Klub studenata povijesti ISHA Zagreb

ISHA Journal 3/2014

Education and Intellectual Emancipation The selection of papers from the Autumn Seminar of​ International Students of History Association 24-30 September 2012, Zagreb, Croatia ISHA Journal Publication series of the International Students of History Association publisher Klub studenata povijesti ISHA Zagreb University of Zagreb, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Department of History Ivana Lučića 3, HR–10000 Zagreb http://www.ffzg.unizg.hr/isha-zg/ editor-in-chief Mišo Petrović associate editor Anita Buhin assistant Zrinka Miljan review board Damir Agičić, Ph.D., Željko Holjevac, Ph.D. Ivica Šute, Ph.D. language editing and corrections Simon Bradley Robert J. Hanna Vedrana Marinović Ivana Obućina Josip Banić udc classification Silvija Pisk, Ph.D. design and cover Adam Vuk printing Studio HS Internet d.o.o., Osijek Printed in Croatia

ISSN 1203-1048

The ISHA Journal is published by the International Students of History Association. The aim of this publication is to offer an international publication possibility for history students from all around the world including the papers of the 2012 Autumn Seminar in Zagreb.

Facts and opinions published in the papers express solely the opinions of the authors and do not necessarily present the opinions of the editorship nor the publisher. ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation

The selection of papers from the Autumn Seminar of​ International Students of History Association 24-30 September 2012, Zagreb, Croatia

Klub studenata povijesti ISHA Zagreb Zagreb, 2014 Contents

6 Editorial

Joonas Nivala 9 From heaven to hell — Totalitarian regimes in utopias and dystopias

Sergey Abrosimov 22 Emergence of Dictatorships in Times of Crisis: Abusive Transformation from Positive to Negative Utility

Jyri Lavikainen 33 Power and Violence in the Finnish Defense Forces

Petya Koseva 50 National Heroes and Collective Memory: the Case of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja

Tiia Niemelä 57 Homosexuality in Finland during and after the Second World War Miloš Ivanović 69 The Image of the Balkan Peninsula in Serbian History Textbooks for Middle School

Francesca Romano 80 The diffusion of ideological schemes through education. Historiography on “Risorgimento” from the beginning to the fascist era. School, history, state, and national identity

Štefan Čok 96 The building of a totalitarian society through educational material: The fascistisation of the Italian school system

Dubravko Aladić 107 Educational models in Iranian educational and social awakening with special reference on the role of the Baha’i schools

Dejan Došlić 124 Student movements from 1968 to 2000 in Albania, Croatia, and Serbia

Barbora Hrubá 140 Victory of Oralism: The Milan Congress 1880

Ivan Jeličić 148 The representation of thefoibe and Italian exodus from Istria in the fictional drama,Il cuore nel pozzo

Pavao Nujić 165 The Intellectual Emancipation in Contradiction: Revolution against the Church Editorial

ISHA events are organized at least four times per year by various ISHA sections, be it a conference or a seminar. From 24th to 30th September 2012, ISHA Zagreb organized an Autumn Seminar in Zagreb, Croatia, titled “Education and Intellectual Emancipation.” For almost seven days, participants, around 60 of them from more than 15 countries, had an opportunity to enjoy the many beauties of Zagreb, learn about the history and culture of Croatia, but also to join a crosscultural debate about the development and the level of education and historiography in various countries. Participants were divided into seven workshops, each workshop consisting of several participants presenting their original works and discussing various aspects of the main topic. The first workshop, “Total Institutions” (moderators Nino Kovačić and Karlo Kocbek), reviewed the system of control and restrictions enforced by institutions, which, through history, tended to either partially include or completely exclude and supervise various groups and individuals, as well as the institutions’ concept and framework. The second workshop, “Collective Memory, Forgetting, Counter- Memory” (moderators Marko Morović and Zvonimir Plavec), handled the topic of how memory about certain events and people can change over time: some memories increase in importance, some are (getting) forgotten, while most change overtime because of certain shifts of political, social and economic nature. The third workshop, “Education Models through History and Educational Material” (moderators Josip Pavić and Marko Skočibušić), dealt with the interaction between history and education - through schools, textbooks and homework, but with the role of upbringing and social context as well. The fourth workshop, “Student Movements in History” (moderators Tena Banjeglav and Zoran Šoltić), approached the problem of student movements

6 within the framework of educational policy changes, and its impact on improvement of education. The fifth workshop, “Education from Below” (moderator Lara Zelić), disscussed how different movements, preconceptions and actions affected the formation of minority education which came either from within the minority itself, or from the ranks of the “majority”. The sixth workshop, “History and Pop Culture” (moderators Marko Ožegović and Mislav Radošević), examined the balance that history and its representation in pop culture must maintain, the pop culture’s attempts to build a realistic picture of a certain part of it, modify it for the purpose of entertainement or propaganda, or ridicule our obssesion with establishing “historical truths”. The seventh workshop, “Intellectual Emancipation in Contradictions: Equality, Authority, Commodity” (moderators Stefan Treskanica and Ivan Rastović), explored how today’s dominant standpoint about education and its ideologies uses its potential to change the place of an individual in societal relations by presenting movements or individuals developing these ideas. The idea for publishing a Journal dedicated to the topic of Education and Intellectual Emancipation came to us naturally at the beginning of our planning of this international seminar. While formulating our first workshops, we were excited with the prospect which the topic, which connects history and education through time and space, carried with it. But, writing and publishing a journal is a long and sometimes frustrating endeavour. Lots of people had to be included in the process of making it, and a lot of caution and care had to be taken. We tried to present you with a selection of those papers that were deemed the best and most interesting. While editing them we tried to make our interventions within the texts themselves as small as possible, so that the historical interpretation of the subjects would solely be left to their authors. However, we did try to make all the titles, subtitles, footnotes and bibliographies follow the same pattern in all the presented papers. We apologize for any mistakes and omissions that we ourselves might have made, which you might find while reading our Journal. We are very grateful to all our contributors for the professionalism they showed by presenting us with their work, to our proofreaders, to our professors for reviewing this Journal, and to prof. Silvija Pisk, PhD, for assigning the UDC classification to each paper, and Adam Vuk for the graphic design. A special thanks goes to the entire ISHA Zagreb team and everybody who participated in the workshops, the organization, the sightseeing, and also just by hanging

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 7 out with the participants. Besides the moderators, just to name a few: Sara Katanec, Ivor Škrinjar, Zoran Miković, Marko Pekčec, Ana Jaklinović, Martina Barešić, Anja Blažević, Petra Blažević, Kristina Rupert, Ivan Vuković, Sonja Šojo and many more. We are especially grateful to sponsors and contributors, like professor Tvrtko Jakovina for opening the academic part of the seminar, the Departement of History, the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, the University of Zagreb, the Ministry of Science, Education and Sports of the Republic of Croatia, the Krapina-Zagorje County, the Zagreb Tourist Board, Zagrebačka pivovara, the radio station Novska (“Na tragu kulture” show) and Croatian Radio’s first channel (“Ništa nevažno” show) for their financial and moral support.

Editors

8 UDC 321.6 (091) Review

From heaven to hell — Totalitarian regimes in utopias and dystopias

Joonas Nivala, University of Helsinki ISHA Helsinki, [email protected]

Totalitarian institutions are more or less dystopias to modern people. The idea that a state controls an individual with no limits to its authority and strives to regulate every aspect of public and private life wherever possible, brings to mind for most of us the 20th century political tendencies of Soviet Union and fascist countries. From the viewpoint of utopian literature, it wasn’t always like this. The development to this point has been as old as the idea of the state. In this article I offer you a view of how totalitarian institution has developed from utopia to dystopia in a few centuries and how the mode of thinking could have influenced utopian and dystopian thought of world-to-be.

Introduction and terminology: Utopia, Dystopia and Totalitarianism Totalitarian ideals have changed from utopian ideals towards dystopian ones and have followed patterns which utopian writing itself has gone through in these past centuries. For many people utopias are products of dreamers and in modern use of language utopia is an ideal society, and it is used in a negative aspect as something being too unrealistic to realize. Utopia as a word is derived from Greek, directly translated as “no-place” or “good-place”. The term was derived from Greek by Thomas More himself, the writer of the first modern utopia.1 Utopia is a description of the best society not as an abstract ideal, but as a society in full operation in which we are invited to participate through the eyes of a traveler.2 The line between a political theory and utopia is a subtle one. Utopian societies have a tendency to be more like stories about imaginary societies, about how world should be like. Utopias are ideals; they do not give us directions for how we could reach that ideal. However, political theories like Marx’s “The Communist Manifesto” offer specific guidelines on how we can end up in that kind of society. We can also say that political theories that

1 Kumar, “Utopia and Anti-Utopia in Modern Times,” 23–24. 2 Kumar, “Utopia and Anti-Utopia in Modern Times,” 25.

9 were not put in use are utopias in some way. Utopias and anti-utopias are not universal. They are written only in societies which belong to classical or Christian heritage.3 On the other hand, dystopia is the total opposite of utopia, as a fictional portrayal of a society in which evil or negative social and political developments have the upper hand.4 Since we have defined utopias, it is necessary to define the concept of totalitarianism, too. The term itself was defined by two political theoreticians of Fascism, Giovanni Gentile and Alfredo Rocco. For them totalitarianism had no negative connotations. They deemed it a positive development. Rocco used totalitarianism in the meaning of “an absolute monopoly of authority by the state.”5 By the middle of the 1930s the term acquired more various meanings. It now meant a radically new kind of state and society. Bertrand Russell saw in 1938 that contemporary totalitarianism was the assumption by the state of unprecedented economic and political power. By the time when George Orwell started to write his book “1984”, totalitarianism represented a society which was ruled by a dictator and a body of officials. Basically the majority of the population was deprived from all intellectual and cultural resources save those allowed by the state. State swallows everything, including private life.6 What then can we achieve by using a concept from the 20th century and merging it with some of the most influential utopias of the time? When the utopian sources were written the concept of totalitarianism did not exist, but they presented to us the ideas that were used later as the founding blocks of the political theory of totalitarianism. We can also see the change in the ideals of utopia. We can basically see how the contemporary state of living has molded the political ideals towards more authoritative way of control and by seeing the demise of totalitarian control, the idea of a perfect society was based more on individualism and liberal thoughts. I have to admit that not all utopias pave the way for an inevitable totalitarian rule. Especially in the examples of More, Campanella and others before the age of modern states, the ideal that the state controls everything was flexible. By the state, the writers did not mean the modern one, but a more archaic version of it, and they compared it to the ideal which Plato suggested in his writings, namely in “The Republic”. Even so, the thought of an all-dominant and all-encompassing government

3 Kumar, “Utopia and Anti-Utopia in Modern Times,” 19. 4 Claeys, “The origins of dystopia: Wells, Huxley and Orwell,” 105. 5 Gleason, “Totalitarianism in 1984,” 146. 6 Gleason, “Totalitarianism in 1984,” 146–148.

10 was present. One might also argue that utopias are creations of one person and that they don’t give us the whole truth of political realities or ideas of the perfect society. But they can tell us how the writers of utopias see the world and how the government should be organized.

Thomas More: The First Utopia Many utopias give an example of a monarchy or a state that is nowhere and everywhere. It influences every aspect of people’s lives: progeny, ownership and education. In order to achieve the perfect society, people must abandon their individual freedom for the benefit of the society.7 As we start moving backwards in time in order to find the origins of totalitarian control in utopian societies, we can see that they have always existed in one form or another. Thomas More (1478–1535) was the first writer of modern utopias. Basically, he was the father of the whole literary form or genre of utopian novels. In his novel “Utopia” he talks about a fantastic journey of a traveler called Raphael Hythloday, who has visited the island of Utopia. The novel is divided into two books. The first one talks about a fictional meeting between More and Hythloday. They discuss a lot of things that have gone awry in the continental Europe and give the setting for the second book, which talks about the entire journey of Hythloday. When we look for totalitarian aspects of “Utopia”, we can find quite a number of examples in there. People are bound to do their work for the society. The whole community is organized into towns of six thousand people. Architecture in the cities is in perfect order. Streets are perfectly designed. Uniformity of buildings is staggering, as all buildings look like one another. Every man may freely enter any house he wants, because there is no private property. Every ten years the houses are redistributed, so that people don’t get attached to the houses or get a feeling that they own them.8 People live according to a hierarchical system, where the Prince is the ruler of the town. He is chosen for life by vote and everyone must obey the rightful rulers of the city and the state.9 Your occupation is chosen by the public will.10 No man may live idle. Everyone must do their job.11 Everything

7 Rouvillois, “Utopia and Totalitarianism,” 1–4. 8 More, “Utopia,” 165–166. 9 More, “Utopia,” 167. 10 More, “Utopia,” 168–169. 11 More, “Utopia,” 170–171.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 11 simply works, like clockwork. People are moved from one town to another to sustain the cities at the same level. Wives serve their husbands, children their parents, and younger ones their elders.12 Order is achieved through communal ownership and by destroying individuality. Why would anyone want to abolish free will in order to achieve the perfect society? The reason for More’s utopia lies probably in his own viewpoint of the society in which he was living. Modern society is more or less based on inner and outer control of the state, which was slowly forming during the early modern age. There was no such thing as an institutionalized violence, like armies and police, but people had to cope with arbitrary rulers and endure random violence.13 Back in the 16th century people were living in a society which went through numerous changes and it was changing on many different levels, especially in its attitude towards violence.14 Disputes between families were also solved and legal actions were based more on individuals themselves. Thomas More opposed the state of business in the 16th century England in many ways. Hythloday comments on poor state of the realm of England. In “Utopia” the root of all evil in society lies in the lust for possession, a passion that drives men to behave like beasts towards one another. The existing society is nothing but a conspiracy of the rich to defraud the poor.15 In order to achieve the perfect society it is of utmost importance to abolish private ownership. In the view of Thomas More, totalitarian institutions were not considered a bad thing, but that is mainly because the Middle Ages lacked political control and, of course, control of the state. To us as modern people it is hard to conceptualize how people lived in that kind of society, which was mostly governed by families and the church. Even though the church, nobility and city officials offered some safety from violence, their monopoly on violence wasn’t perfect. Totalitarian ideals provided safety and stability that did not exist in More’s time.

Campanella: Ruling of the Fittest Tommaso Campanella (1568–1639) wrote “The City of the Sun” during his incarceration in Naples from 1599 to 1626 on the charges of heresy.16 Campanella’s book follows a dialogue between a Genoese sea captain and his

12 More, “Utopia,” 174. 13 Elias, ”Saksalaiset – Valtataistelut ja habituskehitys 1800- ja 1900-luvuilla,” 166. 14 Kaeuper, “Violence in Medieval Society,” ix. 15 Manuel and Manuel, “Utopian Thought in the Western World,” 125. 16 Pohl, “Passionless reformers: Museum and the city in utopia,” 131.

12 host Grand Master of the Knights Hospitaller. The sea captain tells his journey to the City of the Sun. It was a theocratic utopian society, where priests ordained everything and property, women and children were commonly owned. The priests were supreme rulers, who decided on all the matters, both worldly and spiritual. The society was very strict morally and the supervision was in the hands of the Hoh. He was the head of all temporal and spiritual matters. Three princes assisted him in the matters of military, education and breeding, forming the top layer of the society. They had the ultimate rule over everything in the city.17 The first prince is called Power and he is responsible for every affair of military nature. The second prince, called Wisdom, is responsible for liberal arts, mechanics and all sciences in general. The third prince is in charge of the benefit of the race.18 According to the story of the Sea captain, they laugh at us who exhibit a studious care for our breeding of horses and dogs, but neglect our own species.19 They see that people should breed as we do to the animals. He is also responsible for the distribution of food.20 Race is managed for the good of the commonwealth and its magistrates must be obeyed.21 Interestingly enough, the inhabitants of the City of the Sun, Solarians, perceive the private property as a threat to society and this is why it is prohibited. They see it as a manifestation of greed and self-love. They perceive of this self-love as born from the structure of the family. As people favour their siblings and children more than others, they become more ready to grasp at the property of the state.22 As they take away the self-love, the only thing that is left is love for the state. In this way they do not have any families and every man is called father once he is 22 years old and those who are below that age are called sons.23 There is no such thing as love for Solarians. The breeding of the human beings is a delicate subject where there is no place for affection. Men and women are chosen for breeding by the officials of Love according to the philosophical rules.24

17 Seitschek, “Early uses of the concept ‘political religion’: Campanella, Clasen and Wieland,” 103–113. 18 Campanella, “The City of the Sun,” 281. 19 Campanella, “The City of the Sun,” 281. 20 Campanella, “The City of the Sun,” 282. 21 Campanella, “The City of the Sun,” 292. 22 Campanella, “The City of the Sun,” 282. 23 Campanella, “The City of the Sun,” 282. 24 Campanella, “The City of the Sun,” 292.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 13 This is where Campanella’s ideals are a perfect example of a totalitarian state. People are indoctrinated from the childhood to accept the communal ownership and love for the state by declining their feelings towards family. In this way the society gets in all areas which are considered private from modern perspective. Those who object are re-educated to strengthen their collective spirit and self-control. In this way Campanella believed that the state should act as an educational institution infiltrating every aspect of the citizens’ lives.25 Even the way in which the highest rulers are chosen is totalitarian. They are never changed, unless they take council amongst themselves, giving up the dignity to one wiser.26 The wisest get to be chosen as rulers. They do not seek it, they just get chosen.27 Campanella’s reason for totalitarian rule seems simple. He wanted to merge secular and spiritual leadership and organize society through religion. Religion unites the people of a community and Campanella perceived religion as an integral part of the state.28 The highest ruler, Hoh, is also responsible for absolving people from sin and is the supreme priest of the state cult.29As we could see in modern totalitarian states, leaders often enjoyed this kind of place, for example in the Soviet Union, Germany and Italy. Campanella introduced the idea of hero worshipping in totalitarian regimes, eugenics and indoctrination of people in order for them to love and serve the state.

Enlightenment to Marxism: Totalitarian views shifting In the period of Enlightenment, new ideals challenged the Medieval and Church’s views. People moved from medieval ideals of compassion, self- control and modest living towards more enlightened version of a man in which people should express their passions and fulfill their needs and lusts. People are able to alter their lives and themselves. Human nature, in essence, is good, not weighed down by mortal sins. This affected little the utopian writings. Even though new ideals came up, people still wrote classical utopias; in France there were hundreds of Morean utopias.30 We should also take notice of Rousseau, whose “Social Contract” has been one of the most influential pieces of modern state leading towards the French Revolution, as well as leading the 25 Pohl, “Passionless reformers: Museum and the city in utopia,” 131–132. 26 Campanella, “The City of the Sun,” 308. 27 Campanella, “The City of the Sun,” 285. 28 Seitschek, “Early uses of the concept ‘political religion’: Campanella, Clasen and Wieland,” 103–104. 29 Seitschek, “Early uses of the concept ‘political religion’: Campanella, Clasen and Wieland,” 104. 30 Kumar, “Utopia and Anti-Utopia in Modern Times,” 38.

14 revolutionaries in America to give birth to the ideal of “general will” of the people. Many might argue that Rousseau’s texts are not part of the usual utopia, but rather of the political theory. It is true that Rousseau’s “Social Contract” is not a depiction of an utopian society, but it still governs clear general principles that people must obey to achieve a perfect society. The line is not solid between political theories and utopias. One might say that political theories which are not actualized are utopias and vice versa. “Social Contract” in many ways introduces the ideal of the total control of the state, or, actually, that there will be one. The whole community of individuals gives their power away for the benefit of the “general will”: “Each of us puts in common his person and his whole power under the supreme direction of the general will; and in return we receive every member as an indivisible part of the whole.”31 General will compels everyone to act as a part of the society and there will be no will contrary to the general will.32 State has absolute power over all of its members.33 Rousseau also notes that there has never been or never will be a perfect democracy and it is against natural order for the many to govern and few to be governed.34 Rousseau emphasizes more the influence of the whole body of citizens, but still he holds the ideals of state being more than its members. Also, the idea of democracy as an impossible ideal can be seen as a statement towards enlightened rulers. If we compare Rousseau’s ideals to those of the utopian socialists, we could not perceive a more radical change. This change could have been caused by the development of the state and political power. As the power structures began to be more solid, the enlightened rulers all over Europe introduced more ways to control peoples’ lives. Slowly forming states wanted to know how many people lived in them. Legal authorities also started to delve into the area where once there was the power of families. The local level in legal cases was taken out of the hands of the locals, as legal authorities started to work even at the countryside. Taxpaying was made more effective, as taxes were better directed towards royal treasuries. As the control increased, it was probable that, on the ideal level, the opposition against the rulers was unavoidable, as it was seen at the end of the 18th Century in the form of the French revolution. At the end of the 18th century, a new breed of utopian writers was

31 Rousseau, “Social Contract,” 14. 32 Rousseau, “Social Contract,” 15–16. 33 Rousseau, “Social Contract,” 25. 34 Rousseau, “Social Contract,” 58.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 15 emerging. Utopian socialists like Henri Saint-Simon, Robert Owen and Charles Fourier were precursors to scientific socialists like Engels. Utopia of totalitarian control changed towards socialistic views of governing the states without the dictatorship of its enlightened monarchs. The French had been able to topple the legally ruling authorities and cause massive panic among the ruling classes, forcing them to make some concessions in the matters of rulership.35 In the mid-19th century, crowned heads had new political authorities to be afraid of, as the ideals of anarchism and Marxism were gaining ground in the context of political authority. Marxists wanted to make themselves different from the utopian socialists, who in their view were “utopian”, whereas Marxists were “scientific”.36 Marxists ideals were, however, opposed by another group of political thinkers, anarchists. As socialists wanted to topple the dictatorship of capitalism and enter the new era of proletarian control, anarchists wanted to obliterate the power over the people by removing all authorities. From the viewpoint of anarchists, socialists were only replacing one totalitarian institution with another. Anarchists envisioned a stateless system, where everyone could be free of oppression. Darwinian ideals were incorporated into anarchism and anarchists thought that human communities should be based on self-organization, as nature was proved to be like that.37 In comparison, we can see the ideal of totalitarianism fluctuating in the course of development of the modern state. The 19th century utopian writing was dominated by ideas of anarchism, evolution and socialism. These partially shook off the totalitarian nature of the previous utopian writing, now replaced by the ideals of classless society and organization of people in a way different from the state. Without the state or its rulers, there is no totalitarianism. During the course of modernization and development of more democratic decision- making, totalitarianism was to be opposed on the level of ideas. Of course, this wasn’t the case in political reality. The states’ control from its inhabitants was ever increasing and paving the way to real totalitarianism.

From totalitarian overdrive to totalitarian dystopia “Old Hitler’s something different. So is Joe Stalin. They aren’t like these chaps in the old days who crucified people and chopped their heads off and so forth just for the fun of it. They’re after something quite new – something that’s

35 Zetterberg, “Maailmanhistorian pikkujättiläinen,” 698–699. 36 Kumar, “Utopia and Anti-Utopia in Modern Times,” 51. 37 Kropotkin, “Anarchism”, 914–919.

16 never been heard before.” – George Bowling in Orwell’s “Coming Up For Air” (1939).38 Orwell wrote these lines just before the Second World War. Political reality had changed towards the total control of the state in Fascist countries and the Soviet Union.39 Right-wing parties operated across the globe in hope of creating “right” system of control. At the beginning of the 20th century, totalitarianism was fully formed by political theorists. During the 1920s and 1930s, the ideals of total control were incorporated into political systems. By the mid-30s, there were three important totalitarianisms: the Soviet Union, Germany, and Italy. Utopian thought bloomed in these countries and made all the other countries gaze upon the disturbing developments in them. Dissenters and political enemies were silenced. Massive propaganda by the soviet and fascist regime used the latest psychological achievements in order to bring people under totalitarian control of the state, political parties’ massive meetings and presentations of military power, everything in order for small political elite to grasp the power. These new regimes affected utopian literature, which delved into the fields of psychology and control of people’s minds. As behaviorism became the means to explain human behavior, it claimed that rules of behavior control people. There was no such thing as free will, only indoctrinated rules of behavior. Because there were no individuals, the environment was to be controlled scientifically, so that good patterns of behavior could be conditioned to people. This was effectively put into use by B.F. Skinner, who wrote a behaviorist utopia, where the behaviorist scientists had total authority and were to condition people by taking away negative and destructive feelings. In the 1960s behaviorism lost its driving power, as conditioning was brought under suspicion in the light of experiences of fascist and communist rule.In the 1950s there were very few people who could say that totalitarian control had been successful. Men had some dark sides inside them, such as being capable of doing horrible things under the authority of totalitarian states; this changed the views and totalitarian institutions were no longer regarded as utopian societies. The whole concept of utopia seemed far away, and dystopian thought replaced the ideals of a promising future of the humankind. Totalitarian rule was seen as a dark possibility for futuristic societies, as people no longer waited for heaven, but for a living hell.40 So the writers switched to the dystopian mode,

38 Kumar, “Utopia and Anti-Utopia in Modern Times,” 288. 39 Gleason, “Totalitarianism in 1984,” 150. 40 Claeys, “The origins of dystopia: Wells, Huxley and Orwell,” 105.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 17 seeing the negative aspects within it and also the paradoxes of authority. The thought of totalitarian control of the state was now considered void. During the 20th century, more and more dystopias were written, as people who had experienced the social changes that had gone horribly wrong wanted to demonstrate to the reading audience “never again.” The 20th century dystopias were rooted in the 18th and 19th century satires on Enlightenment and the negative aspects of urbanization and advancement in technology and industry.41 Particularly H.G. Wells has influenced the writers of totalitarian dystopias, including the ex-bolsevik Jevgeni Zamiatin (1884–1927).42 Zamiatin wrote the book “We” in 1921, published in the year 1924, where he introduced a dystopian view of a city-state ruled by a mysterious Benefactor and his technocratic elite. Zamiatin was deeply influenced by his work in political party and he began to realize at the end of the 1910s that the revolution that he had worked so hard on was coming to a horrible end.43 The ruling principle in the rigidly controlled society in “We” is that freedom and happiness are incompatible.44 In order to achieve one, the other must be abandoned. In order to achieve the other, one must be abandoned. In this city state there are no individuals, only we. Even children are considered the property of the state. People’s lives were absolutely controlled and life was scheduled perfectly. Elections were only ritualistic in nature.45 In Great Britain, Aldous Huxley (1894–1963) wrote the book “Brave New World”, where people where conditioned to love their slavery.46 Eugenic engineering is used to consolidate class society, the World State, governed by a privileged group of controlled. Behavioral manipulation and genetics were highly developed sciences, and all books and monuments of earlier societies were destroyed. The ruling elite pursued to increase productivity of work in this completely collectivized society. Hedonism and sexual promiscuity was the norm in this society, where people use the ‘perfect drug’, soma, to escape reality. This totalitarian welfare-state was based on the principle that people could practically have their happiness, but not their freedom. Huxley’s main reason for writing down his utopia was that he was a critic of modern society, which was starting to show in the 1930s America. He writes on how 41 Claeys, “The origins of dystopia: Wells, Huxley and Orwell,” 110–114. 42 Claeys, “The origins of dystopia: Wells, Huxley and Orwell,” 114. 43 Rudy, “Introduction,” vi. 44 Rudy, “Introduction,” viii. 45 Rudy, “Introduction,” ix. 46 Claeys, “The origins of dystopia: Wells, Huxley and Orwell,” 115.

18 servitude becomes more attractive than it should be with progress of science or technology as such.47 Huxley first wrote the book in the 1930s. Almost thirty years later he commented that we are now closer to a dystopian society than he had ever dreamed of. Probably the best known dystopia of the 20th century is “Nineteen eighty-four” written by George Orwell (1903–1950) at the end of the 1940s. He approached totalitarianism from a different point of view than Huxley, because he saw the humankind’s dystopian future not in fulfilling hedonistic desires, but in slavery by force. In the book he offered a world where totalitarian control of The Big Brother and Inner party is indoctrinated through language, by stripping off words that were considered as a threat to the party.48 This makes any other mode of thought impossible other than the one the party wants. The elite destroys the past and shortens people’s memories by taking away the words which could endanger the government. Everyone is living under constant surveillance, supervising illegal thoughts and actions. For example, love and sexual actions are considered illegal, because they undermine the ultimate authority of the party.49 War was peace, slavery freedom and ignorance strength. In dealing with the phenomenon of totalitarianism, novelists like Orwell and scholars, too, put particular emphasis on how it had the will and capacity to invade and destroy hitherto unpolitical – “unrationalized” – relationships.50

Conclusions We can see that the past centuries have shown that totalitarian institutions have moved from the ideal of political stability, through the realization and understanding of the aftereffects, to total renouncement in the form of dystopias. Though using the term totalitarianism to describe utopias that had existed in the 16th century or even in the 18th century may seem anachronistic, we must focus on the definition of the term itself. There was no totalitarian government in Medieval times or even during the age of Enlightenment, but we can see why they might have spoken for the benefit – in our view – of totalitarian control. Absence of centralized secular powers was one of the main reasons why people might have thought that there should be total rule. Random violence, arbitrary rulers and relatively unstable social

47 Claeys, “The origins of dystopia: Wells, Huxley and Orwell,” 116. 48 Kumar, “Utopia and Anti-Utopia in Modern Times,” 320. 49 Kumar, “Utopia and Anti-Utopia in Modern Times,” 319. 50 Gleason, “Totalitarianism in 1984,” 148–149.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 19 environment might have influenced, especially in More’s and Campanella’s ideas, the totalitarian state. The shifting views of totalitarian control in the th19 century fluctuated from anarchists’ view of no state at all to socialists’ view of the total control of the working class. After the two World Wars, and even before them, more dystopian views were attached to the idea of totalitarianism. Human nature was considered flawed and dark in some aspects. Totalitarian rule was seen as a dark possibility for futuristic societies as people no longer waited for heaven, but for a living hell. The future is either packed in Huxley’s hedonistic, or Orwellian sadistic view, presented even today in motion pictures. Dystopias of total control have been present in theatres for a long time and there is no end to them. Total institution dystopias are now in many ways a part of popular culture and are influential of their own accord; Suzanne Collins’ “The Hunger Games” or Alan Moore’s “V for Vendetta” are good examples. Control has risen in every aspect of human life and became more subtle. Are we living in a dystopia or a utopia? That is ours to decide on, but totalitarianism is still horrifying us in a dystopian mode of thought.

Bibliography Campanella, Tommaso. “City of the Sun.” In: Famous Utopias. Translated by Charles Andrews. New York: Tudor publishing, 1901: 273–317. Claeys, Gregory. “The origins of dystopia: Wells, Huxley and Orwell.” In: The Cambridge Companion to Utopian Literature. Edited by Gregory Claeys, 107–134. Cambridge: University of Cambridge, 2010. Elias, Norbert. “Saksalaiset – Valtataistelut ja habituskehitys 1800- ja 1900-luvuilla.” Tampere: Tammerpaino, 1997. Gleason, Abbott. “Totalitarianism in 1984.”Russian Review Vol. 43 No.2. (1984):145–159. Kaeuper, Richard W. “Violence in Medieval Society”. Boydell & Brewer: 2000. Kropotkin, Pjotr. “Anarchism.” Encyclopædia Britannica. New York: Encyclopædia Britannica 1910: 914–919. Lehmijoki-Gardner, Maiju. “Keskiajan uskonelämän peruskäsitteet.” In: Keskiajan avain, edited by Marko Lamberg, Anu Lehtinen and Susanna Niiranen, 152–167. Helsinki: SKS 2009. Manuel, Frank and Manuel, Frizie. “Utopian Thought in the Western World.” Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1979.

20 More, Thomas. “Utopia.” In: Famous Utopias. Translated by Charles Andrews. New York: Tudor publishing, 1901:129–232. Pohl, Nicole. “Passionless reformers: the museum and the city in utopia”. In: The Architecture of the Museum: Symbolic Structures, Urban Contexts. Manchester University press 2003: 127–144. Resch, Robert P. “Utopia, Dystopia, and the Middle Class in George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four.” Boundary 2: An International Journal of Literature and Culture. 2 Vol. 24, No. 1. (1997): 137–176. Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. “The Social Contract.” In:Famous Utopias. Translated by Charles Andrews. New York: Tudor publishing, 1901: 3–126. Rudy, Peter. “Introduction.” In: We, by Jevgeni Zamiatin, v–xi. New York: E.P.Dutton 1959. Seitschek, Hans O. “Early uses of the concept ‘political religion’” In Campanella, Clasen and Wieland.” Totalitarianism and Political Religions Volume III (2007):103–113. Rouvillois, Frédéric. “Utopia and Totalitarianism.” In Utopia: The Search for the Ideal Society in the Western World (2000). http://cas.umkc.edu/ECON/ economics/faculty/Lee/courses/488/reading/utopia8.pdf . [25/12/2012] Zetterberg, Seppo. Edit. “Maailmanhistorian pikkujättiläinen.” Helsinki: WSOY, 2006.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 21 UDC 321.6 "19"(091) Professional Paper

Emergence of Dictatorships in Times of Crisis: Abusive Transformation from Positive to Negative Utility

Sergey Abrosimov, University of Berlin ISHA Berlin, [email protected]

In the course of human history, total institutions have emerged as effective means for achieving a goal or solving a problem. Although there are many types of total institutions, such as prisons and mental hospitals, this paper will focus on the authoritarian or dictatorial forms of government, which are established in order to overcome a crisis or a national emergency. Democratic and representative governments often resort to the establishment of dictatorial rule, in order to preserve the country and its interests. However, the question of whether people have learned to use this tool according to the “safety instructions” and without eventually harming themselves remains open. The history of the 20th century provides more evidence against such assertion than in favor of it. The time of crisis or emergency is also an extremely fertile ground for the emergence of unplanned and unintended authoritarian regimes. This is applicable more than ever to the events of the recent decades, years and months, and it raises the question of whether an instigated crisis, such as war or revolution, with the purpose of eliminating a dictatorship or an authoritarian regime could lead to the establishment of democratic form of government. Both constitutional and unintended dictatorships have a lot in common. At the very least, both tend to surface in crisis situations. It is often through the abuse of power that the provisioned dictatorships or emergency powers, which were initially intended and established for a good cause, transform into dangerous authoritarian systems that burden and threaten societies and nations. The intended positive utility turns into a negative one.

Introduction Dictatorship is a form of government in which one person or a small group possesses absolute power without effective constitutional limitation.1 On the other hand, democracy or the rule of the people is a form of representative government where government officials are held accountable for their actions and are expected to act within the boundaries established by the constitution.

1 Encyclopedia Britannica Online.

22 There is a number of ways for the dictatorial rule to establish itself, one of which is the attainment of unrestricted powers through constitutional provisions. Such provisions allow for a temporary dictatorship or emergency powers for the period of crisis or national emergency. In this case, dictatorship is perceived not as the opponent and the enemy of democracy, but, on the contrary, as a constituent feature of constitutional democracy, intended for the very purpose of preservation and protection of the constitution under crisis and emergency conditions. These provisions are in fact intended to perform a valuable civic function and to serve the public interest.2 One positive example of the use of dictatorial emergency powers is from the history of the Roman Republic of the 5th century B.C., where a famous statesman Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, who was called by the senate away from his farm to become a dictator and rescue the country from rivaling tribes’ invasion. Sixteen days later, having saved his country, he resigned and returned to his farm. Since that time Cincinnatus serves as a model of civic virtue and outstanding leadership. On the other hand, there is the tragic example from the 20th century, where Adolf Hilter was able to come to power through skillful use of constitutional procedures of the democratic Weimar Republic.3 Hitler’s dictatorship lasted over two decades and resulted in the loss of tens of millions of lives. Through skillful manipulation of the events related to the Reichstag’s fire in 1933, Hitler was able to convince President Paul von Hindenburg to issue a decree, which would later lead to the establishment of the emergency state, where government had plenary or full power and basic civil rights of the citizens were suspended. From 1933, after the passage of the Enabling Act by the Reichstag, until the end of the war in 1945 Hilter continued to rule the country under martial law. The promised salvation and deliverance from communism and other geopolitical and economical threats came at a very high price.4

Expected-Utility Model: Positive and Negative Utility When making decisions in politics or economics, governments as well as societies tend to consider the alternatives available to them and weigh the possible positive and negative outcomes of each of those options. The positive

2 Balkin, and Levinson, “Constitutional Dictatorship: Its Dangers and Its Design”, 1791. 3 Balkin, and Levinson, “Constitutional Dictatorship: Its Dangers and Its Design”, 1795. 4 Biesemann, Das Ermächtigungsgesetz Als Grundlage Der Gesetzgebung Im National- sozialistischen Staat: Ein Beitrag Zur Stellung Des Gesetzes In Der Verfassungsgeschichte 1919- 1945, 239-253.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 23 net benefits or utilities occur when the benefits of the chosen action outweigh the associated costs. On the other hand, when the costs outweigh the benefits, the net benefit or utility is negative.5 Based on the expected-utility model, the decision is made in favor of the alternative which promises the maximum net benefit or utility. The decision making process is of course not purely rational and is not based solely on the consideration of the available alternatives. In fact, there is a multitude of factors that play a role, such as environment, cognitive illusions and framing.6 However, as the group gets larger (such at the national or state level), the law of large numbers begins to play a role. Wittman in the paper titled “The Myth of Democratic Failure” states: “even if some individuals make incorrect choices, the law of large numbers is likely to yield the correct majority choice.”7 In the times of crisis the risks of made decisions and choices increase exponentially. Wrong decisions could lead to great humanitarian, political and economical catastrophes. In some cases the very existence of a nation or a country could be at stake. The net utility maximization objective of the expected-utility model has already been mentioned. The maximization of the net utility could at the same time be the minimization of the possible risks and negative outcomes. The empirical evidence shows that in times of crisis many democracies opt for the exceptional emergency powers, which come at the cost of reduced or limited freedoms and greater governmental control. However, the society or the majority of the society considers this price justifiable in view of the greater danger posed by crisis or emergency. Countries that have accounted for emergency situations in their constitutions typically have a plan for the process of declaring the state of emergency and declare such a state according to the already established and spelled out rules and procedures. This topic will be discussed in greater detail in subsequent sections. The so called “planned” dictatorships, such as constitutional dictatorships and emergency powers, will be examined further in this paper as well as the dictatorships or authoritarian rule that establishes itself without any plan or constitutional provision – those have been labeled as “unforeseen” dictatorships.

5 Jones, Bryan D., “Bounded Rationality”. Annual Review of Political Science 2 (1999): 299, Seattle: University of Washington. 6 Jones, “Bounded Rationality”, 306. When identical options are described in different terms, people often shift their choices. For example, when a choice is described in terms of gain, it is often treated differently than if it is described in terms of loss. 7 Wittman, “The Myth of Democratic Failure”, 16.

24 Constitutional Dictatorships and Emergency Powers Thomas Jefferson in his letter to John Colvin wrote that at certain times circumstances occur, which oblige the “officers of high trust” to assume “authorities beyond the law”, where the decision to assume such authorities is driven by the unwritten innate laws of “necessity and self-preservation”: “A strict observance of the written laws in doubtless one of the high duties of a good citizen, but it is not the highest. The laws of necessity, of self-preservation, of saving our country when in danger, are of higher obligation. To loose our country by a scrupulous adherence to written law, would be to loose the law itself, with life, liberty, prosperity and all those who are enjoying them with us; thus absurdly sacrificing the end to the means”.8 The justification of the Founding Father Thomas Jefferson for the application and justification of the “authorities beyond the law” is clear and well-reasoned. However, the other side of the coin which pertains to the abuse of such unrestricted authorities is of no lesser importance, since the dangers of spiraling out-of-control power monopolization could be just as great and sometimes even greater. In the research paper “Constitutional Dictatorship: Its Dangers and Its Design”, Jack Balkin and Sanford Levinson state: “… we must pay close attention to how systems of emergency governance work. We must also consider how best to design them to prevent their degeneration and abuse, possibilities of which the founding generation was altogether too aware”.9 They continue further: “It is better to think of dictatorship, then, neither with associations of praise (Cincinnatus) or dread (Hitler), but with a necessary ambivalence. It is an institutional framework for emergency government that may be valuable and even necessary to constitutional republics; nevertheless, it contains troublesome tendencies that, if allowed to develop unchecked, pose serious threats to democratic government”.10 They then express their opinions regarding recent developments in the American history since the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in New York: “Emergency powers may well be necessary to effective governance in a modern state. But precisely because of the growth of emergency powers and other forms of executive discretion in American legal institutions – not to mention the unhappy fate of many other republics – one cannot be sure that the sometimes haphazard expansion of executive discretion and emergency power pose no danger to the United States. We

8 Letter of Thomas Jefferson to John B. Colvin, Monticello, 20 September 1810. 9 Balkin and Levinson, “Constitutional Dictatorship”, 1794. 10 Balkin and Levinson, “Constitutional Dictatorship”, 1793.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 25 have no reason to think that Americans possess a special immunity from the pathologies that have befallen many countries”.11 The key points expressed in this article are of paramount importance for the global community in the 21st century. The reasons for why these points are so important are manifold. First, the article reflects the societal concerns of the present day which are raised by the progressive community of intellectuals at the world renowned Yale Law School which draws on the traditions of the biggest and strongest democracy of the present day, the United States. Second, the history of constitutional dictatorship and office of emergency powers is not new, on the contrary, it is almost two and a half thousand years old. Third, it shows that even with a rich history full of examples, starting with the Roman Republic and up to the tragic events of the 20th century, people are still striving to understand the possible dangers of constitutional dictatorships and are still thinking of ways to prevent the abusive deterioration of such systems. However, the unprecedented loss of human life and the awe-instilling magnitude of the catastrophes of the 20th century did impact the perception and the understanding of the dangers associated with dictatorships and authoritarian rule. Societies have grown to become acutely mindful of the possible dangers and devastation that abuse of emergency powers can bring. The extensive research about the spread and numerous examples of the exercise of emergency powers can be found in the book “Law in Times of Crisis: Emergency Powers in Theory and Practice”.12 Similar to the study conducted by Balkin and Levinson,13 the extensive research and comparative analysis performed and presented in this book bring the same key questions, which crystallized through many centuries, to the forefront for consideration: “How to allow government sufficient discretion, flexibility, and powers to meet crises while maintaining limitations and control over governmental actions so as to prevent or at least minimize the danger that such powers would be abused? How to allow government to act responsibly, i.e. ‘with sufficient vigor to meet the nation’s challenges, without intruding on protected liberties’?14 How to balance security and liberty?”15 The

11 Balkin and Levinson, “Constitutional Dictatorship”, 1793-1794. 12 Oren Gross and Fionnuala Ni Aolain, “Law in Times of Crisis: Emergency Powers in Theory and Practice”, Cambridge Studies in International and Comparative Law, Cambridge University Press, November 2006. 13 Balkin, Jack M. and Levinson, Sanford, “Constitutional Dictatorship: Its Dangers and Its Design” (2010). Faculty Scholarship Series. Paper 221. 14 Tushnet, Controlling Executive Power in the War on Terrorism, 2673. 15 Gross and Ni Aolain, “Law in Times of Crisis”, 1-2.

26 supposed archenemy of the human kind in the 20th century was communism (bolshevism) as well as spread of communism and emergence and growth of regimes associated with the communist ideology. The arch enemies of the beginning of the 21st centuries are terrorism and radical fundamentalism. These threats are not of the same nature and pursue different objectives. However, the challenges that they present for the governments of the world are similar. The very recent example of such challenge is the application of the joint resolution passed by the United States Congress on 14 September 2001 (just 3 days after terrorist attacks of 9/11) called the Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF). The danger of such resolution lies in the fact that “… AUMF can be given an entirely reasonable interpretation that some might think authorizes actions within the borders of the United States that pose threats to basic liberties of American citizens. Such actions may seem permissible because the only operative limitation on authorized actions appears to be that they be taken against persons with … some nexus to al Qaeda, the Taliban, and the September 11 attacks.”16 Based on the examples provided, one from the 20th and one from the 21st century, it can be observed that the two key players in the process of granting of “extended authorities” are the president and the parliament. In both cases emergency situation has taken place during democratic rule. Of course, in the case of the Weimar Republic the Reichstag’s fire was a false pretense and the event was deliberately presented in such a way that emergency powers would be granted. The events of 9/11, on the other hand, were very real and posed a real and imminent threat to the American society. Still, the passing of the AUMF resolution together with establishment of certain government institutions in the Unites States raised concerns and discussions, since the precedents from the past were still very fresh in the minds of many. The key objective was to implement definitive measures to mitigate the risks and prevent any acts of terrorist aggression in the future, while at the same time to preserve much valued civil rights and liberties. Some rights such as privacy ended up being restricted, but with the assumption that it was for the greater good and security of the whole society. The net utility of implemented measures had to remain positive.

