XIV's support ofJames II helped to burnish his gloire as the Most Christian King and the First Son of the Church. Anxious to purge his own kingdom of heresy, Louis also had an evangelical interest in the Stuart cause, albeit a somewhat quirky one. According to an eyewitness, when Louis first visitedJames on his deathbed, 'The King of France spoke lykways to The Pro[testant]s here and told 4 Archives des Affa.ires Etrangeres, Paris (henceforth AAE), Correspondance Politique (henceforth CP) Angleterre 171, fos. 1651 : 'Belson' to [Denis Talon?], 13/23 Oct. 168g, London. Denis Talon (1628-98) was (JJ)Ocat general of the parlement de Paris, a confidant of Louis XIV, and a financial supporter of the Scots College, Paris. 5 Edward Gregg, 'France, Rome, and the Exiled Stuarts, 1689-1713', in Edward Corp (ed.), A Court in Exile: The Stuarts in France, r68g-qr8 (Cambridge, 2003), 111 5. The Exiled Stuarts: Martyrs for the Faith? 189 them they had been Exhorted to change their Errors for truth by a Good Master & he hoped they would Profit of so good Advice.'6 In 1712, during James III's last interview with Louis XIV, the French King first dismissed both Mary of Modena and his own morganatic wife, Madame de Maintenon, from the room, and then urged the young King never to become aJansenist; caught by surprise, because he had expected to hear some great secret, James blurted out that ifhe was ever capable of forgetting himself so far as to abandon the Faith, he would choose to become a Protestant rather than a J ansenist. 7 It was, of course, the universal assumption that James II (and James III after him) was nothing more than a French puppet, which effectively prevented any major Catholic power, except for Spain after 1700, when Louis XIV's grandson, Philip V (1700-46), inherited the Spanish crown, from joining France in supporting the Stuarts. The Austrian Habsburgs and the Holy Roman Emperor, Leopold I (1658-1705), proved the most consistently hostile Catholic opponents of the exiled family: as Melfort informedJames II in January 1690: 'the house of Austria ... persecutes your Majesty's interest with all ye ill nature imag- inable, even to that degree as to print that abominable Letter the Emperor sent last to Your Majesty, in which he reflects on your conduct as the cause of your own misfortunes and this war.'8 For example, in 1693 Leopold arrested one ofJames's most promi- nent supporters, George Gordon, first Duke of Gordon, and transferred him to William III. 9 Habsburg enmity towards the Stuarts was to prove enduring, despite their shared religion, and was to help influence papal attitudes towards the exiles long into the eighteenth century. 6 Scottish Catholic Archives, Edinburgh (henceforth SCA), Blairs' Letters, 2 / 71 / 5: James Drummond, Duke of Perth to [his brother,John Drummond, Duke ofMelfort?], [6 Sept. 1701, Saint-Germain]. 7 Bruno Neveu, 'A Contribution to an Inventory of Jacobite Sources', in Eveline Cruickshanks (ed.), Ideology and Conspiracy: Aspects if Jacobitism, 168!11759 (Edinburgh, 1982), 143. James confided this story in 1725 to Fran<;ois, Cardinal Foucquet. 8 BL Add. MS 37360, fo. 59v: Melfort to James II, 17 Jan. 1690, Rome. For this corre- spondence, see the Marquise Campana de Cavelli, Les Derniers Stuarts a Saint-Germain en Laye, 2 vols. (London, 1871), ii. 495-501: James II to Leopold I, 6 Feb. 1689, Saint- Germain; Leopold I to James II, 9 Apr. 1689, in which the Emperor refused to address James II en r,uyestat. 9 SCA Blairs' Letters, 1/J62/2, 4: Walter Lorenzo Leslie to Charles Whytford, 20Jan., 3 Feb. 1693, Rome. Whytford was deputy principal of the Scots College, Paris, and the closest colleague of Louis Innes. EDWARD GREGG One of the Stuarts' goals in their continual breast-beatings as martyrs for the faith was to procure papal support and interven- tion with Catholic powers on the Continent to provide the Jacobites with money, material, and manpower to stage an inva- sion of some part of the British Isles. This policy, of course, ignored a reality of which the Vatican was well aware: that by 1688, the papacy had neither the moral nor the political clout to intervene decisively in European affairs. Nor did it have the desire to, at least on behalf of the exiled Stuarts after 1688. Father Louis Innes, principal of the Scots College in Paris and one of the exiled court's most important advisers, was warned from Rome: 'assure yourself wee would crucifie Christ againe to be revenged of the French.'10 Habsburg domination of the Italian peninsula, combined with papal anger with Louis XIV's attempts to control the Gallican Church, had ensured that Rome would do little to support French protégées, even if they wore the sackcloth of martyrdom. Father William Leslie (1620-1707), a Scottish priest who had resided in Rome since 1648, scorned what he regarded as the naïveté of his national co- religionists.