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African Runaway Slaves in the Anglo-American Atlantic World, Vol African Runaway Slaves in the Anglo-American Atlantic World, Vol. I: North America edited with an introduction and notes by Douglas B. Chambers, Ph.D. Executive Director Igbo History Foundation, LLC ©2016 Table of Contents Introductory Note Chapter I: African Runaways in the Chesapeake Region, 1736-1836 Chapter II: African Runaways in the Carolina Lowcountry Region, 1732-1820 Chapter III: African Runaways in the Lower Mississippi Valley, 1801-1857 2 Introductory Note This compilation of African runaway slaves in North America contains information on 1,650 African-born slaves, of whom 663 (or about 40 percent) include a specific provenance, or named ethnicity (country, nation). The compilation is organized regionally rather than by the artificial political boundaries of particular states. The Chesapeake Region includes notices and advertisements from newspapers in Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina; the Carolina Lowcountry Region encompassed Georgia and South Carolina; and the Lower Mississippi Valley includes references to runaway Africans in published advertisements from Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas. Each region was dominated demographically by its largest slaveholding state, that is, Virginia, South Carolina, and Louisiana, respectively. Taken as a whole, this North American collection of runaway enslaved Africans spans from southern Maryland through eastern Texas, and from the colonial through the antebellum eras. From the 1730s right through the 1850s, Africans were a part of the American landscape of slavery. These records document 33 different named ‘kinds’ of Africans in North American slavery, and internal evidence clearly suggests that it was the masters, and whites in general, who learned these terms from the slaves, and from Africans in particular. The most diverse region in this sample, Upper Guinea/Southern Rivers, that is, from the Casamance and Guinea-Bissau through Sierra Leone and Liberia, provides 11 terms for named groups, or fully one-third of named ethnicities in this compilation, and even today it remains the most ethnically diverse region of West Africa. The apparent ethnic diversity, however, belies a more fundamental patterning. Igbo Africans, for example, appear in every American region. In this sample enslaved Eboe were 90 percent of African runaways who originated from the Bight of Biafra, which included “Calabar” and “Moco” as well as “Eboe.” Indeed, the general pattern is that for each major slaving Coast in Atlantic Africa (excepting Upper Guinea/Southern Rivers), the majority of captives identified with just one or two major regional ethnicities. For Senegambia, it was “Gambia” (47 percent) and “Mandingo” (25 percent); for Gold Coast, it was “Coromantee” (51 percent); for the Bight of Benin, it was “Arrada” and “Popo” (83 percent); for the Bight of Biafra, it was “Eboe” (90 percent); and for West-Central Africa, it was “Angola” (57 percent) and “Congo” (42 percent). Of the 663 ‘named’ Africans, only two ethnicities (“Ben”, “Haloe”) are unidentifiable. [See Table 1 below] 3 Table 1: African Runaways in North America, by Regional Origin and Diasporic Ethnicity: Combined Dataset (N=663) Senegambia Upper Gold Coast Bight of Bight of West- SE Un- N= 164 Guinea/ N=59 Benin Biafra Central Africa identified Southern N=6 N=106 Africa N=1 N=2 Rivers N=292 N=33 Gambia Kissi Coromantee Arrada/ Eboe Angola Mada- Ben (77) (12) (30) Popo (95) (165) gascar (1) (5) (1) Mandingo Guinea Gold Coast Nago Calabar Congo Haloe (41) (Bissau) (17) [Yoruba] (9) (122) (1) (7) (1) Senegal Canga Mina Moco Mondongo (18) (4) (9) (2) (4) Fulla/ Suga/ Aoussa Malimba Poulard Shugar [Hausa] (1) (13) (3) (2) Bambara Baaga Chamba (9) (1) (1) Moorish Bossue (2) (1) Nar/ Rice Coast Tangier (1) (2) Sofo Grain (2) Coast (1) Windward Coast (1) Sierraleon (1) Timine (1) 4 Overall, the 12 most numerous nationalities/countries among runaway Africans in North America (southern U.S.) were, in order Angola, Congo, Eboe/Ibo, Gambia, Mandingo, Coromantee, Senegal, Gold Coast, Fulla/Poulard, Kissi, Bambara, and Calabar, and together this cohort of a dozen “countries” represents fully 92 percent of this sample. Most diasporic enslaved Africans, then, ‘re-grouped’ themselves into these more general, regional ethnicities, or meta- ethnicities, rather than tending to identify themselves in strictly local terms. Some of these ethnicities, such as Eboe, Congo, Mandingo, or Fulla and Kissi and Bambara, are easily recognizable from modern ethnography; others are geographically obvious, such as those who identified their ‘country’ as Angola, Gambia, Senegal, Gold Coast, and Calabar. Still others, however, such as “Coromantee” (the most common ethnic term for Africans from Gold Coast, that is, modern Ghana), or “Mina” and “Chamba” (also from the Gold Coast hinterland), or “Mondongo” (subjects of the Ndongo kingdom, in Angola) are found only in the Diaspora, and yet as such