16 Tushnet, Controlling Executive Power in the War on Terrorism, 2675.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 27 “Unforeseen” and “Unorthodox” Dictatorships Besides the constitutional dictatorships and constitutional emergency powers that came to be through constitutional or other legal provisions, there are also dictatorships that arise and establish themselves without any formal constitutional provision or parliamentary vote. Such dictatorships typically establish themselves through violent means such as coups, revolutions or civil wars. In the 1930s Joyce Hertzler17 conducted an extensive research where she examined thirty-five dictatorships “from Ancient Greece and Rome, from Europe since the Middle Ages and up to World War I, from Latin America in 19th and beginning of 20th centuries, and from post World War I Europe and Near East.”18 Her work, called “Crises and Dictatorship”, was published in April 1940, exactly at the time of the blooming dictatorships in Europe (Germany, Italy and the Soviet Union) and fierce and bloody battles of the World War II. For her research and analysis, Hertzler separated the dictatorships by type in two groups based primarily on the way they were established: “Among some ancient peoples, a dictator was provided for under certain conditions by the constitution; in the overwhelming proportion of instances, however, the would-be dictator, usually with the assistance of a clique or party, and at the opportune time, seized power which he wielded arbitrarily. In most cases, such dictatorial power has been held in an unorthodox, irregular, illegal, or extralegal manner, by the post facto invention of some fiction of regularity or constitutionality, or by belated approval involving some strained constitutional interpretation”.19 The violent power takeover and elimination of the incumbent ruling elite are often fueled by the desire to establish a better political system and change the lives of the citizens for the better. However, in practice this approach could lead to more undesirable state than that which existed before the action was taken: “A military coup d’état against a dictatorship might appear to be relatively one of the easiest and quickest ways to remove a particularly repugnant regime. However, there are very serious problems with that technique. Most importantly, it leaves in place the existing misdistribution of power between the population and the elite in control of the government and its military forces”.20 The mere removal of a dictatorial regime does not in any

17 Hertzler, J. O. or Joyce Oramel Hertzler was an American historian (1895-1975) whose primary area of research was the history of social institutions. 18 Hertzler, “Crises and Dictatorships”, 157. 19 Hertzler, “Crises and Dictatorships”, 157. 20 Sharp, From Dictatorship to Democracy, 5.

28 way prevent other similar groups from taking over the power. It is quite possible that the successor that comes to power might end up being even more ruthless and ambitious than the previous one instead of bringing forth democratic reforms. The reason why such dictatorships are referred to in this paper as “unforeseen” is to emphasize the fact that these dictatorships are often in fact not unforeseen. On the contrary, the very climate of the crisis, war, revolution, armed conflict, uprising, riots or any other instigated emergency creates a fertile ground for the authoritarian rule to establish itself. The intention of such statement is by no means to imply that the emergency or crisis situation on a national level would lead to an authoritarian rule in every case. However, the examples of recent history clearly show that the success (establishment of democratic government) is also in no way guaranteed. One of the pivotal points in the history of Russia was the October Revolution of 1917 which ultimately resulted in the outbreak of civil war and consequent establishment of dictatorial and authoritarian regime for many decades to come. Violent power transfer began with the February Revolution and just a few months later continued with the Bolshevik power coup which brought together with it civil war and eventually the so-called dictatorship of proletariat. The established authoritarian rule in sometimes harsher and sometimes milder form lasted for almost 74 years until the summer of 1991 and ended up influencing the lives of almost every citizen of the world on every continent. Recent events in Egypt also provide convincing evidence. President Mohammed Morsi in his interview for Time magazine said: “We are keen in Egypt, and I am personally keen right now, on maintaining freedom, democracy, justice and social justice. The Muslim Brotherhood does not say anything different from that”.21 Just weeks after these words have been said the events appeared to develop in absolutely different direction. Already on 2 December 2012 in The China Post we read: “The recently elected chief executive (Morsi) also just decreed emergency supremacy over the nation’s courts, as a special assembly completed a draft national constitution. The result has been widespread growing popular protests, but Morsi presses ahead in the face of attacks for moving toward an Islamist dictatorship”.22 The intention of the Egyptian uprising was to rid the society of the authoritarian regime of Hosni Mubarak who was in power for 30 years. However, the newly established regime appeared to also be authoritative in nature and caused people to go back into the streets to fight 21 “An Interview with Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi: We’re Learning How to Be Free.” 22 “Rise, fall, rise of dictators and democracy feature of the waves of history.”

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 29 for their newly attained rights, which they did not even get to enjoy. Violent “correction of power” is a gamble and unpredictable in its nature and thus may lead to conditions even more negative and undesirable as those prior to the intervention. Thus the desirability and justifiability of such hasty corrective action remain in question and may warrant further consideration.

Conclusion There are a number of tools at the disposal or nations, states and societies which can be used to combat crisis or improve the lives of the people for the better. However, as with any tool, those could be used for betterment and progress as well as for worsening and deterioration – the ultimate discretion lies in the hands of those who hold power and make decisions, they are the ones who decide how to use those tools. Dictatorship, despite the negative connotation of this word, could and was used through the human history as a means of solving a problem that was facing societies. It was usually deployed when the peaceful means of resolving a crisis situation did not suffice or the time to make an executive decision was too short and the drawn-out, multilateral democratic debate was simply not an option. Thus under certain conditions the temporary dictatorship or emergency powers could bring positive results for the members of the society. Hertzler has referred to this as the “demand for regimental behavior”: “… in a crisis situation, the group finds itself unable to effect a collective solution of the highly complicated problem of reorganization. At the same time, there is the apparent need of concentrating power and control in order to centralize planning and facilitate orderly and constructive procedures. … The entire community cannot function as a debating and voting society; it must be organized and marshaled for quick and decisive action”.23 In crisis situations humans long for order and control and are even willing to sacrifice some of their rights and freedoms. However, the key point here is that people are not willing to make such sacrifices for an indefinite period of time; on the contrary, they would prefer the haste restoration of the foregone or hoped-for liberties. At the same time, those who are in control are rarely willing to give up the acquired power voluntarily. In this case an adequate system of checks and balances is absolutely indispensable; it is needed to help avoid further usurpation of power. Another important aspect for the global decision makers to consider is the dangers of instigation of crisis in

23 Hertzler, “Crises and Dictatorships”, 159.

30 other countries with an objective of establishment of democratic government. Such practices often lead to the establishment of new dictatorships and thus could be deemed risky and ineffective. Professor Hertzler published her work in 1940 and already at that time, having performed an extensive research, it all became evident to her and she came to a conclusion: “The close relationship between revolution and dictatorship should be noted particularly. … During and after a revolution, the moderates, first in control, make many mistakes. One faction after another is in control. The masses may have power but they do not know how to use it. The seat of power shifts back and forth from right to left. Leadership is poor and lacking all together”.24 On the positive side, there was never a dictatorship that lasted indefinitely. Human societies have an innate ability for self-cleansing. Once the purpose which dictatorship has served goes away, societies tend to discharge of them: “… thus far in history, when a society has achieved normality, it has discarded its dictators and set up a system of ‘checks and balances’”.25 The main objective thus is to minimize the negative impact on the society and to either avoid all together or minimize the negative utility associated with the authoritarian or dictatorial rule.

Bibliography Balkin, Jack M., and Levinson, Sanford. “Constitutional Dictatorship: Its Dangers and Its Design” (2010). Faculty Scholarship Series. Paper 221. Biesemann, Jörg. Das Ermächtigungsgesetz als Grundlage der Gesetzgebung im nationalsozialistischen Staat: Ein Beitrag zur Stellung des Gesetzes in der Verfassungsgeschichte 1919-1945. Münster: Lit, 1985. Cyr, ArthurIi. “Rise, fall, rise of dictators and democracy feature of the waves of history”, The China Post, December 2nd, 2012. http://www.chinapost. com.tw/commentary/the-china-post/arthur-cyr/2012/12/02/362770/ p1/Rise-fall.htm. [21/12/2012] Gross, Oren, and Ni Aolain Fionnuala. Law in Times of Crisis: Emergency Powers in Theory and Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, November 2006. Hertzler, J.O. “Crises and Dictatorships.” American Sociological Review, Vol. 5, No. 2, (Apr., 1940): 157-169. Jones, Bryan D., “Bounded Rationality.” Annual Review of Political Science, Vol. 2 (1999): 297-321, Seattle: University of Washington.

24 Hertzler, “Crises and Dictatorships”, 161-162. 25 Hertzler, “Crises and Dictatorships”, 169.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 31 Sharp, Gene. From Dictatorship to Democracy. A Conceptual Framework for Liberation. 4th Edition. Boston: The Albert Einstein Institution, 2010. Stengel, Richard, Ghosh, Bobby, and Karl Vick, “An Interview with Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi: We’re Learning How to Be Free”, Time World, November 28th, 2012. http://world.time.com/2012/11/28/an- interview-with-egypts-president-mohamed-morsi-were-learning-how- to-be-free/. [21/12/2012] Tushnet, Mark. Controlling Executive Power in the War on Terrorism. Harvard Law Review 118, 2005: 2673-2682. Wittman D. The Myth of Democratic Failure. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995.

32 UDC 351.1:364.271 (480) "20" Original Scientific Paper

Power and Violence in the Finnish Defense Forces

Jyri Lavikainen, University of Helsinki ISHA Helsinki, [email protected]

This article deals with social conditioning within the Finnish Defense Forces and with the author’s own experiences as a conscript in the army. The article suggests that the Finnish military organization is totalitarian in nature and it draws legitimacy from the social conditioning of the society around it. Within the military itself, social conditioning is used as a tool to mould conscripts into soldiers. The key concept of power is examined and used to explain the reasons behind the widespread acceptance of totalitarian institutions within a liberal democracy. The article suggests that the environment in which the conscripts find themselves lends itself well to the abuse of power and violent behaviour by the soldiers. Violent behaviour of the conscripts is not uncommon in the FDF. Violence and power are examined as related and connected concepts, which do not exist at the same time. Violence in the military is at least in part supported by the environment. It is suggested that the lack of power of the individuals within the totalitarian framework incites violence. Theoretical basis for the article is found in the work of various political theorists and political scientists. Furthermore, a survey on the experiences of people in the military and the author’s own experiences are provided for the analysis.

Introduction This essay examines the Finnish Defense Forces (FDF) as a totalitarian institution.1 The focus is on the social conditioning the military uses to mould citizens into soldiers. Theoretical basis is drawn from the modern theories on the concept on power and how power is used on and by people. The essay looks for an answer to the question that has interested the author for a while: what makes people so ready to accept or even celebrate a total institution in the society? Since Finland imposes conscription on all able-bodied adult males, the author also has personal experiences on the subject. These experiences are presented as important examples of social conditioning used by the military. They should also be interesting as the vast majority of readers have probably never been in the military service. This essay attempts to balance theory with author’s experiences and

1 The essay is based on an presentation given by the author in the ISHA Autumn Seminar 2012 held in Zagreb, 24-30 September 2012.

33 look at the subject from a slightly different angle. The focus of the essay is on the aspect of social conditioning and its effects on individuals. The aim is to provide a theoretical framework for the use of power within a totalitarian institution. Violence is another key concept. It is interconnected with power and this relationship must be examined. It was mentioned only in passing in the original presentation, but due to the military’s inherent violent nature, the concept of violence must be included in the article. Theoretically, violence is interconnected with power and both concepts must be examined if conclusions are to be made. Furthermore, since heavy emphasis is put on the author’s personal experiences in the military service, violence needs to be part of the equation. The author’s time in the army was interesting, but not altogether happy. This essay attempts to discover the underlying causes of violence and violent behavior in the military service. Perhaps, with some modifications, it can also be used to extend the results to concern total institutions in general. The article draws its theoretical basis from contemporary social scientists and political philosophers. American sociologist Erving Goffman gave an influential presentation on total institutions in his 1961 book Asylums. This essay uses it as a basis for defining the FDF as a totalitarian institution. Additionally, life in the FDF is compared to Goffman’s findings. Steven Lukes and his book Power: A Radical View will provide the starting point for the article. It is a widely appreciated work which chronicles the main historical phases of the research on power, including the author’s own contribution. Clarissa Rile Hayward’s De-facing Power gives us a contrast to traditional actor-centric views on power. Political theorist Hannah Arendt, who has built her reputation with examinations of power, totalitarianism and violence, gives us explanations of the power’s neighbouring concepts in her work On Violence. The focus here is, naturally, on the concept of violence, but also on power. Furthermore, Michel Foucault’s Disciple and Punish provides interesting remarks on the social conditioning used in prison system and as such it is used to help us understand the military as a totalitarian institution and organization. Finally, a new survey on gender equality in the FDF is used to provide factual basis of the everyday life of the conscripts and the staff. While gender equality is not the topic of this article, the survey is extensive and provides details on the experiences of conscripts and the staff and also looks into the abuse they suffered. The author’s personal experiences in the service are used to provide the backdrop for other sources and relate them to actual life within the garrison.

34 Theories on power and violence Steven Lukes has outlined three different views on the concept of power. The views are all actor-centric and identify the subject that wields power. Usually, power is exercised against another actor. One of the earliest views that is still widely accepted proposes that A has power when they manage to make B do something that B otherwise would not do.2 Another view has A limit B’s options so they choose to do whatever A wants them to do.3 Lukes proposes his own view where A influences B in a way that causes B to adopt A’s desires.4 All three views are valid, but Lukes’ own view is perhaps the most complete one since it eliminates the need of direct persuasion or coercion. For the purpose of this article, the last view is the most useful one. It explains the reasons behind the desire of majority of the Finnish youth to submit themselves under a totalitarian institution. Clarissa Rile Hayward has another, perhaps even more radical, view on power. She has examined American school system as a framework of power. She proposes that power does not need to be wielded by an actor. Instead, power can be seen as a sphere or a network of social interaction that limits and de-limits individuals within it5. Individuals may suffer the effects of power just the same, but an obvious actor using power does not necessarily be identified. Hayward used schools as the example, but garrisons can be useful as well. Traditionally, one could suppose that officers would wield power within the military. However, they are bound by the military hierarchy much like the lowly privates. Furthermore, this view allows us to understand the atmosphere within the garrison, where individuals are constantly monitored and conditioned to become soldiers. Hannah Arendt has spent much time on the concept of power during her career. In her book On Violence she clarifies her views on power and its neighbouring concepts. Power, she feels, is given to an individual by the people.6 Prime ministers are powerful because people have vested the power in them. Whatever decisions they implement would not be carried out if they were not in the office. According to Arendt, power originates from the people and not from the person,7 Violence, on the other hand, is the absolute opposite of power. It does not happen with the consent of the people. It is an instrument 2 Lukes, Power: A Radical view, 16. 3 Lukes, Power: A Radical view, 20. 4 Lukes, Power: A Radical view, 27. 5 Hayward, De-facing Power, 11. 6 Arendt, On Violence, 41. 7 Arendt, On Violence, 44.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 35 of coercion. Power and violence can occur together and violence can destroy power. However, violence cannot create power: “Rule of sheer violence comes into play where power is being lost,” Arendt writes.8

FDF as a totalitarian institution Erving Goffman has provided clear and detailed description of totalitarian institutions in his book Asylums. His focus is mostly on mental institutions and prisons, but garrison life is touched upon as well. Goffman defines garrisons as one of the five types of totalitarian institutions.9 Goffman points out that free individuals normally spend their daily lives in different places with different people and under different authorities. No particular authority controls the daily life. A total institution changes this pattern. Under a total institution, all daily activity happens in the same place, with the same people and on a tight schedule imposed by the institution. Every activity is based on the rational plan that fulfills the goals of the institution. The people in the total institution are split into two distinctive groups: the inmates and the personnel.10 Typically the inmate works under the schedule of the institution 24 hours a day.11 Service under the FDF clearly fits Goffman’s description. All guidelines for a soldier’s life are based on the military’s general code of practice which in turn is based on the Finnish law. The code of practice starts with the outline of a soldier’s position within the FDF. The relevant parts of the outline for the purpose of this essay are as follows: “Every male citizen has a duty to take arms at the year he turns 18 until the year he turns 60. A soldier has to obey the orders of their superiors. A soldier has to dress according to orders when in service and during holidays. A soldier’s conduct both in service and during holidays has to be without reproach. A soldier has to follow good manners and should respect their superiors. A soldier should not be obviously intoxicated in public. A soldier should avoid indecent manner of speaking. A soldier can file a complaint on an improper order but must still follow the order.”12 A few observations can be made based on the code of practice. First,

8 Arendt, On Violence, 53. 9 Goffman,Minuuden riistäjät, 6. 10 Goffman,Minuuden riistäjät, 7-8. 11 Goffman,Minuuden riistäjät , 10. 12 Halonen and Karvonen,Yleinen palvelusohjesääntö, 9.12

36 meticulous attention is given to details. The code is obviously meant to be a guide for every possible situation a soldier could find themselves in. Second, the authority of the institution extends even to holidays or when the soldier is not on duty. Third, the FDF claims authority on a soldier’s feelings, such as respect. Fourth, the FDF claims authority over a soldier’s behaviour. Fifth, some orders are left ambiguous, which in practice means that a soldier’s superior is left with the power to make the interpretation. Finally, a soldier cannot ever refuse to follow an order. This essentially leaves conscripts’ freedom very limited. Their position is much like the one of Goffman’s inmates. Goffman makes a point of how inmates’ sense of identity is taken from them. Their views are altered and their sense of self is being invaded. There are humiliating physical punishments. Certain humiliating verbal answers are demanded of them when they are spoken to.13 The code is an excellent example of this kind of control. Furthermore, some even more detailed instructions are given in the code. For example, the directions on communication between people span seven pages.14 Additionally, the FDF forbids sex between people while they are on duty or in the garrison area.15 The daily life of a solider is indeed completely scheduled.16 It should be noted that not even the amount of sleep is guaranteed. The wakeup call is “usually” between 6 and 7 AM. It can be altered for a good reason, while the amount of sleep is “usually” eight hours a day.17 It can be concluded that soldiers sleep when they are given the permission to do so, which the author has experienced very well. Furthermore, there is a clear distinction between the conscripts and the staff, although military hierarchy exists between the conscripts as well. Extreme detail is given to all forms of hierarchy.18

Power and social conditioning in the military These views can be combined to examine the military apparatus and the individuals in it. First, we should examine the reasons behind entering military service. Finland employs a mandatory conscription on all healthy adult males. There are alternatives for those who do not wish to serve, though. civilian service or prison sentence can be chosen instead of the military service. Medical reasons 13 Goffman,Minuuden riistäjät, 19-20. 14 Halonen and Karvonen, Yleinen palvelusohjesääntö, 25-32. 15 Halonen and Karvonen, Yleinen palvelusohjesääntö, 23. 16 Halonen and Karvonen, Yleinen palvelusohjesääntö, 44-48. 17 Halonen and Karvonen, Yleinen palvelusohjesääntö, 44. 18 Halonen and Karvonen, Yleinen palvelusohjesääntö, 18-21.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 37 can be used to avoid service as well.19 Therefore, service is mandatory only in theory. Yet, vast majority of young men and many young women choose to become employees of an organization that has them work potentially 24 hours a day, severely limits their freedoms and pays almost nothing. Physical appearance and behaviour are being monitored and controlled. The control of the institution is, as described above, total. A soldier is expected to be ready to serve even during their sleep. The daily allowance20 of a soldier is a handful of Euros,21 which is anecdotally said to be tied to the price of a pack of cigarettes, a cup of coffee and a doughnut in the garrison cafeteria. The working conditions are drastically different from those in any normal job. It can probably be concluded that people do not enter military service for personal gain. Something else must drive them to do it. It should be noted that even the word service, much like the daily allowance, implies that it is not possible to compare military service to a normal job. The society is conditioned to accept and even celebrate military service. A switch to a professional army is occasionally under public discussion, but conscription has always been the preference of the society. The military itself does its best to influence public opinion. On 1 February 2013 the largest daily newspaper in Finland, Helsingin Sanomat, reported that The Defence Command does not want to release professional athletes from service because they are needed to support conscription and affect popular opinion.22 It is thought that it does not only benefit the nation, but also the youth. Occasionally, the information comes from more familiar sources. The author was told by his family that he will have much better chances for getting a good job if he enters the army. Officer training in particular is being emphasized as a decisive factor when hiring new people. Boys grow to men in the military, it is said. They learn to be away from their mothers and take responsibility for their lives. Even an emeritus professor of education theory has espoused this view in public.23 It seems readily accepted

19 “Asevelvollisuuslaki” (The Consriptions Act). http://www.finlex.fi/fi/laki/ajantasa/2007/ 20071438 . [08/04/2013]. 20 It should be noted that daily allowance is indeed called by that name and is not refered as wage, salary, pay or any other euphemism for money given in exchange of labour. 21 As of 5.3.2013, FDF lists on it’s website that allowance is determined by the conscript’s time in service. For most of their service, the majority recieve five Euros a day. 22 “Pääesikunta ei halua muuttaa urheilijoiden varusmiespalvelusta” (Defence Command does not want to change the athletes’ military service), http://www.hs.fi/kotimaa/P%C3%A4%C 3%A4esikunta+ei+halua+muuttaa+urheilijoiden+varusmiespalvelusta/a1305644280098. [08/04/2013] 23 “Korvien välin kestävyysvaje” (Sustainability gap between the ears) http://www.pohjalainen. fi/mielipide/kolumnit/korvien-valin-kestavyysvaje-1.1317643 . [08/04/2013]

38 that this type of growing up should not only be encouraged, but also mandatory. However, reasons like these are never used to encourage female conscription. Defence-based reasons for conscription are common as well, but the ones that enforce masculinity and personal gain are used just as much. Conscription is even used as a tool to combat obesity. The FDF advertises itself as the best school of exercise in the country.24 Most of the above reasoning is based on facts though, even if there are some exaggerations in it. It should be noted that the vast majority of servicemen most likely never actually expect to fight in a war. However, every conscript still gives a formal oath to be ready to fight in the service to the country.25 Furthermore, the time under service extends beyond the initial 6 to 12 months. A reservist may be called back for refreshment duties until released completely at the age of 50 or 60, depending on the rank. In practice, refreshment service at such age is rare. It is clear that the military has an elevated standing in the Finnish society and I assume in most other societies, too. According to the Finnish law, conscripts can be used to give aid to the police, for example by directing traffic, searching or sealing areas or finding and apprehending missing persons.26 In 2010, the Finnish Broadcasting Company reported that a few members of parliament from the Social Democratic Party of Finland demanded that conscripts should be used to clear railroad tracks of snow. They felt that the law had been “interpreted too harshly” and that conscripts could be used for that kind of service.27 Assignments like this one were not given, perhaps because it might actually be illegal. However, it is interesting that such calls are even made. Lukes’ radical view on power is a useful tool here. It could be said that people in a free and democratic country support, and even desire mandatory conscription into a totalitarian institution because society has conditioned them into it. Furthermore, as conscripts are removed from the rest of the society much like Goffman’s inmates, it seems clear that their role in the society is similar to that of the inmates. These things can be demanded of

24 For example see the youtube-channel of FDF: http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLBC 39508091C37B37. 25 The oath can be viewed at: Halonen and Karvonen, Yleinen palvelusohjesääntö, 123-124. 26 “Laki puolustusvoimien virka-avusta poliisille,” (Act on the executive assistance given by Finnish Defense Forces to Police), http://www.finlex.fi/fi/laki/ajantasa/1980/19800781. [05/03/2013] 27 SDP: Häkämiehen saatava sotilaat putsaamaan junaratoja [SDP: conscripts should be used to clear railroad tracks], http://yle.fi/uutiset/sdp_hakamiehen_saatava_sotilaat_ putsaamaan_junaratoja/5516214. [05/03/2013]

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 39 them in public discussion because their status as citizens is lessened while they are confined in a totalitarian institution. This attitude is probably mixed with the attitudes towards military service in general in Finland. The military has certain mythical qualities that can be traced back far into history. The most recent event for Finland was the experience of The Second World War. The war veterans are viewed almost like martyrs. The concept of the nation’s “honour debt” to the veterans for their sacrifices is often used in public discussion, discussions in the parliament and in the administration.28 Their efforts and military service in general are tied to securing and defending Finnish independence. When the totalitarianism of the military is viewed in a context such as this one, it is easier to understand the widespread acceptance of it. This social conditioning is not necessarily a conscious attempt by any one party or actor. The FDF, of course, advertises itself since it wants to attract everyone they can into the service. However, if we look at Hayward’s view of power, we can see that no specific actor needs to be responsible for organizing indoctrination campaigns. Power can simply be viewed as a framework and celebration of submission, as a mentality caused by the conditions of society. Within the military service itself, social conditioning is unlike anything that a normal employee would face. It starts right away. The proper manner of speaking, dressing and acting is taught immediately. If someone’s hair goes below ears, it is shaved. The goal here is not cleanliness as one would think, since women are not required to shave their heads. They are simply told to keep it tied so it doesn’t get in the way. Beards are not allowed.29 Uniform appearance and behaviour is expected. Soldiers are not allowed to have anything visible on their bodies, other than the standard issue equipment. Soldiers are at least in part dehumanized. We can see this in some of the jargon the military employs to great effect. The most obvious occurrence is dehumanization of the enemy. During training, soldiers are not taught to kill people. Even the official battle

28 For example: “Kunniavelan maksaminen sotaveteraaneille,” (Repaying the debt of honour to war veterans), http://www.eduskunta.fi/faktatmp/utatmp/akxtmp/kk_933_2001_p.shtml; “Unohtuiko sotaveteraanien kunniavelka?,” (Was the debt of honour to war veterans forgotten?) http://www.iltasanomat.fi/kotimaa/art-1288335676003.html; “Haasteena kunniavelka opas veteraaniasiamiehille,” (The challenge of debt of honour – a guide to veteran commissioners), http://www.laaninhallitus.fi/lh/biblio.nsf/C28A85572DCA9D8FC2256D09001FE61A/$file/ Haasteena%20kunniavelka%20opas%20veteraaniasiamiehille.pdf. [05/04/2013] 29 Halonen and Karvonen, Yleinen palvelusohjesääntö, 24.

40 directions refer to the enemy soldiers as “the live force of the opponent.”30 If enemy soldiers are a force, so must be the friendly ones, too. Arendt has an interesting point to make of various terms used to describe power. The word “force”, according to Arendt, should be reserved for the forces of nature or forces of circumstance.31 In the Finnish context, the connotations of the phrase “live force” are very close to forces of nature in Arendt’s work. We can conclude that soldiers are not viewed primarily as individuals or even humans. They are a unit of living force that can be used to complete whatever missions are assigned to it. A unit is likened to an instrument. This view also explains the reasoning behind the collective punishment that the military uses regularly. When one soldier makes a mistake, the whole unit suffers. Collective social conditioning is also linked to displays of power. During the author’s service, the new recruits received their vaccinations during the first couple days. All new conscripts were marched into a hall. Then all men were told to strip to their underwear while they waited for vaccinations. Women were told to keep their shirts on. It is obvious that these things have little to do with the practice of being a soldier, especially since women did not have to go through them. However, from the point of view of social conditioning, they make sense. By making new conscripts shave and strip, the military essentially takes control of the bodies of the new batch of conscripts. Goffman has noticed that these introduction rituals are common in total institutions. He explains that they are used to condition the subject to institutional control. He uses the word “programming” when he describes them. They are used to change inmates into their new more submissive roles within the institution.32 Furthermore, these exercises can be used to impose feelings of collectivity. They make soldiers conditioned to accept their peers, since everyone does these things together. Perhaps the best example to underline the conscript’s exposition to their comrades is that the bathroom stalls did not have doors until the 1990s, when the Minister of Defence Elisabeth Rehn ordered them to be installed.33 In an interview she

30 Kompanian taisteluohje, 155. 31 Arendt, On Violence, 44-45. 32 Goffman,Minuuden riistäjät, 15. 33 “Nippakuumetta ja muita sairauksia,” (Fake fever and other illnesses), http://www. satakunnankansa.fi/Paakirjoitukset/1194757705116/artikkeli/nippakuumetta+ja+muita+sai rauksia.html ; “Kaupparatsu Huikkasen ratkaisu,” (The solution by salesman Huikkanen), http://www.hs.fi/paakirjoitus/artikkeli/Kaupparatsu+Huikkasen+ratkaisu/1135237824263. [05/03/2013]. Scholarly evidence is hard to find, however the story is well know and aknowledged in these articles.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 41 gave in 2009 she remarked that the change was not well received by everyone. Some joked that she would probably order flowery curtains for the windows as well.34 Conditioning rituals of conscripts seem to have some acceptance in the society, although it is difficult to estimate how widespread the acceptance is. This conditioning obviously does not make people inhuman. Social conditioning is not brainwashing. Personality of an individual remains unchanged. The author can report some subtle changes in the behaviour of conscripts. What feels horrible at the beginning of the service is very soon accepted as a natural part of the life of a soldier. People learn to give and follow orders. Reaction to an order without even thinking about it first becomes a second nature for everyone. Curiously, Arendt refers to unquestioning obedience to someone such as this one as submitting to “authority”. Persuasion or coercion is not needed at all. Command is simply obeyed.35 The goal of the military is to make all soldiers follow orders even at the risk of dying. This sort of authority needs to be established first, which is probably the main reason behind the totalitarian nature of the army.

Violence within the institution After I had completed my basic training, I was transferred into another unit. Whereas most of my initial comrades were to receive training as non- commissioned officers, I was put into an air defense battalion. There Iwas to receive training as a gunman of a missile launcher system. I was curiously motivated even though the service so far had been boring, with a few exceptions. For once I had a choice in the matter, albeit a small one. I assumed that totalitarian institutions like the army have fundamental differences when compared to their freer counterparts. I was determined not to serve more than six months, since when I began my service I didn’t know if I had been accepted into the University of Helsinki. I knew that I would have to try again the next year if I hadn’t been successful. Even though the FDF would disagree with this statement, it is practically impossible to prepare for exams while serving. There is simply not enough spare time or energy. I knew my reason was not good enough for the military so I had to make sure I would get the six month service through other means.

34 ““Elisabeth Rehn: “Ove oli vankin tukijani”,” (Elisabeth Rehn: “Ove was my staunchest supporter.”), http://seura.fi/viihde/elavat-legendat/elisabeth-rehn-ove-oli-vankin-tukijani/. [06/03/2013] 35 Arendt, On Violence, 45.

42 Power does not suffer challenges. I knew rebellion was useless. If we look at Arendt’s view on authority, we can see why. Authority’s greatest enemies are contempt and laughter.36 There, of course, were some rebels in my unit. They had no interest in making a career and just wanted to get out fast. They spoke in formation, followed orders poorly and were generally making life harder for their comrades and superiors. Goffman points out that this kind of resistance is common in total institutions.37 Every rebel ended up as a Non- Comissioned Officer (NCOs). Even before I entered service I understood what the service would be like and how it would deal with those who would not submit. Rebellion is never rewarded in an institution such as the army. To keep the authority of the system intact, rebellion is simply crushed. I never rebelled. I simply followed orders. I was just not overtly enthusiastic about it. Occasionally I excelled. Target practice was something I enjoyed thoroughly so I was determined to become good at it. With the exception of target practice, I was an average but reliable soldier. When my basic training was over, I was asked what I wanted to do in the future. The respect to authority bore fruits. They wanted to have me as an NCO, but ultimately gave me a choice between an anti-aircraft gun and an anti-aircraft missile. I was happy to choose the missile. It was one of the most advanced pieces of anti-aircraft technology in the world and I was to be one of the first conscripts to receive training in it. Curiously, different choices and motivations by the members of my unit prove that the military can never quite take the control to the level it desires. Even with the totalitarian nature of the institution the inmates’ minds are their own. So I was moved to a new unit. It was the first time I encountered violence within the military organization. This is curious, considering that at that point everyone had been trained to become potential killer. Implications of violence were ever present in the army, but so far it had not reflected in my life at all. The new unit seemed different. I was an outsider and was not accepted right away. Furthermore, almost every evening some of my new comrades got together and attacked one other conscript. He was not beaten seriously and I believe the harm was far more mental than physical, but still he had to endure it for months. The reason for his bullying were apparently his personal characteristics. He was physically unimpressive, had mild manners,

36 Arendt, On Violence, 45. 37 Goffmann,Minuuden riistäjät, 43-44.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 43 weak posture and was hardly an image of a masculine soldier.38 As far as I knew he had done nothing to incite his treatment. The bullies were just like the ones in schools. The difference was that he could not get away from them. They beat him with standard issue towels. The towels that the army uses are not of the soft variety. We used to joke that one doesn’t dry themselves with them. The towels are rough so that they are good for wiping the water off. Apparently, they could also be used as tools of torture. He suffered the beatings at least for all those four months I served with him. It only ended when most of our unit was released out of active service into the reserve. Now, since I was the new man in the unit it was fairly obvious what happened to me. During one of their evening beating sessions one of the bullies came to me waving his towel with a smirk on his face. I told him not to hit me. He asked me why. I replied to him that I would hit him back and that I would hit him hard. Then he backed off and we had a good relationship for the rest the service. That was the only time I had threatened anyone with violence during my adult life. I’m not proud of it, but I knew there was no other choice. Reasoning in a situation such as this one is interpreted as weakness. In its most extreme form, power can counter violence, but I did not have it in the Arendtian sense.39 No one cared if I was beaten or not. I submitted to the authority of the institution but I never submitted to my peers. I even ended up having a good relationship with one of the major bullies, even though he insulted me at first and was generally dismissive of me. I had to remain on friendly terms with him, since he was one of the three people who manned the missile launcher with me. The bullied man never raised a hand against his bullies so they continued do what they did to him. Of course, he could have talked to his superiors. But a rigid institution could not save him and he probably knew it. The bullies would have received punishments, of course, but they would have stayed in the unit and would have been even more hateful towards the bullied man. Physical violence is not the only way to make life hard for someone. There is a widespread culture of pulling pranks on other servicemen and some of them can be quite extreme. On one occasion a conscript’s bed in the author’s

38 There is a word for these kind of soldiers –vässykkä . It could be translated into a “weakling“ but does not capture the meaning completely. The original work concentrates on mental weakness more than the physical one, although latter is implied in it as well. It is telling that this kind of word even exists. 39 Arendt, On Violence, 53.

44 unit was stolen and hidden. At the end of the service some of the conscripts poured meat soup, other food products and whatever they could find, like shaving foam, into lockers of some of the others who had to remain in service. There was no escape for the victim. I comforted him and let him know that he had some friends there but I did not do anything else, which I regret. His story is not an uncommon one. According to research, 10% of male and 2% of female conscripts have been pushed, kicked or beaten during the military service.40 Statistically, one person is being attacked in every squad. It is interesting to ponder on why violence is such a normal condition in total institutions. The story told above is probably a familiar one even for those who have never entered military service. They have been to school and know the behaviour from there. Goffman gives a detailed explanation for developing of camaraderie between inmates, but barely touches upon the possible hostility between them. There is one example of arising hostility due to some inmates appeasing the institution, but the interpersonal dynamics in case of bullying seems different.41 However, he spends much time on detailing social hierarchy within the institutions and the use of humiliation and physical attacks as forms of control. He explicitly identifies the hierarchy of the inmates and the staff.42 It can be suggested that there is a hierarchy within the inmates as well. It could be said that it is natural that the hierarchy of the inmates uses similar methods of control as the ones the staff uses. It could also be suggested that institutions such as the FDF create conditions for violence to emerge. Garrison life is a textbook example of the kind of control that Goffman has observed. People are conditioned to behave in certain ways. Their freedoms are restricted. They are crammed together in one space with other people not of their own choosing. Goffman explains that forcing people to share premises does not usually encourage solidarity between them.43 While adverse reaction cannot be proven, it can at least be suggested. Goffmann points out that forcing people to live together damages their sense of independence and self.44 This anxiety could cause the inmates to lash out on others. The institution essentially uses coercion to keep them in place. They do not really have a choice in the matter. Coercion and lack of freedom imply a threat of violence.

40 Leinonen, Nikkanen and Otonkorpi-Lehtoranta, Sukupuoleten tasa-arvo puolustusvoimissa, 36. 41 Goffman,Minuuden riistäjät, 44. 42 Goffman,Minuuden riistäjät, 8. 43 Goffman, Minuuden riistäjät, 48. 44 Goffman,Minuuden riistäjät, 24-25.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 45 Nowadays, total institutions in Finland do not employ corporal punishment of their subjects. However they do control their subjects’ bodies and minds as Foucault has explained. Foucault explains that the prison system nowadays attacks the mind more than the body.45 Before an institutionalized prison system came to be, most of the punishments of criminals were corporal. Nowadays the focus is on rehabilitation and re-education.46 Essentially, the mind of the subject is being molded to fit into the accepted ideal of the controlling institution. Foucault writes that prison sentences have always been associated with certain amount of physical suffering.47 Now, prisons and garrisons cannot readily be compared. However, both are mandatory to the inmates and both have goals of re-educating their subjects. Subjects’ movement is restricted to the premises of the institution. Simply by restricting the physical freedom of the subject, the body is, in the author’s opinion, targeted as well. Physical exercise is regularly used as a punishment. The only requirement for physical punishment in the military is that it is collective. Usually it is running. Attack on the body can be seen as connected to violence. The existence of violence implies that it is acceptable to use it. Thus, violence is ingrained into the institutional framework. It is interesting to note that even the military personnel itself acknowledges that the environment encourages bullying. Helsingin Sanomat reported on 31 October 2012 that, according to a new survey, one third of the conscripts experience some form of abuse or unequal treatment. The staff member from the personnel division of The Defence Command gave his opinion of the causes of bullying: “Conscripts are fairly young and in a boarding school-type of environment stupidity manages to condense.48 Things that should not happen. This has remained unnoticed by the staff.” It is implied that bullying wouldn’t happen if the individuals did not do it together. 49 It is a sad fact that abuse and violence are being interpreted as foolish behaviour. But even though it seems that the interviewee tries to absolve

45 Foucault, Tarkkailla ja Rangaista, 22. 46 Foucault, Tarkkailla ja Rangaista, 12. 47 Foucault, Tarkkailla ja Rangaista, 21. 48 “The stupidity condenses” is a fairly common Finnish phrase and it means irresponsible and inconsiderate behaviour that is caused by crowds gathering together while losing individual sense and caution. 49 “Puolustusvoimat yllättyi kiusaamiskyselyn tuloksista” (The Finnish Defence Forces were surprised about bullying results), http://www.hs.fi/kotimaa/Kysely+Joka+toinen+nainen+ kokee+kiusaamista+armeijassa/a1305611446117 . [03/01/2013]

46 the individuals of guilt, his argument has some truth in it. The behaviour of individuals involved in the case of my unit was interesting. Hostility of some individuals towards the author changed into respect very quickly. Common sense would have me hate the man for trying to hurt me. However, I can say with perfect confidence that he had nothing against me in particular. The key is to look into Arendt’s theories on the relationship with power and violence and apply them to behaviour within a totalitarian institution. Violence, according to Arendt, is not power, as some have argued. Instead, it is lack of power. Arendt explains that power and violence are the polar opposites. Violence increases as power decreases. The most stunning examples can be found in the aftermath of revolutions, where power vacuums exist. The French revolution resulted in one of the most well known cases of terror. The threat of violence loomed over everyone and even the mastermind of terror, Robespierre, ended up on the guillotine. Similar stories could be told of the aftermath of the October Revolution in Russia and, as a more recent example, of the Cambodian genocide. It is important to note that the violent ones are not always in power. Violence in the case of our unit was initiated by private-level conscripts. Occasionally, violent abuse is committed by NCO-ranked conscripts. According to Leinonen et al, in the case of bullied males, 77% of the bullies have been the victim’s roommates. In the case of bullied females, the number is 32%.50 The difference between numbers could be explained by the different manners or reasons of bullying. Women suffer from unfriendly behaviour, social exclusion and baseless rumors.51 Physical sexual abuse is just as common with men as it is with women, with 5% and 6% of them having experienced it.52 The survey does not identify the culprits of violent abuse by rank. However, discrimination is shown to happen across the hierarchy.53 Personally, the author has never heard of a case in the FDF where violence has been used by someone from the higher ranks of the hierarchy. When it comes to power, the violent ones have as little power as their victims do. They are subjects of a totalitarian institution just as much as their victims are. As an instrument of command, violence can be seen as a misguided attempt to gain power or as an attempt to arrange a social ladder in a situation

50 Leinonen, Nikkanen and Otonkorpi-Lehtoranta, Sukupuoleten tasa-arvo puolustusvoimissa, 37. 51 Leinonen, Nikkanen and Otonkorpi-Lehtoranta, Sukupuoleten tasa-arvo puolustusvoimissa, 36. 52 Leinonen, Nikkanen and Otonkorpi-Lehtoranta, Sukupuoleten tasa-arvo puolustusvoimissa, 42. 53 Leinonen, Nikkanen and Otonkorpi-Lehtoranta, Sukupuoleten tasa-arvo puolustusvoimissa, 32.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 47 where naturally one does not exist. Or, perhaps it is simply a way to deal with anxiety due to the control of the institution. When it comes to hierarchy, every private is at the bottom, regardless of their social status outside of the institution. On the other hand, the institution restricts the movements of the victims, so they cannot even escape. It seems that violence, for now, seems to be a natural part of the military service in Finland.

Conclusions This article has explained the totalitarian nature of the Finnish Defense Forces and some of the reasons behind its widespread acceptance. Various theories of power were used to clarify the working mechanism behind the mentality that supports total institutions despite freedom elsewhere. Rather than identifying a clear actor wielding the power at the level of the society, power is understood as a framework that affects the individuals in it. Once individuals take up the service, further social conditioning is employed to mould citizens into soldiers. At this level the actors wielding power are officers and other superiors. The environment has an unintended side effect of creating conditions where violence emerges. Violence is linked to the methods that the powerful ones use, while the environment lends itself well to violent behaviour of the individuals. These conditions should not, however, be interpreted as taking the responsibility of the violent ones. Social conditioning and environmental factors are simply not enough to overpower free will. Lessons can, perhaps, still be learned. The most obvious conclusion is to increase the freedom of the conscripts, but that would be counterproductive to the mission of the armed forces, which is to fight wars. Professional army could be another answer, since the service would not be mandatory and, therefore, feelings of powerlessness would not surface. Its other effects on the society, however, cannot be debated in this essay. The results can, however, be extrapolated to concern other boarding- school type environments. While it is clear that the comments of one staff member are not enough to draw such conclusions, military organizations are not unique in their totalitarian natures. Totalitarianism of the military is simply more refined and concerns larger groups of people than that of other institutions. Hierarchy is more developed than elsewhere and the main goal is efficiency. However, on the scale of a single unit, hierarchical structure is relatively small. In the case of other totalitarian institutions, violence could

48 be limited by allowing more freedoms. But it is difficult to find out what kind of balance between control and freedom is possible and appropriate for the military.

Bibliography Arendt, Hannah: On Violence. New York: Harcourt, inc, 1970. Foucault, Michel: Tarkkailla ja Rangaista. Keuruu: Otava, 1980. Goffman, Erving: Minuuden riistäjät. Tutkielma totaalisista laitoksista. Lohja: Lohjan Sanomalehti-ja Kirjapaino Oy, 1969. Hayward, Clarissa Rile: De-facing Power. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Leinonen, Minna; Nikkanen, Risto; Otonkorpi-Lehtoranta, Katri: Sukupuoleten tasa-arvo puolustusvoimissa – Kehittämistarpeiden näkökulma asepalvelusta suorittavien ja henkilöstön kokemuksiin. Tampere: Tampereen yliopistopaino oy Juvenes Print, 2012. Lukes, Steven: Power: A Radical View. New York: Plagrave Macmillan, 2005.

Official Documents: Kompanian taisteluohje. Helsinki, Edita Prima Oy, 2008. (no author is identified) Halonen Pekka, Karvinen Ilpo, edit. Yleinen palvelusohjesääntö, Helsinki, Edita Prima Oy, 2009.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 49 UDC 179.6 (497.2)"18" Dimitar, H. 179.6 (497.2)"18" Karadja, S. Review

National Heroes and Collective Memory: the Case of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja

Petya Koseva, University of Sofia ISHA Sofia, [email protected]

There are many factors that define the character and the outlook of a nation. Concrete events and personalities leave their mark on future generations and become consistent parts of their collective memory. Personalities who gained popularity on a national level usually leave their imprint for decades, even centuries, forward. The figures of collective memory are a tool for defining our own identity, for explaining who we are and where we come from. This paper follows the process of construction of national heroes, the circumstances that lead to their creation, and the role that the constructed figures play by focusing on one particular case from Bulgarian history: the case of two revolutionaries from the 19th century – Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja.

There are many factors that define the character and the outlook of a nation. The past, or more specifically the memory of that past, is one of those factors whose significance for the formation of national identity is indubitable. The memory of what once was affects to a great extent what we are today and is used as basis to establish the idea of our own selves. In history there are some concrete personalities and events that made strong impressions on the people and left their mark on the collective memory. Those personalities became national heroes for what they have done during their lifetimes. But how exactly are national heroes constructed? Why have they been built and what are the circumstances that lead to their appearances? Once created, what are the functions of these figures? This paper looks for answers to these questions by focusing on a case study of the personalities of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja. Who exactly are these two men and what is the historical background from which they earned “the right” to become a standing part of the collective

50 memory of Bulgarians? Hadji Dimitar1 and Stefan Karadja2 are Bulgarian revolutionaries who developed intense activity in the third quarter of the 19th century. The high point of their efforts was the organization of a detachment in 1868 to free the Bulgarian lands from the Ottoman reign. Revolutionary detachments were organized before and after this one too, but very few of them can boast the popularity that this particular armed group gained. During the first half of the 19th century the Bulgarians tried many times to demonstrate their dissatisfaction with conditions under the Ottoman Empire. Except the separate initiatives, they also did not miss supporting similar protests organised by the neighbouring Balkan nations. Despite the delicate nature of their position, they still lacked the necessary level of organization – there was no governing centre, nor clear leaders. Step by step this situation started to change during the years after the Crimean war (1853-1856). Different organisations (or parties) were founded and the successor of one of them – the Bulgarian Society3 – stood behind the establishment of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja’s detachment. The military group was prepared on Romanian land and the final result owes much to both the personal qualities of the leaders and the support of Bulgarians from the internal territories and the emigrants. According to different sources, the detachment had from 110 to 128 members and included men both with and without previous military experience.4 The revolutionaries fought in a few combats against a much more numerable Ottoman army that counted from 1.000 to 2.000 soldiers. Despite the categorical supremacy of the opponent, the first battles passed almost without victims, thanks to the good and effective tactics they used. Nevertheless, an armed group of about 120 people could not defeat the military potential of the Ottomans. The losses in such conflicts were easily predictable and usually caused the death of many revolutionaries. This was the price which was paid not only by the participants in the detachment, but also by its leaders. Stefan Karadja was injured and captured in prison where he soon died from his wounds, and Hadji Dimitar managed to stay alive until the 18th of July when the detachment fought its final battle on Buzludja Hill in the Balkan Mountains. Even though the lives of these two men ended in 1868, they continued their existence in the collective memory of the Bulgarian nation and became bearers of special symbolic meaning.

1 His full name is Dimitur Nikolov Asenov, born in 1840. 2 His full name is Stefan Todorov Dimov, born in 1840. 3 Founded by Bulgarian emigrants in Bucharest in 1868. Successor organization of the Secret Bulgarian Revolution Committee from 1866. 4 Markova, Selected works. Vol.1. Monographs. The Detachment from 1868, 696-718.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 51 How exactly and by what resources were the heroic images of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja built? In order to transform into a wide-spread conception, an idea needs to reach out to lots of people. The resources for the accomplishment of such tasks in the 19th century were not as extensive as they are today. In first place stood the revival of newspapers. Other ways of spreading information included published literary works and everyday communication from person to person. As already mentioned, the organization which set Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja’d detachment on foot was the Bulgarian Society. Like any other organization that had political aims, the Bulgarian Society also had its own newspaper, called Narodnost (“Nationality”). The pages of this newspaper provided detailed information on steps that the detachment took – the crossing of the Danube River and arrival on Bulgarian lands, the main combats, etc. The periodical led focused and consistent propaganda to popularise the revolution. Sometimes it even crossed the frontiers of objective reality by publishing articles about battles when the detachment was already dismissed. But if we trust the saying that the end justifies the means, then overstatements were necessary to maintain enthusiasm among the people.5 Both ways, with accurate descriptions and with slight overstatements, the newspapers worked to bring fame to the detachment and its leaders. Another famous revival newspaper, published in Braila, Dunavska zora6 (“Danube Dawn”), also systematically published articles about the armed group.7 The images of the rebels were given on an epic background and they were described with phrases like “lion’s sons” and “sparks go out of their eyes.” In the newspaper’s editions were published many poems inspired by the feat of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja and also short novels which spoke of the new government formed somewhere in the Balkan mountains. Another famous newspaper that reported the events of 1868 is Svoboda8 (“Freedom”). Likewise, the foreign press did not miss giving a note on what was going on, and Greek and Romanian periodicals also paid attention to the detachment. The systematic publishing of materials for the revolutionary group in some of the most famous Bulgarian newspapers at the time of the Revival undoubtedly had a fundamental role in the construction of the national heroes. 5 Zhechev, “Narodnost” for the Detachment of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja. – Reports of the State Archives, 15. 6 Published in Braila. Editor: Dobri Voynikov. 7 The first report was published on 15 July 1868. During the next months the topic of the revolutionary initiative was present in Danube Dawn editions. 8 Published in Bucharest. Editor: Lyuben Karavelov.

52 The construction was not an artificial creation of unreal figures, but the spread of the image of already existing and deserving personalities whose positive qualities were evident, even though they were sometimes over-coloured. Art and literature have undisputable importance for the immortalization of any person or idea. In the case of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja, ars poetica did a lot. The pieces of poetry are never created without appealing to some particular emotion, and that is the key to their influence upon the audience. Poetry is a method of expressing a concrete state of mind and it offers the opportunity to be repeated and shared with others. Yet, with the first steps of the detachment a great number of poems were written by writers like Ivan Kurshovich, Petur Fitov and Kosta Dimitrov. The revolutionary newspapers gave the authors a space for publication of their poems. Some of the most famous writers, poets, and revolutionaries of the time included the images of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja in their works. Probably the most important are the works of Lyuben Karavelov and Hristo Botev. The poem of Botev, dedicated to Hadji Dimitar, which says that “the one who falls in a battle for freedom never dies” is still one of the most popular Bulgarian poems.9 The first words of the poem are “Alive he is, alive” and they are not there by accident. After the death of Hadji Dimitar many legends appeared, telling that he was still alive and roaming on the mountain. This is a good illustration of how the ordinary man perceived the figure of the revolutionary – the unwillingness to accept that the national hero is dead led to the creation of legends. The famous writer and journalist Lyuben Karavelov wrote a drama dedicated to the detachment’s leaders. This was very important because, as he himself stated, drama could be understood not only by the educated people, but also by the illiterate since it was played in the theatre.10 The author put a great deal of effort into the distribution of his work, and his main goals were to move people to battle and popularise the two revolutionaries. It is interesting that the list of people who ordered the drama included Bulgarians from different parts of the world – Braila, Bucharest, Leipzig, New York, Istanbul, etc. In the internal Bulgarian lands it was distributed very confidentially because such works were forbidden by the Ottoman authorities for being in opposition. 9 The poem “Hadji Dimitar” was written by the poet and revolutionary Hristo Botev in relation to the last battle of the detachment of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja, when the first one was mortally wounded. The exact date of the creation of the poem is not known, but its first publication happened in 1873 in the newspaperNezavisimost . 10 The original name of the work is Hadji Dimitar Yasenov. Drama in Five Acts. Bucharest, 1872, 113 p.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 53 Besides literature, people used to sing more than thirty songs about what Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja did. The Russian ambassador Bitolya Nikolay Yakubovski wrote in a letter in 1870, “The events that happened in the Bulgarian Balkan mountains two years ago left as a memory many songs that are being sung during evening meetings even by the smallest students.” The numerous celebrations, starting in 1883, that were held on Buzludja Hill, where the last representatives of the detachment faced their death, are symbols of the attitude of the nation to its leaders. This was the beginning of a long-lasting tradition which continues even nowadays. In the church of the village of Krun, located near the hill, a tomb was built where the remains of revolutionaries were laid down. That place also became a place of memory which people use to visit during important historical anniversaries After pointing out some of the ways and methods of constructing national heroes, it is interesting to think about the reasons why these figures were created. Constructive processes in society occur when there is a common need for something. When a group of people needs water, it builds an irrigation system. When it needs to travel, it builds roads. And when there is a need of a pattern, of a moral example to be followed, national heroes come into being. Thus the understandings of society get a concrete form and are being encoded in the collective memory of the nation. National heroes and antagonists are the embodiment of the social moral conceptions and they have an important role for the process of passing these understandings on to the next generation, so in some way they have educational functions.11 The case of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja was also spurred by the need of a pattern. In decades when the nations on the Balkans were fighting for liberation and independence from Ottoman or Austrian rule, it was logical to admire those who were initiators of the nationwide movement. There was a need for someone to show “how it is done” because when somebody wants to attract the sympathy of a large number of people to a particular cause, the lack of an example would make its meaning sound a little abstract. It is very unlikely that someone would leave his family, property, and work just for nice- sounding words, so when there was news of a detachment that was “a result of the extremely desperate condition of the Bulgarian nation,” it served as an illustration of the idea. There was activity, not only words, and one’s activity provokes somebody else’s activity. A confirmation of this statement could

11 Hobsbawm, The Invention of Tradition, 1-14.

54 be found in the documents: “viewed from the point of the actions, taken by previous and the present detachments, they were not left without a result... now it could be thought of a real uprising.”12 Revolutionaries earned their place in the collective memory not because of their readiness for self-sacrifice, but more because of their faith in the success of the initiative, and success was not perceived in the sense of direct victory over the foreign ruler, but as indirect influence on the final goal by stimulation of the revolutionary activity. The constructed figures of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja, once they were created, became bearers of special meaning for Bulgarians. People who gained popularity on a national level usually are remembered for decades, even centuries. The figures of the collective memory are a tool for definition of the people’s own identity, for explanation of who they are and where they come from. According to Ernest Renan, the nation is a result of long lasting efforts, self-sacrifice and devotion. He lays large importance on common suffering, pointing out that it is a stronger linking element than joy. Furthermore, Renan states that tragedies instil a sense of duty and require common efforts in the name of the common good. The case of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja is a good attestation of this statement. The death of the two revolutionaries reflects the state of mind of the larger part of Bulgarian society. The newspapers from the period wrote: “Yes, with the gallows Midhat Pasha taught the Bulgarian children what the meaning of being a revolutionary is and what country, nation and national freedom mean”.13 Instead of causing fear, the government’s measures provoked а sense of cohesion among the Bulgarian people, who were united by the mournful feeling the loss of the two revolutionaries had caused. Different events help maintain the collective memory of such figures, like the annual commemoration of their births or deaths, re-enactments of the battles, round tables, conferences, exhibitions, and others. In July 2012, a re-enactment of the fight at the landmark of Vishovgrad was held on the 144th anniversary of the event. The celebration included a prayer in the name of the heroes and floral tributes on their monument. Celebrations were organized in other Bulgarian cities as well, such as the city of Svishtov, located on the Danube River, in the area where the detachment crossed the border in order to enter the Bulgarian lands. Events were also arranged on the Buzludja Peak, where Hadji Dimitar died. In his honour another monument in Kazanluk was

12 Letter from Nayden Gerov to count Nikolay Ignatiev from 1868. 13 Zhechev, “Narodnost” for the Detachment of Hadji Dimitar and Stefan Karadja. – Reports of the State Archives, 15.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 55 built in 2008. These circumstances demonstrate that interest in these national heroes continues 140 years after their deaths. There is one interesting case that clearly illustrates what influence the stories about national heroes have. A boy at the age of 7 or 8 from the city of Shumen was shown on the news of a national TV station because of his unusual dream – to become a revolutionary.14 The little fellow was aware of the stories about some Bulgarian revolutionaries and he was inspired by them. To be a source of inspiration is probably the main function of the national heroes. If a boy who lives in the modern world of highly-developed technologies, computer games, and movies could get inspiration from revolutionary stories, it is interesting to try to imagine what the effect of these stories was 14 decades ago when the liberation theme was an object of everyday discussions. The figures of collective memory are supposed to demonstrate positive and negative human qualities. Even though our perception of them changes slightly through the years, the basis remains the same, and that is what brings about their long existence.

Bibliography Aretov, Nikolai, and Chernokojov, Nikolai. Bulgarian Literature – 18th–19th Century. Sofia: Anubis, 2006. Botev, Hristo. Selected Works. Sofia, 1976. Bulgarian Military History. Selected Sources and Documents. Vol.1. Sofia, 1977. Dimitrov-Rudar, Petar. In Search for the Truth. Sofia: Cultural and historical heritage and national identity, 2001. Hobsbawm, Eric. The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. History of Bulgaria. Vol. 5. Bulgarian Revival – 18th – the Middle of 19th Century. Sofia, 1985. Markova, Zina. Selected Works. Vol.1. Monographs. The Detachment from 1868. Sofia: Anubis, 2007. Markova, Zina. Selected Works. Vol.1. Articles. Sofia: Anubis, 2008. Mitev, Pavlin. The Bulgarian Revival. Sofia: Anubis, 1999. Renan, Ernest. “What is Nation?” (1882). In: Nations and Identities. Massachusetts: Classic Readings, 2001. Vazvazova, Kirila. “About the Purpose and the Spread of the Drama “Hadji Dimitar Yasenov” by Lyuben Karavelov.” In: Bulgarian Revival. Ideas – Persons – Events. Vol.2. Sofia, 1999. 14 The video material was shown in the news on national television in 2012. 56 UDC 305-055.1 (480) "19" Review

Homosexuality in Finland during and after the Second World War

Tiia Niemelä, University of Helsinki ISHA Helsinki, [email protected]

The sexual moral, which was more or less still conservative in the first half of the 20th century, came under pressure during the Second World War. Long period of time when soldiers shared their living quarters, were in situation of constant fear, cold, hunger and fatigue, threatened by the enemy, led to them forming very close relationship, which sometimes led to homosexuality. In the first part this article deals with the homosexuality in Finland at the beginning of the 20th century. The second part is about homosexuality during the Second World War, while the last part is dedicated to the life of war veterans today.

Introduction The Second World War meant greater mobility of people both in Europe and in Finland. Especially in Finland, which was very agrarian at the beginning of the war, people’s habitat stayed relatively stable. People did not often leave their home villages, but the war moved great masses: men were sent to the front, and a large group of women, on the scale of the whole Europe in the war,1 followed as nurses and employees of the main quarters. People were evacuated from cities and areas of battle. Mobility and switching to another environment and community meant the loosening of the moral control of the home village which also made sexual experiments possible.2 Men and women were mostly separated into their own communities during the war – men were at the front in their dugouts and women behind the front. This caused the separation of sexes, which can be seen, for example, in soldiers’ letters and stories as a great longing for women,3 but it also enabled bonding within the same sex. Men and women were forced to spend long time

1 Näre, ”Kuin viimeistä päivää,“ 337-338. 2 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 172. 3 Näre, ”Kuin viimeistä päivää,“ 340-341.

57 apart, but the people’s desire to be close to one another hardly disappeared, especially during the war when the possibility of death was always present.4 The sexual moral of the first half of the 20th century was still pretty conservative: sex belonged to marriage between man and woman and its purpose was to produce children. War shook the foundations of that kind of moral. On the other hand, the ideal was strict abstaining. At the front, men were to remain loyal to their wives for long times and women at home to their husbands. On the other hand, constant fear of death made people want to try all things possible or feel the great love of their lives.5 The war increased marriage rates because people wanted to experience the highest form of relationship before dying. Rush marriages then show as high divorce rates as after the war.6 Again, some people reacted to the presence of death by not wanting to commit to another person because they didn’t want to experience or cause the pain of loss7 – a clear contradiction then characterized the sexual moral of the war period. During the war a relativistic, more permissive sexual moral gained more space and created the basis for the gradual breaking of the conservative sexual culture after the war.8 After this onset it is hardly surprising that homosexual relationships, both between men and women, appeared during the war period. There has been very little conversation on the subject in Finland, contrary to west- European countries where homosexual veterans have also been heard.9 In the United States there is even an organization for this matter, AVER (American Veterans for Equal Rights) which aims to improve the position of veterans of sexual minorities in the army. In the United States’ Army there was the so called “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy aimed against sexual minorities until autumn 2011, when the law was revoked.10 This essay is based mainly on four articles: Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota. Kahden veteraanin tarinat (”Homosexuality and war. The stories of two veterans”) by Kati Mustola and “Kuin viimeistä päivää” – sota-ajan sukupuolikulttuuri ja seksuaalinen väkivalta (“‘Like it was the last day on Earth’ – sexual culture and sexual violence of the war period”) by Sari Näre,

4 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 174. 5 Näre, ”Kuin viimeistä päivää,“ 335-337. 6 Näre, ”Kuin viimeistä päivää,“ 336, 376-377. 7 Näre, ”Kuin viimeistä päivää,“ 336. 8 Näre, “Kuin viimeistä päivää,“ 336. 9 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 171. 10 Ilta-Sanomat, 19.9.2011.

58 which deal with homosexuality during the war. Teemu Keskisarja’s Kyynelten kallio (“The Rock of Tears”) deals with the times before the war and Tuula Juvonen’s Ruotsalaistaudin kourissa – Heteromaskuliinisuuden jälleenrakentaminen 1950-luvun Suomessa (“In the hands of the Swedish disease – Rebuilding the hetero-masculinity in 1950s Finland”) with the time after the war. This essay tries to contextualize the phenomenon and look at it from a wider perspective, dealing with almost the entire first half of the 20th century.

Homosexuality in Finland at the beginning of the 20th century Homosexuality, among both men and women, was unambiguously criminalized in Finland in 1889 and the law remained in power until 1971. The punishment for homosexual relationship was two years in prison maximum – same as in bestiality, which was actually included in the same article. In the 1930s there were on average 9 punishments for homosexuality per year, but the amount dropped to 6 during the war years of 1941-1944.11 This may, however, be a statistical illusion, because during the war most men in the sexually active age were under the military criminal law which did not have an article forbidding homosexual relationships.12 Before the war, the majority of Finns lived in the countryside, in small communities. People were watching each others and rumors spread easily, and in that way homosexual tendencies were usually discovered. However, being different did not always lead to strict condemnation by the community, usually for practical reasons – small communities could not afford to exclude anybody. Exceptional behavior was usually explained so that it fits into the social norms of the community.13 The most common explanation for homosexual behavior was that a person was hermaphrodite. These stories did not necessarily have anything to do with the anatomical truth, but they gave a clear and concrete explanation of a person’s behavior.14 Finnish agrarian popular culture does not include any references, such as songs or proverbs, to homosexuality.15 There are hardly any references to homosexual behavior in Finnish sources before the second half of the 19th century. Homosexuality was apparently a taboo; it was not acknowledged or

11 Näre, “Kuin viimeistä päivää,“ 371. 12 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 180. 13 Juvonen, Ruotsalaistaudin kourissa, 312-314. 14 Juvonen, Ruotsalaistaudin kourissa, 313. ; Keskisarja, Kyynelten kallio, 316-317. 15 Keskisarja, Kyynelten kallio, 330.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 59 spoken about. Agrarian community did not give homosexually oriented people room to express themselves; most people had their first experiences during the war. Also, many heterosexuals only heard of the phenomenon during the war. Words “gay” and “lesbian” were probably known in the Finnish cities in the 1940s, but for the most of the agrarian population the phenomenon was unknown.16

Homosexuality during the war period At the front, soldiers suffered from constant fear, cold, hunger and fatigue. Combined with the lack of primary target and a giver of affection, a woman, the conditions of war caused men to have collective traumatic stress. In order to cope with the cruel reality of the war, men sought comfort from other people and who could have understood them better than their brothers in arms. Very tight communities, kinds of “small families” whose members were very emotionally important to one another were formed among the soldiers. The soldiers often thought these private groups to be more important than the official groups, such as companies or platoons, because in them men could select their comrades as they pleased. The sense of brotherhood was usually very strong among the groups and, for example, one’s own dugout could be referred to as “home”, which clearly indicates that the place and the people associated with it held a very special meaning.17 Close companionship most likely had something to do with the tight living conditions at the front. The soldiers could not guard their intimacy very well which could, combined with the absence of women, awoke bi- or homosexual tendencies which had been hidden in the civilian life. The step from close platonic companionship to more intimate relationship was, after all, relatively short, especially in the special conditions of the war.18 The war period had also been thought of as the birth place of modern masculinity. Men came to the front both from countryside and cities and these two habitats had partially different ideas of masculinity. In the countryside, “master of the house” type of mentality prevailed, which stressed the honor of the man, whereas in the cities the idea of man leaned to the bourgeois tradition and manifested itself as the ethos of bolstering up one’s own authority. At the front these two ideas collided and men from different backgrounds were

16 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 172. ; Näre, “Kuin viimeistä päivää,“ 371. 17 Näre, “Kuin viimeistä päivää,“ 340-341. ; Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 178. 18 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 174.

60 forced to acknowledge that their own idea of masculinity was not the only one possible. The idea of manhood was opened to new possibilities and after the war this idea gave birth to the modern masculinity, which gave more room for feelings and placed men in more equal position with women. Undoubtedly, the reflections of one’s own masculinity could have opened the doors for homosexuality as well.19 We cannot speak of war-time experiences of homosexuals as if they were the same for all of them, because the war treated individuals very differently. Perhaps the most famous of all Finnish homosexual veterans Toivo Laaksonen (1921-1991), probably better known as Tom of Finland, describes his main service place, Helsinki, pretty much as gay-man’s heaven. Laaksonen, who was promoted to second lieutenant in 1941 and lieutenant in 1943, served most of the war in air raid defense in Helsinki and its surrounding areas, so he was able to spend his evening leaves in the city center. The city was darkened at nights to bluff bombers and the darkness turned Laaksonen on, as well as many other men. During the war period an actual homosexual subculture was born in Helsinki, since it particularly used the darkness of the city. Homosexual men met each other most often in the city-centerstreets of South and North Esplanade, in the park between them and in the Kaivopuisto park at the southern peak of the city.20 According to Laaksonen, people acted quite unrestrained in the darkness of Helsinki. The “like it was the last day on Earth” mentality labeled the homosexual relationships as well as their heterosexual equivalents. Because death was always lurking behind the next corner, one had to experience everything. Partners switched often and among them there were also German officers, who were accommodated to hotel Kämp at the North Esplanade.21 For Germans, homosexuality as a phenomenon was nothing new, since in Germany gay men had organized themselves for their rights already at the end of the 19th century. Perhaps the stories from the war period about gay men having multiple relationships with different partners in the parks are one reason for the still-continuing prejudice that gays “will have sex with everything that moves.” Maybe the heterosexuals who had moved in Helsinki of the time told these stories to scare their children and grandchildren and so the stereotype lived on.

19 Näre, “Kuin viimeistä päivää,“ 344-348. 20 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 181-184. 21 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 183.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 61 Homosexuality was, naturally, expressed differently at the front than in the cities. The attitude of officers and other soldiers played a major role. Kati Mustola has interviewed homosexuals who participated in the war for her article: two veterans, alias Paavo and Antti and one woman, a member of the Lotta Svärd organization, alias Lotta. Paavo and Lotta thought that the war period had been almost the only positive time for them as homosexuals, but Antti’s experiences were opposite. Paavo served at Kannas and Syväri during The Continuation War (1941- 1944) as a runner and rifleman and he had several relationships with different men. Most of the relationships were short-termed because the men had fallen and then new replacements arrived. But Paavo also had a relationship with the same man for over two years. According to him, the men in their dugout knew about their relationship and accepted it mostly with warm humor.22 Antti, however, said that he did not have relationships with men during the war, although he had known since he was a teen that he liked men. According to him, homosexuality did not show at the front and he met other homosexual men only after the war.23 So, we cannot really deal with homosexuals as a solid group even during the war, because individual’s experiences varied a lot, depending on many different factors, such as their position at the frontier, their age or social status. At the frontier, one interesting phenomenon related to homosexuality was the so-called ‘frontier transvestism’, where men dressed up as women and performed humorous plays to entertain their comrades. These performances were very popular and their stars, like Miss Mutarovska, Musta Jaana and Rusita Serrano, became some kind of celebrities. There are several theories about the psychological meanings of these performances. They could relieve the longing for women, but could also have homosexual meanings. They could have given homosexually oriented men an accepted way to act out homosexual fantasy as viewers or as performers, or to heterosexuals a way to deal with new and possibly frightening phenomena.24 Even though the military law did not have an article forbidding homosexual relationships, the danger of punishment was still there. Usually men caught in homosexual intercourse were punished with unofficial rough justice. The persons caught could have been abused, but the most common

22 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 175-177. 23 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 174. 24 Näre, “Kuin viimeistä päivää,“ 374.

62 action was to send them to different detachments. Also, at least some lower- rank officers were dismissed for “behavior not suited for officer”, which in some cases can be interpreted as homosexual acts even though it is not stated explicitly in the documents.25 Homosexuality also occurred between women, since, like men, women also formed close single sex communities because of the special conditions of the war. Women’s situation differed from men’s because affection between women was not labeled as homosexuality as easily as affection between men. It was, in principle, easier for women to sustain even intimate relationships “under everybody’s nose” because they were easier to hide. Women could perform much more acts of affection towards one another and it was interpreted just as a part of normal friendship. However, women’s relationships with each other have received, if possible, even less attention than men’s.26 Partial reason for this could be that for the women who stayed home their daily workload increased so much since they also had to take care of men’s jobs so that they simply did not have any time or energy to put into their relationships or emotional lives. Also, the women who stayed behind were still under the control of their home villages, although the communities have changed a bit after men left.27 The possibilities for homosexual relationships depended a lot on the surroundings. The sex life of an officer who could spend his evening leaves in the darkened capital differed quite a lot from the experiences of a common soldier at the front. For example, Laaksonen does not mention anything about any sexual intercourse between soldiers at the places of service; the experiences with men happened in the dark nights of Helsinki where a man could move alone without his superiors’ or comrades’ control. Again, at the front people were at the same place and surrounded by same people day and night, so possible homosexual relationships occurred within the same community as everything else. The period of trench warfare during The Continuation War seems to have been the most fruitful time for homosexual relationships, because then men had time and the threat of the enemy was not as acute as during the invasive part or the short Winter War.

25 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 179-181. 26 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 184. 27 Näre, “Kuin viimeistä päivää,“ 337-339.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 63 After the war After the war, there were attempts to bring sexuality back to heterosexual norm, where it pretty much stayed until the end of the 1950s. Laaksonen describes how after the war he would meet a man with whom he had had sex during the war. The man would walk down the streets with his wife and children and act like he did not recognize him.28 Finland seemed to suffer from collective memory loss considering homosexuality. However, the return to the past was not perfect. After the war, the number of punishments for homosexuality exploded: at the end of the 1940s the annual average was 28 and in the 1950s as high as 54. The top year was 1951 when the number of punishments was 87.29 Maybe homosexually oriented people dared to stay outside of the closet after the war because during it they had noticed that heterosexuality was not, after all, carved in stone. Most likely the rising numbers were the result of negative aspects in the society related to homosexuals: the increase of control and exposing. Tuula Juvonen has studied in her article the 1950s scandal magazines’ Kalle and Viikon totuus reporting on the subject. Kalle, which started in 1950, was the first magazine to deal with homosexuality in its articles. The attitude was mostly negative: homosexuality was labeled as sickness and its criminal character was underlined.30 The same attitude was also shown in Viikon totuus, which was published since 1958, where homosexuality was also associated with Swedes and bestiality.31 In Sweden, homosexual relationships had been decriminalized already in 1944 and in the 1950s rumors spread to Finland about Stockholm’s boy-prostitutes and their adult male customers.32 Homosexuality was dealt with both as a sickness parallel to other mental diseases and as a criminal behavior, which was very contradictory. If homosexuality was a mental illness, for which medical science did not know the cure, could a person committing it be held responsible for their actions – like a person suffering from other mental diseases, who could have been announced as non compos?33 Contradictory way of dealing with the phenomenon shows that it was not understood: the fear of unknown usually manifests itself as hostile attitude. Homosexual sickness was also feared to threaten healthy, 28 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 185-186. 29 Juvonen, Ruotsalaistaudin kourissa, 310. 30 Juvonen, Ruotsalaistaudin kourissa, 322-326. 31 Juvonen, Ruotsalaistaudin kourissa, 327-329. 32 Juvonen, Ruotsalaistaudin kourissa, 322. 33 Juridical term for a person who cannot be held responsible for his/her actions.

64 heterosexual men.34 Did the fear originate from the war period when a man who had classified himself as a heterosexual before would suddenly discover bi- or homosexual tendencies in himself? When considered that the fear of gays cut through the whole society it might be assumed that bi- or homosexual experiences were familiar to former soldiers in one form or another. Probably only a fraction of soldiers had had sexual intercourse with another man, but clearly the war-time stories of homosexuals had spread far and wide. Public discussion about homosexuals in the 1950s dealt only with men – lesbianism did not come into the discussion until the next decade.35 According to Juvonen, both condemning the homosexual relationships between men and denying lesbianism’s existence were linked to the rebuilding of hetero- normative masculinity. Denying lesbianism’s existence gave men the primacy over masculinity and affairs with women. However, the war period had shaken the old sexual culture in many ways. The roles of men and women went through changes which also affected general ideas of feminine and masculine. The institutions of family and home changed along with the urbanization from the 1950s onwards. Heterosexuality also went through a time of change during the 1950s and the old norms were broken at the latest in the next decade with the development of contraceptives.36 Despite that, the reasons for condemnation of homosexuality were not always completely waterproof; openly homosexual life was not possible in the 1950s Finland, neither for men nor women. Homosexuality was both illegal and condemned in the society through social norms. Many homo- or bisexual people forced themselves into the only accepted form of relationship – heterosexual marriage. Bisexuals usually managed living a married life with the opposite sex, but homosexuals’ marriages were usually unhappy. Marriage was also the only way to have children, especially for men, but also the only socially accepted way for women.37 Those who lived with the same sex partner usually had to hide their relationship from their family and friends. The lack of apartments after the war made shared flats between people of same sex more common for purely practical reasons, but it could also provide a sort of screen for homosexual couples. Again, there was a difference between men and women: women living

34 Juvonen, Ruotsalaistaudin kourissa, 324. 35 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 184. 36 Juvonen, Ruotsalaistaudin kourissa, 339-340. 37 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 186.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 65 together did not awake homosexual gossip as easily as men living together. For example, Toivo Laaksonen found his lifetime partner Veli Mäkinen in 1953 and they were together for 28 years, until Veli’s death. They lived together, but had to keep the true nature of their relationship hidden from family and heterosexual friends.38 Time for open homosexual relationships came only two decades later, but most likely the generation of veterans was not able to enjoy it. It is hardly possible that a person born at the beginning of the 20th century could come out of the closet; although the article forbidding homosexuality was removed from the law, their family and friends hardly changed their old attitudes.

Homosexuality and veterans today In 2010, the president of Finland, Tarja Halonen, invited to the Independence Day (6 December) Ball in the President’s castle a media person Jani Toivola who came to the reception with the that year’s “Mr. Gay Finland” Kenneth Liukkonen, who had also been invited. On the list of invitations there were also many more homosexuals, and some of them came to the reception with their same sex partner, but the attention was focused mainly on Toivola and Liukkonen who danced together.39 The event ended up in the headlines and awoke vivid discussion. Opinions were opposed: one side thought that dancing in the castle was remarkable act of courage from the homosexuals and the other side thought that it had disgraced the whole party and its traditions. Although, as historians know, homosexual couples at the Independence Day Ball are not new – the creator of Moomins Tove Jansson came to the Independence Day Ball with her female partner Tuulikki Pietilä already in 1992. The dancing of gays was again discussed a year later when some members of parliament from the True Finns (Perussuomalaiset) party, Pentti Oinonen in front, announced that they would boycott the Independence Day Ball partly because of the dancing gays. Oinonen justified his behavior: “Gays dancing offends me personally. One veteran has already asked me how it is possible that the gays can dance in the President’s castle. I find it curious myself as well.”40 A vivid discussion was again awoken and some homosexual members of the parliament, such as already mentioned Jani Toivola and Silvia Modig, replied to Oinonen’s comments.41 As a countermove, an event called “Gay Dance” 38 Mustola, Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota, 186. 39 Turun Sanomat, 6.12.2010. 40 Ilta-Sanomat, 16.11.2011. Translation TN. 41 Radio Rock, 21.11.2011.

66 was founded on Facebook and was set to action on the Independence Day, for example, in the DTM-bar in Helsinki.42 The idea was that on the Independence Day gays are allowed to dance and the event wanted to encourage them to do so. The poster for the event was the gay symbol – rainbow flag – which had Tom of Finland’s drawing on it and a text: “Thank you 1939-1944. Also Toivo Laaksonen (Tom of Finland) was a veteran of our wars”. The poster was meant to resemble the shirts which have a picture of the Finnish flag, a soldier in front of it and the text: “Thank you 1939-1945”. These shirts are usually worn by people who have quite conservative ideas about veterans and homosexuals, so the resemblance between the poster and the shirt was used to make a point. Therefore, homosexuality and veterans have been the topic of public discussion in Finland in recent years, although the discussion has mostly been shouted on the Internet. The opinions on the matter have been very aggravated and there has been hardly any objective discussion. For example, comments of historians on the matter have not been seen in the media nor has there been any veterans’ memories of the homosexuality in the war published anywhere. Writer Sami Hilvo, though, wrote an open letter to Oinonen where he wrote that Oinonen had personally offended him, because his grandfather had been a veteran, a policeman and a homosexual.43 The discussion about homosexuals and independence, which is strongly linked to the Winter and Continuation wars, and therefore veterans, has been more a part of the ongoing debate in Finland between the elementary Finns and “civilized people” rather than a subject of rethinking our history. Being a homosexual and being a veteran do not exclude each other. But homosexuality really does not fit into “home, religion, fatherland” mentality which has been nurtured after the war. According to Juvonen, this is one of the reasons why homosexuality was kind of forgotten right after the war. During the war, the mentality was very relativistic in many aspects: the main goal was to stay alive, everything else was of second importance. The lost war caused national identity crisis which required some explanation for the losses. The explanation needed to be simple enough so it could spread through the whole society. One truth about the war was created and homosexuality did not fit into it. Now “the truth” has started to tremble and many groups, homosexuals among them, have been able to start adding their voices to the nation’s collective memory, after been silenced for so long.

42 Iltalehti, 16.11.2011. 43 Sami Hilvo, 16.11.2011.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 67 Bibliography Juvonen, Tuula: Ruotsalaistaudin kourissa – Heteromaskuliinisuuden jälleen- rakentaminen 1950-luvun Suomessa in Kun sota on ohi. Sodista selviytymisen ongelmia ja niiden ratkaisumalleja 1900-luvulla. Karonen, Petri and Tarjamo, Kerttu (edit.). Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura 2006. Keskisarja, Teemu: Kyynelten kallio – kertomuksia seksistä ja väkivallasta. Siltala 2011. Löfström, Jan, Sukupuoliero agraarikulttuurissa, Helsinki: SKS, 1999. Mr. Gay Finland Kenneth Liukkonen ja Jani Toivola juhlivat yhdessä. http:// www.ts.fi/uutiset/kotimaa/179646/ Mr+Gay+Finland +Kenneth+Liuk konen+ja+Jani+Toivola+juhlivat+yhdessa. Turun Sanomat 6.12.2010 [21/01/2013] Mustola, Kati: Homoseksuaalisuus ja sota. Kahden veteraanin tarinat in Ihminen sodassa. Suomalaisten kokemuksia talvi- ja jatkosodasta. Kinnunen, Tiina ja Kivimäki, Ville (edit.). Minerva Kustannus Oy 2006. Näre, Sari: ”Kuin viimeistä päivää” – sota-ajan sukupuolikulttuuri ja seksuaalinen väkivalta in Ruma sota. Talvi- ja jatkosodan vaiettu historia. Näre, Sari ja Kirves, Jenni (edit.). Johnny Kniga 2008. Yhdysvaltojen homosotilaat tulevat kaapista keskiyöllä. http://www.iltasanomat. fi/ulkomaat/yhdysvaltojen-homosotilaat-tulevat-kaapista-keskiyolla/art- 1288415261079.html Ilta-Sanomat 19.9.2011. [13/03/2012.] Persuedustajat boikotoivat Linnan juhlia. http://www.iltalehti.fi/uutiset/201111 1614761314_uu.shtml Iltalehti 16.11.2011. [24/03/2012] Sami Hilvo’s open letter to Pentti Oinonen. http://sohilvo.blogspot.com/2011/11/ avoin-kirje-kansanedustaja-pentti.html?spref=fb. Sami Hilvo 16.11.2011. [24/03/2012] Vastaisku Oinosen Linna-boikotille: Homotanssit! http://www.iltalehti.fi/ uutiset/2011111614765176_uu.shtml. Iltalehti 16.11.2011. [24/03/2012] Interview: What does Silvia Modig think of Oinonen’s gay comments? http:// www.radiorock.fi/kanava/ohjelmat/heikel%C3%A4-korporaatio/video/ mit%C3%A4-mielt%C3%A4-silvia-modig-oinosen-homokommenteista. Radio Rock 21.11.2011. [24/03/2012]

68 UDC 82.091 (497.11)(075) Original Scientific Paper

The Image of the Balkan Peninsula in Serbian History Textbooks for Middle School

Miloš Ivanović, University of Belgrade Klub studenata istorije ISHA Belgrade, [email protected]

This paper analyzes the image of the Balkan Peninsula in Serbian history textbooks for the 6th through 8th grades of primary school. This examination shows that, surprisingly, the era of Balkan history that gets the most space in textbooks is the medieval period. This situation is in fact the same as for the previous generation of Serbian history textbooks. In the new textbooks for 7th and 8th grade, a national perspective on history remains dominant, but in lesser measure than before. The similar tendency is present in the handbook Crucial Terms for Purposes of Compulsory Education: History. Authors of history textbooks, with some exceptions, stress political and military history, thus emphasising to pupils the conflicts among Balkan states and nations. Textbooks need to offer more topics from social history, economic history, and everyday history, showing the features various parts of the Balkans have in common. Finally, however, it is necessary to point out that historical consciousness and knowledge is not shaped exclusively by school and textbooks.

Since the end of the 20th century, scientific discussions about the quality of history textbooks in the Balkan states have been very topical. As a result, several publications have appeared concerning this topic.1 To this day the image of the Balkans in school history textbooks has held a special place in these disputes. Historians have noticed connections between political conditions and content in textbooks. Because of this phenomenon, studying the teaching materials is very important. However, we must underline that perception about history is not shaped exclusively through textbooks.2 Mass media, family, and social environment also play significant roles. In this paper

1 Teaching the History of South Eastern Europe, edited by Christina Koulouri. Thessaloniki: Center for Democracy and Reconciliation in Southeast Europe, 2001; Pulverfass, Powder Keg, Baril de Poudre?, Südosteuropa im europäischen Geshichtsschulnuch/South Eastern Europe in European History Textbooks, edited by Andreas Helmedach, Hannover: Verlag Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 2007. 2 Kalionski, “The Reflection of Balkan History”, 56.

69 the image of the Balkans from the 7th century to today will be analyzed in contemporary Serbian history textbooks for the 6th through 8th grades. These books are used by 13- to 15-year-old children. For this paper, textbooks from the largest publisher (state-owned) in Serbia, Zavod za udžbenike, and the new private publisher Freska were used. The full set of history textbooks is also published by Klett. The first information pupils receive about the history of the Balkans is in the 5th grade of primary school. However, we did not examine books for this level because they present antique history before the arrival of the Slavic population on the Balkan Peninsula. Maria Todorova has pointed out that for the modern-day Balkans their Byzantine and Ottoman heritage up until the 19th century is considered to be of utmost importance.3 That is the main reason why emphasis is mostly placed on textbooks from 6th grade. To begin with, the textbook for 6th grade by author Rade Mihaljčić (published by Zavod za udžbenike) will be presented.4 In this book, the Balkans have been given a lot of space – 26.49% of the content. After a general introduction about the Middle Ages, the lessons that follow describe the development of the Byzantine Empire from the 4th century to the end of the 10th. Beside political history, students can note the religious and cultural influences of the Eastern Roman Empire.5 At the end of the chapter in the sequence ‘For the Curious’6 are small texts concerning Emperor Justinian I (527–565) and Constantinople.7 The main unit for the history of Balkans in this textbook is titled ‘Serbs and Their Surroundings in the Early Middle Ages’.8 Here the author presents the migrations and settlement of the South Slavs on the Balkan Peninsula and their relations with the native population and neighbouring peoples. Mihaljčić also treats Slavic society, economy, customs, and religion. In separate lessons the history of some Balkan states in the early Middle Ages (Carantanita, Croatia, Bulgaria, and Samuel’s state) is illuminated.9 The author treats the state of Macedonian Slavs last. New research has rejected this debatable term.10 The emphasis on unity in the South Slavic region is evident in chapters which

3 Todorova, Imaginarni Balkan, 25–26. 4 Михаљчић, Истроија за шести разрeд основене школе, 140 pages. 5 Михаљчић, Истроија за шести разрeд основене школе, 14–18. 6 In original: За радознале 7 Михаљчић, Истроија за шести разрeд основене школе, 32–34. 8 In original: Срби и њихово окружење у раном средњем веку 9 Михаљчић, Истроија за шести разрeд основене школе, 38–47. 10 See: Пириватрић, Самуилова држава.

70 illustrate the process of Christianisation and the development of these peoples’ culture. Equal space is given for the Glagolitic and Cyrillic alphabets.11 The Balkans appears again in the large section ‘Serbian People and Their Neighbours in the Late Middle Ages’. In the framework of two teaching units, the author depicts ‘Genesis and Development of the Bosnian State’ and the history of ‘Ragusa (Dubrovnik) in the Middle Ages’. He especially emphasises the importance of Ragusa for the economy and culture of South Slavs.12 The last chapter of the textbook, ‘Serbian Lands and Their Surroundings at the Time of Ottoman Conquest’ is divided into several units. Two of them, ‘Penetration of the Turks into the Balkan Peninsula’ and ‘Resistance to the Ottomans and the Decline of the Christian States’ underline common processes in Balkan states during the late 14th century and the first half of 15th century.13 After this brief presentation of the content of the textbook we can conclude that the history of the Serbian state is well contextualised by asserting its connection with the past of the whole Balkan region. It is important that the text follows appropriate historical maps of the Byzantine Empire, the Balkans in the time of Slavic settlement, and the Ottoman conquest, and there are many appealing illustrations of Slavic and Turkish military equipment. Through these maps and illustrations, pupils can easily follow different phases of Balkan history. The emphasis is not only political history, for society, economy, and culture are also represented in some parts. However, in one of the previous versions of the 6th-grade textbook by the same author the lessons on the Hungarian kingdom, the Bulgarians, the Albanians, and the Romanians in the late Middle Ages14 were separated. Surely that is a consequence of reducing the extent of the textbook. Regardless of that fact, Mihaljičić has provided pupils good materials for introducing them to topics about the Balkans. Another textbook by authors Marko Šuica and Radivoj Radić, published by Freska for the 6th grade, have a similar concept. One methodological difference from the previous book is the inclusion of additional educational materials for students along with the lessons. Again we can find chapters that cover the history of the early Byzantine Empire, the settlement of South Slavs on the Balkan Peninsula, and the Christianization of Slavs.15 The idea of things

11 Михаљчић, Истроија за шести разрeд, 51–55. 12 Михаљчић, Истроија за шести разрeд, 99–103. 13 Михаљчић, Истроија за шести разрeд, 116–117, 124–126. 14 Šuica, “South Eastern Europe“, 248. 15 Шуица and Радић, Истроија за шести разред, 24–27, 52–57, 62–65.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 71 Balkan is prominent in this book. That is, units on Serbian history have such titles as ‘Settlement of the Serbs and the Balkan Peninsula until the 11th Century’, ‘Serbia and the Balkan Peninsula in the Time of Stefan Nemanja’, and ‘The Serbian State and the Balkan Peninsula in the First half of the 13th Century’. It is an appropriate way for students to understand national history in a broader framework.16 The authors did not pay attention to the history of Ragusa, but they emphasised the development of the late Byzantine Empire.17 The history of the Bosnian state in the 14th century is described separately.18 The beginning of the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans is presented in the lesson ‘Arrival of the Ottomans in Europe and Serbian Lands.’ The authors wished to stress the importance of this process, not only for the Balkans, but also for the whole continent.19 Similarly to the first textbooks, the last resistance of the Balkan states against the Ottomans is depicted in a separate unit.20 Fine historical maps complete the educational materials. The authors showed a clear intention to set Serbian history into the broader framework of Balkan and European history. Byzantine history is given almost equal space to monarchy in Western Europe in the Middle Ages, underlining its importance. That is a significant quality of this book. Finally, we can say that Šuica and Radić have given Balkan history adequate space in their textbooks. Regardless of which of the two textbooks they are using, pupils can acquire a similar picture of Balkan history. All these questions must be reviewed in light of the handbook Crucial Terms for Purposes of Compulsory Education: History.21 Among the concepts regarding the Middle Ages are a large number relating to the Balkans. This section of the document identifies important concepts which students are required to understand in order to understand necessary aspects of the Balkans in the Middle Ages. Those concepts include almost all of the peoples and medieval states in the Balkans, the migration and settlement of South Slavs, Slavic alphabets, Christianization, and such eminent persons as Emperor Justinian I, Ottoman rulers Murad I and Mehmed II the Conqueror, prince

16 Шуица and Радић, Истроија за шести разред, 58–61, 106–113. 17 Шуица and Радић, Истроија за шести разред, 85–87. 18 Шуица and Радић, Истроија за шести разред, 128–130. 19 Шуица and Радић, Истроија за шести разред, 142–145. 20 Шуица and Радић, Истроија за шести разред, 154–157. 21 Ферјанчић et al., Кључни појмови за крај основног образовања. Исотрија. Приручник за наставнике. This handbook was written to establish crucial terms which should stimulate pupils to understand the contemporary world and to accept universal values and principles of contemporary civilization.