these ethnic terms became symbols of a shared history, or perhaps a shared historical experience of enslavement (in the case of Coromantee, for example, likely as victims of the Asante Empire). The more numerous a ‘named group’ the more likely they were to identify themselves in general, meta-ethnic terms in the African Diaspora. Curiously, and in contrast to whites in the Carolina Lowcountry (Georgia, South Carolina) and the Lower Mississippi Valley (especially Louisiana), in the Chesapeake region (Maryland, North Carolina, Virginia), masters generally did not identify their African-born slaves by ethnicity. Even a young George Washington, in an advertisement for four African runaways he placed in a Maryland newspaper in August of 1761 (pp.15-16, below), knew enough about them personally to describe them intimately, and to identify two as ship-mates (having been transported on the same slaving voyage), with a third from the same ‘country’ as those two. And yet, Washington did not feel it necessary to identify any of the four by African ethnicity (nation, country). Given the extreme dangers that runaway slaves faced everywhere, we needs must see them as heroes, if often tragically so, anywhere. For the Africans among them, it now seems clear that they sought solidarity along ethnic lines, and that these cultural connections helped the people to survive, and to seek their escape from slavery. 5 CHAPTER I: AFRICAN RUNAWAYS IN THE CHESAPEAKE REGION, 1736-1836 15 October 1736, Virginia Gazette (Parks)1 Ran away, about the middle of August last, from Roy’s Warehouse, in Caroline County, Two new Negro men, of a middle stature; one of them [MAN] of a yellow complexion, with a scar on the top of his head. The other [MAN] a black fellow; and they took with them several linen cloths, and cotton frocks, without sleeves, which they had when I bought them. Whoever takes up the said slaves and brings them to the above-mentioned Warehouse, shall have two Pistoles reward, besides what the Law directs, paid by PEYTON SMITH. Williamsburg, October 22, 1736. 29 October 1736, Virginia Gazette (Parks) Ran away two Negro men slaves; One of them called POPLAR, from my House in King William County, some time in June last; He is a lusty well-set likely fellow, of a middle stature, upwards of 30 years old, and talks pretty good English: The other called PLANTER, from my plantation in Roy’s Neck, in the County of King and Queen, about the month of August following. He is a young Angola Negro, very black, and his lips are remarkably red. He is supposed to be in company with an old Negroe fellow [MAN] belonging to Col. Corbin, of a yellowish hue, his hair is like a Madagascar’s, and to be gone towards Spotsylvania. Whoever brings the said Negroes, or either of them to my House aforesaid, shall be paid a Pistole reward for each: Or if already apprehended, any person giving notice thereof, so as they, or either of them, may be had again, shall be reasonably rewarded, by BENJAMIN NEEDLER. N.B. The Negroe Poplar is outlaw’d. 3 June 1737, Virginia Gazette (Parks) Ran away from Major JOHN BOLLING, of Henrico County, on Sunday the 15th of May last, Two new Negro men, one named SAMPSON, a large black fellow, the other nam’d BOWZAR, somewhat smaller, of a yellowish complexion, and a scar across the end of his nose: They were 1 Maryland, North Carolina, Virginia. Standardized and adapted from the following sources: Tom Costa, The Geography of Slavery in Virginia [2005], online at http://www2.vcdh.virginia.edu/gos/index.html; Lathan A. Windley, ed., Runaway Slave Advertisements: A Documentary History from the 1730s to 1790, Vol. I, Virginia and North Carolina (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1983); Windley, ed., Runaway Slave Advertisements: A Documentary History from the 1730s to 1790, Vol. 2, Maryland (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1983); Daniel Meaders, Advertisements for Runaway Slaves in Virginia, 1801-1820 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1997); Freddie L. Parker, ed., Stealing a Little Freedom: Advertisements for Slave Runaways in North Carolina, 1791-1840 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1994). The publication date is the first noted. Signifiers for imputed Africans include: no English, broken/bad English, outlandish, filed teeth, country marks, new Negroes, salt water Negroes. African runaways are listed in bold. 6 cloath’d in white plains. Whoever brings them to their Master, aforesaid, or give notice of them so as they may be had again, shall be handsomely rewarded. 26 August 1737, Virginia Gazette (Parks) On Tuesday last, the 30th of August, a Negro man, who was taken up in Middlesex County, as a runaway, was committed to the Public Prison, in Williamsburg. He is a lusty fellow, about 25 years old, and is suppos’d to be a new Negro: he calls himself GEORGE; but cannot or will not discover who he belongs to. The owner may have him again, by applying to the Keeper of the said Prison, and paying the charges.
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