72 of Wallachia Vlad Tepes Dracula, and Albanian nobleman George Kastrioti Skanderbeg.22 The situation changes when we move on to textbooks for the 7th grade of primary school. First for consideration is the book by Dušan Bataković, published by Zavod za udžbenike. Subjects concerning the history of the Balkans occupy around 9% of the book. The general view on the Balkans first appears in the chapter ‘Predominance of the Ottomans on the Balkans: Ottoman State and Society (16th – 18th Centuries)’. On several pages the author considers the territorial spread of the Ottoman Empire, its type of government, social layers, military organisation and religious occasions.23 In the next chapter Bataković treats the position of Serbian people within the Ottoman Empire. The cultural and economic importance of the Republic of Ragusa is underlined in this unit, which can create confusion among students.24 The identity of Ragusa citizens is a complex topic and should not be connected with the idea of a nation from the 19th century. Furthermore, pupils will not find information about the institutions and culture of other Balkan peoples who lived in the Ottoman state and the Habsburg Monarchy. The revolution movement of 1848 to 1849 is presented almost exclusively from a Serbian and European perspective.25 For example, revolutionary events among the Croats and their connection with Serbian rebels in the Habsburg Monarchy are marked with only a few sentences. Also, the Illyrian Movement, which aimed to create a common state of South Slavs, is mentioned in only one sentence.26 The next section dedicated to the Balkans is titled ‘The Great Powers and the Eastern Question’. The author primarily explains the term ‘Eastern Question,’ which is a synonymous for the efforts of the Ottoman Empire to retain control of the Balkans. National revolutions of Greeks, Romanians, Bulgarians, and Albanians against Ottoman rule from 1804 to 1878 are described in a separate subsection. The aforementioned unit finishes with a survey of the Great Eastern Crisis (1875–1878) that ended with the Congress of Berlin. This conference decided to accept the independence of Serbia, Montenegro, and Romania.27 The formation of the Balkan League during 1866 and 1867, which was initiated by Serbian prince Mihailo, is shown in a framework of national 22 Ферјанчић et al., Кључни појмови, 27–32. 23 Батаковић, Историја за седми разред, 47–53. 24 Батаковић, Историја за седми разред, 58. 25 Батаковић, Историја за седми разред, 108–111, 166–167. 26 Батаковић, Историја за седми разред, 166. 27 Батаковић, Историја за седми разред, 119–123.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 73 history.28 Regional context again is not visible enough, which is needed for a better understanding of this episode. The content presented in this textbook is dominated by political themes and lacks topics related to the cultural and economic history of the Balkans. At the same time, it is strange that the author does not mention any prominent person from Bulgaria, Greece, or Romania. The author particularly neglected the area of the future Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Therefore, the Balkans clearly exists as region in this textbook, but their common characteristics are underemphasized, especially in the sphere of social life. It is necessary to underline, however, that the author wrote this textbook with balance and without stereotypes. Another textbook for the 7th grade, by author Radoš Ljušić and published by Freska, has a similiar concept to that of the previous textbook, but the Balkan region is less visible. In fact, the word ‘Balkans’ (or ‘Balkan Peninsula’) cannot be found in the title of any chapter or unit. Instead of the name ‘Ottoman Empire’, the author often uses the term ‘the Turkish state’. Ljušić takes a closer look at Ottoman politics, statehood, and society from the 16th century to 1878. He writes the same way about the Habsburg Monarchy, but without regional Balkan context.29 Because of this, similarly to the earlier textbook by the same author, the history of the Balkans is integrated into and entangled with the history of the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy and in particular with that of the Serbs, Croats, and Bosnians. The region exists, but it is hidden, used only as a background for other historical problems, primarily from the perspective of Serbian national history.30 We can append that in this book there is no chapter or unit which concerns itself with the Eastern Question and the Great Eastern Crisis. Political history dominates the content of this textbook. That is one of the reasons why the Balkan Peninsula has such a modest place, because almost the entire region was being controlled by the Ottoman Empire from the second part of the 15th century to the beginning of the 19th. In the aforementioned handbook The Crucial Terms, for the period from the 16th century to 1878 we meet many terms connected with Balkan history. The author, Suzana Rajić, places primary emphasis on the Balkan states and their statehood. However among the terms are no events or persons from their history (except for the Greek Revolution of 1821).31 As a result, pupils cannot get a complete picture of the Balkan Peninsula in modern history.

28 Батаковић, Историја за седми разред, 148. 29 Љушић, Историја за седми разред, 34–43, 120–125. 30 Šuica, “South Eastern Europe”, 249–251. 31 Ферјанчић ett al., Кључни појмови, 38–44.

74 Commonly, textbooks for 8th grade provoke much discussion, because they cover contemporary history. Often these books reflect the influence of current political events and social movements. That was especially visible in the former Communist states on the Balkan Peninsula after 1989.32 In this part of the paper we will present the textbook by Đorđe Đurić and Momčilo Pavlović (published by Zavod za udžbenike in 2011). They have extended the coverage of Balkan history to around 9% of the book. First, in a chapter called ‘The Great Powers and the Balkan states (1878–1912)’ the authors present the policies of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy toward the Balkans and the situation of the Ottoman provinces in Europe. Also, this unit contains a general overview of the history of Romania, Bulgaria, Greece, and Albania. Mainly, students will find information about struggles for independence and territorial expansion. This unit includes a historical map of the Balkan Peninsula after the Congress of Berlin in 1878.33 A special lesson is devoted to the Balkan Wars (1912–1913). The first part of this unit is concerned with the difficult position of Christians in European provinces of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of the Balkan League. Đurić and Pavlović emphasise the question of Macedonia, where Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece have strived to gain influence. A description of the struggles of the First Balkan War follows. As a cause of the Second Balkan War, the authors point out the inability of the Balkan states to agree on how to divide the conquered territories. They stress that Serbia had a right to retain territory in Vardar Macedonia, which the Serbian army occupied without Bulgarian assistance. After the description of the Second Balkan War, the consequences of the Balkan Wars are marked primarily from the perspective of the territorial enlargement of the Balkan states. At the end of the unit one map illustrates territorial changes on the Balkan Peninsula after the Balkan Wars.34 The next section with a regional perspective is situated in the unit ‘The World and Europe after the First World War – New States, New Borders’, in which the authors note changes of population and territory in the Balkan states.35 The establishment of the dictatorship of Yugoslavian king Alexander I is set in the context of other dictatorships in the Balkan region.36 It is interesting that on page 116 they offer facts about the level of literacy in the Balkan states 32 Stojanović, “Konstrukcija prošlosti”, 33.; Koren and Najbar-Agičić, “Slika naroda”, 131–132.; Kalionski, “The Reflection of Balkan History”, 55. 33 Ђурић and Павловић, Историја за осми разред, 15–19. 34 Ђурић and Павловић, Историја за осми разред, 46–51. 35 Ђурић and Павловић, Историја за осми разред, 85. 36 Ђурић and Павловић, Историја за осми разред, 109.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 75 before the Second World War.37 Events of World War II which concern the Balkans are presented from the perspective of Yugoslavia.38 The Balkan states are mentioned two more times in this textbook, with special emphasis on information regarding the foreign policy of Yugoslavia. Here students can find data on the rise and fall of the Communist regime in Eastern Europe.39 Political and military histories obviously prevail in the Balkan segments of this textbook. Such an approach elevates the conflicts and misunderstanding among the Balkan states, while periods of accord and collaboration are relegated to the shadows. Further, common processes for many Balkan states, like the development of socialist economies, were insufficiently highlighted. Therefore we conclude that the book neglects many essential aspects of Balkan history, but it represents progress in comparison with the previous textbook by this publisher.40 Textbooks on contemporary history have special importance because they treat events and persons that remain vivid in people’s collective memory. Therefore, the obligation of the education system must be to take a critical approach to history, which is not a feature of tradition and mass media. Practically the same organization of content is presented in another textbook for 8th grade by authors Radoš Ljušić and Ljubodrag Dimić (published by Freska). Unfortunately, the author of this paper did not have access to the whole text of the book, and therefore we can mention only the titles of some chapters and units in which the word ‘Balkan’ appears. The book begins with the chapter ‘The World, Europe, and the Balkans (1878–1914)’. Within this chapter is the unit ‘The Balkans’ Peoples and States’.41 As expected one chapter is ‘The Balkan Wars’.42 In accordance with the proposition from 2008, pupils should adopt the following terms for contemporary history of the Balkans: the Balkan Wars; the Treaty of Bucharest (1913); the Battles of Kumanovo, Bitolj, and Bregalnica (1912–1913); the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1878); the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1908); the Balkan League (1912); monarchy as the form of government in all Balkan states; emperor Franz Joseph (1848–1916); the Hohenzollern dynasty (ruling family in Prussia and Romania); the Salonika front of World War I; democratic changes in Eastern Europe; Franz Ferdinand; and Georgi Dimitrov (Bulgarian politician).43 As

37 Ђурић and Павловић, Историја за осми разред, 116. 38 Ђурић and Павловић, Историја за осми разред, 135-139. 39 Ђурић and Павловић, Историја за осми разред, 159, 166. 40 Šuica, “South Eastern Europe”, 251–253. 41 Љушић and Димић, Историја за осми разред, 5, 17–21. 42 Љушић and Димић, Историја за осми разред, 68–71. 43 Ферјанчић ett al., Кључни појмови, 39–64.

76 we see, these are concepts from political and military history. Once again we note the absence of many important processes and persons, as well as concepts regarding economy and culture, with the exception of general terms like ‘socialistic economy’, ‘Marxism’, and so forth. For the purposes of this article we have analyzed the Balkan Peninsula as a historical region. Particularly important is the question of how the people of former Yugoslavia and the process of disintegration are presented in textbooks.44 Generally speaking, we can say that the last generation of Serbian textbooks has a more balanced approach to that sensitive issue than before. Authors have used mainly scientific vocabulary and avoided stereotypes about nations. However, the principal problem is the lack of information about peoples of Yugoslavia (except, of course, Serbs) before 1918. On the preceding pages we have already addressed the advantages and disadvantages of each textbook in its presentation of Balkan history. Now we will try to summarise our results. Surprisingly the history of the Balkan Peninsula got the most space in textbooks about the medieval period. We need to underline that this is similar to the previous generation of Serbian textbooks.45 The share of Balkan history increased in new textbooks for th7 and 8th grades, but still many events and processes are observed from the perspective of national history. The same problem has been detected around the year 2000 in Bulgarian and Greek history textbooks.46 Textbooks stress struggles and quarrels among Balkan states and nations because of the prevalence of political and military history. That is the main reason why changes are needed in curriculum and indirectly in textbooks. Introducing more topics from social history, economic history, and everyday history could bring a better understanding of the past and a rational attitude toward it. In this way it would become obvious that people of the Balkans have much more in common than not.47 Once again, it is necessary to point out that historical consciousness and knowledge is not shaped only by school and textbooks,48 but historians have a specific responsibility in this complex process. 44 In this place, we can mention analysis of some textbooks from Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina, which are published after 2000: Koren and Najbar-Agičić, “Slika naroda”, 131–150.; Ристић, “Српско-хравтски односи”, 141–148.; Radojević, “Raspad Jugoslavije”, 211–221. 45 Šuica, “South Eastern Europe”, 247–261.; That was case and in Albania textbooks: Duka, “ The History of Albanians”, 51–52. 46 Kalionski, “The Reflection of Balkan History”, 56–57; Dragonas and Frangoudaki, “The Peristance”, 40. 47 Stojanović, “History Textbooks”. 30, 32. 48 Kalionski, “The Reflection of Balkan History,“ 56. ; Radojević,” Raspad Jugoslavije”, 211.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 77 Bibliography Primary sources: Михаљчић, Раде. Истроија за шести разред основне школе. Београд: Завод за уџбенике, 2008. Шуица., Марко and Радивој Радић. Историја за шести разред основне школе. Београд: Фреска, 2010. Батаковић, Душан. Истроија за седми разред основне школе. Београд: Завод за уџбенике, 2010². Љушић, Радош. Истроија за седми разред основне школе. Београд: Фреска, 2010. Ђурић, Ђорђе., and Момчило Павловић. Истроија за осми разред основне школе. Београд: Завод за уџбенике, 2011². Љушић, Радош and Љубодраг Димић. Истроија за осми разред основне школе. Београд: Фреска, 2010. Ферјначић, Снежана., Шуица, Марко., Рајић, Сузана., Димић, Љубодраг., Ђуровић, Арсен., Кољанин, Драгица., and Видосава Граховац. Кључни појмови за крај основног образовања. Историја. Приручник за наставнике. Београд: Завод за вредновање квалитета образовања и васпитања, 2008.

Monograph: Пиритватрић, Срђан. Самуилова држава: обим и карактер, Београд: Византолошки институт САНУ, 1997. Todorova, Marija. Imaginarni Balkan. Beograd: Biblioteka XX vek, 2006².

Expert articles: Duka, Valentina. “The History of Albanians and their Neighbors in Albanian Textbooks.” In Teaching the History of South Eastern Europe, edited by Christina Koulouri, 49–53. Thessaloniki: Center for Democracy and Reconciliation in Southeast Europe, 2001. Koren, Snježana and Najbar-Agičić Magdalena. “ Slika naroda s prostora prijašnje Jugoslavije u hrvatskim udžbenicima povjesti”. Dijalog povjesničara i istoričara 6 (2001): 131–150. Kalionski, Alexei. “The Reflection of Balkan History in the Bulgarian School Textbook.” In Teaching the History of South Eastern Europe, edited by Christina Koulouri, 55–59. Thessaloniki: Center for Democracy and Reconciliation in Southeast Europe, 2001. Radojević, Mira. “Raspad Jugoslavije u udžbenicima istorije.” In Srpsko-

78 hrvatski odnosi u XX veku – dvadeset godina od početka rata, edited by Darko Gavrilović, 211–221, Novi Sad: Centar za istoriju, demokratiju i pomirenje, 2011. Ристић, Сања. “Српско-хрватски односи у гимназијски уџбеницима у Србији”. In Serbo-Croat Relations: Political Cooperation and National Minorities – Hrvatsko-srpski odnosi: politička saradnja i nacionalne manjine, edited by Darko Gavrilović, 141–148, Sremska Kamenica: Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation (Salzburg) – Centar za istoriju, demokratiju i pomirenje (Novi Sad) – Fakultet za evropske pravno-političke studije (Sremska Kamenica) – Dijalog (Zagreb), 2009. Stojanović, Dubravka. “History Textbooks and the Creation of National Identity”. In Teaching the History of South Eastern Europe, edited by Christina Koulouri, 27–32. Thessaloniki: Center for Democracy and Reconciliation in Southeast Europe, 2001. Stojanović, Dubravka. “Konstrukcija prošlosti – slučaj srspkih udžbenika istorije”. Dijalog povjesničara i istoričara 4 (2001): 31–44. Šuica, Marko. “South Eastern Europe – an Historical region and its Significance as Portrayed in Serbian History Textbooks.” In Pulverfass, Powder Keg, Baril de Poudre?, Südosteuropa im europäischen Geshichtsschulbuch/ South Eastern Europe in European History Textbooks, edited by Andreas Helmedach, 243–264. Hannover: Verlag Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 2007.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 79 UDC 94(450)"18": 930 Review

The diffusion of ideological schemes through education. Historiography on “Risorgimento” from the beginning to the fascist era. School, history, state, and national identity

Francesca Romano, University of Roma ISHA Rome, [email protected]

The control of school materials was an effective way of control that the state of Italy might have over people and the entire society and its values. Through the analysis of textbooks made for children from the past generations, it is possible to gradually rebuild the phases of traditional historiography on Risorgimento. The first thing that will be analysed is the body of laws on the schools and ministerial programs from the immediate post unification period. The second thing that I will do is to analyse the older school texts, printed in the first years of the 20th century: the first was published in 1906, the second in 1913, and the third in 1929, during the fascist era.

The first legislation on textbooks The year 1859 was the year of the Casati law1 on the obligatory instruction, enacted in the Kingdom of Sardinia on 13 November 1859. Between 1859 and 1877, the time of Coppino’s law2 on obligatory instruction, Italy was traversed by war events related to the Unitarian process3 and marked by an effort to create homogeneous school system in the peninsula which was

1 The Royal Decree on/of 13 November 1859, n. 3725 of the Kingdom of Sardinia, entered into force in 1860 and later, after the unification, extended to entire Italy. The law, which was named after the Minister of Education Gabrio Casati and was followed by Bon Lanza Fellow laws in 1848 and 1857, reformed the whole educational system in a comprehensive way, by uniforming orders, degrees, and school subjects, confirming the willingness of the State to take over the right and duty to intervene in the school curriculum alongside and in place of the Catholic Church, which had a monopoly on education for centuries. 2 The Law Coppino was issued on 15 July 1877, during the “Historical Left” government led by Agostino Depretis. It took five classes of elementary school, made free primary education and introduced penalties for those who would not comply with the obligation (the penalties were not included in the previous Casati Law). 3 A process in Italian history during which the Italian nation achieved national unity, bringing together the pre-unification states in a single state, the Kingdom of Italy.

80 gradually annexed to the new liberal state. As for the military, the Unitarian process was finished in 1870 with the annexation of Rome. The first years of the “Historical Right” government was a time of transition in which the new power tried to impose itself to the whole nation and to dominate the rebellions. So if we wish to examine the school system and school materials in an organised and consolidated national context, and if we wish to talk about a ministerial legislation on didactics that found a sufficient actuation in the entire nation, we have to start in 1877, during the “Historical Left” government. After all, we have to remember that the preventive control over textbooks was one of the most important prerogatives followed by the authorities, more important than the organisation of the schools and the organization of the state itself.4 In others words, before the Piedmont army conquered Italy and the consolidation of the state, Piedmont tried to control how the new generations would be indoctrinated and this confirms the importance of schools and books in the legitimization of the new political situation. In March 1860, the provisory government of Tuscany reorganised the schools according to the model proposed by the Casati law. On 17 October, after the passage of Garibaldi and the defeat of the Bourbon army on Volturno (the decisive defeat of Bourbon army), the Casati law was extended to Sicily. During the first months of 1861, the liberal authorities were trying to come up with a way to adapt the educational and scholastic system of the entire former Kingdom of the Two Scillies to the system proposed in the Piedmont law. During this period, according to the Casati law, several textbooks were used throughout the entire peninsula but it was not free expression because those textbooks were required to pass the strict control of the High Council of Public Education. Law in theory and law in practice are two different things. They spent several years balancing between, on one side, the centralization and appearance of choice expressed by the Casati law, and, on the other, the necessity of an administrative decentralization of the schools promoted by several public education ministers between 1860 and 1865. To maintain the semblance of choice and to promote the market and gains of the publishing houses, the public education minister was in fact forced to do the difficult work of control. In addition, to make the work more efficient, the minister of public education had to know the exact situation and different contexts of Italy. It was clear that the minister needed help ofthe

4 Barausse, Il libro, 12.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 81 local authorities, such as province councils and school communal councils. Prefectures became the enforcers of the will of the state on the territory and an important control mechanism in each field. The example of one of the first temporary acts by the State on control over textbooks is the ministerial letter from 28 July 1865.5 According to this document: —— only school textbooks approved by the school provincial councils, written by authors of reputation, and ascertained by the High Council of public education, can be adopted; —— during every August, teacher had to make a list of the school texts that they intended to adopt, containing the following subjects: syllabary, book reading, elements of patriotic history, geography, arithmetic and metric system, grammar, duties of men; —— each year before 15 October, the school provincial council had to make a list of books considered appropriate by asking for a written opinion from a five member commission; —— all books offending religion, family, the state, science, and the language, which was considered the “most glorious patrimony of the nation”, had to be excluded. The school conditions did not improve immediately. According to the report “The condition of public instruction in the kingdom of Italy”,6 there were still several problems with textbooks. On the subject of secondary schools, Bertini7 wrote that the majority of secondary schools didn’t have appropriate books and the authorized textbooks were almost unknown.8 This kind of disorder was more evident in the southern provinces where there was “serious disorder and confusion”. To solve this problem, he proposed the introduction of a unique text for gymnasiums and secondary schools, which was finally accepted only for Italian, Greek and Latin grammar. He also proposed to create an institution of a central permanent commission which would select texts and prepare exams. This commission had to examine manuals, to correct errors, and to find new

5 Barausse, Il libro, 16. 6 Relation requested by Natoli, the Minister of Public Instruction, for Bertini and Rayneri, members of the High Council of Public Instruction. 7 Professor of Philosophy of History at the University of Torino. On 3 January 1858 was nominated member of the High Council of Public Instruction. 8 “The condition of public instruction in the Kingdom of Italy”, In: Barausse,Il libro, 17.

82 criteria for the manuals. Rainery9 wrote that the situation in the primary schools was anarchic. He proposed that the texts approved by the school provincial councils had to be chosen by the public education minister in collaboration with the High Council of public education. These proposals were not applied immediately because the capital was moved from Turin to Florence and that placed the textbooks issue in the background. Eventually, a commission consisting of five members elected by the High Council was approved. Its task was to examine secondary and primary school textbooks. This commission would give a report to the High Council every two months. The five people elected by the commission were: Pasquale Villari,10 Michele Coppino,11 Francesco 9 Pedagogist and professor of philosophy at the University of Carmagnola, was nominated member of the High Council of Public Instruction in 1857. 10 Historian and politician (Naples 1826-Florence 1917). He was exiled to Florence because of his participation in the movement in Naples in 1848. He taught history on the University of Pisa (1859) and on the Institute of Higher Studies in Florence (1865-1913). He became the national member of the Lincei (1878), member of the parliament (1870; 1880-82) and senator (from 1884). He was the minister of Public Instruction (1891-1892). As a historian, he became famous with “The Story of Girolamo Savonarola and His Time” (1859-1861) and with “Niccolò Macchiavelli and His Time” (1877-1882) which was followed by “The Two First Centuries of the History of Florence” (1893-1894), “The Barbaric Invasion in Italy” (1900), “Italy from Charlemagne to the Death of Henry VII” (1910). He was also one of the most influential authors interested in South Italy. He wrote: “Southern Letters” (1878), “Writing on the Social Question in Italy” (1902). Other notable things are his philosophical writings that made him one of the initiators of Italian positivism. Encyclopaedia online in http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/pasquale-villari. [24/01/2013] 11 Intellectual and politician (Alba 1822 - Villa Rivoli 1901). In 1850 was nominated director of the Faculty of Letter in Torino. In 1857 was a candidate for the Liberal Democratic Committee and in February 1860 became a member of Freemasonry in the East Ausonia Lodge of Torino and a member of the High Council of Public Instruction of the Piedmont, later of the Italian Kingdom. The first problem that he touched upon was the nature of the Technical Institutes. In March 1867 he became vice-president of the Chamber of Deputies. He became the minister of Public Instruction in 1867, during Rattazzi government, and again in 1876, during the “Historic Left” government. During the period of the “Historical Left” he did some important changes in primary schools. In few months, he prepared a low project on Instruction which made instructions in elementary school obligatory, free and available to everyone regardless of religion. There were also some penalties for those whou would not comply. The Coppino law on compulsory school attendance raised some concerns because they were still members of parliament who believed that the formation of critical individuals would undermine the foundations of the state. Coppino’s idea was that school would be an important ally to the process of propaganda which aimed to shape people’s consent into a new form of liberal state. The Coppino law, which linked the question of education with the social question, was approved in 1877, creating an important step for the transformation of the institution of education in Italy. He was still the minister of Public Instruction in 1888, during Crispi government in which he tried to improve the conditions for teachers in all of the schools and grades. During these years, he dealt with the question of the limits of state intervention in education and in the world of culture in

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 83 Brioschi,12 Ruggero Bonghi,13 Carlo Matteucci.14 On 16 December 1867, Michele Coppino formalized the actuation of this centralized system.15 In 1868 Pasquale Villari set the criteria for the textbooks on the peninsula. In 1870 there was an interruption in the work of the commission because of the change of the capital city from Florence to Rome. In 1875 Villari said that if they wanted to improve to improve the quality of the textbooks they needed to “extend and to promote the competition among the authors”.16 During the “Historical Left”, the minister of public education, Coppino,

15 general. Coppino did not agree with state monopole in schools but he believed in the necessity of propaganda through a “cultural policy” which found application in the monuments of the most important people of Risorgimento, such as Mazzini, and the important politicians. http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/Michele-Coppino. [24/01/2013] 12 Mathematician (Milano 1824 - Milano 1897). He was a Mazzinian and he participated in the revolution of the five glorious days of Milan in 1848. He became a mathematics teacher and a superior analyst at the University of Pavia and teacher of fluvial hydraulic and mathematic analysis in Politecnico of Milan, instituted in 1862 and directed by him until his death. He was also a teacher of other important mathematicians. He became the director of the paper Il Politecnico and of the Annales of Mathematic. He was elected member of the Chamber of Deputies in 1862 and he became senator in 1865. He was also a national member of the Lincei Academy; was the Academy’s president until death. http://www.treccani.it/ enciclopedia/Francesco-Brioschi. [24/01/2013] 13 Philologist and politician (Naples 1826 - Torre del greco 1895). He was active in political circles Neo-Guelph in Naples. In 1848, together with with Carlo Troya, the costitutional president of the Two Sicilies, he published the newspaper Il Tempo. When Ferdinando II the King of Two Sicilies stopped the liberal and constitutional experiment, Bonghi went to Rome to make an arangement with Pio IX for a new Italian League against Austria. He did not want to come back in Naples. He preferred the exile to Rome and to Florence. Expulsed from Florence on the request of the government of the Two Sicilies, he was exiled to several European cities: Paris, London, Torino and lived under severe economic conditions. In 1859 he obtained the chair of Logic at the University of Pavia. He was a teacher of Latin literature and of old and modern history at the Universities of Florence, Rome and Torinowhen in 1862 he founded the newspaper La Stampa. He moved in Milan where he managed the newspapers La Perseveranza. He was on “The New Anthology” and the “Politecnico”. He was a member of the parliament from 1860 to 1895 and the minister of Public Instruction from 1874 to 1876. http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ruggiero_Bonghi. [24/01/2013] 14 Chemistry and physics (Forlì 1811 - Ardenza 1868). He was physics teacher in Bologna and Pisa between 1831 and 1838. He studied electrophysiology and electrochemical, and had made some important scientific ideas that made him a famous scientist in Europe when he was still young. He can be considered one of the predecessors of the modern electrophysiology. From 1866, he was one of the forty members of the Italian Society of Sciences. He was a patriot and senator in the Tuscan assembly and later on senator of the Kingdom of Italy. He became the director of telegraphy and the minister of Public Instruction in 1862. http:// www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/Carlo-Matteucci. [24/01/2013] 15 Barausse, Il libro, 16 . 16 Barausse, Il libro, 36.

84 sent a letter to the prefects saying that they had to be present in school council to limit the proliferation of non-authorised textbooks saying that “freedom has its natural border”. In 1876, the High Commission created a few sub- commissions, one for each subject, with a supervisor that had to make a certain amount of reports on the elementary text books situation in all of Italy. The final objective was to create a few good textbooks in for the entire of Italy and the same textbooks for at least all of the cities in a province. The works were not to de different from the main objective which aimed at guaranteeing order and uniformity and adapting it to the needs of the homeland. Italian language, positivism and laicisation were the buzzwords in the new manual of the new Italy.17

Historiography in the first years of 20th century Through the analysis of textbooks for children of past generations, it is possible to gradually rebuild the phases of the traditional historiography of Risorgimento. The term Risorgimento indicates the process that determined the national unification and the creation of the new, liberal, unitary Italy. Chronologically, this period is set between the Congress of Vienna (1815) and the election of Rome as the capital city (1871). But the crucial years of the military and political unification began with the first independence war against Austria (1848) and lasted until the annexation of Rome (1870). The first two books dated 1905 and 1913 are books that referred to the national history aimed to celebrate Risorgimento and Savoy dynasty. The first thing that we notice in these two history books is the absence. The absence of all the positive things before the new liberal state was built. There are some differences, but these books tend to omit or diminish everything that happened prior to the establishment of the liberal state. 18 The final objective of the first two textbooks, written only thirty years after the event they talk about, was to make the national history sound as convincing as possible. Distant past needed to be in agreement with the present in order to maintain the social peace and to strengthen the bond to the new state. In the introduction of the third grade history textbooks “Forward,

17 Barausse, Il libro, 36. 18 There was not much written to shows the good side of the history, in particular of the history of the South. Yet there were many records that prove the contrary: the first Italian railway, the first iron bridge, the first archaeological site (Pompeii), the great success in the trade in the Mediterranean and overseas, not to mention the theatre, music, literature, science, which are famous all over the world.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 85 Always Forward, Savoy!”, published in 1913, we can clearly see the aim of this national history textbooks written as following: “To make students aware of all the episodes and all the salient and characteristic anecdotes; to underline the abnegation, the sacrifice and the martyrdom of every notable person that fought for the unity and for the beloved motherland; to touch the imagination of the students and to make indelible the memory of the fact in their mind”. 19 The first two history textbooks are consistent in stating that Italy, before the unification, was divided into several different states orstatelets 20 (to underline their weakness), subordinated in major part “to foreign princes that ruled on behalf of Austria”.21 The patriotic history starts in 1846 because this is when Giovanni Maria Mastai Ferretti became Pope under the name of Pio IX,22 or in 1848 because in this year liberal revolutions spread across Italy.23 “The hymn by Goffredo Mameli: Fratelli d’Italia, l’Italia s’è desta, dell’elmo di Scipio s’è cinta la testa! was sung in many cities of our homeland during the open war against the foreign oppressor”.24 Pio IX was described as a liberal pope who was opposed to Austria’s occupation of his territories (Ferrara) and that started an open war between Austria and Italy25 in 1848. The occupation of Ferrara was considered to be an excuse for the five glorious days of Milan, from 18 to 22 March 1848 in which the Milanese population fought against Austria “for freedom and for the tricolour”.26 The example of the heroic Milan was followed by Venice which was proclaimed Republic. According to this version, during the five glorious days of Milan, the citizens asked Carlo Alberto, the King of Sardinia, to wage war against Austria and to unify the territories of Piedmont and Lombardy, which were back then under the influence of Austria. This is why Carlo Alberto crossed the river Ticino starting the First Italian Independence War. At this point each Italian sovereign sent soldiers to fight “from all parts of Italy, citizens rushed to Carlo Alberto”.27 After the first victories, jealousy and disagreements on the organization 19 Condura, “Sempre Avanti Savoia,” 1. 20 Condura, “Sempre Avanti Savoia,” 3. 21 Della Pura, Fatti e uomini, 3. 22 Della Pura, Fatti e uomini, 3. 23 Condura, “Sempre Avanti Savoia”, 3. 24 Condura, “Sempre Avanti Savoia”, 3. 25 Each Italian state considered itself to be Italy before the political unification. None of the states received affirmation because the Pope was allied with the legitimistic Austria and the occupation of Ferrara did not mean an open war. The open war was started by the aggressiveness of the Kingdom of Sardinia. 26 Condura, “Sempre Avanti Savoia”, 5. 27 Condura, “Sempre Avanti Savoia”, 4.

86 of the future Unitarian State rose among Italian princes: “Who wanted the Republic, who the Kingdom, and who something else!”28 So the other Italian sovereigns called their soldiers back, leaving the army of the Kingdom of Sardinia to successive defeats. The abdication of Carlo Alberto as the king of Kingdom of Sardinia in favour of his son Vittorio Emanuele was to make Savoy’s position in peace with Austria less comprimising, after the disastrous end of the battle of Novara in 1849. At that time, in Rome the first minister of Pio IX, Pellegrino Rossi, was killed. This made Pio IX realize that people didn’t want the Pope in Rome and he escaped in exile to Gaeta under the protection of the King of the Two Sicilies, Ferdinand II. In Rome, the population overthrew the Pope and proclaimed Triumvirato: Mazzini, Saffi, Armellini and the Roman Republic. Nevertheless, France under Napoleon III promised to put the Pope back to the throne and the French sovereign sent his army to Rome. Garibaldi attacked the French in Villa Panfili, in Villa Quattro Venti and in the building Il Vascello, but, in the end, Garibaldinians were forced to come out of their shelters inside the city. Nino Bixio29 participated in this battle, together with Goffredo Mameli, writer of the Italian hymn, who died because of a gangrene infection caused by leg amputation.30 The King of the Two Scillies sent a number of soldiers to defend the Pope but Garibaldi defeated them and made them return back. It was not easy to reach the objective because the Roman Republic was fighting as “a small dog attacked by four big dogs”:31 the French, the Neapolitan, the Spanish (which disembarked at the mouth of the river Tiber) and the Austrian army which occupied the cities of Bologna and Ancona. The French army managed to take Rome and put the pope on the throne at the beginning of July. Venice was also reclaimed by Austrians. So Rome and Venice were once again under foreign sovereigns. In 1855, Camillo Benso Conte di Cavour, the first minister of the Kingdom of Sardinia, engaged in the Crimean War. He managed to engage Piedmont in the European political mechanisms by sending a battalion of 16.000 soldiers32 to Crimea to help France against Russia in 1855. Because of the Crimean War, Cavour was able to represent Piedmont at The Congress of Paris on which he presented his country’s interests. On 12 March 1859, 28 Condura, “Sempre Avanti Savoia”, 6. 29 He is mentioned because he became the Lieutenant General of the South and led several important battles against the armies and the population of the South. 30 Della Pura, Fatti e uomini, 6. 31 Della Pura, Fatti e uomini, 7. 32 Moderns manuals indicate 18 000 soldiers.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 87 Napoleon III, fought in Italy against the Austrian army in the Second Italian Independence War. The French and the Italians, who were “fighting together like brothers”,33 won against Austrians. At the end of the war, Napoleon III and Vittorio Emanuele II entered Milan to free it from the Austrians. The Austrians retreated from Milan but not from Lombardy. The Emperor of Austria, Franz Joseph I, arrived with reinforcements in revenge for the defeat in Italy. In 1859 was the year of the gory Battle of Solferino and San Martino. In the end, Lombardy and Venice were freed from the Austrians but under the Treaty of Villafranca Venice was returned to Austria while Lombardy was unified with Piedmont. At this point, the pro-Austrian Grand Duke of Tuscany, Leopold II, renounced the throne and Tuscany became a dictatorship under Vittorio Emanuele II. This happened in Modena, Parma, Romagna and Perugia, a city in the Papal State. All cities adhered to Piedmont. The year 1860 was the year of the Plebiscites in all of Italy under whose rule Tuscany, Romagna, Parma and Modena were declared as parts of Piedmont. The only parts which were omitted were the Kingdom of Two Scillies, Venice and Rome. In order to make a claim on the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, Garibaldi commanded the famous Expedition of the Thousand. He sailed from Genova and arrived in Sicily on 11 May. On 14 May he declared a dictatorship in the name of Vittorio Emanuele II on the entire island. In less than a month entire Sicily was liberated from the “odious Bourbon.”34 Garibaldi was wining and the King of Bourbon was forced to flee to the fortress of Gaeta. The Bourbon army decided to confront Garibaldi on the river of Volturno, but Garibaldi won. After the victory, he reached Teano, near Naples, where he met with Vittorio Emanuele II who came from the North. The people of the Two Scillies decided to incorporate their territory into Piedmont though a spontaneous plebiscite on 21 October 1860. Marche and Umbria, oppressed by the papal troops, asked Vittorio Emanuele II. for protection He sent generals Enrico Cialdini and Manfredo Fanti to occupy the territories. The French who decided to protect the Papal State, led by general Lamorciere, were defeated in Castel Fidardo and in Ancona. Consequently, on November 1860, Marche and Umbria “became Italian” by a plebiscite held on 4 November 1860. The Kingdom of Italy was founded on 17 of March 1861. First and foremost, in the first two lines of the third grade manual: “Fact and Men of National Risorgimento from 1846 to the Contemporary 33 Condura, “Sempre Avanti Savoia”, 6. 34 Della Pura, Fatti e uomini, 12.

88 Days” written by professor Francesco Della Pura and compiled in accordance with the ministerial programs and ministerial instructions in 29 January 1905, we notice the traditional anti-Austrian sentiment that characterized the Risorgimento. In accordance with this statement, the part of the book which describes the First Independence War against Austria in 1848, we find some factious, partial and clearly propagandistic descriptions of the Austrians, aimed to instil the new generation with an anti-Austrian sentiment. There is an entire page of descriptions of terrible and cruel acts that the Austrian army would do to the defenceless population, children, women and old people in particular. There is also a very discriminatory and cruel description against the Croats who “lived in a province of Austria”.35 The Croats are “crude, cruel, aggressive, uncouth, stiff, awkward, chumps”.36 There are also some anecdotes placed there to demonstrate the Croatian and Austrian stupidity in a very racist manner. Even the Italian national hymn (Mameli hymne) contains some very cruel expressions against Austria. On the pages of the manual from 1913, the year before the First World War, Austria is described as a “bully regime that treated its subjects in such a hard and oppressive way that is should be named the stick government”.37 This is not the only case: “On the cry of via the stranger! (the same propagandist slogan used to call soldiers to arms in the First World War) the Italian youth flocked to fight a holy war against Austria”.38 Therisorgimental epopee in this 1913 manual is clearly interlaced with the mythology created by the strong nationalism that animated the youth in the First World War. The hate against Austria that was to be generated through the books was the same hate that the Liberals tried to diffuse duringRisorgimento . However, to be anti-Austrian didn’t mean to be free of other conditioning for Italian people. We must not forget the considerable influence the Great Britain and France at that period exercised on Piedmont, one of the most indebted states on the peninsula. There was a competition between Austria and those two countries the relationship of which was directly linked to the balance of power in Europe. Also during the years of Risorgimento, Great Britain and France were spending all of their energy on building the Suez Canal. The Kingdom of Two Scillies, the richest and the most developed state of the peninsula, was considered to be one of the most favourite nations in

35 Della Pura, Fatti e uomini, 3. 36 Della Pura, Fatti e uomini, 3. 37 Condura, “Sempre Avanti Savoia”, 3. 38 Condura, “Sempre Avanti Savoia”, 3.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 89 the Mediterranean because of the wonderful trade relationship with the States of the North Africa in 1854. The conditions of a new political unification, that have made Italy stronger, were being created. Its fast development was considered dangerous for Great Britain and France and for their ambitions on the Mediterranean. This is why it was important that the new Italy to gaze their eye towards the north and to the Middle Europe and not towards the Mediterranean. Instead, the Northern part was historically the most exposed area to the antagonism of the Middle European powers and it had no hope to affirm itself in a decisive way like it could in the Mediterranean. All the successive plans for development of economy of the Northern dynasty of Savoy were frequently voted in favour of the North and against the South, without taking into consideration of what is the best for the harmonious development of the entire peninsula and country. Moreover, Austria was depicted as dangerous for Italy. But the situation was different. The Grand Duke of Tuscany, Leopold II, was a pro-Austrian, the Papal State was pro-Austrian, and the queens from Southern Italy (Ferdinand II di Borbone’s second wife, Maria Teresa d’Austria39 and the wife of his son, Francesco II, Maria Sofia, (Sissi’s sister)) were from Austria. Two Bourbon kings, Ferdinand II and Francesco II di Borbone, thought of themselves as Italian, even thought their origin was Spanish. For four generations the Kings of Naples lived in Naples and have acquired a strong Neapolitan identity. Furthermore, Ferdinand II, the father of Francesco II, often addressed the public in the Neapolitan dialect. Therefore, these were not foreign sovereigns ruled on behalf of Austria but Italian sovereigns who were allied with Austria because of their complementary economies, their common political attitudes and parenteral links. France and Great Britain were allied with Piedmont for similar reasons. Austria was dangerous to Italy. And all states that had some connection with Austria were deemed “Italy’s oppressors”.40 In this history Piedmont had a glorious destiny: to give to the Italians unification and independence under the House of Savoy. On one side, there was a myth of Piedmont, the most Italian of all of the Italian regions, and the Savoy, the dynasty sent by God for the Unity of Italy. On the other side, there was an anti-myth, a denigration of the Bourbons and the South, not only because of the connection with the hated Austrians, but also because the Austrians and the Bourbons had the same nature. “The 39 The first wife was Maria Cristina di Savoia. 40 Condura, “Sempre Avanti Savoia”, 3.

90 King of Naples excelled in such abominable acts of cruelty which defined his Kingdom as a negation of God”.41 There is also the liberal movement. The unification was conducted in the name of liberalism. Therefore, in these books, the liberals were synonymous with good, modern, and perfect. The fierce and lasting opposition between liberals and non-liberals was not mentioned in the books. During the First Independence War there was disagreement amongst the Italians over the organization of the future State. Before all else, it was the contrast between the monarchists and the republicans, but we did not find any reference to Gioberti’s idea of confederation, which was a source of heated debates during the Risorgimento struggles. Everything that was good was liberal, and that was the moment of the liberal government’s triumph. Nothing better could have happened to them. At first, Pope Pio IX was presented as a liberal pope loved by the people. Later on, it was stated in the books that he was forced to leave his state because he was not loved by the people. The books depict the people of Rome as enthusiastically supportive in the diminishing of the Pope’s power. This was not true. After 1870, there still was a strong opposition in Rome made up of the legitimists and catholic clergy. This resulted in several episodes of violence. Another fiction was that the population of the Two Scillies welcomed Garibaldi and Vittorio Emanuele II as “liberators from the odious Bourbon”.42 Most likely it was the liberals that welcomed their liberators but the majority was strongly attached to the Bourbon monarchy which was the traditional ally of the people against the power of local aristocracy. People loved their kings and existing form of state. The truth was quite the opposite: after the first moments of disorientation, Garibaldi was seen by the population as an enemy such as Piedmont’s army which was responsible for an illegitimate invasion without a previous declaration of war. The resistance war in the Kingdom of Two Sicilies is not mentioned. It was omitted from the books. The resistance of the fortress town of Civitella del Tronto, whose population fought hopelessly for six months after Francesco II ordered their surrender and the proclamation of the Italian Kingdom under Vittorio Emanuele II was issued on 17 March, is not mentioned; it is damnatio memoriae. Following the manipulation of this part of the history, there are some examples of historiographical “sanctification (or mythologizing) of war events” 41 Della Pura, Fatti e uomini, 12. 42 Della Pura, Fatti e uomini, 13.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 91 and Risorgimento personages. “To touch the imagination of the students and to make it indelible in their mind, memory becomes fact”.43 This kind of historiography resembles more the Greek celebrative poetries and panegyric literature on military and anecdotic events than it does resemble an effective narration of historical events. First and foremost, the author, in discussing the First Independence War against Austria, describes the epopee of the students’ battalions from the Universities of Pisa and Siena which were formed by young intellectuals between sixteen and twenty years of age, guided by teachers against the army led by the Austrian general Radetzky. For six hours, less than 5,000 Italians were up against fifty cannons and 40.000 Austrian (14.000 according to other sources). Despite the fact that they were enemies, the Austrians admired the courage of the Italians. The exaggeration of the enemy’s power and the compliments the enemy paid to the Italian resistance was taken directly from the traditional repertory of the celebrative military literature. In the narration of the First Independence War there are also several amusing examples of heroic gestures, such as the description of the Marquis Chigi who valiantly fought on even after his hand was blasted off by enemy fire. ”Let’s continue, this is nothing, I can fight with my other hand”, said the Marquis. There is the story of professor Massotti who died shouting “Long live Italy!” The author writes about the heroic resistance of Tuscany’s army in Curtatone and Montanara, where it fought against the Austrian army right until Carlo Alberto arrived to fight in the battle of Goito. The sacrifice of Tuscany’s battalion clearly resembles the sacrifice of the 300 Spartans during the Peloponnesian war. Another important battle was held in Brescia on 23 March 1849, and it lasted for 10 days. In Brescia we are introduced to the heroic personages of Tito Speri, who was executed by the Austrians, and Carlo Zima, who got covered in burning tar, but before he died, he tightly pressed his killer to his body and set him on fire. There is also the idealization of theStatuto , the Constitution of Piedmont granted to the people in March 1848. In the history textbooks44 Piedmont was not mentioned as the first state that gave a constitution to its subjects, because, as it can be seen from the text, the first one who gave a constitution was the King of the Two Sicilies, to Messina and Palermo in January 1848, and 43 Condura, “Sempre Avanti Savoia”, 1. 44 Della Pura, Fatti e uomini, 7.

92 to Naples in February 1848. Leopold II, too, gave a constitution to Tuscany in February 1848. But the constitution given by the Savoy in Piedmont was the only one mentioned in the text, and the only which was provided with “the loyalty of a King and the love of a father”. 45 From the idealization of the battles we arrive at the exaltation of the main personages of Risorgimento. We have to keep this in mind when we read the panegyric of Vittorio Emanuele, the Prince of Savoy and the future King of Italy who was described as a courageous and fearless general. He boasts about his war wounds and he cannot be scared by anything. His father, King Carlo Albert, seems a saint. His abdication was depicted as a sacrifice of “the greatest Italian amongst the Italians”46 who decided to go into exile to Portugal for the sake of his homeland. This was another way to celebrate the virtue of Vittorio Emanuele who became king and who refused the Radetzky’s demands to renounce the Italian cause and to abolish the Constitution. Vittorio Emanuele II lived up to his liberal promises even at the expense of a new conflict, and that was why he was named “the gentleman King”.47 The historical “sanctification” of Mazzini can also be ascertained. He was one of the triumvirs of the Roman Republic and the creator of the Masonic movement, Giovine Italia. There is a description of him as a child in the act of giving charity to men persecuted for political reasons. He is also praised as the promulgator of the slogan “Thought and Action”, and the soul of the Roman Republic in 1849. The Republic’s sword, the “action” to his “thought” was another great hero of the Risorgimento epopee, Giuseppe Garibaldi, the hero of the two worlds. This book provides us with an interesting historiographical portrait of Garibaldi. When he was only eight years old, he saved a washerwoman out of a ditch. At the age of sixteen, he stopped the sinking of his friend’s boat. “Garibaldi never fled and he fought for ten years in America; he fought in the three wars against Austria to return Lombardy, Venice and the region of Trentino back to Italy; he defended the Roman Republic in 1849; he liberated Sicily and Naples from the Bourbons in 1860; he fought for the second time for Rome in 1867; and, in 1870, he fought alongside France against the Prussian army. He believed in freedom for all the peoples, he took part in more than forty battles and he almost always won.”48 There is also the romantic story of

45 Della Pura, Fatti e uomini, 7. 46 Della Pura, Fatti e uomini, 7. 47 Della Pura, Fatti e uomini, 7. 48 Condura, “Sempre Avanti Savoia,” 5.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 93 Anita, Garibaldi’s wife who was by his side in every battle. After the defeat of the Roman Republic he left to liberate Venice from the Austrians. He stopped at San Marino and there, together with Ugo Bessi (garibaldain) and his wife Anita, he boarded on a boat in Cesenatico on the Adriatic Sea. But the boat was shelled by the Austrians and it forced to come back. Garibaldi was welcomed by farmers with his dear Anita who was pregnant and who died because the trip proved too stressful for her. Nevertheless, she died in the arms of her love, Garibaldi. This was the point where there were tears in the eyes of the hero. Another hero such as Garibaldi was Carlo Pisacane. His story is more poetry than history, it goes beyond the other epopees. “They were three hundred of them, they were young and strong, and they died”.49 Perfect rhymes, an image of a hero with blond hair and blue eyes were there to conceal the fact that he tried to start a revolution in the Kingdom of Two Scillies, which failed because the people killed him and the prisoners he had freed.

The fascist period During the fascist regime, historiography on Risorgimento remained mostly unchanged and it was not able to change because the Savoy dynasty was the regime’s ally. However, there are some interesting differences when compared to the previous manuals. This is the first time that the,secrets societies and Carboneria were mentioned in the fascist historiography of Risorgimento. The secrets societies were depicted as the important instrument used by the liberals to defeat enemy regimes and to liberate Italy. Gioberti’s ideas were mentioned for the first time in this historiography. Mazzini is put down from the pedestal and he appears in contraposition with Gioberti. If Gioberti was a priest that wanted to obtain the same results as Mazzini had by just using the reforms. Mazzini believed that in order to gain control over the Risorgimento, they needed to start a violent revolutionary movement. Pope Gregorio XV did not want to follow Gioberti’s idea. Pope Pio IX welcomed the idea, but later on he renounced it because he was worried it might cost him his power.50 The book “Balilla, History-Geography” was in a very interesting year, 1929, the year of the Lateran Pacts, which in a way reconciled Vatican with the Italian state. The violence Italy used to usurp the Pope in 1870 was shown as legitimate because the Pope did not realized in time the importance of an alliance with the new power. This resulted in a more favourable redefinition of the Church in the history of Risorgimento.51

49 “Eran trecento eran giovani e forti e sono morti”. Spigolatrice di Sapri. L . Mercantini. 50 Paladino, Balilla, storia-geografia, 13-25. 51 Paladino, Balilla, storia-geografia, 13.

94 Further in the book it says that in both Milan and Venice experienced rebellions against the Austrians. This situation is greatly differs from the grandiose, spontaneous, and popular uprising described in the previous manuals. Moreover, in comparison to the previous descriptions, the anti- Austrian sentiment is reduced. As for the text on the Second Independence War, it says that Piedmont alone would have never won against Austria and that was the reason they asked Napoleon III for help. The Franco-Piedmonteses alliance (and not the Italians, as it was written in the previous manuals) defeated the Austrians in Lombardy. The Bourbon monarchy was not based on solid internal nor external support. It was described as a dead body that disintegrated on its own. This time they were not accused of cruelty, odious oppression or for being a foreign monarchy, as they were accused before. This is also the first time disagreement between the two fathers of the unification, Cavour and Garibaldi, is mentioned. In reality, Cavour stopped Garibaldi because he had to share the honour of a glorious entry into Rome with other personages. Only after that Napoleon II, the Pope’s defender, lost the war against Prussia.52

Bibliography Della Pura, Alfredo. Fatti e uomini del Risorgimento nazionale dal 1846 ai giorni nostri, libretto compilato in conformità dei programmi e delle istruzioni ministeriali del 19 gennaio 1905 per la terza classe elementare. Firenze: Bemporad e figlio, 1906. Condura. “Sempre avanti Savoia!, nozioni di storia d’Italia per la terza classe elementare, dal 1848 alla pace di Losanna.“ Catania: Giannotta, 1913. Paladino, Giuseppe. Balilla, storia-geografia, racconti e letture di storia italiana dal 1848 al 1928 classe III. Palermo: Remo Sandron Editore, 1929. Barausse, Alberto. Il libro per la scuola dall’unità al fascismo vol. 2, la normativa sui libri di testo dalla legge Casati alla riforma Gentile (1861- 1922). Macerata: Alfabetica, 2008.

52 Paladino, Balilla, storia-geografia, 27.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 95 UDC 321.6(450)(075) Original Scientific Paper

The building of a totalitarian society through educational material: The fascistisation of the Italian school system

Štefan Čok, University of Koper ISHA Trieste-Koper, [email protected]

The author deals in this article with the school system of the fascist regime in Italy, from 1923 (approval of the Gentile reform) to 1943 (the fall of fascism). The author focuses on the contents of the fascist school, mainly on the schoolbooks. The main purpose of the article is to show how the regime tried to achieve a great level of control (and also the support) of the population through propaganda. The author shows some examples taken from schoolbooks of the fascist era, connecting them with general aspects of the Gentile reform and of the fascist school politics. The article also explains the connections between the Gentile reform and the debate about the reform of the school system that was already taking place in Italy also before the fascist era. In the final part of the presentation the author shows the consequences of the fascist policy in the so-called New provinces, the territories annexed after the First World War and populated also by many Slovenes and Croats.

Introduction The debate about the true character of the fascist regime, totalitarian or not, developed over the years. Hannah Arendt was a strong supporter of the idea that fascism was a dictatorship but not real totalitarianism, stressing the differences between the government of Benito Mussolini and the systems developed by Adolf Hitler in Nazi Germany and by Stalin in the USSR. It is an interesting to note that Giovanni Gentile, philosopher and minister of the school in the first fascist government, strongly supported the idea that fascism was in fact totalitarian. In this article the author will try to define the characteristics of the fascist school system, with a special focus on the educational materials developed by the regime. The role of Giovanni Gentile can be easily understood due to the role that he played in the reorganization of the school system known as the “Gentile

96 reform”, approved in 1923.1 The new reform2 was defined by Benito Mussolini as the “most fascist of all reforms”,3 it has to be stressed that the organization of the Italian school system remained the same till to the beginning of the 1960s. “Libro and moschetto, fascista perfetto” (“The Book and Musket make the Perfect Fascist”) was the slogan of the fascist school: the school had an important role in the building of a new fascist society.4 With the creation of a unique school book (the “Libro di testo unico”) the government had the opportunity to take complete control of the teaching (and of teachers, that were forced in 1929 to swear their loyalty to Benito Mussolini).5 In this paper some aspects of the fascists school books will be presented. The fascist school was also supported by various organizations that were responsible for creating a connection between the children and the fascist ideology and to prepare them to military training: the most famous was the Opera nazionale Balilla, later Gioventù Italiana del Littorio.6 The final part the presentation will show some aspects of the fascistization in the so called “New provinces”, meaning the territories that Italy annexed after WWI. In this area the fascistization of schools also had the role supporting the assimilation of the Slovene and Croat population. One of the aspects of the Gentile Reform was the suppression of all the Slovene and Croat schools of the area. It has to be stressed that one of the earlier forms of resistance to Fascism in this area was the smuggling of books from Yugoslavia into Italy, organized by some young Slovenes and Croats claiming the right of their children to study in their own language.7

The Italian school system before fascism and the Gentile reform The end of the process of the unification of Italy (or at least of the first period of unification if we don’t consider the territories annexed after the First

1 Tomasi, Idealismo e fascismo nella scuola fascista, 40. 2 We have to remember that the Reform was approved in 1923, at the beginning of the Fascist era. The transformation of Italy in a dictatorship with all the power concentrated in the fascist movement began after the elections of 1924, the murder of the socialist deputy Giacomo Matteotti and the approval of the so called “Leggifascistissime” (the “Fascist laws”) in 1925-1926. 3 Biondi and Imberciadori, …voi siete la primavera d’Italia… l’ideologia fascista nel mondo della scuola, 1925-1943, 58. 4 Gabrielli and Montino, La scuola fascista, 50. 5 “La scuola durante il Fascismo.” 6 “La scuola durante il Fascismo.” 7 Fischer Jasna et al., Slovenska novejša zgodovina 1, 538.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 97 World War) required the homogenization of different administrative systems, also of the educational network. “Italy has been made; now it remains to make Italians”, demonstrates at least the objectives that the political and cultural elites of the new Reign had.8 These purposes had to be achieved through the school and the army as two strongest instruments for nation-building. If we consider that in 1921 one third of the population was illiterate, it appears clear that fifty years after the foundation of the new Kingdom the achievement of this objective was still far from complete. It has to be stressed that the critical status of the Italian school system, affected by a high rate of illiteracy, great differences between the different regions and a lack of standardisation of textbooks, resulted in strong initial support to the reform, not only by the fascist government, but by larger parts of the Italian intelligentsia.9 As an example we can look to the book written by Gentile in 1920, The Reform of Education, with an introduction by Benedetto Croce, the later promoter of the Manifesto of antifascist intellectuals.10 The Gentile Reform had some central elements, the most important were that the compulsory age of education was raised to fourteen years and that there was a diversification of the stages between thescuola media, the first step to the secondary school and the university, and the avviamento al lavoro, created to avoid a quick entrance into the workforce of the lower classes of the population. One of the purposes of the new system, strongly supported by a majority of the Italian elites, was to minimize the increasing social mobility that was developing in the last years of the liberal era. The elites, scared of the potential emergence of a new elite from the lower classes, tried to preserve their leadership through an educational system where the children of the lower classes had to maintain the status of their parents, without great differences. There was an elitist idea in the Reform, with a minor number of medium schools, but there was also another reason: the lack of money: all the fascist educational programs had to deal with a chronic lack of funds.11 The second element of the reform was the strong role of the so-called Liceo classico, the only school that provided the possibility of accessing all faculties of the university.12 These schools had the purpose of forming the

8 Gabrielli and Montino, La scuola fascista, 164. 9 Gabrielli and Montino, La scuola fascista, 15. 10 Moss, Il filosofo fascista di Mussolini, 52. 11 Gabrielli and Montino, La scuola fascista, 19. 12 Gabrielli and Montino, La scuola fascista, 113.

98 intellectual and political elites of the state and were the most efficient in the Italian educational system. Lastly, we can also mention the fact that one of the consequences of the new educational system was the abolition of Slovene and Croat schools (and also of the German schools in south Tyrol) in the recently annexed provinces after the treaty of Rapallo.13 The abolition of these schools, mainly founded in the last decades of the Habsburg Empire, was the first great fascist attack against the Slovene and Croat population of the area.

The teachers The fascistization of the school system depended not only on textbooks and government disposition, but also on the teachers. Several years after the approval of the reform, the fascist government forced teachers to take an oath of allegiance to the regime. A majority of the teachers accepted the oath: only a few opposed it, as happened some years later in the case of university professors.14 The oath of allegiance was not enough and was connected not only with the laws but also with more subtle forms of control: the central authorities also sent many letters to the teachers and local officials, reminding teachers the importance of their responsibility: the teachers had to be the censor of their own ideas. Before the First World War many teachers were supporters of leftist ideas: the new teachers had to be strong supporters of the regime. The controls on the profile of new teachers were very strict. For fascism, the work of the teachers and school directors was insufficient: as demonstrated at the end of the 1920’s when many schools were organizing competitions between students in literature and mathematics. The competitions were organized on a school level but the boards were formed by local representatives of the Fascist Party.

Fascist education: Duce, the myth of Rome, the superiority of the Italians, racism and militarisation The central element of the fascist propaganda was the figure of Benito Mussolini: as a leader, as a worker, as a peasant or as the saviour of Italy, Mussolini was always used as an example for the children. The life of Mussolini, the heroism that he showed during the war and the reforms introduced by the fascist government were not only present in the school books but also in the 13 Andri and Mellinato, Scuola e confine, 132-133. 14 “La scuola durante il Fascismo.”

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 99 exercises and homework of the students. They had to write about Mussolini, for example on the birthday of Duce or the anniversary of the March on Rome. Other topics also included the house where Mussolini was born and Mussolini’s visits to the city in which the student lived.15 A second relevant element was the myth of the ancient Roman Empire that the fascist system tried to emulate. The history of Rome was constantly used as the great example for the new empire that fascist Italy was building. We can, for example, underline the new importance given to the old Roman numbers, reintroduced in school, as well as the old titles and names reintroduced in the fascist organisations (legions, centurions, consuls etc.).16 The Roman heritage was also useful to support the fascist idea of Mare Nostrum, i.e. of the Mediterranean sea as the natural expansion space for Italy. After 1929 and the signing of the so-called Patti lateranensi, the new treaty between Italy and the Papal state, the catholic heritage of Rome was added to the imperial, reinforcing the idea of the great destiny of the capital of Italy and of the country itself.17 As a consequence, the glorification of the war in Ethiopia was strongly connected with the Roman Empire and of the foundation of the new empire. Fascist Italy was shown as a great country that founded a new empire not only for the glory and the greatness of Italy but also to give to the African tribes a superior culture, the possibility to have a better future and to modernize their lands. Italy ‘as a generous country’, engaged in the development of the colonies and of the indigenous population: a philanthropic but at the same time racist idea, with no doubts about the supremacy of the white Italian race. Racist ideas were already spreading within the fascist schools before the approval of the racist laws against Jews in 1938: the new legislation lead to the development of a new, anti-Jewish behaviour in the school system. It has to be stressed that the government approved discrimination against Jewish teachers, that were expelled from the schools, and against Jewish scholars, and book editors, in an attempt to reinforce their relation with fascism. Books were edited, cancelling any presence of Jewish culture and people and a new practice of printing on the front page of the school books a notification that no Jewish authors were involved in the preparation of the book.18 The fact that

15 Gabrielli and Montino, La scuola fascista, 56. ; “La scuola durante il Fascismo.” 16 Gabrielli and Montino, La scuola fascista, 157. 17 Bertone, I figli d’Italia si chiaman Balilla, 212. 18 Sarfatti, “Razzismo e antisemitismo nei libri scolastici dopo il 1938: esempi di censure, sostituzioni e aggiunte.”

100 many editors shortly ceased any collaboration with Jewish authors before the approval of the racist legislation is one of the darkest pages of the Italian school history. It is interesting to note that the fascist propaganda, the new titles created by the regime, the fascist organisations and the ceremonies were present in all aspects of the instruction. As an example we can mention math exercises such as 4 balilla19+ 4 balilla = ? balilla or the grammar exercises where the subjects were in many cases members of the Balilla organisation or young fascists and similar figures (for example: Io amo Benito Mussolini, tu ami Benito Mussolini, egli ama Benito Mussolini, which means ‘I love Benito Mussolini, you love Benito Mussolini, he loves Benito Mussolini…’).20 Mussolini and Fascism were also present in the analysis of phrases (for example the students had to analyse the phrase “Fascism is proud of the Militia” or “The march on Addis Abeba is the logical, historical consequence of the march on Rome”) or in dictation, when the students had to listen and write texts about the international sanctions after the attack against Ethiopia. We cannot have any doubt about the totalitarian character of this type of education, especially after the introduction of the unique school book in 1929-31. The rapid development of the European crisis at the end of the ‘30s produced as a consequence an increased militarisation of the school system. From the beginning, the fascist regime prioritised paramilitary education, not only because of its reliance on military power, but also as a consequences of the fascist idea of society, where the people had to respect the hierarchy and to obey orders from the authorities.21 By 1926, the regime had already founded the Opera Nazionale Balilla, a paramilitary organisation for children (males and females were organized into different groups depending on their gender and age) aged six to eighteen years.22 The ONB was a centralized organisation that substituted all the previous youth organisation such as the boy scouts and others. The goal of the ONB was to include children in the fascist state, giving them the ideological basis for their future role in society and also as members of the fascist Militia (Milizia volontaria per la sicurezza nazionale) and of the party. The role of the organisation within the young generation was very strong because of the absence of any opposition besides that of the Catholic

19 A Balilla was a member of the fascist youth organisation. 20 Gabrielli and Montino, La scuola fascista, 16. 21 Tomasi, Idealismo e fascismo nella scuola fascista, 182. 22 “La scuola durante il Fascismo”.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 101 Church, the only organisation that the Fascism couldn’t abolish because of the opposition of the Pope. In 1937 the ONB, founded as an autonomous organisation under fascist control, became part of GIL, Gioventù Italiana del Littorio, a new organisation directly dependent on the Party.23

“Libro e moschetto, fascista perfetto”: the unique School book One of the most important instruments of control of education was the so called unique school book (Libro di testo unico), introduced with the law n. 5/1929.24 The new model for school books was utilized from the school year 1930-31 till the end of the fascist era. The book was edited by the “Libreria dello stato” and had to be edited every three years. The unique school book was specifically developed for the first two classes of elementary school: the last classes had different books, which were in any case written by a commission of experts designated by the Ministry of Education. The secondary schools’ books were changed in a similar way, but again, in this case the content was strictly controlled by the regime. If we analyse a primary school book used in the last years before the Second World War, we can see that already on the first page, there was the ‘apology of the religion’ (in the same year of the approval of the law, 1929, fascist Italy and the Papal State signed a treaty that led to good cooperation between the two states), of the Emperor and King and of Duce.25 The lectures (219 pages) were mostly influenced by propaganda: 64 pages (29.2% of the book) were dedicated to fascism, glorifying the achievements of the new Italy and the role of the chief of the regime. Great attention was paid to the description of the fascist organizations, the new buildings and public works. In second place, with 37 pages (16.8%), there was religion: a religion strictly connected with the government and the party, respectful of fascism, giving to the children a second reason to be loyal to the regime. In third place, with 26 pages (11.8%), there was the glorification of the First World War, with the arditi used as an example of heroic behaviour in front of the enemy.26 The glory of the First World War was somehow repeated by the greatest military victory of the regime, the conquest of Ethiopia and the foundation of

23 “La scuola durante il Fascismo”. 24 Gabrielli and Montino, La scuola fascista, 163. 25 “La scuola durante il Fascismo”. 26 Arditi was the name adopted by Italian Army elite storm troops of World War I.

102 the Empire, which occupied 22 pages or 10% of the book. The significance of the role of Benito Mussolini during these events was underlined throughout. It is interesting to note that only 7 pages or 3% of the book, were dedicated to the royal family of Savoy. The king and the royal family were present also in other parts of the book but only in a less significant role. As a conclusion we can see that 156 pages in a book of 219 pages (meaning 71%) were dedicated to direct or indirect fascist propaganda. The remaining pages had more “common” content, with the seasons, animals etc. Also the front pages of the books had an ideological purpose: in many cases they showed episodes of the “fascist lifestyle”, young Balillas, soldiers or especially common, the figure of Benito Mussolini. After the war in Ethiopia much attention was paid to the topics of the Empire, of the army and of the fascist state spreading a ‘superior civilization’ in Africa. The unique school book had an important role not only in the “fascist education” of students, but also of their family. We have to remember that in many parts of Italy. illiteracy was still a problem and the school book was in many cases the first book (with the exception perhaps of the Bible) that the families had. The propaganda, the contents, the figures of the books were useful to the regime also because of the influence that they had on the parents of the students, introducing other fascist elements in the life of the families.

Making school (only) Italian: the case of Venezia Giulia The so-called “new provinces”, the territories annexed by Italy after the First World War, were for the fascist regime a particular problem due to the presence of the Slovene and Croat population. The school problem had been one of the major topics of the Italian-Slovene-Croat national conflict in the area of the Northern Adriatic in the last decades of the Habsburg Empire: the schools, especially the elementary schools, were the most important instrument to preserve (or to affirm and in most case also to change) the national character of a person, a village or city or a region. The conflict between the different national programmes focused on the language in which the public schools had to work and on the creation of a network of private schools. With the affirmation of fascism and the Gentile reform, the Italian authorities developed a strict connection between the Italianisation and the fascistisation of the school system.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 103 In the first years after the First World War, the minority population preserved the schools of the Slovenian and Croat languages: in 1923 the Gentile reform introduced Italian as the only language of instruction that could be used in schools. Within a few years. the Slovene and Croat schools in Venezia Giulia and Istria (and the German schools in Sud Tyrol) had to become Italian. It has to be stressed that also, prior to the approval of the reform and the beginning of the fascist government, the Italian authorities had a negative view of minority schools: they were, in the eyes of the Italian nationalists, a menace, trying to preserve an alternative (and enemy) national conscience within the boundaries of the Kingdom of Italy. For the majority of the Italian authorities there was no doubt that all the population of Italy had to be (and feel) Italian: the national minorities were an obstacle and a dangerous element. Fascism had only to reinforce this feeling, counting on the support of the old Italian nationalists of the area. The closure of the Slovene and Croat schools was part of the more general policy of “ethnic bonifica” pursued by the regime, changing the names of persons and locations, prohibiting the use of Slovene and Croat language and closing all the associations.27 One part of this policy was also connected to the teachers: the Slovene and Croat teachers were forced to leave their jobs or to transfer to other parts of Italy. They were replaced by Italian (and fascist) teachers, who had been instructed to “italianize” the students.28 In many cases this meant that in some schools the students, speaking only either Slovenian or Croatian and not understanding Italian, had a teacher speaking only Italian. This forced Italianization had some long-term consequences, namely: the development of Slovene and Croat opposition, which consisted of the smuggling of books from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia; and secondly, an entire generation of Slovene and Croat populations that didn’t have the possibility to study in their own language: many of whom went to Slovene and Croat courses as adults, while others simply lost the knowledge of their mother language and culture or were unable to transmit this heritage to their children.

Conclusions In the debate about the existence of a totalitarian character to the fascist regime in Italy, it appears clear that education was one of the most totalitarian elements. From when they started school, Italian children had to deal with 27 Kacin and Verginella, Primorski upor fašizmu 1920-1941, 34. 28 Andri and Mellinato, Scuola e confine, 129-135.

104 the regime, fascist organisations, nationalist propaganda, the glorification of Italy and especially with the figure of Duce. Mussolini was at the centre of the fascist school system: the life, the courage, the actions of the fascist leader was a quotidian example for the future fascists. The King and the Church, the two main elements standing between fascism and the construction of a fully totalitarian society in Italy were also present, but in a somehow secondary line: faith was mainly used to support the regime. The Gentile school reform in 1923 was already considered a “full fascist” reform: but the major changes in the contents of education came later, with the creation of the Opera Nazionale Balilla in 1926, the oath of loyalty for the teachers in 1929 and the introduction of the unique school book in 1930-31. From this period, the Italian school system was totally involved in the construction of a fascist society. The war in Ethiopia and the foundation of the new empire were the starting point for an increased “militarisation” of the school. After the approval of the racial laws in 1938, the entire school system, from the ministry to the last rural school, fully collaborated with the exclusion of Jews and anti-Semitic propaganda. The school system was also a central element of fascist policy in the new provinces annexed after the First World War: it is a fact that the school system was one of the most important instruments in the process of “bonifica etnica” of the Slovenes and Croats. Also in this aspect we can see the totalitarian character of the fascist school. The outbreak of the war in Europe (in September 1939 and in June 1940, when Italy declared war on France and Great Britain)29 reinforced the principal aspects of the fascist school, especially in connection with the military reality. The school system became another instrument of war propaganda, encouraging children to support the fascist war, both in school and at home, where children were encouraged to promote efforts by their family to support the Italian war effort. The developments of the war and the subsequent crisis of the regime had great consequences within schools themselves, as it was difficult to promote Fascism when it was becoming clear that Italy was losing the war. The fall of Fascism in July 1943 and the capitulation of Italy in September 1943 consequently led to a time of uncertainty that lasted until the end of the war. The racial laws, the fascist organisations, the propaganda and the prohibition of the Slovene and Croat schools in Venzia Giulia were abolished

29 Cacace and Mammarella, La politica estera dell’Italia, 128.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 105 after the fall of the regime and the end of the Second World War: the elitist idea of schools promoted by Giovanni Gentile in 1923 remained at the centre of the Italian school system till to the beginning of the Sixties.30

Bibliography Andri, Adriano and Mellinato, Giulio, Scuola e confine. Le istituzioni educative della Venezia Giulia 1915-1945, Trieste: Quaderni di Qualestoria, 1994. Bertone, Gianni, I figli d’Italia si chiaman balilla. Come e cosa insegnava la scuola fascista, Rimini-Firenze: Guaraldi, 1975 Biondi, Giovanni and Imberciadori, Fiora, …voi siete la primavera d’Italia… l’ideologia fascista nel mondo della scuola, 1925-1943, Torino: Paravia, 1982. Cacace, Paolo and Mammarella, Giuseppe, La politica estera dell’Italia. Dallo stato unitario ai giorni nostri, Bari: Laterza, 2010. Gabrielli, Gianluca and Montino, Davide, La scuola fascista. Istituzioni, parole d’ordine e luoghi dell’immaginario, Verona: Ombre corte, 2009. Kacin, Wohinz Milica and Verginella, Marta, Primorski upor fašizmu 1920- 1941, Ljubljana: Slovenska matica, 2008. Tomasi Tina, Idealismo e fascismo nella scuola fascista, La nuova Italia, Firenze, 1969. “La scuola durante il Fascismo”. www.anpi-lissone.over-blog.com/article-1201 1651.html [22/12/2012] Le materie di studio durante il fascismo. www.scuola.com/carnia/documenti/ scuola/scuola_es9.html [16/12/2012] “Alcuni aspetti della scuola e della societa’ nel ventennio fascista”. www. canegrate.org/xxvaprile/pdf/fascismo_giusto.pdf [26/12/2012] Sarfatti, M. “Razzismo e antisemitismo nei libri scolastici dopo il 1938: esempi di censure, sostituzioni e aggiunte. “http://www.cdec.it/home2_2.asp?id testo=185&idtesto1=888&son=1&figlio=878&level=2 [26/12/2012]

30 Tomasi, Idealismo e fascismo nella scuola fascista, 184-186.

106 37.014 (35) (091) Review

Educational models in Iranian educational and social awakening with special reference on the role of the Baha’i schools

Dubravko Aladić, University of Osijek ISHA Osijek, [email protected]

Islamic societies in the industrial and modern age were behind Western countries when it came to industrial and cultural development. In 19th and 20th century Iran the situation regarding education and industrial development was worrisome, and in the middle of 19th century public schools started to replace old Islamic schools, which were strongly influenced by the Sharia law system and Islamic traditions which were obsolete at the time. Therefore, during the initial phase of educational awakening in Iran, a new faith emerged with the main goal to spread education among the people. They were the Baha’i, the Islamic enlighteners, and no other religious sect in Iran before them followed this kind of philosophy. Soon their schools opened all over Iran. Schools were opened for everyone, so they were very popular. Even the Iranian Shah sent his children to the Baha’i schools, but after Baha’i rejected Shah’s law, according to which every school has to have unique holidays in accordance with Muslim calendar, the persecution of Baha’I has commenced, along with the destruction of their schools.

Introduction Education is a very powerful tool when it comes to the enlightenment of the society. The topic of different educational models is particularly interesting because it involves several factors which can have a big influence on the state, the people and, most importantly, the law. Everybody needs to finish some level of education in order to be accepted at colleges, work on important projects or, in some cases, just to find a regular job. Moreover, governments use education as a very powerful tool with which they can manipulate the society (for good or bad). In this article the main discussion will be about the Baha’i schools, which were at the time of their founding a unique example of reformed, enlightened and secularized schools in the heart of the Islamic world.

107 Educational awakening in 19th century Iran Russian victory over Qajar Persia in 1813 and 1828 put the Russian Empire at the peak of its power with tsar Nicholas I (1825–1855) as the ruler. Iran lost traditional status among the community of nations and the sovereignty of the state became dependent upon British and Russian interests.1 According to the Treaty of Turkmanchai, signed on 22 February 1828, Iran agreed to pay Russia an indemnity of 20 million rubles, a vast sum for a country with primitive economy. All prisoners of war were to be returned, Iran was not to permit hundreds of Russian deserters, who joined Persian forces, to be stationed near the frontier. The commercial part of the treaty laid the basis of the Russian influence in Iran. Russian agents were permitted to buy houses and shops in Iran, in which Iranian officials were prohibited to enter without the authorization of the Russian minister. Moreover, Russians were exempted from the Iranian jurisdiction. The treaty of Turkmanchai set rules of the relations between Russia and Iran in the forthcoming ninety years.2 Since then, every international event influenced political life in Iran, which in turn led to the administrative reorganization. More precisely, the government needed new, skilled bureaucratic administration, which could be established only with the system of higher education geared towards the production of trained government personnel.3 By the mid-nineteenth century, significant achievements in the areas of science and technology, capitalism and positivism, brought Europe to the golden era. The European prosperity provoked many non-Western reformers and reformist intellectuals to invoke imitation of the European model, and to equalize “civilization” with “Western civilization”. In the Middle East, due to military defeats, reform was first implemented in the field in which defeat was felt the most, namely in military. However, the reform soon moved to other fields, covering even the “not so likely” ones, such as religion (by producing reformist Islamic thought and religious movements such as Mahdism in the Sudan and the Babi-Baha’i movement in Iran) and politics (by producing pro- constitutional and anti-despotic movements, such as in the Ottoman Empire and Iran). At first, Iran discovered what later came to be known as a more negative and aggressive side of Western modernism. Under the excuse of civilizing, developing and modernizing traditional and premodern countries,

1 Lieven, The Cambridge history of Russia, 540. 2 Avery, Hambly, and Melville, The Cambridge history of Iran, 338. 3 Arasteh, Educational and social awakening in Iran, 20.

108 the West really sought to extend its imperialistic rule over the very same societies. Iran became one of Western markets and soon found itself in the midst of the great European power rivalry which spilled over into the Middle East. Abbas Mirza, Nayib al-Saltanih (1799–1833), the Iranian crown prince and governor of Azerbaijan and the person responsible for the defense of Iran’s northern borders, closely witnessed and experienced the progress of Russia, as well as the backwardness of Iran. The experiences motivated him to initiate reforms, and thus begin the reformist period in Qajar Iran. The pressure for change steadily intensified with the loss of territory, human lives and revenue. The humiliation resulted from the penetration and growing influence of Western powers (which was an indication of the central government’s weakness) through royal and provincial absolutism and the insecurity of the populace who were subjected to forced conscription into a heavily corrupted army for its adventurous military campaigns, as well as suffering frequent incursions upon villages by frontier nomads (mainly the Turkmen from the north-east). The more the contact with the West varied and intensified, the more the pressure for change increased in other fields. Thus, what was limited at first to the military/strategic realm, soon entered in the commercial, cultural, ideological, social and political spheres too, affecting various aspects of daily life in Iran. In the process of army reorganization, the first step was to get well trained officers and administrators, which was government’s responsibility. The idea of an institution of higher learning in Tehran was accomplished in 1851 with the opening of the polytechnic school Dar al-Funun. Amir Kabir, chancellor of Iran, made arrangements for the employment of teaching staff and study subjects. Because of the Anglo-Russian conflict of interests in Iran, Kabir sought educational assistance from Austria. He gave his Austrian envoy the authority to make contracts with the Austrian professors for the period from four to six years, according to which they would be reasonably paid.4 The professors, selected with the help of the Emperor, represented variety of disciplines: artillery, infantry, cavalry, military engineering, medicine, surgery, physics, mathematics, mineralogy and chemistry. After Amir Kabir’s dismissal, the Shah asked Mirza Muhammad ‘Ali Khan, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to direct the opening of the College. In turn, the Minister requested from the

4 Four to five thousands tomans a year, plus 400 tomans for their travel expenses.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 109 governor to select around 30 students between the age of fourteen and sixteen. Although they were chosen exclusively from the ranks of the aristocracy, landlords and top government officials, the demand for admission exceeded far more than expected. The school finally admitted 105 students, who enrolled in the following fields; army science (61), engineering and mining (12), medicine (20), chemistry and pharmacy (7) and mineralogy (5).5 Tuition was free and students received a small stipend with allowance for their meals. Studies lasted six years or more and offered practical and technical subjects. Students were expected to have a mastery of the classics before entering, but later the curriculum was modified to include liberal arts program and foreign languages (English, French and Russian). French became the medium of instruction, because European professors comprised the entire faculty, except for a few Iranians who had studied abroad. The students received good technical training. They had the opportunity to produce scientific equipment in the chemical and physical laboratories, and in an adjoining wax factory they utilized some of their acquired skills.6

Rise of the Baha’i religion The new faith came to existence through the teachings of two successive founders. The first, a young Persian merchant known as the Bab (Mirza Ali Muhammad), announced in Shiraz in May 1844 that he was the bearer of a message from God, whom the Shi’a branch of Islam had long expected under the title of “the twelfth Imam”. Central to the Bab’s teaching was the mission of preparing mankind for the advent of “Him Whom God Shall make Manifest”, the universal divine messenger anticipated in the scripture of all major religions. Muslim clergy incited widespread attacks on his followers and soon the Bab was executed in the city of Tabriz, in 1850. In 1863, one of his leading disciples, a Persian nobleman named Baha’u’llah announced that he was the messenger for whom the Bab had come to prepare the way.7 Even more striking than his discussions of religious matters and spiritual revelations was his view of society. His vision was broad in scope. In his most important book, the Bayan, he wrote that a time was coming when new forms of learning and science would appear. He called on people to embrace learning and to help bring about a new society. He provided the

5 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 21. 6 Arasteh, Educational and social awakening in Iran, 21. 7 Douglas, Persecutions of the Baha’is, 7.

110 principles for the Babi society. These included a system of laws for the society to live by. They also laid down rules for matters such as marriage, divorce, and inheritance. Another section gave rules for the relationship between the Babi state and other nations. Above all, the Bab’s vision was a peaceful one. He rejected the idea that converts could be won by sword. He urged his followers to be gentle and cause no sorrow to others.8 Baha’u’llah was born Mirza Husayn Ali Nuri in 1817 in Tehran, as the son of a high Iranian government official. He joined the millenarian Babi movement in 1844. When Qajar state suppressed the movement and the Shi’ite clergy, he was branded a heretic. In 1850 the leader of the movement, the Bab, was executed, and, as a result, in 1852 a cabal of disgruntled Babis in the capital made an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate the Shah. Although later exonerated, Baha’u’llah was arrested in connection with the plot and briefly imprisoned. He was finally exiled to Baghdad in the Ottoman Empire. There, in 1863, following a series of mystical revelatory experiences, he declared himself the promised one, predicted by the Bab. The Ottomans brought him to Istanbul and then Edirne, where he stayed until 1868. In the Edirne period, he came into conflict with his younger half-brother Mirza Yahya Subh-i Azal, who was widely recognized as the Bab’s vicar and who rejected Baha’u’llah’s claim to be a new theophany. Baha’u’llah’s popularity grew so great among the Babis that he quickly eclipsed his rival, and most Babis became Bahai’s. Baha’u’llah was then exiled to Akko in Ottoman Syria, in the environs of which he lived until his death in 1892. He was considered a heretic by the Muslim powers of his day, and the new religion he created was obnoxious to many Muslims, who believed that theirs was the final religion. He taught values of universal love, world unity, the unity of the religions, improvement of the position of women and ending the war.9 The Baha’i faith became a source of religious, moral and social modernism in Qajar Iran, and drew many converts not only from the Babi community, but also from the majority Shi’a population, as well as from other religious minorities, especially Zoroastrians (mainly in Yazd) and Jews (mainly in Kashan and Hamadan). By the end of the 19th century the Baha’i community in Iran numbered some 100,000 people who came from all levels and sectors of Iranian society, including villagers, artisans, merchants, landlords, courtiers, intellectuals and even clerics, as well as converts from religious minorities. 8 Hartz, World’s religions. Baha’i faith, 20. 9 Gleave, Religion and society in Qajar Iran, 313.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 111 Although neglected even in the neighboring Ottoman Empire with the accusation of being the betrayers of Islam, their ideas were not limited to only one segment of the population, and have therefore found their way into all levels of Iranian society.10 In his will Baha’u’llah named his oldest surviving son, ‘Abdu’l-Baha, to be the leader of the faith after him. He also left instructions for taking the developing religion into the 20th century. Baha’u’llah and the Baha’is must have placed importance on ensuring a smooth transition of charisma to his successor in order to avoid the sectarian dissension which overcame Muslims after the death of the Prophet. Furthermore, the Shi’a background of Baha’u’llah and most Baha’is also yielded certain expectations as to who was eligible to succeed as a leader, how the new leader was supposed to be determined, the sort of qualities he had to exhibit and the kind of authority he would exercise. Thus, a man with great charisma was found in Abdu’l-Baha.11

Baha’i schools in Iran The new Persian shah, Muzaffar al-Din (1896–1907) started the educational reform. The shah knew French and was acquainted with Western ideas and the subjects taught in Western schools. He was also aware of the scientific and technological advances in the West, some of which he wanted to introduce or extend into Iran. For some time, and especially after Nasir al-Din Shah’s first visit to Europe (1873), Iran was taking larger steps towards Europeanization.12 Faced with the growing need and demand for modern education on the one hand, and for more qualified cadres able to introduce and implement the reforms on the other, Muzaffar al-Din decided to allow the opening of Baha’i schools as an additional means of meeting those needs and demands. After all, similar permits had already been granted to other religious minorities (Christians, Zoroastrians and Jews) and even to some foreign non-Muslim religious and cultural bodies. There was no written permission, either in the form of an imperial edict or a government decision, allowing the Baha’i community to open schools as a collective. Such permission was never given to the Baha’i community collectively, but was given only to individuals who were Baha’is, without this fact being mentioned in the official documentation.13

10 Sharon, Studies in modern religions, religious movements and the babi baha’i faiths, 277. 11 Scharbrodt, Islam and the Baha’i faith, 85. 12 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 75. 13 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 76.

112 For the Baha’is the opening of modern schools was not just a question of social mobility or a means to a better income, but also a religious duty. The first modern Baha’i school in Iran, named Madrasih-yi Tarbiyat-i Banin (the Tarbiyat Boys’ School) opened in Tehran in 1899. Its manager, ‘Azizullah Misbah, was widely known, especially as an expert on Persian, Arabic and French literature, and his reputation helped in granting official recognition to the school.14 The school was followed with around 40 other Baha’i schools which began to open in cities, towns and villages where Baha’is resided in greater numbers. Once they had been officially recognized, every Baha’i school adopted the curriculum set by the Ministry of Education, and after the approval of the Fundamental Law of Education (Qanun-i Asasi-yi Farhang, 1 November 1911), which also specified the program for the modern schools in Iran and was willingly adopted by all the Baha’i schools. However, in addition to the curriculum set by the Ministry of Education, these schools introduced other subjects, in line with the principles of modern European education, which gave their students additional knowledge and useful skills.15 This Baha’i educational activity, which had a major impact on the Iranian Baha’i community as well as on the progress of modern education in Iran, coincided with similar activity by other local and foreign non-Muslim elements. However, it was one thing to allow other religious minorities (Christians, Jews and Zoroastrians), various Christian missionaries (mainly American, French and British), and secular French cultural organizations (such as the AF (Alliance Française) and AIU (Alliance Israélite Universelle), to open schools in Shi’a Iran and another to allow the Baha’is to do the same. After all, Christians and Jews were regarded as ‘people of the book’ (ahl al- kitab) and therefore protected (ahl al-dhima), as were the Zoroastrians. Baha’is, on the other hand, were considered murtadd, with no protection, whose blood could be shed (mahdur al-damm), who were without rights (maslub al-huquq), and whose property was mubah (belonging to no one, and thus to all) and which could therefore be plundered (manhub al-mal).16 The Baha’i schools excelled, not only in comparison with other local schools, but also compared to those of the other religious minorities and the foreign schools. They followed the curriculum of the Ministry of Education, but additional subjects, in line with the principles of modern European education,

14 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 63. 15 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 60. 16 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 61.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 113 were taught in them. Much opposition was raised against the Baha’i schools, and this opposition was twofold, coming mainly from anti-modern and anti- Baha’i elements within Iranian society. It was this opposition that continuously sought to bring about the schools’ closure.17 The students who studied at the Baha’i schools were considered quite privileged, for they usually received more or less the highest level and standard of education available in Iran at the time. This was in line with Baha’i teachings on excellence, especially in education. “Strain every nerve to acquire both inner and outer perfections”, said Baha’u’llah, adding that “so much as capacity and capability allow, ye needs must deck the tree of being with fruits such as knowledge, wisdom, spiritual perception and eloquent speech”. He called on Baha’is to “guard against idleness and sloth,” urging them to “cling unto that which profited mankind, whether young or old, whether high or low”. It was teachings such as these that made Baha’i schools adopt a richer curriculum for their students. However, except for the state curriculum, these schools introduced other subjects which further enriched the students’ knowledge and provided them with additional skills. These included new subjects, such as singing and music classes, as well as classes in foreign languages (mainly French and English), painting, sewing, embroidery, cooking and lace making. In addition, there were various other activities, including sport (such as arena polo) and arts (theatre). Additional classes, such as Esperanto, manners and speech were also arranged for the students, in order to expand their knowledge in other useful fields. Some of these classes continued even after the Baha’i schools were closed down by the authorities.18 The Baha’i (and some foreign) schools were usually the first to use certain teaching facilities well before they were introduced in other schools. These included amenities such as blackboards, geography maps, benches and desks, laboratories and libraries. Not all Baha’i schools, however, had such a rich curriculum and enjoyed all these facilities. In general, the larger the Baha’i school and the more centrally located (namely those located in the main cities, such as Tehran, Hamadan, Kashan, Yazd, etc.), the richer the curriculum offered and the range of facilities available. Baha’i Summer Schools, in which Baha’i children from all over the world gathered, provided further training, whether for a few days or several weeks.19

17 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 72. 18 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 80. 19 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 81.

114 The religious duty to educate their children, combined with the winds of change and modernization which was blowing through Iran, especially from the end of the nineteenth century onwards, had motivated many Baha’is to do their utmost to provide the best education possible. It was therefore not enough to establish modern Baha’i schools with a richer curriculum, it was also necessary to ensure their continuous operation. Because of that, all Baha’is, rich and poor, individually and collectively, gathered all their resources and energies. For example, in 1913, some five years after being founded, the Baha’i community of Hamadan decided to direct their entire share of the earnings from the public bath and butchery (which they owned jointly with the Jewish community of Hamadan), to the Ta’yid School.20 The Tarbiyat School, as the first modern Baha’i school founded in Iran and located in the capital, Tehran, was under close observation from the central government and drew the most attention. Various Ministry of Education documents (signed either by the education minister or the ministry’s head of inspection and sent to ‘Ata’ullah Bakhshayish, one of the school’s managers) ranked both the Tarbiyat Boys’ and the Tarbiyat Girls’ Schools at the top of all schools in Iran, in terms of compatibility with the Ministry of Education’s program, students’ knowledge, educational standards and behavior, and school management. Some of the graduates of the Tehran Tarbiyat Boys’ School, which was considered to be the best of all the Baha’i schools, if not of all the schools in Iran, managed to reach high positions and posts in state and private sectors, as well as in the armed forces.21 Another novelty in the Baha’i faith is the equality between women and men. According to Baha’u’llah: “women and men have been and will always be equal in the sight of God… Therefore, in as much as this verity is eternal, we cannot in one sense say that either Baha’u’llah or the Baha’i Faith has caused women to be equal to men – they always have been so. However, by unveiling this eternal truth to humanity and by further inaugurating laws and institutions that embody this spiritual reality, the Manifestation empowers us to make this relationship, which already exists in the “sight of God”, extant in every aspect of human society as well.” In Baha’i schools, female teachers were almost equally represented and played a significant role in Iranian educational reform.22

20 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 81. 21 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 82. 22 Hatcher, The equality of women. The Baha’i principle of complementarity, 32.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 115 With this difference, however, the equality revealed by Baha’u’llah was not based on women enjoying the same position in society as men. The Revelation of Baha’u’llah embraced a new relationship between the sexes in which, in the words of Baha’u’llah’s “Tablet of Wisdom”, These two are the same, yet they are different. In focusing on the role of the Feminine in the Baha’i Faith, we should distinguish the term Feminine from the gendered word female. Feminine is, in this sense, what Baha’u’llah called in the Kitáb-i-Íqán a “symbolic” term, a term that released the Feminine from the limitations of a biological characterization and, as we shall see, opened it to the larger spiritual meaning. In addressing the Feminine, especially as the Maid of Heaven and as Carmel, Baha’u’llah used images depicting human biology and sexual attraction. In Baha’u’llah’s tablets, biology is a symbol of the spiritual, which if robbed of its spiritual focus reduces the divine Creation itself to a demonic parody of its meaning.23 In 1910 Sidney Sprague, an American Baha’i educator in Tehran who taught English at Tarbiyat school, believed that one of the reasons why they had made greater progress was that their school program was based on the American school system. Students were divided into different levels and studied English, Arabic, mathematics and other subjects every day, instead of just a few days per week. This made Tarbiyat unique and outstanding.24 Tarbiyat’s exceptional standard of education attracted students not only from Tehran, but from other cities as well. Sprague was even thinking of building dormitories and turning the school into a boarding school. As practiced in American schools, Sprague started a boys’ club for the older boys in the school. He asked his Baha’i friends in America to send them used copies of Literary Digest and any other American magazines, as well as some plays, in which ‘no girls partake’, and with short and easy acting roles.25 The Tarbiyat-i Banat also set the highest standards for other Baha’i and non-Baha’i schools for girls. American female educators were instrumental in turning this school in one of the best, if not the best girl school in Iran.26 Character building and moral enhancement were high on the school’s list of priorities. Sarah Clock27 was so critical of the character of the Iranian

23 Woodman, The role of the feminine in the Baha’i faith, 21. 24 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 83. 25 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 82. 26 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 83. 27 Teacher in the Tarbiyat girls school.

116 people stating that she did not know one single person who could be trusted. She believed that this problem had to be tackled, at least within the school, and it seems that the American staff thought they had found the solution for it. When they would catch some of the girls lying, they would wash their mouth with strong laundry soap and, according to their stories, it would do wonders. It seems that the system and program of education at the Tarbiyat Girls’ School was so distinctive that, according to one of the teachers, Sarah Clock, “no matter where you go in a meeting or anywhere else you can always pick out a girl from the Tarbiyat School from her behavior and general conduct”.28 Greater and smaller challenges faced the American teaching staff of the Tarbiyat Girls’ School. For example, a trivial item like plain chalk was hard to find in Iran, and the locally made brand was so bad that it was almost useless. Other difficulties and challenges were mostly inherent in the differences between the American and the Iranian school staff. They differed in character, culture, teaching methods, finances managment, etc. In short, it was modernity versus tradition. Thus, the Tarbiyat Girls’ School became the only school in all Iran where the new subjects were taught by analysis rather than memorizing.29 In 1910, when André Ittihadiyyih became the headmaster of the Ta’yid School, major changes took place in the quantity and quality of the school’s cultural and scientific programmes. More attention was given to music, art clubs were established and the educational programmes were extended. He employed many highly qualified teachers and managed to turn the Ta’yid from a primary school into an intermediate school in which modern sciences, as well as Persian, Arabic and French languages were taught at the most advanced levels. The progress of the Ta’yid School in those early years was so rapid, and its fame so widely circulated in Hamadan, that many of the city’s civil officials and famous people also sent their children to the school without any hesitation or superstitious notions. The number of students at the Ta’yid School soon exceeded 700 and left the American and Alliance schools literally in the shadows. The two Baha’i schools in Hamadan also had an impressive library of 4.000 books in Persian, French, Arabic and English, used extensively by their students and the local Baha’is.30 The Baha’i schools in the small towns and in villages probably found difficult to maintain the level of education of the Tarbiyat in Tehran, but they

28 Jahanbegloo, Iran: Between tradition and modernity, 44. 29 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 85. 30 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 88.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 117 were still far better than other schools in their area. While the Abadih State School had only four grades, the local Baha’i school had six, and later even managed to open the seventh and eighth grade as well. In Khushih, Gorgan, the first group of students from the Baha’i local school that had completed the fourth grade managed to pass the Ministry of Education’s exams for the fifth grade.31 In Ayval,32 a Baha’i school was founded in 1923–1924 by a Baha’i named ‘Abd al-‘Ali Shahmirzadi (known as ‘Shahab’.) At first the Muslim residents of the village opposed its opening. They complained to the local authorities that by opening the school, the Baha’is intend to turn their children away from Islam. After three years, when they could see that the Baha’i children had become educated while their own children were not making much progress in the old maktab-khanihs, they began to flock to the Baha’i school to register their children so that they could receive a proper education. When Shahmirzadi sent a sample of one of the school’s students’ handwriting (khatt) called Ali Vulu,33 to Haji Shaykh, one of the local clerics, he presented the handwriting sample to the local village council and confessed: “This is the penmanship and knowledge of four months of their education. It is fair to say that the knowledge of our children, who have been studying with these akhunds for the last five years, does not match that of those who have been studying at the Baha’i-run school four months”.34 The Sa’adat-i Banat Girls’ School, which was opened in Najafabad in 1925, turned, within a short period, into one of the best educational institutions of the Isfahan region. Causing much astonishment among the officials of the local branch of the Education Ministry as to what made the students of this, as well as those of the boys’ school, so well educated. The Baha’i schools – according to the testimonies of both Baha’is and non-Baha’is – were highly positioned, if not the highest, on the scale of modern and quality education in late Qajar and early Pahlavi Iran. This fact led a growing number of non-Baha’is to send their children to those schools. Based only on the available data, there were some 4.915 students studying in the Baha’i schools throughout Iran. Given that a considerable amount of information, including student numbers, is still lacking with regard to many of the Baha’i schools (especially those in Fars and Gilan provinces), one must 31 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 88. 32 One of the villages of the provincial village (dihistan) of Chahar-Dangih Surtij (which belongs to the provincial town of Sari, located in Mazandaran province. 33 One of the two influential local clerics who had earlier complained to Sarim al-Sultan, the local governor, about the opening of the Baha’i school. 34 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 89.

118 strongly assume that the number was actually much higher. It was certainly far greater than the number of students who attended American and French mission schools. Even when compared to the available figures for national attendance in elementary schools (78.000 for the year 1926–1927), the percentage of those known to have enrolled in Baha’i schools is still impressive (around 6,5%). The percentage is probably considerably higher when the missing data is taken into account, much higher than the percentage of Baha’is in the total population.35 As a military man who could not stand disobedience, and as a nationalist who could not tolerate supranational loyalty, Riza Shah (1925–1941) clashed with the Baha’is; first, for their refusal to keep their schools open on a day not declared by the state as a national holiday and, second, for their superior loyalty to their religious leader residing outside Iran, rather than to the shah, their national leader inside Iran. Therefore, on 8 December 1934, a new law was imposed which ordered every school in Iran to be opened on the state holiday, no matter which religious minority is holding the certain school. This signaled the end for the Baha’i schools in Iran and they slowly began to close.36

Persecutions of the Baha’i during the Qajar and Pahlavi regimes The ignorance and the prejudice originated in the tragic events that surrounded the beginning of the Babi and Baha’i faiths in the 20th century Persia. According to the Shi’a Muslim clergy, the claims made by the Bab (and later by Baha’u’llah) were not merely heretical, but a threat to the foundations of Islam. Orthodox Islam held that Muhammad was the “Seal of the Prophets” and thus the bearer of Gods final revelation to mankind. Certain other faiths, principally Judaism and Christianity, were considered to be valid, but defective religious systems, founded in earlier revelations which were later corrupted by their followers. Only Islam had remained pure and undiminished because its repository, the Qur’an, represented the authentic words of the prophet. From this baseline, Muslim theology had gone on to assert that Islam contains all that mankind would ever require until the Day of Judgment. There were two principal reasons why the Baha’is were persecuted: (1) Baha’is lack dhimmi (protected) status and are therefore excluded from Qur’anic protection, and (2) the Baha’i Faith is a post-Islamic religion which is a theoretical impossibility considering Muhammad’s ontological status as the “Seal of the Prophets”.37

35 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 90. 36 Shahvar, The forgotten schools, 130. 37 Buck, Islam and the minorities. The case of the Baha’i, 87.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 119 During the remaining decades of the rule of the Qajar shahs, the Baha’i community intermittently experienced attacks instigated by mullahs, seconded from time to time by local or provincial authorities. Pressured from European governments, the later Qajar shahs refrained from further direct involvement in the pogroms and were even induced, on occasion, to restrain some of the worst excesses. During that time the Baha’is were a proscribed minority which survived only by keeping a low profile and by respecting Baha’u’llah’s prohibition of violence, even in self-defense.38 The establishment of the 1906 constitution, which theoretically brought a new era of liberty to Persia, in fact assured continuous discrimination against the Baha’is. Unlike the Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians whom they far outnumbered, the Baha’is were denied any form of recognition in the constitution and its attendant acts, with the result that they were legally “nonpersons” in Persian public life.39 Following the upheavals of the First World War, Iran appeared to be sinking into anarchy. It was relatively easy for a Cossack officer, Reza Khan, with the support of his troops, the assistance of certain Persian politicians and the complaisance of the British government, to march on Tehran and carry out a coup d’état.40 During the early years of his reign, Reza Shah appointed a number of Baha’is to important positions in the civil administration, particularly the branches of government related to finance. As a salve to the mullahs, laws were passed restricting the general employment of Baha’is in the civil service. Minor improvements in the position of the Baha’is began to appear nonetheless. Baha’is could count on a limited degree of protection from persecution and were eventually permitted to open schools. As these schools rapidly gained reputation for excellence, the monarch was convinced to enroll his own children. The government began to formalize a policy of discrimination which was to characterize the treatment of the Baha’i community for the next five decades. The Baha’is became, in effect, a safety valve for the regime. Baha’is were the target against whom the clergy was permitted to vent their mounting frustration with the restrictions under which even the ‘ulama had to live. Beginning in 1933, the publication of Baha’i literature was banned, Baha’i marriage was deemed as concubinage, prison sentences were set for those who admitted to marrying according to Baha’i law, a number of Baha’i cemeteries were expropriated, Baha’is in the public service were demoted or fired, attacks

38 Douglas, Persecutions of the Baha’is in Iran 1844-1984, 14. 39 Douglas, Persecutions of the Baha’is in Iran 1844-1984, 14. 40 Douglas, Persecutions of the Baha’is in Iran 1844-1984, 15.

120 in the press were freely permitted and, eventually, the Baha’i schools were closed.41 In 1962, the Shah announced the launch of what he called a “White Revolution” which included a land bill involving a major redistribution of the ownership of agricultural lands throughout the country. A simultaneous program of intense industrial development tightly tied the fortunes of the emerging capitalist class to the interests of the State.42 As early as the 1950s, Baha’is were becoming prominent in the self- employed professions. As the Shah’s ambitious modernization campaign gained momentum and the need for trained resources grew acute, it became obvious that one of the few pools of qualified personnel in Iran lay with the Baha’i minority. Muslim clergy accused the Baha’i community that its members were a “favoured elite” who benefitted not through their own efforts, but because of undisclosed advantages they enjoyed.43 Another form of segregating the Baha’i was when the government commission imposed a supplementary tax of 50 million tomans on the holdings of the Baha’i community, and few days later raised this figure to 80 million tomans. The parallels with the treatment of the Jews in medieval Europe were nowhere more striking than in the Pahlavi regime’s economic exploitation of its Baha’i subjects. In 1975, Shah decided to create a new single- party system, Rastakhiz (Resurgence party), and everybody who wanted to retain their job and land had to join the party. Given the fact that the Baha’i minority restrained themselves from political activity, this was the final step in isolating the Baha’i minority from the rest of the nation.44 When the Pahlavi regime finally collapsed in February 1979, the vast majority of Iranians hailed the revolution as the dawn of the long awaited era of political liberty and national reconstruction. In the same interviews in which the Ayatollah and his spokesmen promised tolerance for religious minorities, they explicitly denied any such rights to Iran’s largest religious minority. Only the Baha’is were conspicuously excluded from Ayatollah’s assurances. The segregation and pogroms of Baha’is last to this day.45

41 Douglas, Persecutions of the Baha’is in Iran 1844-1984, 18. 42 Douglas, Persecutions of the Baha’is in Iran 1844-1984, 24. 43 Douglas, Persecutions of the Baha’is in Iran 1844-1984, 28. 44 Douglas, Persecutions of the Baha’is in Iran 1844-1984, 29. 45 Douglas, Persecutions of the Baha’is in Iran 1844-1984, 30.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 121 Nowadays, of all religious minorities in the Middle East, Baha’is’ are typically the least able to practice their religion freely. With several notable exceptions, the current situation throughout the modern Middle East, and in Muslim countries generally, is that Baha’is cannot openly promote their faith. However, the governments of Pakistan and Bangladesh allow the Baha’is’ to hold public meetings, publicly teach the Faith, establish Baha’i centers, as well as elect Baha’i administrative councils.46

Conclusion To conclude, religion in a certain state can manipulate people, until that manipulation is handed over to the government through education. The Baha’i faith, which emerged in Iran in the second half of the 19th century, was rather different from the other similar religions in that country. Baha’u’llah (the founder of Baha’ism) taught that human mind was limitless and that it had to be filled with knowledge. Therefore, every Baha’i believer’s duty was education instead of religious wars. They were strictly non-violent (even in self-defense they were not permitted to do violent acts) and that is one of the main reasons why the persecution of the Baha’i was so easy for the Shi’a Muslims, who also believed there was no other prophet after Muhammad. With the Baha’i, Baha’u’llah was the last prophet who united Zoroastrianism, Judaism, Christianism and Islam. That was the ground fact that justified persecutions of the Baha’i from 19th century onwards. At the end of the 19th century the new shah allowed Baha’i to open schools in Iran which proved to be a good decision because Baha’i schools became the most advanced in every level of education. Even the shah’s children attended these schools, the face that proved their quality. Nevertheless, the persecutions (although in smaller amount) continued and only 35 years after the opening of the first Baha’i school, Reza shah Pahlavi announced the closure of all Baha’i schools in Iran. After a quarter of the century passed under the enlightenment of advanced ideas taught in Baha’i educational facilities, the schools ceased to exist and the Baha’I, along with the whole of Iran, sank into ignorance because state schools needed a lot of time to recuperate from this loss. One of the bright points of the whole era of Baha’i schools is that prominent intellectuals and statesmen who were on important positions in Iran were educated in the prosecuted schools.

46 Buck, Islam and the minorities: The case of the Baha’is, 83.

122 Bibliography Arasteh, Reza, Educational and social awakening in Iran, 1976, E. J. Brill, Leiden, 1962 Buck, Christopher, “Islam and the minorities: The case of the Baha’is”, Studies in Contemporary Islam 5 (2003): 83-106 Shahvar, Soli, The forgotten schools. The Bahai’s and the modern education in Iran, 1899-1934, I.B. Tauris publishers, London, 2009 Douglas, Martin, Persecutions of the Baha’is 1844-1984, Association for Baha’i studies, Ottawa, 1984 Lieven, Dominic, The Cambridge history of Russia, vol. II, Imperial Russia 1689-1917, Cambridge university press, Cambridge, 2006 Avery, Peter, Hambly Gavin, Melville, Charles, The Cambridge history of Iran, vol. VII, From Nadir shah to the Islamic Republic, Cambridge university press, Cambridge, 2007 Gleave, Robert, Religion and society in Qajar Iran, Routledge Curzon, London, 2005 Hartz, Paula, World’s religions. Baha’i faith, Chelsea house publishers, New York, 2009 Hatcher, John S., “The equality of women. The Baha’i principle of complementarity”, Journal of Baha’i studies 3 (1990): 31-39 Scharbrodt, Oliver, Islam and the Baha’i Faith. A comparative study of Muhammad Abdul and Abdul-Baha Abbas, Routledge, New York, 2008 Sharon, Moshe, Studies in modern religions, religious movements and the Babi Baha’i faiths, Brill, Boston, 2004 Buck, Christopher, Studies in Contemporary Islam: Islam and Minorities. The case of the Bahai’s, Routledge, London, 2003 Jahanbegloo, Ramin, Iran: Between tradition and modernity, Lexington books, Oxford, 2004 Woodman, Ross, “The role of the feminine in the Baha’i faith”, Journal of Baha’i studies 2 (1988): 21-35

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 123 UDC 329 (497.5) (091) "1968/2000" UDC 329 (497.11) (091) "1968/2000" UDC 329 (496.5) (091) "1968/2000" Review

Student movements from 1968 to 2000 in Albania, Croatia, and Serbia

Dejan Došlić, University of Banja Luka Udruženje studenata istorije dr Milan Vasić, [email protected]

As a reaction to economic reform in 1965, the student movement in 1968 spread to almost every university in former Yugoslavia. Discontent with the bad situation in the country and the university, students rebelled in Belgrade, and after that in other universities. President Tito had to react personally to get the situation back under control. The student movements in Zagreb (1971) and Priština (1981) were involved in bigger movements for the independence of Croatia and Kosovo and greater rights for their citizens. They were stopped by urgent police and military actions. Student protests in Serbia were directed against president Slobodan Milošević and his regime. In the end they brought him down, in the year 2000, and the movement “Otpor”(Resistance) became a political party, which had the greatest influence on Serbian politics in the first decade of the 21st century. Changing the social picture of the state, democratization of society, autonomy and reforms of the university, joined all these movements. By the time, they developed good organization of the protests, which brought to the fall of Slobodan Milošević.

Introduction Throughout history, rebellions and movements were key drivers that brought changes in political, cultural and economic life. Sometimes they triggered changes, or they were the resolution to changes in the progress. Whatever their role was, they were almost unavoidable. New ideology or political factions, needed strength and mass of people to ensure that their ideas took their place in public life. Usually, students were the main force, which also triggered changes of their own. Since medieval times, students have been present in public life, demanding changes when they felt it was needed, whether it was to secure their future, or to make the political situation better. The recent trend of student’s movements since the 1950s and 1960s began in the USA, where students protested against the Vietnam War.

124 Soon the student’s movement arrived in Europe, and it was a sign that society wanted changes. Young and full of upswing, they knew what they want. In former Yugoslavia, students’ actions showed all the difficulties of the political situation in the last three decades of its existence because they often stood up for the discontent people, who were quiet at the time. The Economic reforms in 1965 and the new Constitution of Yugoslavia in 1974 provoked their protests. The massive student movements in 1968, which included almost every university in the Yugoslavia, were some kind of the reaction to the Economic reforms. The students were frightened by the fact that they wouldn’t get a job in the future, and also the fact that the situation at the universities wasn’t promising. They didn’t receive scholarships, the food prices in the canteen were growing constantly, and the resident halls were in bad condition.1 So, social and economic problems were the main reason for the movement. The situation was so serious, that the president Josip Broz Tito himself reacted, and offered better options for “young experts”, which was the only political speech to get the situation under control. When Tito died (1980), the autonomy that was promised by the Constitution of 1974 for Kosovo, provoked a students’ movement in the University of Pristina (1981). Also, in 1971 students in Zagreb started a movement, which involved more preparation, called Croatian Spring, demanding more political rights and equal distributing of revenue from Government. The government of Yugoslavia had to react in both cases, because this wasn’t just about the people who were displeased, but also the political ideology which could lead to the disintegration of the Yugoslavia. In the late 1980s and 1990s, student’s movements in Serbia were aimed against one person – the president Slobodan Milošević. In 2000, along with Milošević’s opposition, they were able to bring down his regime. The main part of this work will be based on the student movements in the territory of Albania, Croatia, and Serbia, from 1968 to 2000. We will try to show what their character was, how they were influenced by the political situation, and also what the consequences of those movements were. The work is based on documents from the Archive of the Republic of Srpska in Banja Luka, articles and books, and also internet web sites.

1 Petranović, Istorija Jugoslavije 1918-1978, 392 – 395.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 125 Students’ demonstrations in 1968 in former Yugoslavia The big worldwide students’ revolt in the 1960s, spread to former Yugoslavia. Dissatisfaction with world politics and economic standards was something that had led young people and students into protests. The movement started in USA, where students condemned the Vietnam War. It spread to Europe, where it was especially strong in Germany, France, Czechoslovakia, Italy and Yugoslavia. It was some kind of a “mirror” of the current political situation in the country, and it attracted the intervention of political leaders. In the Western countries, the students wanted a system based on socialist values, while in the eastern countries students wanted the regime to finally start implementing the pure ideas of the socialism. After the Second World War, Yugoslavia experienced rapid economic development, mostly based on credits from the USA.2 The Economic reform was necessary, and it took place in 1965.3 But that didn’t make the situation better. Confronted with other political problems, especially with the rise of nationalism and demands for more political freedom, it caused price rises and unemployment, so people were emigrating out of the country. The careers of young people were in danger, while graduates were confronted with the problem of unemployment. This brought them together, and emulating their colleagues abroad, they decided to fight for their causes, which included complete change of the political course, in ideology and theory, better options for students who graduate, higher scholarships, and better conditions of the student campus, etc. Across the whole country, at the universities in Belgrade and Ljubljana the students came out on the streets, while in Zagreb students held meetings with professors and each other, expressing their demands. This is how it all started, and it would be known in history as “the June of 1968”.4 The motive for the revolt was clear, but the cause was banal. On 2 June, everything was prepared for the manifestations “The Caravan of the Friendship ‘68” (Karavan prijateljstva ‘68)5 and “The microphone is yours” (Mikrofon je vaš) organized by “Dom omladine” and newspapers “Večernje novosti”. It was supposed to be held outside, but it was raining, so the people in charge decided to move it into the hall of the Radnički University. Because the number of seats was

2 Petranović, Istorija Jugoslavije 1918-1978, 375-380. 3 Petranović, Istorija Jugoslavije 1918-1978, 380-382. 4 “Демонстрације студената у Новом Београду,” 1. ; Petranović, Istorija Jugoslavije 1918- 1978, 392. 5 “Демонстрације студената у Новом Београду,” 1.

126 limited, some students couldn’t get in, provoking a fight. In the evening, they held an urgent meeting where they chose an ‘Action Council’ of 20 students. At first they asked for better financial conditions for the university,6 and nothing more. The next day, about 3.000 students took photos of Tito and carried signs such as Dolje crvena buržoazija (Down with the red bourgeoisie), Uklonite socijalne nejednakosti (Remove social inequalities), Zar pendrekom po umu (Right mind with the truncheon?) and started protests. They wanted regular changes first in Belgrade, and then across society.7 Near the underpass, on the boulevard that leads towards Zemun, they captured one fire engine and they confronted the police.8 Lots of students were injured in the conflict, and well as professors who accompanied them in the protests. To stop another escalation, the government decided to mobilize factory workers, who stood ready and waited for orders. From the government’s perpective, the demonstrations were dictated from abroad, with the aim of overthrowing Tito, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, and non-aligned countries.9 Meanwhile, the student newspapers Književne novine (Literary Gazette), Krug (Circle), Student (Student), Susreti (Meetings) in Belgrade, Lica (Faces) and Tribuna (Tribuna) in Ljubljana, Katedra in Maribor, Index in Novi Sad, Naši dani (Our days) in Sarajevo, Kritika (Critique), Mladost (Youth), Polet (Verve) and Studentski list (Student newspaper) in Zagreb reported about demonstrations and student’s demands. At the same time, newspapers that supported the regime tried to hide these events to protect the reputation of the country and the party. In the evening, at about 6 p.m. at the Rectorate, all deans (40 of them) started the strike. The rector Dragiša Ivanović was visiting East Germany at the time and did not rush back.10 Then students demanded the resignation of the chief of the Police, democratization of the society, truth in the media about these events, the identification of those responsible for these events,11 etc. Looking up to the French bourgeois revolution, the students made “convents” for economy, politics and other themes. They had their main newspaper Student (Student) and its editor was Đorđije Vuković, a student of

6 “Демонстрације студената у Новом Београду,” 2. 7 Jandrić, Izbor iz inozemnog tiska, 2. 8 “Демонстрације студената у Новом Београду,” 2. 9 “Демонстрације студената у Новом Београду,” 2. 10 Among the students was circulating anegdotes that he will “take first bike and get back in Belgrade“. 11 Menawhile, they clashed with the police yet again, and four girl who werern’t participated in the protest were injured. “Демонстрације студената у Новом Београду,” 2.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 127 philology. They also had their song with the chorus “Left, left, left”Levo, ( levo, levo), composed by Vuk Stambolović.12 It is important to say that professors supported the students and they even spoke with them in order to find a solution to this problem. To make their demands stronger, they changed the name of the university to the “Red University of Karl Marx”.13 The situation was the same after five days of demonstrations. College phone lines were cut, students were sleeping in the building, but they didn’t give up. On the seventh day, on 10 June, Tito spoke to them. He promised them that he would fulfill all their demands. Meanwhile, the students started protests at universities in Zagreb and Ljubljana. In Zagreb, the University Board took the side of the students, and demanded more democratization in the area of the social life, modernization of the teaching system, greater participation of the students, etc. If the Government couldn’t fulfill these demands, they asked for its resignation.14 The real protests started on 3 June, by the students of Faculty of Humanity and Social Sciences, Faculty of Liberal Arts, Law Faculty and Faculty of Science.15 At the same time, the League of Communists of Croatia was discussing how to stop these student’s protests. New problems arose the next day, when the representative of students from Belgrade came to Zagreb to support their colleagues and to make plans for better action. All students were invited to attend the assembly “Truth about Belgrade” in the Resident Hall. The students from Belgrade repeated their demands: better teaching system, self-management etc. The slogans were highlighted, for examples: “True self-management, not political manipulation”, “Let us support colleagues from Belgrade, those are our demands”.16 They approved the new name of the Faculty “Socialist University of Seven Secretaries of the Communist Youth of Yugoslavia”.17 The Action Committee was formed, that announced a Proclamation and sent a letter of support to Tito.18 The problem was that the students split in to two parts; those who were supporting the Proclamation, and those who were with the Party. This was their downfall,

12 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu. 35. 13 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 39. 14 Jandrić, Studentske demonstracije, 290. 15 Jandrić, Studentske demonstracije, 294. 16 Jandrić, Studentske demonstracije, 296. 17 In original: Socijalističko sveučilište Sedam sekretara Saveza komunista omladine Jugoslavije (SKOJ). 18 Jandrić, Studentske demonstracije, 297.

128 and some of their leaders were expelled from the League of Communists.19 The movement ended in failure, despite the fact that the students shared the same demands. The consequences of this movement were huge, although they were not so visible. First of all, Tito promised changes, and some of these were carried through in some federal states. For example, in Macedonia,20 the scholarships were increased, the conditions in the student centers were better, some universities of sport and culture were moved to new buildings, but in other federal states the situation got even worse. Meanwhile, the situation regarding the University and democratization of society did not change. The protests by students and those professors that supported them were suppressed over the following year. It provoked some new movements which didn’t have a much influence. Also, this movement provoked the opening of new university centers throughout the whole of Yugoslavia, in an attempt to lower the number of students in the main universities (Belgrade, Zagreb, Ljubljana...), so as to prevent further protests.21 In the end it is important to say that these protests filled the lines of foreign newspapers from China to America, though they also affected the film and music industry. Newspapers from the socialist countries (USSR, Poland, Czechoslovak) were worried about the socialist system in Yugoslavia, except China which had poor relations with Yugoslavia, while in the West they wrote of large protests, student conflicts with the police, their demands etc.22 The students protests from 1968 were presented in the music of Dragoslav Simić, while the film of the Želimir Žilnik “Rani radovi” (Early Works), won the prize “Zlatni medved” (Golden bear) at the Berlin Film Festival, and four awards in Pula (1969).

Student movement at University of Zagreb as part of the “Croatian spring” The term “Croatian Spring” is used for the movement which brought greater rights for the Socialistic Republic of Croatia in Yugoslavia. It included people from all parts of public life: politicians, professors, scientists, students, artists, workers etc. At the forefront of the movement were: Većeslav Holjevac, Ivan Šibl, Marko Koprtla, Savka Dabčević-Kučar, Ivan Mutak, Zvonimir

19 Jandrić, Studentske demonstracije, 300. 20 Macedonia proclaimed their independency in 1991, but because of the conflict with the Greece over the name, she changed its name to Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. 21 One anegdote is also related to this. When Government opened university in Štip, students relived, because Government came to the last letter, Petranović, Istorija Jugoslavije 1918- 1978, 396. 22 Jandrić, Izbor iz inozemnog tiska, 5-25.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 129 Komarica, Ivica Račan and others. Croatian historian Hrvoje Klasić, wrote in his book23 that Croatia was displeased with its political – economic status in Yugoslavia, and Croatian politicians offered some reforms to resolve the problems.24 It wasn’t a homogenous movement, and it developed from conflict inside the League of Communists of Croatia. When Aleksandar Ranković25 fell on Brioni plenum26 the movement became more active. In 1967, The Declaration on the Status and Name of the Croatian Literary Language was proclaimed by Miroslav Krleža, Franjo Tuđman and Većeslav Holjevac. In 1971 Stjepan Babić, Božidar Finka and Milan Moguš wrote “Croatian orthography”, which was published outside of the country. Tito and the state leadership were worried. The movement, at first, split in to two parts, which were the main bases for action. The first base was around Franjo Tuđman, Većeslav Holjevac, Savka Dabčević-Kučar, Miko Tripalo, Marko Koprtla, and the second was around Matica hrvatska (The Croatian Centre) and their liberal intellectuals Jozo Ivčević, Šime Đodan, Marko Veselica… The young writers under leadership by Zlatko Tomičić, founded the group “Tin”, and newspapers Hrvatski književni list (Croatian Literary Magazine) in 1968.27 In 1968 Philosophers around “Praxis”28 wanted the students at the University of Zagreb to unite with their colleagues from Belgrade, but their professors Đodan and Veselica were against this, and added: “Croatian students have different interests from Serbian, because they belong to Croatian labor class whom Serbia exploits and economically destroys”.29 At Zagreb university students had their newspapers Encyclopedia moderna

23 “Tito je inicirao hrvatsko proljeće” 24 “Tito je inicirao hrvatsko proljeće” 25 Prominent member of Communist Party of Yugoslavia. He was god-father of Tito and his wife Jovanka Broz from 1952, and Head of State Security (UDBA). 26 Brioni plenum was held on July 1, 1966, on the island Brioni, because of the “scandal of the tapping“, when president Tito was bugged in his residence in Belgrade. Petranović, Istorija Jugoslavije 1918-1978, 385-387. 27 Hrvatski književni list (Croatian Literary Magazine) was being published from 1968 to 1969, then renewed in 1994 by Mladen Pavković and Zlatko Tomičić. 28 Praxis was the philosophic magazine, who issued Croatian philosophic socity from 1964 to 1974. The Praxis philosophy comes from the greek word πραχις – praxis, practice, and indicates direction of the so-called “creative“ undogmatic Marxism that is formed in 1960s and had many influence in Yugoslavia. The main idea of Yugoslovenian philosophers was to speak about problems of the socialism in Yugoslavia, and its founders were Branko Bošnjak, Danko Grlić, Milan Kangrga, Gajo Petrović, Ljubomir Tadić and many others. After the break down of Yugoslavia its influence was weak. 29 “Tito je inicirao hrvatsko proljeće”

130 (Encyclopedia of Modernity) and Hrvatski gospodarstveni glasnik (Croatian economic magazine). In 1970, students were electing their vice-chancellor. The First candidate was Damir Grubiša, and the second was Ivan Zvonimir Čičak, a student of sociology and law. With his sentence “It was enough of manipulation in this society”, he won the elections.30 Others which supported Grubiša were displeased with the results of the elections. The main students’ demands were: reforms at the University of Zagreb, democratization of the Catholic church, changes in the Constitution of Yugoslavia and Croatia which would place Croatia in a better position, democratization of society, the resignation of the head of the League of Communist, change in the monetary system, securing the return of laborers from abroad, stopping workers from leaving Croatia. With the advent of newspapers Hrvatski tjednik (Croatian weekly) and Hrvatski gospodarstveni glasnik (Croatian economic magazine), the movement became more mature. In the summer of 1971, the students announced a “hot autumn”. The protests were small, but the police reacted fast. Many of the participants were arrested. At the meetings of 30 November and 1 December in Karađorđevo, Tito and state leaders decided to take more serious action. The whole leadership of the League of Communist of Croatia was dismissed. Although this movement had already had repercussion abroad, as well as in other countries of Yugoslavia, it was stopped at that time. The students had taken an active part in it and had their demands. As we could see afterwards, they followed the national idea, but they also demanded changes at the Universities, in society and in politics. Therefore, it had some similarity to the movement from 1968, though with a new dimension.

Student movements in Kosovo (1968 – 1981) Talking about student protests in 1968 in Yugoslavia, we mentioned the Priština University and their attitude toward this movement in the country. By the end of that year, they were involved in the larger movement for the independence of Kosovo, and union of all Albanians.31 From 1968 we could speak about “escalation of that nationalism, with the clear tendency to make that problem international”.32 In November 1968 the students from the University of Pristina began protesting for independence, with slogans Smrt srpskim ugnjetavačima (Death to Serbian oppressors). The

30 “Tito je inicirao hrvatsko proljeće” 31 Богдановић, Књига о Косову, 199. 32 Богдановић, Књига о Косову, 200.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 131 protests were broken when police came. With the Constitution of Yugoslavia of 1974 it was decided that Kosovo and Vojvodina would officially be recognized as autonomous provinces, with more rights and privileges. The only difference was that they had fewer delegates in federal government compared with the Republics (⅔ of the delegates in the Federal House of Assembly compared with the delegates from Central Serbia). On 11 March 1981 the big protest escalated in Priština, and began to spread over Kosovo. One of the main centers was the University of Priština.33 The University then had about 20,000 students consisting about 20% of all Albanian people in Kosovo. The main reason was the bad quality of food, and it is symbolic that the protests started in the student canteen. Of course, the main reason for this movement was the one we mentioned before. On signs they had written: “Kosovo Republic” or “Trepča34 works, Belgrade is built“.35 With the intervention of the police, the demonstrations were silenced for a few days, but the fire of revolt was inflamed and didn’t stop. On March 15, Albanians set fire to Pećka Patriarchate, the center of the Serbian church, but nobody was ever held responsible for this. Ten days after, on 25 March, a new wave of demonstrations escalated. This time it was more serious and the police weren’t strong enough to stop it. The secretary for national security requested assistance from the army to get the situation back under control. Admiral of the JNA,36 Branko Mamula, who participated in these events, wrote: “It was the fear of Soviet intervention that was present, because they wanted to secure their presence on the coasts of the Adriatic Sea.”37 This is why the Yugoslavian leadership wanted to hide some of these things from publicity. It was at the military Headquarters, with General Bjelogrlić, Admiral Mamula and others, that a plan of action was put in place.38 The plan was to bring the units in the regions of Peć, Đakovica, Uroševac, Kosovska Mitrovica, and of course, Priština.39 The conflict happened in the last days of the March and the first days of April. Most of the protesters ran away when they heard that tanks were approaching. The problem was left unsolved, and would reappear years later.

33 Богдановић, Књига о Косову, 200. 34 Trepča is a mine in the North West of Kosovo. 35 Богдановић, Књига о Косову, 201. 36 Yugoslav National Army. 37 Mamula, Slučaj Jugoslavija, 2. 38 Mamula, Slučaj Jugoslavija, 2. 39 Mamula, Slučaj Jugoslavija, 2.

132 Student movements in 1990s During the final years of Yugoslavia’s existence the new student movements escalated, especially in Serbia where it once again developed some new characteristics as a result of changes in its organization. Three developments are worthy of note: the anti-regime protests, antiwar protests, and protests against the war in Kosovo. From 1988 to 2000, the anti-regime protests in Serbia, demands for independence of the University and democratization of society, resolution of the situation on Kosovo were the students’ slogans. Their movements were usually connected to opposition movements, but they always had a high level of independence. In 1989 the students and the professors of the Faculty of Liberal Arts from Belgrade University protested because the miners from Kosovo were punished for participating in a strike.40 One year later, they asked the government to solve the problems in Kosovo. These protests were just an overture for bigger protests in the near future. On 9 March 1991, a protest of the opposition called “Plišana revolucija” (Velvet revolution), took the students on to the streets.41 They met at the Terazije,42 and formed a so called “Street parliament”.43 The students’ movement was led by the student Žarko Jokanović and actor Branislav Lečić.44 They demanded the resignation of the director of Radio-Television Belgrade and its four editors, the minister of the police, and they facilitated the work of Radio B92 and NTV Studio B. All these demands were fulfilled, but the conflict escalated anyway. On 11 March, the students came into conflict with the police near Brankov most (Branko’s bridge); some were beaten and others were arrested. Zoran Đinđić negotiated with the government for the release of the arrested students. The protests continued and the government planned to bring tanks on to the streets of Belgrade. The police garrison on the streets was reinforced and the conflicts escalated. Vuk Drašković gave a speech, while on the other side protesters clashed with the police. Seeing this, he claimed that they could not stop by this point and riots became more serious. One policeman and youngster were killed in the fight.45 Following these events, Vuk Drašković was arrested. The movement was supported by Serbian patriarch Pavle, actor Rade Šerbedžija and writer Dušan

40 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 189. 41 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 190. 42 Terazije, the most famous Belgrade square. 43 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 190. 44 Branislav Lečić was for peaceful demonstrations, and he was carrying a panda doll, so the movement was called “Velvet revolution”. 45 Kosanović, “9. mart – Mit o “propuštenoj šansi””.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 133 Kovačević, who held speeches on stage. Meanwhile, the regime held a counter- rally in Ušće,46 with Petar Škundrić, academic Mihailo Marković and others. The protest ended when Vuk Drašković was released. Although it was unsuccessful, it did bring the issues to attention and showed them that they must keep fighting. Vuk Drašković remained one of the main figures in the protests against the regime in the 1990s. The following year, the students’ protests became more serious and well organized and they acted more independently. At the same time, protests against the civil war were held in Belgrade, Sarajevo and other cities.47 It is important to say a few words about these movements to understand the political situation at the time. Protesters in Belgrade protested against the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Vukovar and Dubrovnik in Croatia. The main initiators were public figures such as actors, musicians etc. They took a truck, and drove through Belgrade, turning the streets of the city into one big stage where bands like Električni orgazam (Electric orgasm), EKV (EKV),48 Partibrejkers (Partibreakers),49 were performing.50 The main song was Slušaj ‘vamo (Listen here). These protests divided Serbia, since some people supported the protesters (like Serbian philosopher Radomir Konstantinović), while others were against them (philosopher Dobrica Ćosić, poet Matija Bećković and others). In Sarajevo, the protests were held in March of 1992 and the two students Suada Dilberović and Olga Sučić, were killed by sniper fire on the bridge which now carries the name ‘Suada Dilberović’. These two students are considered to be the first victims in the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The most important student protests were those held in Belgrade during March and June – July of 1992. They were directed against the Law of the University, which supported restrictions in the law regarding the governance of politic activism at the university.51 In March, the students demanded the resignation of Slobodan Milošević, an end to the regime’s control of the media, the introduction of a new law which would guarantee the autonomy of the university and would disclose the names of the students from Belgrade

46 Ušće is a part of Belgrade. Nowadays, the music concerts are held there, as well as other public manifestations. 47 Stojković, Antiratne i mirovne ideje u istoriji Srbije i antiratni pokreti do 2000. godine, 492-493. 48 Abbreviated for Ekatarina Velika, Catherine the Great. 49 Very popular Serbian rock bands from the 1980s, and after. 50 Stojković, Antiratne i mirovne ideje u istoriji Srbije i antiratni pokreti do 2000. godine, 492-493. 51 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 192.

134 University who were killed in the war in Croatia52. As we can see, these demonstrations were characterized by anti-regime feelings and demanded democratization, brought about through greater autonomy of the universities. They were not willing to accept control by the government, as was still the case with the media. In the end, remembering the names of their colleagues who were killed in the war was a moral obligation of both the students and government. Although short-lived, the thread remained unbroken and the main wave of protests came in June and July. On 8 June, they issued the Proclamation of the students of Belgrade;53 their new demands were: the resignation of the President, National Assembly, the replacement of the government with a new government of National Salvation, and the scheduling of multiple elections for the National Assembly. It is important to mention that the students’ demands generally were different to those of the opposition, which were directed purely against the President and the national leadership.54 The organization of the movement was quite good. At the very beginning of the protests, on the 10 June, they formed a committee to organize protests so as to steer the committee and the main board.55 The students from other universities and cities joined the protests. In the building of the Rectorate, they formed the Board of the Serbian University for students’ protests, based on the initiative of students from the University of Niš. The Board consisted of four students from Belgrade, and two from Niš, Kragujevac and Novi Sad. Other groups were also formed for the provision of information, security, blocking lectures on the faculty, logistics, medical support, supply of food and drink, etc.56 The movement also had a supervisory role overseeing finances which included three students.57 It was under the control of the ‘Steering Committee’. They had their own newspapers, Dosta (Enough) and Infootpor (Info resistence), as well as radio stations Index (Index) and B92 (B92). It is known that the media was supporting Slobodan Milošević at the time. This fact and many others contributed to the decline of the movement. The regime was still strong, and these movements were still just beginning, so it required much more time to accomplish their goals. In September the students rebelled again, though this was an isolated incident and didn’t change 52 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 192. 53 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 193. 54 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 193. 55 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 194. 56 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 195. 57 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 196.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 135 anything. The civil war continued, and the eyes of the public were focused on this. These ideas however, were still alive and they remained untill the end of the war (1996). In that year, the election fraud by the regime would bring the students back on to the streets again. The regime held corrupt elections in 1996 which provoked further demonstrations which included thousands of people who rang in the New Year and Christmas on the streets of Belgrade. They demanded an immediate recounting of votes and to find out the truth. Students started demonstrations in the hall of the Electro – Technical Faculty in Belgrade, with the declaration and students’ demands.58 Many student organizations took part in these movements. Common name for these movements was Studentski protesti ‘96 (Student movements ‘96). Their demands were: the resignation of the rector and student vise – chancellor and the formation of an independent commission to determine the election results.59 Their main preoccupation was election fraud, but it was interesting that they didn’t demand the resignation of Slobodan Milošević. This was possibly because of the recent end to the war or they may have blamed Milošević’s advisers; it remains unknown. The students had almost the same boards and the organisations were similar to those before. Only this time they had access to the internet, which was important since they could broadcast information all over the world. Additionally, their newspaper, Otpornik (Resistor), was important and students from other universities helped them. Students from Priština formed a ‘Steering Committee’ to help, while a group of students from the University of Novi Sad came to Belgrade and joined their colleagues in their “walks”, which were one of the trademarks of this protest. For example, one such walk, known as Šetnja mira (Walk of the peace), was towards Dedinje where Slobodan Milošević had his residence and had slogans such as Miro,60 stavi džezvu (Miro, put the coffee pot). Another involved a visit to Tito’s tomb in the House of Flowers, since they were saying that Milošević was Tito’s ‘son’, alluding to his way of governance, and therefore requesting that the father bring reason his son. Especially interesting was the ceremony of a funeral for the university which had died. They had a full ceremony, with the ark, procession and other things.61 Patriarch Pavle supported the students once more and these protests were quieter compared with those of before, possibly because of the winter.

58 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 202. 59 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 202. 60 Mira Marković, wife of Slobodan Milošević. 61 Tomić et al., Društvo u pokretu, 205.

136 In 1998 – 2000, students took part in protests against President Slobodan Milošević took place. The bad financial situation, unstable condition in Kosovo and election fraud at the end, were key drivers of these moves. The students formed the movement Otpor (Resistence), which was financed by the West. It was formed in October 1998 as a result of new laws regarding the universities. The leaders of this student movement were Srđa Popović,62 Čedomir Antić63 and many others. Their campaign had slogans like Gotov je (He’s done). The organization of the movement was the same as those of before. The Serbian patriarch Pavle and Dobrica Ćosić once again supported protesters. They had support from other universities which had become common throughout these protests. In the final year of the demonstrations they clashed with the police and in April many of them were arrested. On 23 May, the regime responded to these events by sending masked men to break into the buildings of the University in Belgrade and beat a couple of the students.64 Nobody was ever tried in court and the case was never opened. Following this, the movement was renamed Narodni pokret Otpor (National Resistance movement), so it wasn’t just a student movement, but a national movement.65 As these events unfolded, Slobodan Milošević announced elections for 24 September. His rivals were Vojislav Koštunica, candidate of DOS (Democrat opposition party) and Drašković’s candidate Vojislav Mihajlović, grandson of chetnik leader Draža Mihajlović.66 By announcement of the electoral commission, Koštunica won 48% of the votes and Milošević 40%. The opposition was discontent because they announced that they had won 56%, and Milošević 35%, so they demanded recognition of their victory. Milošević announced that there would be second round of the elections, scheduled on 8 October and the opposition reacted. Together with the students, they came out on to the streets at the beginning of October. The most important date was 5 October, when they took the National Assembly and building of the national television broadcaster. Milošević ordered the army to attack Belgrade with tanks, but they disobeyed the command.67 The next day he resigned. His regime was dismantled and the opposition formed the leadership, with Vojislav Koštunica as the president and

62 Апостоловски, “Ненасилни борац,” 2. 63 Serbian historian and politician. 64 Ramet, The three Yugoslavias, 519. 65 Ramet, The three Yugoslavias, 520. 66 Ramet, The three Yugoslavias, 521. 67 Ramet, The three Yugoslavias, 523.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 137 Zoran Đinđić as prime – minister.68 The movement “Otpor” (Resistence), later became a political party and member and leader, Boris Tadić, later became the president of Serbia.

Conclusion As we can see, the student movements always took an important place in public opinion. Changing the social picture of the state, democratization, autonomy and reforms of the university, were similar goals that connected all these movements. Supporting the national idea and national ideology was one of their characteristics, but it wasn’t always present. Sometimes they were in the hands of other powerful organizations, but it is important to say that they always had their own ideas, ways and demands. Their “independence” was one of the specifics of their movements. The cooperation between the universities was also one of the key achievements of the movements. The universities were supporting each other and examples of the converse being true were rare. The student movements quickly developed a high level of logistical organization, systemized propaganda and internal organization. They showed the people in other cities in Serbia what the regime of Slobodan Milošević really was, since the media propaganda presented him as purely as a good man, while the opposition presented him in a strictly bad light.

Bibliography Апостоловски, Александар, Ненасилни борац, Политикаonline, http:// www.politika.rs/rubrike/Politika/Nenasilni-borac.sr.html, [23/12/2012] “Демонстрације студената у Новом Београду,” Политика, број 19635, година LXV, уторак 4. јуни 1968. Kosanović, Dušan, “9. mart – Mit o “propuštenoj šansi,”” B92, http://www. naslovi.net/2011-03-09/b92/9-mart-mit-o-propustenoj-sansi/2387387, [24/12/2012] Jandrić, Berislav, “Izbor iz inozemnog tiska o studentskim demonstracijama u Jugoslaviji 1968. godine,” Dijalog povjesničara-istoričara 6 (2002), 297- 313. Jandrić, Berislav, “Studentske demonstracije od 3. do 11. lipnja 1968. i stavovi članova Saveza komunista Hrvatske Filozofskog fakulteta u Zagrebu,” Dijalog povjesničara-istoričara 5 (2011), 391-408.

68 Ramet, The three Yugoslavias, 525.

138 Богдановић, Димитрије, Књига о Косову, САНУ, Књига DLXVI, Београд, 1986. Mamula, Branko, “Slučaj Jugoslavija 2,” http://www.vreme.com/arhiva_ html/489/11.html, [22/12/2012]. Petranović, Branko, Istorija Jugoslavije 1918-1978, Beograd 1980. Ramet, Sabina, The three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918 – 2005, http://www.google.com/search?q=the+three+yugoslavias&btnG =Pretra%C5%BEi+knjige&tbm=bks&tbo=1&hl=hr. [24/12/2012] Stojković, Dragan, Antiratne i mirovne ideje u istoriji Srbije i antiratni pokreti do 2000. godine, Republika 492 – 493, http://www.republika. co.rs/492-493/20.html, [23/12/2012] “Tito je inicirao hrvatsko proljeće,” http://www.jutarnji.hr/-tito-je-inicirao- hrvatsko-proljece-/164538. [23/12/2012] Tomić, Đorđe et al., Društvo u pokretu – Novi društveni pokreti u Jugoslaviji od 1968 do danas, Novi Sad: Cenzura, 2009. Ustav Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije. http://hr.wikisource.org/ wiki/Ustav_Socijalisti%C4%8Dke_Federativne_Republike_Jugoslavije (1974), [22/12/2012]

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 139 UDC 94-056.26 "1880" (091) Professional Paper

Victory of Oralism: The Milan Congress 1880

Barbora Hrubá, University of Prague ISHA Prague, [email protected]

The following short chapter focuses on the “war of methods“ in the education of the deaf, namely the manual or French method invented by abbé Charles- Michel de l’Epée and the oral or German method invented by Samuel Heinicke. Debates about which of these methods is more efficient in tuition of the deaf according to gained knowledge and social abilities were ended in the year 1880 at the Congress at Milan. The oral method prevailed at the congress though it wasn’t accepted and respected in general and the congress is considered to have been the beginning of the dark times for the deaf, resulting in oppression and intolerance.

Disability, especially the education of the disabled, was never at the centre of attention of historians. But nowadays the situation is slowly changing, topics that were marginal before are becoming more and more popular. The attitude of previous historians can cause serious trouble to researchers interested in these things. The most crucial of these is a lack of sources. For this paper, most of the sources used were written in English, largely due to its accessibility. Another reason is that the biggest research and publishing centre is Gallaudet University in Washington DC. More information about hearing disability in general can also be found through the World Health Organisation or WFD – World Federation of the Deaf. Over the next few pages, a brief summary of the manual and oral method as the main methods in teaching the deaf are presented, with a look at the second international congress of teachers of the deaf which took place in Milan in 1880. The congress was a crucial and heavily criticised moment in the history of education of the deaf. The “war of methods” was mainly based on attitudes towards definition of language and the connection between language and thinking. Oralists were convinced that language code can only be articulated speech and thinking can be accomplished only through words of spoken language. On the other hand, manualists admitted that language as a communication code can have different forms. 140 The two main methods for teaching the deaf, French manual and German oral method, crystallised in the second half of the eighteenth century. Their very famous fathers are abbé Charles-Michel de l’Epée and Samuel Heinicke.

Charles-Michel de l’Epée Inventor of the French or manual method was abbé Charles-Michel de l’Epée (1712 – 1789). He, as a priest, couldn’t stand the thought that deaf people would end up in Hell because of their unfamiliarity with the sacraments.1 That’s why he devoted himself to teaching the deaf, using manual sign language, which he considered as the most natural way for his students to express themselves, using their mother tongue.2 He considered any kind of communication to be somehow artificial,3 for him signing and articulated speech was on the same significance level. De l’Epée and his students created a wide system of signs that consisted of signs used by the deaf spontaneously and signs that he invented himself completed by writing and the finger alphabet.4 Abbé de l’Epée put a lot of effort into inventing a way to exchange abstract ideas with his students. He wasn’t strictly against teaching them how to speak, but he believed that thinking wasn’t only possible in words but also in signs.5 He also developed a way of showing basic grammar, for example tense, person etc.6 The method l’Epée developed, known as “French” or “manual”, soon became famous worldwide. He laid the foundations of the sign languages used nowadays. In the year 1760 he met two deaf sisters, their teacher had recently died and l’Epée immediately offered to become their tutor.7 The same year he opened the first educational shelter for non-privileged deaf in Paris, which aimed at educating those who couldn’t afford private teachers. In 1770 the institution was named Institution Nationale des Sords-Muets.8 The school was sponsored by the state but the amount of money given by Louis XVI wasn’t enough so it 1 Sturley, Milan 1880. 2 Hrubý, Průvodce, 54. 3 Marschark and Spencer, Deaf Studies, Language and Education, 12. 4 Mázerová, Kultura, 6. 5 Hrubý, Průvodce, 54. 6 Marschark and Spencer, Deaf Studies, Language and Education, 13. 7 Mázerová, Kultura, 7.; Hrubý, Průvodce, 53. says it happend in around 1765; Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 52.; according to Hrubý, Průvodce, 53. their mother had to beg him to teach her daughters. 8 Hrubý, Průvodce, 53.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 141 was financed mainly from abbés own financial resources.9 These twins became his first students. He took care not only of his students’ education, but he was also provided them with clothing and alimentation. The house soon became the largest institution of its kind.10 Here he was using his manual method for transmission of information and knowledge from different domains, from mathematics to Latin and catechism, to his protégés.11 Tutors from all around the world were visiting his school so as to become familiar with his way of teaching which they then used at their home institutions.12 After his death Roch Ambroise Sicard became head of the institution.13

Samuel Heinicke The inventor of the German or oral method was teacher Samuel Heinicke (1729 – 1790). His method was based on the spoken word. He thought that people can be socialised only through articulated speech, because of this he was strictly against inventing and teaching the deaf any kind of signing.14 Heinicke also considered speech as the basis for thinking; especially abstract thinking.15 His main goal was to teach the deaf to speak. Heinicke regarded the ability of articulated speech even more important than education in other fields of knowledge.16 Oral method is very strict, it’s forbidden to use signs at any time, also reading and writing is unacceptable, it is possible to use it but only at the early beginning of tuition, due to the opinion that students would become too lazy to learn to articulate.17 After leaving the military in the year 1754 Heinicke started teaching a deaf boy using mainly writing and speaking.18 They were separated during the Seven-Year War because Samuel Heinicke was held captive in a Prussian prison.19 In the year 1769 he became a teacher in Eppendorf where he also held

9 Marschark and Spencer, Deaf Studies, Language and Education, 12. ; Hrubý, Průvodce, 53. 10 Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 52. 11 Mázerová, Kultura, 7. 12 Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 53. 13 Hrubý, Průvodce, 54. 14 Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 54.; according to Mázerová, Kultura, 6. he wasn’t strictly against signing. 15 Marschark and Spencer, Deaf Studies, Language and Education, 13. 16 Hrubý, Průvodce, 199. 17 Hrubý, Průvodce, 200-201. 18 Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 53. 19 Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 53.; Hrubý, Průvodce, 55.

142 lectures for deaf students.20 Soon he started to think about opening a special school for the deaf which he did in the year 1778, when the first institution was opened in Leipzig, Germany.21 At the beginning he was using the Amman method which he improved upon, thanks to the experience he gained by tuition practise.22 The “German” or “oral” method came into existence. Heinicke was also using the sense of taste with his students; certain tastes were connected with certain vowels.23

War of Methods In the year 1782, Heinicke and l’Epée began their correspondence with each other.24 Through letters they presented their methods and argued about them.25 Even though abbé l’Epeé understood German it was hard for him to understand Heinickes letters, so the rest of the correspondence was in Latin.26 They were constantly trying to convince each other that their own method was better and more efficient. The first time they presented their methods to the Academy in Zurich, the manual method gained victory over the oral method.27 Teachers across the world were divided into two groups depending on whether they supported the French or German method, but still most of them preferred a combined system. Tutors regularly discussed methods of the education of the deaf at congresses with the first international congress taking place in Paris in the year 1878.28 The second one was two years later in Milan.29 The main goal and topic of the congress at Milan was to decide between these two methods. The resolutions of congress determined the way of education in the schools for deaf students until half way through the twentieth century.

20 Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 54. 21 Hrubý, Průvodce, 55.; Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 54. 22 Marschark and Spencer, Deaf Studies, Language and Education, 13.; Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 54. 23 Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 54. 24 Hrubý, Průvodce, 55. 25 Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 55.; Marschark and Spencer, Deaf Studies, Language and Education, 13.; Mázerová, Kultura, 8. 26 Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 55. 27 Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 55. 28 Moores, Partners in Education, 3. 29 Moores, Partners in Education, 3.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 143 Viva la parola! The first international congress of teachers of the deaf took place in the year 1878 in Paris. This congress was a small event, with just a few participants and without any great importance, but the first ideas that later led to the conclusions made in Milan two years later, were formulated here. Both congresses (in Paris and in Milan) were organised and financed by Pereire Society;30 tangibly by Isaac and Eugene Pereire, descendants of Jacob Rodrigue Pereire, oralist and the biggest opponent of abbé de l’Epée.31 Both were very wealthy and were trying to honour the heritage of their ancestor. Their main goal was to ensure that the oral method would be the only acceptable method in the education of the deaf. At the congress in Paris they were trying, with the help of Marius Magnat, to convince teachers who supported combined system, to use the oral method.32 They didn’t have much success, so they decided to organise the congress at Milan which would completely serve their purpose, and it did. Milan was chosen intentionally because of the co-operation of Pereire Society with two oralist schools there.33 Everything in Milan was subordinated to the domination of oralism. Even though the programme was wider, there were many questions from different fields to be discussed. These topics can be summarised into four main categories: organisation of institutions – housing and study materials, formal sides of teaching, methods, special objections.34 From these categories, discussions were held regarding topics such as whether or not the school should be a boarding school or a day school, how long should one lesson last, etc.35 but still, the discussion about the methods completely dominated the whole congress. Participants were also chosen according to their attitude towards methods causing an obvious imbalance, for example there were forty-six participants from two schools in Milan, but only five representatives from USA, who actually represented fifty-one schools with circa six thousand students.36 The congress was distinguished by a lack of supporters of the manual method. And even those who were present weren’t treated very well. Their speeches were ridiculed and derided, meanwhile

30 Moores, Partners in Education, 3. 31 Sturley, Milan 1880. 32 Sturley, Milan 1880. 33 Gallaudet, The Milan Convention, 1. 34 Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 84-86.; Sturley, Milan 1880. 35 Eriksson, The History of Deaf People, 84-86.; Sturley, Milan 1880. 36 Gallaudet, The Milan Convention, 3.

144 oralists were cordially applauded.37 A part of the programme was also a visit to the oralist schools in Milan and a theatre performance of the deaf students. These visits were clearly arranged so that oralist teachers could demonstrate their success with deaf students, but the performance was untruthful, it wasn’t clear if these students had lost their hearing during their life or if they had been deaf for all of their life; also it was forbidden for anybody besides chosen teachers to ask any questions and sometimes students made mistakes, which made it clear that they had learnt answers by heart.38 During the congress, delegates held several speeches about their preference of method mainly based on their own experiences. As was already mentioned, the preference of the oral method was intentionally dominant. They were using different arguments, for example: the oral method offers better mental development. “The memory is exercised, the powers of observation and reasoning are cultivated, habits of attention and studiousness are being fostered.”39 Oralists believed that their method enabled the deaf to think better, that the knowledge of speech and lip reading gave them the ability to learn more; sometimes even better than hearing children. Another argument was better socialisation, in other words, the deaf can be, once they learn to speak, in contact with anybody, not just the closest people around them.40 They can be taught and educated the same way as hearing pupils and also they “can recese Divine Truth from the lips of the ordinary pastor, and be solaced by his words in the hours of sickness and death“.41 It was also pointed out that through speech, students are in contact with real language, with all redundant expressions, metaphors, idioms etc.42 Sign language in this case is regarded as brief and contracted, or in other words, poor and unshaped. Other important argument for oralism was that when pupils leave school, where they were taught by this method, they wouldn’t stagnate or worsen, but rather they would improve their communication skills.43 The attitude hidden behind these arguments is the willingness to “normalise” the deaf. This normalisation and integration into society can be done only through spoken language. The main

37 Sturley, Milan 1880. 38 Sturley, Milan 1880.; Gallaudet, The Milan Convention, 4. 39 Ackers, Mental Development, 6. 40 Ackers, Mental Development, 10. 41 Hull, My experience of Various Methods, 18. 42 Hull, My experience of Various Methods, 12. 43 Ackers, Advantages to the Deaf, 11.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 145 purpose was to efface their difference.44 Teachers at the congress didn’t reflect on the fact that the oral method is efficient primarily for people with residual hearing or for those who became deaf during their life. During the congress, the delegates accepted eight resolutions. The result was clear dominance of the oral method. Only a few participants supported the manual method and just a few remained unshakable supporters of a combined one; they didn’t even get a chance to put through their opinions and attitudes. The congress at Milan accomplished its primary purpose; oralism became the only officially acknowledged method of teaching the deaf. Even though the manual or combined method didn’t disappear, the congress is widely criticised. The year 1880 is regarded as a triumph of oralism, and a catastrophe in the world of hearing disability. Education became focused mainly on the ability of articulated speech.45 Signing teachers all around the world were replaced by oralists, the amount of children in classes was reduced due to the better environment for lip reading, in some schools children were punished for signing, manualist schools had to reform or were closed down etc.46 The consequences of the Milan congress were mainly ruinous. Some people had serious psychical problems because of their inability to learn to speak and inability to communicate, with public attitudes towards deaf becoming unpleasant.

Swan song of oralism Only after a number of years did it become apparent that the oral method was very ineffective. A decisive fight against oralism began in the 1970s when William Stokoe proved that sign language is a full-value language with all appurtenances.47 In the year 1988 there was a crucial uprising at the Gallaudet University. The reason was that since its founding in the year 1864, the university had always had a hearing president.48 The demonstrators succeeded and I. King Jordan became the first deaf president.49 This was the first big demonstration of the deaf as a strong cultural phenomenon. Deaf people stood together in mute, calling for their rights. One of their demands was to bring sign language back to schools and to every-day communication. 44 Branson and Miller, Damned for Their Difference, 155. 45 Branson and Miller, Damned for Their Difference, 168. 46 Sturley, Milan 1880. 47 Sturley, Milan 1880. 48 Zames Fleischer and Zames, Disability Rights Movement, 28. 49 Zames Fleischer and Zames, Disability Rights Movement, 28.

146 Progress towards this was achieved slowly and during the twentieth century, the combined method became globally dominant. In July 2010 at the 21st International congress for deaf education, all resolutions from Milan were officially rejected.50

Bibliography Branson, Jan and Miller, Don. Damned for their Difference: The Cultural Construction of Deaf People as Disabled. Washington, D.C.: Gallaudet University Press, 2002. Eriksson, Per. The History of Deaf People: A Source Book. Örebro: Daufr, 1993. Gallaudet, Edward Miner. “The Milan Convention.” American Annals of the Deaf 26 (1881): 1 – 16. Hrubý, Jaroslav. Velký ilustrovaný průvodce neslyšících a nedoslýchavých po jejich vlastním osudu, I. Praha: Federace rodičů a přátel sluchově postižených: Septima, 1997-1998. Hull, Susanna E. My Experience of Various Methods of Educating the Deaf- Born. 1880. Marschark, Marc, and Spencer, Patricia Elizabeth. Oxford Handbook of Deaf Studies, Language and Education. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2005. Mázerová, Romana. Kultura komunity neslyšících v České republice: Nástin historie komunity neslyšících do roku 1938. Budapest: Open Society Institute: Center For Publishing Development, 1999. http://rss.archives. ceu.hu/archive/00001035/01/36.pdf. [28/12/2012] Moores, Donald F., ed. Partners in Education: Issues and Trends from the 21st International Congress on Education of the Deaf. Gallaudet University Press, 2011. St. John Ackers, Benjamin. Advantages to the Deaf of the “German” System in After Life. Gloucestershire: University of Gloucestershire, 1880. St. John Ackers, Mrs. Mental Development of the Deaf under the “German” System. 1880. http://doc.wrlc.org/bitstream/handle/1961/10206/Output. pdf?sequence=3 [28/12/2012] Sturley, Nick. Milan 1880. http://www.milan1880.com/milan1880history/ beforemilan1880.html. [17/12/2012] Zames Fleischer, Doris and Zames, Frieda. The Disability Rights Movement: From Charity to Confrontation. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2011.

50 Sturley, Milan 1880.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 147 UDC 94(497.5-3Istra)"1941/1945" UDC 323.281(497.5-3Istra=131.1)(091) Original Scientific Paper

The representation of thefoibe and Italian exodus from Istria in the fictional drama,Il cuore nel pozzo

Ivan Jeličić, University of Trieste ISHA Trieste-Koper, [email protected]

The violence in the autumn of 1943 and the violence at the end of the Second World War in the Julian March were traumatic events in the history of Istria. This was particulary the case for the local Italians. These events were followed by the flight of almost all the Italians. This was due to the difficulty of remaining in what was their homeland. Italians had been the ascendent class, while Croatians and Slovenians had been nationally and politically oppressed. In the aftermath of the Second World War this territory became a part of communist Yugoslavia where the power was held by the Croatians and Slovenians while the Italians no longer held political power. The story of this people and these lands remained unknown for reasons of a political nature. This was until the Italian state decided to take an interest in the history of this forgotten territory that once was Italian. The best way to tell a story is to make a film, or in this case a work of fiction, based on those events. The problem is how objective can this kind of artistic work be and what is the message presented to the audience.

Introduction The foibe (sing. foiba) are very deep natural pits typical to the karsic terrain. Italian historiography uses the term foibe to refer to the mass violence perpetrated on civilians and armed forces, mainly Italians, in different parts of the Julian March in the autumn of 1943 and the spring of 1945 which resulted in several thousand victims.1 The term has a symbolical meaning and not literal as only a relatively small number of bodies ended up in the pits.2 In Croatian and Slovenian historiography the term is not so frequently used and generally it is used with a literal meaning.3

1 In Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 2. 2 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 2-5. 3 For the use and the interpretation of the events regarding the foibe and the exodus in the Croatian historiography see Dota, Zaraćeno poraće, 57-102. For the Slovenian historiograhpy see the use of the term foibe in the Report of the Slovene-Italian historical and cultural commission where it is used twice and not with the symbolical meaning.

148 The exodus of the giuliano-dalmati, or the incorrectly (but often used) term istrian exodus,4 are the names with biblical connotations given by the Italians of the Julian March to describe the departure of more than 250.000 people,5 mainly Italians. This came to pass in the period from 1944 until the end of the Fifties, in the territories that came under Yugoslavian control.6 Such use of the term is consolidated in the Italian historiography and is now partially used even in the Croatian and Slovenian historiography alongside terms such as optants or emigrants.7 These tragic events remained basically unknown for years mostly for political reasons (talking about this subject would put on question many unresolved issues such as the responsibility for the committed crimes before, during, and after the Second World War, therefore it would put on question the stable relations between Italy and Yugoslavia after the 1954) and they were limitedly known by the majority of the Italian public.8 In March 2004 the Italian government with the Legge n. 92 del 30 marzo 2004 established on the 10 February the Giorno del Ricordo,9 an organisation for the conservation and remembrance of the tragedy the foibe, of the giuliano-dalmata exodus and of the more complex events of the eastern border.10 This organisation was created as a moral compensation for the esuli.11 With the Treaty of Osimo (1975) which finally sanctioned diplomatically the division of the Free Territory of Trieste, the esuli positioned themselves to the right and the right-of-centre political forces.12 On the eve of the first Giorno del Ricordo, in 2005, an Italian public television station (RAI) broadcast the fictional drama Il cuore nel pozzo.13 It was shown also on Croatian and Slovenian television, which had raised

4 The author of this text decided to use the term Istrian exodus and not giuliano-dalmata exodus as the fiction he is analyzing is set in Istria. 5 The author decided to use the number given by Raoul Pupo in Il lungo esodo even if the Croatian and Italian historiography give different numbers. 6 Pupo, Il lungo esodo, 13. 7 Dota, Zaraćeno poraće, 24. 8 Pupo, Il lungo esodo, 17-24. 9 Remebrance/Memorial Day. Due to ambiguity with the Giorno della Memoria the right use of the term in English is National Memorial Day of the Exiles and Foibe. 10 Cattaruzza, L’Italia e il confine orientale, 362. Text of the law: Legge 30 marzo 2004, n. 92, “Istituzione del «Giorno del ricordo»”. 11 Exiled, those who had gone in exile. 12 Cattaruzza, L’Italia e il confine orientale, 362. 13 The heart in the Well even though the fictional work is mentioned asThe heart in the pit. The word Well alludes to the foibe. The translation of the film in Croatian is “Srce u jami” and in Slovenian “Srce v breznu”.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 149 tensions within the Italian public and even more so amongst the Croatians and Slovenians.14 The intention of this brief text is to historically present the events regarding the foibe and the giuliano-dalmata exodus and then see how this problem was presented in this fiction and what message it conveyed to the public.

Preliminary remarks At the end of the First World War the Italian army reached the armistice line, fixed by the Villa Giusti armistice, which substantially coincided with the territories promised her by the Treaty of London, signed in 1915.15 This was a multilingual and multiethnic region, a possession of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and inhabited mostly by Italians, Croatians and Slovenians. Control passed to the Italian military government.16 What was once the Austrian Littoral, with some territorial adjustments, now became the Venezia Giulia,17 a term that had been created by the Italian comparative philologists Graziadio Isaia Ascoli in 1863 to describe the Austrian region inhabited by Italians. The Italian military government would soon start with actions of actively integrating these territories into the Kingdom of Italy which would only be legally formalized with the signing of the Treaty of Rapallo in November 1920.18 The province would be further enlarged with addition of the city of Fiume/Rijeka with the signing of the Treaty of Rome in January 1924. The Julian March became fertile ground for violent fascist combat groups against the Croatians, Slovenians and socialists before fascism actually took power in 1922.19 After the fascists rose to power, the new regime would

14 Some polemic articles in Italian, Croatian, Serbian and Slovenian are available on the internet: Marcel Štefančič jr, “Slovani prihajajo!”; Drago Hedl, “Le foibe viste dalla Croazia”; Slobodan Kostić, “Bulajićev negativ”; “43 posto gledatelja slovenske televizije gledalo “Srce u jami””; “Film “Srce u jami” loše utječe na odnose Slovenije i Italije”; ”Foibe la fiction delle polemiche”. 15 Todero, “La Grande Guerra nella Venezia Giulia”, 46. 16 According to the Austrian census of 1910, based on the used language and variously disputed, in the Austrian Littoral lived 978.385 inhabitants of whom 421.444 Italians, 327.230 Slovenians and 152.500 Croatians quoted from I viaggi di Erodoto, fascicolo 34, volume 12, anno 1998, 151. 17 The term used in English is Venetian March. For considerations involving the name: Dota, Zaraćeno poraće, 7-9. 18 Todero, “La Grande Guerra nella Venezia Giulia”, 46-52.; Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 30.; Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20. stoljeća (1918.-1947.), 16-20. 19 Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 32. Emblem of the violence was the burning down of the Narodni dom – National Hall of the Slovenians of the city of Trieste/Trst the 13 July 1920.

150 do its best to denationalize the non-Italian population. It closed down Slovenian and Croatian schools, cultural, social and sporting associations, prohibited Slovenian and Croatian newspapers, and prohibited the use of Croatian and Slovenian in public and churches. The names and surnames of the population and toponyms were Italianized with the intent of creating a homogeneous border.20 In this situation a large number of Slovenians and Croatians emigrated to the nearby Kingdom of Serbs, Croatia and Slovenia (later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia), and other foreign countries.21 The Croatian and Slovenian populations reacted in different ways against this. Some decided to join illegal groups such as the TIGR/Borba, which fought against the regime and for national liberation with violent methods.22 Few accepted the process of assimilation and the fascist regime.23 In the April 1941 the Axis forces invaded Yugoslavia which resulted in an expansion of Italian territories; creating the provinces of Lubiana, Spalato and Cattaro, while the provinces of Fiume and Zara were enlarged.24 The Axis occupation lead to the creation of the Yugoslav Peoples Liberation Movement- NOP,25 lead by the Communist Party, which spread fighting into parts of the Julian March. The fascist regime continued with a policy of Italianization and assimilation in the new annexed territories and fought back the Resistance movement with internment and reprisals against the civil population.26 The border line created in 1941 remained fixed until the 8th of September 1943, when the armistice signed by the Kingdom of Italy was announced. The armistice created disorder when the Italian soldiers found themselves defeated which resulted with the end of the Italian control over the Julian March. In this way Resistance elements took power in the zones that were abandoned by the Italian state structures and not immediately re-occupied by the Wehrmacht.27

20 Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 32-33; Goldstein, Hrvatska 1918.-2008., 131-132; Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20. stoljeća (1918.-1947.), 45-48. 21 Goldstein, Hrvatska 1918.-2008., 132; Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 31. 22 Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20. stoljeća (1918.-1947.), 49-51. 23 Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 33-34. 24 Cattaruzza, L’Italia e il confine orientale, 209. 25 Narodnooslobodilački pokret – NOP 26 Cattaruzza, L’Italia e il confine orientale, 212-233. E. g. Concentration camp of Arbe/ Rab where from the 28 July until the 8 September around 15,000 people passed through while 1,447 died. The author quotes the figures from Kovačić, Hvati, Slovenci i Židovi u koncentracijskom logoru Kampor na Rabu. 27 Cattaruzza, L’Italia e il confine orientale, 241-243.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 151 The Events of 1943 From the 8 until the 13 of September Istria was almost entirely liberated through insurgence by the fascist government.28 Other parts of the Julian March were immediately captured by the German forces such as the cities of Pola/Pula, Trieste/Trst, and Fiume/Rijeka.29 This insurgence, or insurgences,30 were a mass movement against fascism and also a national uprising of the Istrian Croats which was initially out of control of the local Croatian communists.31 There were many different provisional organisations which were often in competition with each other.32 In a second phase, the local NOP took the power and organized the provincial Peoples Liberation Committee – NOO33 which declared on the 13 September the union of Istria to the Croatian motherland and thus to the new Yugoslavia. This was a strong symbolic act, without diplomatic value, that created disquiet in the local Italians.34 The new provisional authorities arrested local fascists, and representatives and employees of the Italian state. This was occasionally due to a supposed ambiguity between their position and membership of the fascist party35 and/or because they held positions of power. This power was resented by the Croatian population because it was considered as anti-Croatian.36 The Italians were considered guilty for crimes against the population and/or for being part of the “criminal” fascist regime. The majority of those arrested were brought to the Pisino/Pazin prison where some of them were executed, often without trial. Others, with or without trial, had been killed in other locations, most of these took place in front of natural and bauxite caves where they had been disposed of.37 The arrests and the killings were not solely motivated by the anger accumulated against the fascist regime; in central Istria they were related to the strong resentment of the Croatian population,38 in the area of Albona/Labin 28 Goldstein, Hrvatska 1918.-2008., 318. 29 Cattaruzza, L’Italia e il confine orientale, 242 and Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 7. 30 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 8. 31 Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20. stoljeća (1918.-1947.), 77 ; Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 7-8. 32 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 8. 33 Narodnooslobodilački Odbor. 34 Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20. stoljeća (1918.-1947.), 77-84. ; Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 7-10. 35 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 10-11. 36 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 10 ; Pupo, “Foibe”, 185. 37 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 12-13 ; Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20. stoljeća (1918.- 1947.), 78. 38 Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20.stoljeća (1918.-1947.), 77, 120.

152 the violence was perpetrated against Italian landowners, and in other areas of Istria were linked to the resentment of the population.39 There were also cases of personal revenges and few women became victims of the violence.40 After the arrival of the partisans in the coastal cities of West Istria, where the power was first taken by Italian provisional committees, the repression was enlarged against the “class enemies” or “enemies of the people”. In this case people were killed solely because they were considered enemies of the new communist authorities.41 The intent of such killings was the disposing of political enemies, mainly Italians, those who were against the creation of a communist state and/or the annexation to the new Yugoslavia.42 It is also important to mention that the number of deaths increased with the arrival of the Germans.43 In the second week of October the German forces occupied all the aforementioned territories killing several hundred civilians44 and establishing the Operationszone Adriatisches Küstenland. Historians estimate that the total number of deaths before the German occupation were around 500 to 800.45 The number of bodies actually exhumed was 217 from 31 foibe or other caves. It must noted also that some were killed and thrown into the sea or in caves that are difficult to search, and to thus find bodies.46

The Events of 1945 With the Second World War approaching its end, the Yugoslav forces sought to liberate what they considered their national territories. This also meant that they had to liberate entire Julian March from the German forces, and above all: the city of Trieste/Trst. The majority of the Italian population perceived the Yugoslav presence as an occupation, except the procommunist Italians, while the Croatians and Slovenians, except few anticommunists, saw

39 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 10-11. 40 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 11-12; Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20. stoljeća (1918.- 1947.), 78, 120-121. 41 Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20 . stoljeća (1918.-1947.), 121.; Pupo, “Foibe”, 186. 42 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 13. 43 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 12.; Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20 . stoljeća (1918.- 1947.), 78. 44 Cattaruzza, L’Italia e il confine orientale, 246-247. Cattaruzza is quoting Yugoslav sources that estimate the number of victims at 4.500. 45 Different numbers are given by Pupo and Spazzali,Foibe , 26, Cattaruzza, L’Italia e il confine orientale, 244. ; Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20.stoljeća (1918.-1947.), 121. 46 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 26-27.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 153 their arrival as liberation.47 The Yugoslav army arrived in Trieste/Trst on the 1 May, fighting against the German troops, in a town where there were two small resistance groups formed shortly before, one procommunist and the other proitalian48. The New Zealand’s troop arrived the next day stopping the possible Yugoslav annexation of Trieste/Trst. The town remained under the control of the Yugoslav army until the 12 June, period which remained in the local Italian collective memory as the darkest in the city history.49 The Yugoslav army arrested all those considered as enemies, primarily armed groups. German troops, armed members of the RSI,50 the Guardia civica,51 police officers, the financial police, etc… Even though some individuals were not responsible for crimes against civilians they were frequently arrested because of the collective guilt for being members of enemy troops or being part of the nazi-fascist state structures.52 There were fascists and local collaborators arrested, but also members of the Italian anti-fascist movement or other Italian figures as they assumed hostile to the new Yugoslavia. On the foundation of drawn up lists, the OZNA53 arrested political enemies, such as anticommunists and those opposed to the annexation of these territories by Yugoslavia. There are also cases where acts of personal revenge were carried out or where people took matters into their own hands.54 As Raoul Pupo explained, the victims were not attacked because they were ethnic Italians, but because they were considered as Italians because of their political affiliations, however these two terms could have been confused.55 In general the executions of those arrested took place during the first two weeks. Afterwards from then onwards, people were in the main deported. The majority were deported to prisons or concentration camps such as the Borovnica camp in Slovenia created for the armed forces of the opposing forces. On the long marches to these camps in these camps some of the prisoners died

47 Pupo, Trieste 45’, 155-162.; Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 36-37. 48 Cattaruzza, L’Italia e il confine orientale, 283-286. 49 Pupo, Trieste 45’, 171. 50 Repubblica Sociale Italiana – Italian Social Republic, puppet state of Nazi Germany which lasted from September 1943 until April 1945. 51 Civic guard, armed forces of the city of Trieste/Trst that served the Germans during their occupation. 52 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 15-17. 53 Odjeljenje za zaštitu naroda – The Department of National Security, the Yugoslav secret police. 54 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 17-22. 55 Pupo, Trieste 45’, 234-235.

154 as a result of the difficult conditions. Some of them prisoners were processed by the Yugoslav tribunals were eventually allowed to return home.56 The estimated number of people arrested in 1945 by the Yugoslav authorities is between 6,000 and 10,000,57 for the cities of Trieste/Trst and Gorizia/Gorica. It is estimated that a few thousand of them did not return to their homes. Most of the violence took place in the cities of Trieste/Trst, Gorizia/Gorica and Fiume/Rijeka.58 There was not as much violence in Istria although the number of victims is estimated to around 300, while for the city of Fiume/Rijeka and Sušak the number is estimated to around 500.59

The exodus From 1944 and until the end of the Fifties, the Italian population had almost completely forsaken the Yugoslav part of the Julian March and Dalmatia. A new study by Olinto Mileta Mattiuz, an Italian demographer, estimates that in this period almost 280,000 decided to leave their homes.60 Chronologically the beginning of the exodus is the so-called black exodus. After the fall of Mussolini on the 25 July 1943 fascists and collaborators decided to flee the Julian March,61 but this phenomenon was limited and is not considered as the main exodus.62 The first real exodus is the mass departure from the city of Zara/Zadar in 1944 after the town was bombed badly by the Allies. It differs from other situations as citizens were forced to leave their homes during the war because of the Allied bombings. They did not return afterwards as their decimated city came under the control of the Yugoslavian forces.63 The mass emigration from Fiume/Rijeka, where most of the migration took place, occurred a few years after the arrival of the new Yugoslav powers.64 According to the Belgrade Agreement, signed on the 9 June 1945, the majority of the Julian March was to be divided into two military zones: Zone A controlled by the Anglo-Americans and Zone B controlled by the Yugoslavs. After a short 40 days of Yugoslav rule 56 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 15-20. 57 Pupo, Trieste 45’, 230. 58 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 184. 59 Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20.stoljeća (1918.-1947.), 122. 60 Olinto Mileta Mattiuz, “Le quantificazioni a compendio dei tracciati storici: utilizzo dl mezzo demografico statistico-comparativo”, 122. 61 Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20.stoljeća (1918.-1947.), 133. 62 Pupo, Il lungo esodo, 78-79. 63 Pupo, “L’esodo dei giuliano-dalmati”, 198. ; 202 and Pupo, Il lungo esodo, 77-78. 64 Pupo, “L’esodo dei giuliano-dalmati”, 198. ; 202 and Pupo, Il lungo esodo, 121-130.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 155 over Pola/Pula, the town was occupied by the Allied forces and became part of Zone A. When the population found out that the city would become part of Yugoslavia again in 1947, and prior to the second arrival of Yugoslav forces, the inhabitants left their homes.65 There was a mass migration away from the part of Zone B when it became officially Yugoslavian in 1947 until the mid-Fifties.66 However a portion of Zone B and the majority of the Zone A became part of the Free Territory of Trieste, established by the Treaty of Paris signed on the 10th of February 1947. They were divided into two military zones again named Zone A and Zone B, which were again divided between the Anglo-Americans and the Yugoslavs. In the condition of diplomatic instability, the final mass departure, from the territories controlled by the Yugoslav army, occurred. This instability lasted until the London memorandum which in 1954 divided the two zones between Italy and Yugoslavia.67 The exodus practically lasted until the April 1956.68 The reasons for the exodus are generally the same in most of the cases: national and cultural, the changing of the national sovereignty in these territories, political, the creation of the communist regime, and economical, due to the difficult post-war situation.69 When the Italian local population understood that these territories would not came back to Italy and that their homeland was becoming completely unrecognisable, they decided to leave.70 Even though the majority of the exiled were Italians, there were also Croatians and Slovenians among them.71 With the Paris Treaty and the London Memorandum the inhabitants of the Julian March had the opportunity to choose their citizenship and this is why they were considered as optants. The choices were limited. With the arrival of the new Yugoslav powers it was hard to continue to go on as before or to hold the same positions in society. The Italian identity was to change from the ascendency to normal citizens without special status.72 There is no suggestion to be found in the Yugoslavian archives

65 Pupo, “L’esodo dei giuliano-dalmati”, 198. ; 202-203 and Pupo, Il lungo esodo, 135-141. 66 Pupo, Il lungo esodo, 141-148. 67 Pupo, Il lungo esodo, 149-186. 68 Pupo, Il lungo esodo, 187. 69 Olinto Mileta Mattiuz, “Le quantificazioni a compendio dei tracciati storici: utilizzo dl mezzo demografico statistico-comparativo”, 126. This reasons are quoted from Kristjan Knez. 70 Pupo, “L’esodo dei giuliano-dalmati”, 199 ; 208-210 and Pupo, Il lungo esodo, 202-204. 71 Goldstein, Hrvatska 1918.-2008., 384. ; Dukovski, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20.stoljeća (1918.-1947.), 132. ; Pupo, “L’esodo dei giuliano-dalmati” 200-201. 72 Pupo, Il lungo esodo, 197-198.

156 of any intention to relocate the Italian population from these lands.73 On the other hand the Yugoslav administration did not do everything in their power to keep the Italian population. There were cases of political violence towards the local Italians. Even though the departure bureaucratically was optional this emigration could be considered a forced one.74

Il cuore nel pozzo In April 2002 the Italian minister of telecommunications, Maurizio Gasparri, member of the Alleanza Nazionale,75 in an interview with the journal La Stampa stated that it would be interesting to see a drama based on the tragedy of the foibe.76 When questioned by the reporter why a fiction and not a history programme he answered: “If we make a documentary, even with the exhumation of bones, we provoke only rejection. I think that it would be more effective (tomake ) a drama which tells a story of one of the families. Those are great tragedies. Like that of the Holocaust or of Anne Frank (…)”77 A few years later, in the summer of 2004, the Italian newspapers revealed the idea od a drama based on the foibe, Il cuore nel pozzo, which was to be filmed in Montenegro. The drama, produced by Angelo Rizzoli and directed by Alberto Negrin, with the narration written by Massimo Simone De Rita and the history counseling of Giovanni Sabatucci,78 provoked polemic reactions in Italy and abroad.79 Reactions to the representations of the foibe killing, the Istrian exodus and the Yugoslav resistance. Criticism increased after the drama was broadcasted on public television in 2005 on the eve of the first Giornata del Ricordo. The following is the synopsis of the drama: “Istria, 1944. A small Istrian community is subverted by the arrival of Tito’s partisans. Among them is Novak, a Slav commandant in the search of his son Carlo, that he had six years before with Giulia, an Italian woman. Fearing the man who raped her,

73 Orlić, “Dalla memoria alla storia”, 100-101. 74 Pupo, “L’esodo dei giuliano-dalmati”, 207-208.; Pupo, Il lungo esodo, 202-204. 75 Alleanza Nazionale (National Alliance) was a right wing party that operated as the successor of the Movimento Sociale Italiano (Italian Social Movement) a neofascist party. 76 Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 52. 77 “Se facciamo un documentario, magari con la riesumazione delle ossa, provochiamo soltanto ripulsa. Penso che sarebbe più efficace una fiction che raccontasse la storia di una di quelle povere famiglie. Sono grandi tragedie. Come quella dell’Olocausto o di Anna Frank.(…)” Fabio Martini, Gasparri: ora spero di vedere una seria fiction sulle foibe, 5. 78 Giovanni Sabatucci, wrongly named in some works and newspapers as Giuseppe Sabatucci, is a historian and a specialist for fascist history. 79 Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 52-57.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 157 Giulia hides her son in the orphanage of Don Bruno, the local priest. But Novak does not give up. Driven by the desire of revenge he kills Giulia, who refused to reveal where she has hidden Carlo, and continues to chase the child to kill him. Don Bruno, Carlo and the other children of the orphanage are forced into a desperate flight through the Istrian countryside up to the border with Italy. With the help of Ettore, ex-member of the Italian alpine troops, and Walter, exponent of the CLN and the young helper Anja, the priest manages to fulfil his mission of salvation (of the children) with the sacrifice of his own life.”80 Even in these few lines we manage to see some problems that emerge in the rest of the drama; clearly, the date of the plot, when the drama is meant to take place, is not 1944 but 1945. However this is probably a mistake as in one of the first scenes of the fiction we can see written April 1945. The substantive problems are the terms used to describe the members of the National Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia. They are referred to as “Tito’s partisans” or to be precise titini.81 The use of the term “Slav” for the commandant of this armed group and the presence of an ex-member of the Italian alpine troops, in the Istria occupied by the German forces, are other problematic elements that will emerge in this analysis. The group of the Yugoslav partisans are presented in the drama “(…) like a band of men without scruples, killers, drunkards, thieves of lands, rapists, moved only by the intention of free revenge and hatred against the Italians”.82 For example one of their first actions is the killing of German soldiers who are surrendering.83 We do not know anything about the partisans nationality: they could easily be Slovenians, Croatians or Serbians as their names in the drama are not specific and because, even if the whole drama is in Italian, in some scenes

80 “Istria, 1944. Una piccola comunità istriana è scoinvolta dall’arrivo dei partigiani di Tito. Tra loro c’è Novak, comandante slavo alla ricerca del figlio Carlo, avuto sei anni prima da Giulia, una donna italiana. Per non consegnare il figlio all’uomo che l’ha violentata, Giulia lo nasconde nell’orfanotrofio di Don Bruno, il sacerdote del paese. Ma Novak non si arrende. Animato dal desiderio di vendetta uccide Giulia che rifiuta di rivelargli dove è nascosto Carlo e continua la caccia al bambino per eliminarlo. Don Bruno, Carlo e gli altri bambini dell’orfanotrofio sono costretti a una disperata fuga attraverso le campagne dell’Istria fino al confine con l’Italia. Con l’aiuto di Ettore, un reduce alpino, di Walter, rappresentante del CLN e della giovane aiutante Anja, il sacerdote riuscira a compiere la sua missione di salvezza fino al sacrificio della propria vita.“ inIl “ cuore nel pozzo”. 81 Derogatory term used for the Yugoslav partisans. 82 “(…) una banda di uomini senza scrupoli, assassini, ubriaconi, ladri di terre, stupratori, mossi unicamente dalla gratuita vendetta e dall’odio verso gli italiani.” in Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 60. 83 Zetto Cassano, “I cuori e la frontiera”, 106.

158 the spectator can hear in the background the titini speaking in something that seems Croatian or Serbian.84 The “Slav” partisans are represented as regular troops with attributes that are typical for portrayals of Nazi soldiers: they make reprisals, separate children from adults, transport civilians on trucks during the day and kill them without remorse.85 The only visible enemies are the Germans, there is no evidence of Italian fascists or Italian collaborators, and there is no presence of Italian partisans. The only figure which somehow gives a picture of the Italian anti- fascism is Walter, a member of the CLN,86 He represents the impossibility of collaborating with the Yugoslav as they annex all the territories they occupy.87 The partisan movement is represented with a stereotype of a vague “Slav” where there are no differences between the nationalities; they are defined by the barbarism and rudeness. The only exception is the character Anja, the helper of Don Bruno, as she represents the stereotype of the good “Slav” who serves the Italians. The Italian figures are complex like the pacifist soldier, Ettore, who is forced to fight.88 This figure is completely anachronistic as he represents an ex-member of Italian alpine troops that returns from the front in 1945. As all the soldiers of the Kingdom of Italy he should have not been there in 1945, in fact one of the first actions of the soldiers in 1943 was to dispose themselves of their uniforms, so we really do not understand what he was doing in uniform almost two years afterwards.89 A similar situation happens in a scene when out of nowhere a group of Italian soldier arrive. One of the most powerful scenes is the burning of the Italian flag, in what is probably the main square of a little Istria town, by the Yugoslav partisans and the replacing of it with the Yugoslav flag. The flag which they are burning in the April 1945 is the flag of the Italy, which could not have been there as Italy signed the armistice in the September 1943 and since then the German troops were invading the territory of Istria making the presence of that flag was unlikely. Anachronistic choice, which could be defended by literary licesne, that in this way manages to escapes the problem of dealing with the fascist collaborators.90

84 Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 60. 85 Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 64. ; Zetto Cassano, “I cuori e la frontiera”, 108. 86 Comitato di liberazione nazionale – National Liberation Commitee entity of the Italian resistance. 87 Zetto Cassano, “I cuori e la frontiera”, 106-107. 88 Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 60-61. 89 Zetto Cassano, “I cuori e la frontiera”, 109-110. 90 Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 62.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 159 In the drama few refer to the fascist period and to the violence against Croatians and Slovenians even though the violence made by the partisans is presented as “evening the score” for the previous violence.91 A message that was created by the fascist propaganda after the killing in Istria in 1943.92 It is more interesting to add that except for the partisans, Anja and the children from the orphanage, there is no other “Slav” character in the drama; the Istrian peninsula is presented as an almost entirely Italian land.93 The exodus is represented as the only possible solution for the killings carried out by the partisans. As previously mentioned Novak orders the round-up of all the inhabitants of the little town without any exception: adults, children, old men and women. They are all taken away and killed. The drama in this way represents what should be genocide made on the Italian population of Istria by the Yugoslav partisans.94 The final scene of the drama presents all the different stages of the exodus in one: we see in black and white, what we presume is, the Italian population who are abandoning their lands on foot bringing very little.95

Conclusion “Those who watched Il cuore nel pozzo, saw a false representation. Maybe it happened in East Prussia or elsewhere, but certainly not in Istria.”96 This is perhaps a harsh judgement on the drama, but as Marta Verginella pointed out, we must not limit ourselves in saying that this is a bad work.97 It is clear that this genre is more inspired by superficial telenovelas than by higher standards.98 The problem however is that this drama is “(…) like a negative, a kind of inverted fingerprintof Bulajić’s war films, in which the emblems on the caps of the fighters are changed.”99 There is a strong message in the drama that: “The Italians are Anne

91 Zetto Cassano, “I cuori e la frontiera”, 107.; Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 62-63. 92 Pupo and Spazzali, Foibe, 111. 93 Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 64. 94 Zetto Cassano, “I cuori e la frontiera”, 108. 95 Zetto Cassano, “I cuori e la frontiera”, 110-111. 96 “Chi ha visto il telefilm Il cuore nel pozzo, ha visto esattamente come non sono andate le cose. Forse saranno andate così in Prussia orientale o da altre parti, ma sicuramente non in Istria.” Pupo, “L’esodo dei giuliano dalmati”, 199. 97 Verginella, “Tra storia e memoria”, 65-66. 98 Zetto Cassano, “I cuori e la frontiera”, 105. 99 “Stoga je ovaj film kao negativ, neka vrsta izvrnutog otiska Bulajićevih ratnih radova, u kome su samo zamenjeni simboli na kapama boraca.” Slobodan Kostić,“Bulajićev negativ”.

160 Frank – the Slavs are a genocidal nation“.100 Even though this last judgmenet seems harsh, this is what a spectator could conclude from watching it. Il cuore nel pozzo speaks to the heart and not to the mind.101 The images and the melodramatic music in the background are more powerfull than the dialogues and we see and hear the mass killings of the Italian population, killed without any reason and without any explanations, only beacuse they are Italians.102 These images bring to mind the deportation of the Jews by the nazis seen in other films with the diference that in this case the Italians are shown as the innocent victims, while the Yugoslav partisans are shown as coldbloded killer.103 It is not important that the actions we see are historically inaccurate or that around thousand people had been killed due to complex reasons. “It is not important to put in relief the true drama of the Istrians: chased away from Istria and marginalised in Italy. The subject of the drama is not the double exclusion. The modes selected for the narration have a predetermined objective, persuade the spectator the equation: communism is as much guilty as nazi-fascism.”104 The fiction was broadcasted by theRAI again in 2010 on the occurrence of the 5th Giornata del Ricordo. We can just imagine what will be the perception of this complex and tragic events by those whose history knowledge has been influenced only or prevalently by this fiction. Paolo Fonda said: “But if we share pride for our poets, scientists and heroes of our nation, in the same way we have to share the shame and the guilt for our criminals, yet correctly distinguishing our role from theirs.”105 Luisa Accati’s statement is even more profound: “Constructing a shared history together with Slovenians, Croatians and Serbs, commemorate (celebrating) also the death of those countries, slaughtered and thrown in the foibe by the

100 “Italijani so Ane Frank – Slovani so genocidni naciji” Štefančič, “Slovani prihajajo!” 101 Zetto Cassano, “I cuori e la frontiera”, 106. 102 Zetto Cassano, “I cuori e la frontiera”, 108. 103 Zetto Cassano, “I cuori e la frontiera”, 108. 104 “Non è importante mettere in rilievo il vero dramma degli istriani: cacciati dall’Istria e emarginati in Italia. Il tema dello sceneggiato non è la duplice esclusione. I modi prescelti per la narrazione hanno un obiettivo precostituito, indurre nello spettatore l’equazione: comunista tanto colpevole quanto nazi-fascista.” Accati, “Vittime e carnefici fra giustizia e impunità”, 265-266. 105 “Ma se condividiamo l’orgoglio per i poeti, gli scienziati e gli eroi della nostra nazione, allo stesso modo dobbiamo anche condividere la vergogna e la colpa per i nostri criminali, pur correttamente distinguendo il nostro ruolo dal loro.” Fonda, “Il perturbante straniero interno”, 172.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 161 fascist,106 it would have been the right way for elaborate a collective mourning, the only true overcoming of a conflict, from one and from the other side.”107 This drama has not helped to contributed to a shared history and this is what we should be working for in all the cultural fields if we really want to overcome the tragic aspects of humanity and not just national history.

Bibliography Accati, Luisa, “Vittime e carnefici fra giustizia e impunità” Tra storia e memoria. Le foibe nella pratica di negoziazione del confine tra l’Italia e la Slovenia, in Accati, Luisa e Cogoy, Renate (Edited by), Il perturbante nella storia. Le foibe. Uno studio di psicopatologia della ricercazione storica, QuiEdit, Bolzano 2010, Original published as Das Unheimliche in der Geschichte. Die Foibe. Beiträge zur Psychopathologie historischer Rezeption, Trafo, Verlag 2007. Fonda, Paolo, “Il perturbante straniero interno“ in Tra storia e memoria. Le foibe nella pratica di negoziazione del confine tra l’Italia e la Slovenia, in Accati, Luisa e Cogoy, Renate (Edited by), Il perturbante nella storia. Le foibe. Uno studio di psicopatologia della ricercazione storica, QuiEdit, Bolzano 2010, Original published as Das Unheimliche in der Geschichte. Die Foibe. Beiträge zur Psychopathologie historischer Rezeption, Trafo, Verlag 2007. Dota, Franko, Zaraćeno poraće. Konflikti i konkurentski narativi o stradavanju i iseljavanju Talijana Istre, Srednja Europa, Zagreb 2010. Dukovski, Darko, Istra i Rijeka u prvoj polovici 20.stoljeća (1918.-1947.), Lekyam international, Zagreb 2008. Cattaruzza, Marina, L’Italia e il confine orientale. 1866-2006, il Mulino, Bologna 2007. Orlić, Mila, “Dalla memoria alla storia”, in Miletto, Enrico (edited by), Senza più tornare. L’esodo istriano, fiumano, dalmata e gli esodi nell’Europa del Novecento, Edizioni SEB 27, Tornio 2012 Olinto Mileta Mattiuz, “Le quantificazioni a compendio dei tracciati storici: utilizzo dl mezzo demografico statistico-comparativo” in Miletto, Enrico (edited by), Senza più tornare. L’esodo istriano, fiumano, dalmata e gli esodi nell’Europa del Novecento, Edizioni SEB 27, Tornio 2012.

106 In this case the Luisa Levi Accati alludes to the probable fascist victims that had been thrown in the foibe during the fascist regime. However this ascertainment is hard to prove. 107 “Costruire una storia condivisa insieme a sloveni, croati e serbi, celebrando anche i morti di quei paesi, trucidati e infoibati dai fascisti, sarebbe stato il modo adeguato per elaborare un lutto collettivo, l’unico vero superamento di un conflitto, da una prte e dall’altra.” Accati, “Vittime e carnefici fra giustizia e impunità”, 251.

162 Pupo, Raoul e Spazzali Roberto, Foibe, Bruno Mondadori, Milano 2003. Pupo, Raoul, Trieste ‘45, Edizioni Laterza, Bari 2010 Pupo,Raoul, Il lungo esodo. Istria: le persecuzione, le foibe, l’esilio, Bur Rizzoli, Milano 2005. Pupo, “L’esodo dei giuliano-dalmati”, in Algostino, Alessandra, Bertuzzi, Gian Carlo, Cecotti Franco, Colotti Enzo, D’Alessio, Vanni, Miletto, Enrico, Pupo Raoul, Todero, Fabio, Troha, Nevenka, Verginella, Marta, Vinci, Anna Maria, Dall’Impero austro-ungarico alle foibe. Conflitti nell’area alto-adriatica, Bollati Boringhieri, Torino 2009. Todero, Fabio “La Grande Guerra nella Venezia Giulia”, in Algostino, Alessandra, Bertuzzi, Gian Carlo, Cecotti Franco, Colotti Enzo, D’Alessio, Vanni, Miletto, Enrico, Pupo Raoul, Todero, Fabio, Troha, Nevenka, Verginella, Marta, Vinci, Anna Maria, Dall’Impero austro-ungarico alle foibe. Conflitti nell’area alto-adriatica, Bollati Boringhieri, Torino 2009. Verginella, Marta, “Tra storia e memoria. Le foibe nella pratica di negoziazione del confine tra l’Italia e la Slovenia”, in Accati, Luisa e Cogoy, Renate (Edited by), Il perturbante nella storia. Le foibe. Uno studio di psicopatologia della ricercazione storica, QuiEdit, Bolzano 2010, Original published as Das Unheimliche in der Geschichte. Die Foibe. Beiträge zur Psychopathologie historischer Rezeption, Trafo, Verlag 2007. Zetto Cassano, Silvia, “I cuori e la frontiera”in “Qualestoria” n.2 dicembre 2005”.

Newspaper articles Fabio Martini, Gasparri: ora spero di vedere una seria fiction sulle foibe, La Stampa, 18 aprile 2002. Marcel Štefančič jr, “Slovani prihajajo!”, Mladina, 18.02.2005. http://www. mladina.si/94577/slovani-prihajajo/ Drago Hedl, “Le foibe viste dalla Croazia”. http://old.osservatoriobalcani.org/ index.php/article/articleview/3870/1/176/ Slobodan Kostić, “Bulajićev negativ”, Vreme, 17.02.2005. http://www.vreme. com/cms/view.php?id=406703 ”Foibe la fiction delle polemiche”. http://www.repubblica.it/2005/a/sezioni/ spettacoli_e_cultura/fictiontv2/cuorepozzo/cuorepozzo.html “43 posto gledatelja slovenske televizije gledalo “Srce u jami””. http://www.index. hr/vijesti/clanak/43-posto-gledatelja-slovenske-televizije-gledalo-srce- u-jami/250119.aspx. “Film “Srce u jami” loše utječe na odnose Slovenije i Italije”. http://www.index. hr/vijesti/clanak/film-srce-u-jami-lose-utjece-na-odnose-slovenije-i- italije/248422.aspx

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 163 Legge 30 marzo 2004, n. 92, “Istituzione del «Giorno del ricordo»”. http://www. camera.it/parlam/leggi/04092l.htm Report of the Slovene-Italian historical and cultural commission. http://www. kozina.com/premik/indexeng_porocilo.htm

164 UDC 261.7 "179" (091) Review

The Intellectual Emancipation in Contradiction: Revolution against the Church

Pavao Nujić, University of Osijek ISHA Osijek, [email protected]

Louis Althusser presented a theory in 1971 concerning the ideological state apparatus. By applying that theory to French society in the 18th century, one can recognize the Catholic Church as a dominant ideological state apparatus of the ancien régime. With the arrival of the Revolution and the fall of the ancien régime, the attack on the Church was inevitable. In each stage of the Revolution, there were multiple approaches to the conflict with the Church, its removal from a position of dominance, the setting of new ideological state systems, or conflicts within the already existing ones. Althusser identifies schooling as the new dominant ideological state apparatus that replaced the Church. We can ultimately agree with this claim, but there remains the question of how schooling actually developed within particular stages of the Revolution. The Constitutional Church and the initial conflicts revolving around it during the first years of the Revolution, as well as the religion of the citizen in the time of Jacobinism, held primacy among the conflicts in the central ideological state apparatus up until 1794, an apparatus traditionally held by the Catholic Church. A brutal attack on the Church from 1793 to 1794, in the form of dechristianisation, was meant to remove the remaining unwanted elements of the ancien régime and the failed attempt at a Constitutional Church. In some ways, the attack might have even been an attempt at an intellectual (perhaps even spiritual) emancipation from what the revolutionaries saw and believed to be the delusions and superstitions that the Church and Christianity promoted.

Introduction “Not one revolution, no matter how drastic it may be, has ever contained the full denial of what preceded it. With what can revolutionaries work but the ideas that they inherited?”1 The French Revolution is undoubtedly one of the most important events in not only European but also world history. Those turbulent years, full of various upturns, marked the beginning of breaking ties to the old system as well as the birth of a new one, based on national sovereignty and citizen law. The

1 Collinson, Reformacija – kratka povijest, 37.

165 new sovereignty presided on human, not divine law, as it had been understood before). Enlightenment thought replaced the primacy of tradition. With these changes, including secularization, the Catholic Church in France was pushed out of its dominant position, marginalized and, in the end, bent to the will of the state. The attempts at its exclusion from the new, civil, democratic society and the creation of a constitutional church caused retribution by the Holy See. The schism that followed left deep scars in France which are felt to this day.2 The third class, the citizenship, which took hold of power in the state, started building that new system based on the new ruling ideology. The creation of a new society was initiated, a society cleansed of superstitions, fanaticism, and delusions. The new society was to be based on reason, Enlightenment thought, and scientific truths. From 1789 until the Directory,3 this process went through several different stages from the initial peaceful steps, through radicalization, to the final pacification and strengthening of the new world order. Each of the ruling groups had the same purpose but used different methods. A society constituted in this manner was suitable for the general new ruling ideology of citizenship, but there was no general consensus within it, and therefore radically different ways of enforcing this new ideology were created. In this work, I will deal with the attempt by the revolutionaries to emancipate French society from the delusions of the ideology of the ancien régime, which, in their point of view, at least, was spread by the Catholic Church as the dominant ideological state apparatus of the times. With the attack on and the revolution against the Church, armed with Reason and the ideas of Enlightenment, it was necessary to set up new institutions or state instruments which would take on the role of (in their view) compromised Church to liberate society from the bonds of ideology and religion. This work is divided into two major parts. In the first, I present and apply the theory of the ideological state apparatus and the problem of schooling, while in the second I focus primarily on the revolution against the Catholic Church by certain radical groups of revolutionaries, mostly during the second year of the Republic4 when that attack was in its most fearsome swing.

2 Vovelle, Revolucija protiv crkve, 167-171, states that there is a link between the schism of the Revolution and the confessional commitment of the French today. Areas that accepted the constitutional Church are prevalently atheist today, while those that denied it remain prevalently Catholic. 3 The Directory was a body that held executive power in France from 2 November 1795 to 10 November 1799, following the Convent and preceding the Consulate. 4 This is the period of 1793 to 1794, the Reign of Terror and the Jacobin government.

166 Religious and Educational Ideological State Apparatuses in the French Revolution The author of the theory on ideological state apparatus is the French Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser. In his text ‘Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses,’5 he presents an idea which is based on the classic Marxist understanding of the state, only he takes a step further and sets up new important elements of the state which are not primarily repressive but have a purpose of ideological control. Based on this theory, I will attempt to identify and determine the meaning of, final result of, and very fight for these ideological state apparatuses. Ideological state apparatuses are not repressive state apparatuses like government, administration, army, police, or courts but a certain number of realities represented to the current observer in the form of different and specialized institutions: religious, educational, familial, legal, etc. They also belong to the sphere of privacy, primarily functioning by the principle of ideology, only secondary by violence – which is reversed with repressive state apparatuses. The ruling ideology is always dominant within ideological state apparatuses. No one class can keep power within their grasp during a longer period of time without practicing and maintaining hegemony over the ideological state apparatuses. This is one of the key reasons why the attack on the Church was as fierce as it was on all the other aspects of the ancien régime. It is also the reason for creating new apparatuses which would be the new centers of ideological influence. In pre-capitalistic society, the Church was the dominant ideological state apparatus. This is why almost all ideological fights from the 16th up until the end of the 18th century were extremely anti- clerical and anti-religious. According to Althusser, the greatest achievement of the French Revolution was not only the transfer of state power from feudal aristocracy to the bourgeoisie (the replacement of the old repressive state apparatus with the new) but also the attack on the leading ideological state apparatus – the Church. Constitutional priesthood, confiscation of Church property, and the creation of a new ideological state apparatus that replaced the religious one in its dominant role were meant to fulfill their final goal. The bourgeoisie wanted to eject religion from its position of dominance so it could replace it with a new ideological state apparatus which would contribute to the creation of capitalistic relations of production. The ideological state apparatus,

5 Althusser, Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays, 127-186.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 167 installed as dominant in the place of the Church, according to Althusser, is education.6 All these ideological apparatuses contribute to the same result: the reproduction of relations of production. Unlike the ancien régime where the reproduction of workforce skills was done on the spot (practice within production), the new system achieves more and more outside of production itself, by the educational system and other instances and institutions. Also, schooling develops nationalism, moralism, and economy, which were the basis of the new ruling ideology. The reproduction of workforce relations demands not only the reproduction of work skills, but also submission to the ruling ideology and class, which was also the role of the ideological state apparatus, Church, and schooling alike. One of the first examples of fighting within the religious ideological state apparatus was the creation of the Constitutional Church, which was meant to replace the traditional Catholic Church. This was done in the initial years of the Revolution, but when the ineffectiveness of this came to light and further radicalization of the movement and a general fight against clericalism and faith ensued, there came a need for new solutions. The Church was attacked, the dechristianization of society was initiated, and mass secular schooling was meant to replace its ideological influence to give the ruling ideology hegemony over all aspects of society. In the end, to fulfill a certain religious gap in their society made by dechristianization, a new religion of the citizen7 was made. We can argue that it became the most powerful ideological state apparatus of the Revolutionary government,8 while schooling remained an unrealized ideal, left

6 I will further discuss schooling during the revolution in the next chapter. 7 Rousseau, Discourse on Political Economy and The Social Contract, 162, describes religion of the citizen thusly: ‘[Religion] within the boundaries of a single country, gives it its gods, its own protectors and guardians. This religion has its dogmas, its rites, its visible form of worship, ordained by law; it regards everything, apart from the one nation which follows it, as faithless, alien and barbarian …’ In this description we can clearly see the conglomerate of cults (the cult of freedom martyrs, the cult of reason …), beliefs (goddesses of freedom, brotherhood, virtue …), and manifestations (the festival of the federation, of the supreme being …) which were created during the Revolution under the influence of the Enlightenment and which also had characteristics of a religion. Put under a common denominator, they made an extremely powerful ideological media for the ruling ideology of the Jacobine era. 8 The making and power of the Revolutionary government were determined primarily in April of 1794, although in practice it was created in the summer of 1793 and evolved from then. According to the theory of revolutionary government made by Robespierre and Saint- Justre, it was a wartime government, and only with final victory would a constitutional government be established. The revolutionary government had force Terror( ) in its hands. It was under the leadership of the Jacobines and it was their instrument of terror, which lasted until their ultimate downfall and the establishment of the Directory.

168 for future times. As we will see, schooling went through serious reforms and investments only after the fall of the Jacobins. This ‘simple’ change in apparatus was interpreted by revolutionaries as a historical act of mankind stepping out of superstition and fanaticism (ideological deception) and into a new era where reason, science, and education rule. This interpretation can easily be detected in even the most banal rhetoric. The greatest problem of this delusion was the belief that they actually had stepped out of ideology and into truth. According to Althusser: “What seems to take place outside ideology, in reality takes place in ideology. What really takes place in ideology seems therefore to take place outside it. That is why those who are in ideology believe themselves by definition outside ideology: one of the effects of ideology is the practical denegation of the ideological character of ideology by ideology: ideology never says, ‘I am ideological.’ ”9 With the fall of Robespierre, a downfall of revolutionary government was set in motion with which the religion of the citizen fell. The government that replaced the Jacobins stepped away from the radicalism and fanaticism with which its predecessors were deluded. They were more determined to establish a new school system which would suit their ideological assumptions.

Schooling during the French Revolution The Convent identifies its three historical pillars as the constitution, citizen law, and public education. Already we can ask, what was the real influence of public education and what was the stated or wanted one? “By setting demands for education, the sans-culottes wanted to level themselves with very capable people to rule their own destinies. This hope was abandoned by the bourgeoisie revolution.”10 Education was a constant worry for the revolutionary assemblies, but its reorganization caused a great deal of disappointment for the masses. The principles of general education for all citizens, free as far as the necessary education for all goes, were part of the basis of the proclaimed revolutionary ideology. Through general education, all abilities and talents were meant to be developed and real equality established among citizens. The French Revolution would contribute to the general and gradual perfection of humanity with this, and that was the final goal toward which every social institution should aim.11 The Montaigne Convent did not

9 Althusser, Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays, 175. 10 Soboul, Francuska revolucija, 479. 11 Soboul, Francuska revolucija, 482.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 169 change this attitude, considering education the right of every person. The people wanted a system of education which would allow children an education in citizenship. On 19 December 1793, a decision was made on primary schools with which free education and mandatory primary education were introduced, free but under the control of the state. As with all previous decisions, this one also remained only on paper since the Revolutionary government was completely dedicated to warfare. The sans-culottes put much hope in education, seeing in it a means of strengthening the régime and creating equality. The first real measures towards the forming of a public school system were initiated by the Girondins. They took over the basis of Montaigne educational policy, but also adapted it to their own interests. On 18 September 1794, primary schools were founded, but schooling was not mandatory and there was one school per thousand people. The potential teaching staff was elected mainly on the grounds of patriotism, while classes were based on the republican principles and were completely secularized. With this state public schooling system, every citizen had the right to open private schools which would be under the surveillance of authorized organs.12 With the decision of 25 January 1795, a central school was founded in every department for the teaching of natural sciences, literature, and art. This was secondary school education and it was divided into three degrees. The first degree taught the students classical and living languages, nature, and drawing; the second taught them mathematics, physics, and chemistry; and the third taught them grammar, literature, history, and law. Each degree lasted two years, and students went to these schools mostly at twelve years of age. Classes were fairly modernized in these schools because the advantage was given to natural sciences as well as the French language and literature, while research was also included in regular classes. The professors were elected by an educational council and set by the department board. Schools and classes organized in this manner were an excellent substitute for church schooling and its dominant position as the ideological state apparatus. Despite the fact that, in the end, free schooling was rejected, this was replaced to a certain extent with scholarships.13 Post-secondary schooling also underwent thorough changes. The old university, as well as the academies, were terminated. The Convent founded the Central School for Public Works on 28 September 1794, which was turned 12 Soboul, Francuska revolucija, 482-483. 13 Soboul, Francuska revolucija, 483.

170 into the Polytechnic School a year later. After this, more high schools were founded for healthcare, applied sciences, oriental languages, geography, etc. On 25 August 1795, an institute for science and art was founded with three departments: physics and mathematics, moral and political sciences, and literature and fine arts. The goal of the institute was to perfect science and art with unrelenting research, publishing, and maintaining connections with other experts. The main law, on 25 August 1795, organized public education by integrating it into one large whole (along with founding the institute) – primary schools, secondary schools, special schools and the National Institute. The reform went beyond that. After the abandonment of mandatory schooling, free schooling was also canceled. The state paid the tutor only his accommodation and he received his pay from his students.14 Despite the establishment of, for those times, an extremely well-made system of public education with advanced teaching methods, the Montagnards were unable to invest significant funds in it, due to the war and the class interests of the later bourgeoisie government. They were prevented from forming a real and extensive schooling system which would be able to replace the Church as a central ideological state apparatus. A consequence of diminished monetary investments into schooling was the renewed growth of private tutors and private religious class in the later years of the Republic. Nevertheless, by the end of that era, the accomplishments of the Revolution were great, even if unfinished. The monopoly of the Church had been destroyed, but public education wasn’t able to take over that monopoly. Classes in public schools were secularized and modernized, but they were the privilege of a minority.15 Therefore, Althusser’s argument that education became the new dominant ideological state apparatus is quite weak if we are considering the actual years of the Revolution because schooling was not nearly developed enough to be able to become the central ideological state apparatus. If we consider the time of the Revolution itself up until 1795, we can see that schooling was extremely marginal and neglected and that the spreading of the ruling ideology went through different ways (different ideological state apparatuses), gaining a more significant role only after 1795. The stated ideas on schooling created during the Revolution can be taken as very important because they set the foundation for schooling that developed during the course of the next two centuries, but with very limited momentary effects.

14 Soboul, Francuska revolucija, 484. 15 Public education was in the spirit of the current ruling ideology – secular, enlightening, but with elitistic makings.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 171 Can we, in the end, speak of an intellectual emancipation of French society meant to be liberated from the shackles of superstition and fanaticism, to be reborn into reason and virtue? Did the revolutionaries manage to save French society from ideology? If we consider Althusser’s theory of ideology than we can, under certain restrictions, acknowledge the partial success of a later period of Revolution in this regard, while positively rejecting this statement for the period until 1793-1795. The success of the later period is measured mainly through the development of the school system, as has already been described, but is restricted because it was still an ideology. School, the dominant ideological state apparatus of the period, was essentially different than the dominant ideological state apparatuses of preceding periods, such as the Church and the religion of the citizen, which were based on dogmas, myths, intolerance, and beliefs. The collision of the latter apparatuses, manifested as brutal attacks of newfound religion on the Church, resulted in radicalization and a fight for position as the dominant ideological state apparatus in an attempt to establish capitalistic relations of production. This fight was also an attempt at intellectual and spiritual emancipation, which ended in contradiction and the negation of itself through radicalization and Terror. This attempt at intellectual and spiritual emancipation throughout revolution against the Church in the period 1793-1795, as well as its results, will be approached in next section.

Revolution against the Church Vovelle16 speaks of the revolution against the Church and dechristianization during the second year as “... a brutal crisis of conscience in which elitist ideas awaken deeply rooted actions of a national cultural subversion, where the idea of emancipation is forced, where bonfires areauto- de-fé, direct destructions are mixed with taunts, festivals, dreams of an ideal country and a new man.”

The adventure ofReason When reason is mixed with fear,17 when virtue and general will are made within individualism, when enlightenment conflicts with faith and superstition, which are branded fanaticism, is when this twisted episode of attempting to create a utopia of reason on the ruins of an empire of delusions and

16 Vovelle, Revolucija protiv crkve, 15. 17 Primarily fear of counter-revolution and fanaticism, because the situation in France in 1793 was extremely adverse due to current tides of war.

172 superstitions is created. In the end, it falls to fanaticism, blindness, and negation of its primary principles and assumptions itself. In the end of this episode, there is no reason, general will, general good, or liberation from fanaticism, delusions, superstitions, and manipulation by various selfish fractions. If we take context into consideration, we can assume that the founding assumptions of this cultural revolution had their origin in political nature – taking control over the ideological state apparatuses. The destruction of the Catholic Church, erasing of faith, and banishment of clerics from revolutionary France would have been, among other things, a ‘slap in the face’ of reaction. The clerics, who had been tightly aligned with the entireancien régime18 remained a reminder and bearer of the powers of an old, now inadequate régime. People attacked the ancien régime by destroying and banishing not only all its symbols,19 but also everything that so much as reminded them of it. The Church was seen as a conspirator at the time, where the deceiving priesthood, in accordance with despotism, spread delusion and superstition among the masses in order to deceive and cheat the people by giving it over like a flock of sheep to the hands of despots. Only on these grounds could the despot satisfy his greed and vanity, using the lack of reason of his subjects. With this view of the Church as an enabler despotism and negative absolute rule, it is important to further point out that it was one of the most important factors in the service of all governments and rulers. So was the system of feudalism as an institution to which, among other things, a passive acceptance was given while it lead numerous legal, bureaucratic, and educational tasks. Simply put, the Church was one of the founding pillars of the ancien régime because it was one of the greatest feudal masters in the state. Although it is a very well-known fact that priesthood went hand in hand with rulers, we must observe two things. First is the existence of a general possibility for religious manipulation. The cult of Reason and the apostles of freedom accused the Catholic priests of deceiving the people with their preaching and various miracles. Religious deception would then assume the introduction of something ‘foreign,’ ‘alien,’ and ‘bad’ into the awareness of the people. ‘How can deception exist where conscience has direct certainty of “itself” in its truth, where it possesses itself in its subject – it finds itself in it, as

18 The French or Galican Church had a special autonomous position within the Catholic Church and was, as such, especially connected with the state and king, and it was one of the founding pillars of the French identity for centuries. 19 Primarily – king, nobility, feudalism, castles, and such.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 173 well as produces.’20 You can lie and deceive of tactile and singular things, about events, information, products, etc. But regarding knowledge in its essence, in which awareness has immediate certainty of itself, you cannot speak of the possibility of deception and implication. If there were no religious deception, then the source of ‘cooperation’ must be found elsewhere. If the nation cannot be deceived about the knowledge of its own awareness, the only thing left is the deception of another – the deception of reason and insight. Such a ‘deceiving’ priesthood was made on the foundations of secularity, reason, and usefulness by using faith – more accurately religion and Church itself – only as a medium of its actions in achieving its worldly goals. Such perversion of faith rests on superficial dogmas, applicable only in singularity.21 Such dogmas have their essence in another and, as such, are growing further apart from the essence of faith. This creates a web of delusions and superstitions which take the place of true faith and reason, and people without reason22 are unable to oppose the power of government. Put in Althusser’s construct of the state, this is a typical example of an ideological state apparatus with which state power establishes stable hegemony by spreading its own ruling ideology. Here we come to the other important thing, which is the depiction of the priesthood as enabling the absolutist régime. We cannot in any way claim that the entire cleric order and the Church were in the immediate service of the régime, although they were one of its founding and basic pillars, as has been previously stated. We can maybe say that the Christian faith, in its essence, creates suitable foundations for its establishment,23 but we can also argue that this explanation is not the real representation of matters because similar examples have been noticed in almost every system.24 Since general religious deception is not possible, we should go on to the individual and singular – to those parts of the cleric order

20 Hegel, Fenomenologija duha, 357. 21 Such teachings put faith outside of its world of conscience and put it in the line of problems of reason, which negates it. 22 Superstition as a belief that some objects and practices have miraculous effects, etc., was common back then just as it is today. The problem in this is that priests should oppose that and promote real religious teachings in a spiritual sense, knowledge, and education in reason and not create their own delusions, superstitions, and superficial dogmas which are used towards selfish purposes, sometimes to the harm of the Church itself. 23 Rousseau claims that Christianity is a ‘slave’ religion which, by its mentality, is very fertile ground for the development of tyranny. 24 Tyranny and despotism have risen and fallen all around the world, throughout history, and independently of Christianity. Therefore, it would be pointless to subject and condemn Christianity as their sole cause.

174 we can call ‘deceptive.’ As with every manifestation of the general, this case also contains individual wills and factions. That part of the clerics that stepped away from the essence of faith and began to step towards profit became the very rotten branch of the Church, the symbol of delusion, superstition, and exploitation. The appearance of selfish interests creates factions, and those interest groups further act only on individual will, diminishing the general integrity and authenticity of the Church as an institution. Simply put, corruption has moved this faction of clerics away from faith, turning it into nothing more than pawns of the ruler on which it depends. The Catholic Church in France on the eve of the Revolution was the greatest land owner, with immeasurable wealth and power. Rural possessions of the Church, administered by the peasants, contributed around 100 million livres a year to the national treasury in 1789. Within the Church hierarchy, however, there was a great deal of difference between high clerics and the village priesthood. The bishop of Paris earned half a million livres a year, and sadly the numerous other bishops were not behind by much. On the other hand, village priests lived in small huts by the church, tending to their gardens. They were not wealthier than most of the members of their parish.25 Despite the riches of the Church, most of the priesthood lived in as much misery as their peasants, who were mostly loyal to their pastors.26 From all this we can easily read that mostly it was the highly-ranked clerics who were the embodiment of the problem of enjoying overabundance in the name of faith while preaching modesty, taking on many duties with no intention of fulfilling them.27 Louis-Sebastian Mercier, a French drama writer of the times, protested in 1782 that Paris was full of priests and monks who have served neither the Church nor the state,28 as well as that they were not occupied by anything except useless and trivial matters.29 If we add to this the fact that the ‘useless’ ones had great wealth, the hatred towards highly-ranked clerics is unsurprising – a hatred which spreaded like a disease to all of its parts.

25 An average village priest was happy to have over 700 livres of annual income. 26 Anderson, Daily Life during the French Revolution, 145. 27 We have examples of certain members, highly ranked clerics, having several dozens of duties while living in Versailles and almost never attending to their bishoprics. 28 Although Mercier, as a contemporary, considered them useless, from our perspective we might consider them another part of the ideological state apparatus of the Church which, in the end, served to maintain the momentary system. 29 Betros, The French Revolution and the Catholic Church. http://www.historytoday.com/ gemma-betros/french-revolution-and-catholic-church. [03/03/2013]

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 175 Reason saw this general social problem coming, but after a few successful moves during the first years of the Revolution, it took a wrong path in 1793. Certain interest groups and factions pushed its manifestation in the cult of Reason and its actions against fanaticism in this historical episode. Multiple divisions in French society that spoke up in 1793 pointed out that this could no longer be perceived as the testimony of the general will of the new citizenship. Reason, along with its conspirator enforcers and abettors of this cultural revolution,30 chose the wrong way to diminish superstition, but also the wrong target: faith as such. 31 With open combat against faith and its own contraposition, Reason and its parts turned to negativity – violence, power, misuse – and in the end became the very thing that they fought against. The cult of Reason can also be viewed as a manifestation of Hegel’s negative insight. That occurs when insight, reason, and education do not see that they negate themselves because they cannot deal with things not within the mind.32 Defining itself as negative, Reason embarked on a mission that would reach its climax with the ‘anger of destruction.’33 The advocates of Reason fell into their own trap, a trap they set for faith in the beginning – to the tissue of superstition and delusions in their eyes. Now the dechristianisators and the apostles of freedom became the new interest group within the new religion of the citizen serving a new master: Terror.

Terror Terror, this construct of Reason,34 betrayed the virtue of rationality, being swayed by the fanaticism it tried to destroy. It fed on what it destroyed and erased

30 There are numerous theories on the enforcers of the dechristianisational campaign because it is not entirely ‘sent from above.’ It was mostly done with Convent and Board knowledge in the provinces, where the greatest terror was enforced. 31 In the beginning of 1794, priesthood was almost nonexistent in revolutionary France. Those who remained remained in hiding and performed no services. 32 In Hegel’s own words, “Education is not so educated concerning itself.” See Comay, Mourning Sickness: Hegel and the French Revolution, 64. 33 Fanatic destruction of another based on intolerance or perhaps destruction for power? Friedrich Nietzsche in Tako je govorio Zaratustra, 114-116, claims that it is necessary to destroy and overcome the old in order to create the new, better, more perfect. Viewing the course of revolution against the Church, we can observe Reason moving from the last assumption in order to finish at the first. 34 Terror was meant to be the primary weapon of Reason with which the ‘rule of Virtue’ would be created – a utopian society to which the Jacobines aspired. Virtue and Terror, according to Robespierre, were mutually dependent. Each would be useless without the other, because Virtue is too mild without Terror, too weak and therefore impossible, while Terror without Virtue is the embodiment of pure brutality without an end.

176 what created it.35 Suppressed fanaticism returned within it and appeared in orgy festivals of dechristianization in the winter of 1793 through 1794. This is the pinnacle of the spirit of the revolutionary iconoclasm, beginning with murders of the king and nobility, followed by the defiling and closing of churches; from changing toponym and citizen names to introducing new clock and calendar systems; from destroying and displacing art to its recontextualisation in the newly-founded national museums where ‘the destroyed’ were to be kept.36 In further plots, iconoclastic action turned on itself – iconoclasm became the target of iconoclasm. The erasers were erased, the twenty four-hour day was re-installed, and Robespierre declared atheism37 fanaticism. The circle continued, the new destroyed the old – the statue of Atheism was burned in the festival of the Supreme Being.38 The process continued until 1801, when the re-installation of the Catholic Church in France closed the circle.

Emancipation from tradition Civil society is a fearsome power drawing man into himself, in return gaining a man working for it, a man owing everything to it, and a man doing everything in something’s name – in the name of civil society. Danger appears when that society reaches a point of uncontrolled activity, when it has intentions for endless expansion, or when it is threatened. In that condition, every interest of the individual is subjected to a society erasing the private sphere of a citizen, including subjectivity as well as tradition.39 Such a godless

35 ‘Out of all superstitions, isn’t it most dangerous to hate your fellow man for his opinion? … isn’t it more reasonable to worship superstition than to hate and prosecute your own brother?’ Voltaire, Rasprava o toleranciji, 103. 36 Because it was impossible to keep up with the Revolution, revolutionary artifacts themselves became automatically obsolete and meant for destruction. Their destruction would be marked, sacred and recorded. The ruins were stored in a defiled form as a symbol of something overcome and passed. In the year 1793, by the order of the Convent, a bronze table representing the first Declaration of the right of man and citizen and a copper table of the Constitution of 1791 were taken from the statue of Liberty and ritually destroyed to be stored as ‘historical monuments.’ Comay, Mourning Sickness : Hegel and the French Revolution, 62-63. 37 The cult of Reason was, by its nature, atheistic. This condemned the cult itself, which now took on a new look with the introduction of the Supreme Being. 38 Comay, Mourning Sickness: Hegel and the French Revolution, 62-68. 39 Hampson, A Social History of the French Revolution, 223, sees in this idea of a society, developed especially by Robespierre and Saint-Just, a blueprint for twenty centuries of totalitarism. A system in which the state is all-powerfull, the source of all morale, and the necessary object of supreme loyalty has a very modern look. The individual has no more rights relative to society, which becomes the source of all rights. Family is the greatest

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 177 state of the ethical world is a sign of great danger to Hegel, because ethical atheism taking over the social reality of man is the final conviction and doom of the history of tradition.40 Such emancipation from tradition throughout a historical breakdown like a revolution is only possible in a state such as France at the time, where there was not a satisfying level of spiritual freedom, despite the fact that it was the center of the Enlightenment.41 The French Revolution was based on the Enlightenment, but it arrived before the emancipation of the spirit needed for it to be sown on fertile ground and leave a permanent system. In the words of Jules Michelete, “The Revolution lacked grounds. It lacked religious evolution … out of which it could draw support, strength, depth.”42 Exactly because of that, the French Revolution was created on the grounds of negating the current state, seeing the impossibility of living alongside Christianity. Alexis de Tocqueville43 states the reasons for this critical gap between civil and clerical society. The Church was founded primarily on tradition and, as such, lost its place in the new system, which was emancipated from it. The primacy of authority over individual reason and of hierarchy over equality were also very important aspects of its disagreement. The strong political connections between the Church and the ancien régime, part of the feudalism which the Revolution wanted to remove, prevented successful compromise and, therefore, led the Revolution to think that it must first destroy church institutions to successfully take control of the state and establish its own ideological state apparatus. Secularization was complete – by introducing the rights of man, all other rights and authorities lost their validity and authenticity. Such was the case with divine law, and with it, the enormous influence of religion.44

opponent of the system because it is the greatest enemy of absolute devotion to the state, and the ideology of absolution forces its combatants to war until the end – in this case, absolute morale against tyranny – where there would be no end until the last ‘evil’ is banished from the world. 40 Ritter, Hegel and the French Revolution: Essays on the Philosophy of Right, 81. 41 Even though the Enlightenment was at its peak in France, it could hardly live outside of small groups of intellectuals. Real-world politics, the primacy of the Catholic Church and its dogmas over the world views of the majority of the people, the impossibility of reconciliation between the nobility and reform and change, and insufficient enlightening tendencies on the part of insufficiently strong rulers all served as bricks in the wall that supported the existing system. Such a state of hardship with ruling structures left no space for different penetration of enlightening ideas, only revolution and breaking off that hard tradition. 42 Comay, Mourning Sickness – Hegel and the French Revolution, 57. 43 Tocqueville, The Ancien Régime and the French Revolution, 138. 44 Coexistence of religious and political society is not impossible, even though they are

178 Finality? This entire dechristianization movement did not completely fulfill its goal in the end, although it left deep scars on the social body of France. Catholic religious awareness remained high enough among the people and Catholic upbringing persisted among the children throughout the Revolution despite the disappearance of Church institutions. The Revolution failed to bring down the foundations which would later rebuild the Catholic Church.45 Regarding dechristianization and the resistance towards it we can recognize the conflicts between the ideologies of Machiavelli and Montesquie,46 a conflict of law as power against tradition, manifested in the struggle of central government, its agents, apostles of freedom, and individual ‘Machiavellian’ local politicians against the traditions of the people, especially in the provinces, and its attachments to tradition and faith. “It was an episode without tomorrow...”47 – an episode without tomorrow, maybe, but the entire process lit the spark of secularisation which rapidly grew during the 19th century. The Church was removed from the position of dominance as the ideological state apparatus and a foundation was laid for a role which secular education later assumed, at least partially.48 Although the Catholic Church was resurrected and rebuilt, this process caused many systematic social changes which remained and form the mentality of people in France to this day and beyond:

basically different and cannot be guided by the same principles and rules. The Church ‘interfered’ with politics, but its vocation and nature do not ask that of her, nor determine it as such. Constitutional bishop Heri-Baptiste Gregoire saw ancient Christian laws and ideals in the new democratic society, trying to reconcile these two opposing sides. The fate of his Church clearly lets us know that momentary compromise was not possible at that time. His ideas were far ahead of his time. See Küng, Katolička crkva – kratka povijest, 199. The Catholic Church issued its firstexpresis ‘ verbis’ document only in 1963, in which basic human rights and the duties that come out of them are mentioned. The Second Vatican Council (1962-1965) recognized the right of autonomy of wordly things. These ideas were still very foreign to the spirit of the Catholic Church by the end of the 18th century, more than 150 years earlier. Matulić, ‘Crkva spram demokracije,’ 17, and Walton, Policing Public Opinion in the French Revolution, 195, state that it was exactly that unreadiness of the Church, and by that, its inability to keep civil values and social discipline from 1789-1792 as a central moral and educational institution, that caused the attempt to regenerate national morale in 1793-1794 by breaking off with tradition. 45 Jedin, Velika povijest Crkve, 385. 46 Barišić, Demokracija bez Ethosa?, 193. 47 Vovelle, Revolucija protiv Crkve, 163. 48 No one ideological state apparatus after that was so dominant as the Church had been in the ancien régime.

ISHA Journal Education and Intellectual Emancipation 179 —— Instead of Christianity, a board of human rights. Instead of Church law, a constitution. —— Instead of a cross, a tricolor. Instead of baptism in the church, marriage and funeral, a registry of citizen status. Instead of priesthood, tutorage. —— Instead of altars and liturgy, an altar of the nation, on which a patriot is to lay down even his own life. Instead of religiously colored places, cities and streets, patriotic names. —— Instead of worshiping saints, worshiping heroes, martyrs of revolution. Instead of Te Deum, Marseillaise. —— Instead of Christian ethics, enlightened ethics of citizen values and social harmony.49

Conclusion To conclude, we could say that the purpose and meaning of this conflict for and inside ideological state apparatuses during the French revolution was the establishment of a new dominant ideological state apparatus. This new dominant ideological state apparatus would have served the new citizen society in the reproduction of relations of production. The Church at that time had unquestionably lost the ability to retain the position which it had held for centuries because of the radical emancipation from tradition conducted by the revolutionary society. With the emancipation from tradition and the assault on the Church, revolutionaries found themselves with a serious and dangerous lack of an effective substitution for the position in society and the state which the Church and Catholic faith had occupied for a millennium. As a result, they recognized primarily the educational system, supported by the Enlightenment and science, as the adequate dominant ideological state apparatus for the new social system. Because of war and many other adversities, education could not live up to that position until the late years of the Revolution. Revolutionaries of the 2nd year of the Republic who had conducted this historical break up with tradition, despite of their stated ideas regarding reason, degenerated into radical fanatics established by faith. The Christian religion had simply been replaced by the religion of the citizen. In this historical example of an attempt to establish the new ideological state apparatus, as well as to conduct intellectual and spiritual emancipation from the chains of faith, Terror and de-Christianisation played

49 Küng, Katolička crkva – kratka povijest, 198.

180 leading roles. In their very essence, they assume characteristics of fanaticism and contain no intellectual or spiritual emancipation or freedom. Therefore, how can something that is advanced, scientific, reasonable, and emancipated lie on the foundation of absolute intolerance, on a crusade against the rest of the world, Terror, and various cults and myths?50 Only with the establishment of the educational system, based on science, on the dominant position of ideological state apparatuses, can we speak of intellectual emancipation, while the attempt to do the same thing during the previous period ended in self negation. As has been stated in the chapter titled ‘Schooling during the French Revolution,’ the educational system started to develop only after the fall of the Revolutionary government and the return of the Girondists to power. In the end, we could ask ourselves, ‘How can something that is based on science be connected with ideology?’ According to teaching, almost everybody is inside of an ideology, and to understand that (to anticipate oneself as an ideological individual), or even to attempt to step out, scientific knowledge is necessary.51 The educational system is based on science, but it is primarily in the service of the state as its apparatus. Science should be, in its essence, morally neutral, but we cannot argue that a system in service of a certain ideology, régime, or center of power cannot arise on a scientific foundation and its discoveries, because humans are those who determine moral values and place categories on scientific results. But still, this new ideological state apparatus is fundamentally different from the religious ones because the main ‘tool’ is not faith anymore; it is reason.

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50 Robespierre, Speech on the Festival of Supreme Being. http://www.historyplace.com/ speeches/robespierre.htm [03/03/2013] 51 Althusser, Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays, 175.

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