Processes of Cultural Exchange in Central Europe in 1800-2000

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Content

Processes of Cultural Exchange in Central Europe in 1800-2000

Zdeněk Jirásek...... 7 Processes of Cultural Exchange in Czech Countries in the 20th Century (Procesy kulturní výměny v českých zemích ve 20. století)

Jana Burešová...... 21 The Culture under the Conditions of Exile in the 20th Century (based on the Example of an Insight into the Culture of the Czechoslovak Exiles in Australia) (Kultura v podmínkách exilu ve 20. století (na příkladu sondy provedené do kultury československých exulantů v Austrálii))

Martin Franc...... 43 Borscht, Chinese or Pizza? Cultural Transfer in the Area of Cuisine in Czech Countries 1948-1989 (Na boršč, na „čínu“ nebo na pizzu? Kulturní transfer v oblasti gastronomie v českých zemích 1948–1989)

Marie Gawrecká...... 69 Cisleithanian Universities as Centres of Forming an Educated Elite in the Second Half of the 19th Century and the Beginning of the 20th Century (Předlitavské univerzity jako centra formování vzdělanostních elit ve druhé polovině 19. a na počátku 20. století)

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Marian Hochel...... 89 Slavkov Myth and Iconography of the Revived Rome: Battle at Austerlitz in the Year 1805 as a Part of Napoleon’s victory over the Dacians Contemporary on the Vendôme Square in Paris (Slavkovský mýtus a ikonografie vzkříšeného Říma: bitva u Slavkova v roce 1805 jako součást Napoleonova vítězství nad novodobými Dáky na pařížském náměstí Vendôme)

Jiří Knapík...... 129 The Cultural Exchange Processes in Czechoslovakia after 1945 (Procesy kulturní výměny v Československu po roce 1945)

Jaromíra Knapíková...... 149 School Excursions from the Hlučín Region to Bohemia as the Tool of the Czech National Propaganda (Školní zájezdy z Hlučínska do Čech jako nástroj české národní propagandy)

Zdeněk Kravar...... 161 Austrian Silesia as a Space of Multicultural Encounters - Example of Contemporary Opava District (Rakouské Slezsko jako prostor multikulturálního střetávání – příklad dnešního okresu Opava)

Jaromír Olšovský...... 177 Art and Borders. Regarding the Issue of the Works of Painters, Sculptors and Carvers on both Sides of the Prussian-Austrian Border from the Middle of the 18th Century to the End of the 19th Century (Umění a hranice. K otázce působení malířů, sochařů a řezbářů po obou stranách prusko-rakouské hranice od poloviny 18. století po konec 19. století)

Martin Pelc...... 209 Topography of Humour. Several Issues Concerning the Organisational and Social Structure of the Schlaraffia Clubs 1914 (Topografie humoru. Několik otázek k organizační a sociální struktuře spolků Schlaraffia do roku 1914)

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Pavel Šopák...... 223 Czech Silesia – Cultural Identity and Museum Work (České Slezsko – kulturní identita a muzejní práce)

Štefan Šutaj...... 255 The Czechoslovak – Hungarian Disputes over the Cultural Heritage and the Article 11 of the Peace Treaty with Hungary from 1947 (Československo-maďarské spory o kulturní dědictví a 11. článek mírové smlouvy s Maďarskem z roku 1947)

Stefan Zwicker...... 285 Allerlei Pioniere: Wie der Fußball um und nach 1890 nach Prag kam (Průkopníci: Jak kopaná kolem a po roce 1890 přišla do Prahy)

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6 Processes of Cultural Exchange in Central Europe 1800 - 2000

Processes of Cultural Exchange in Czech Countries in the 20th Century

Zdeněk Jirásek

Abstract: The article analyzes the past history of the 20th century as the century of mobility, examining all aspects that have shaped it from its beginnings to the recent past and closer focuses on cultural exchange in the Czech Lands in the 20th century from the two planes: how the culture of the Czech lands was influenced in various stages of development in these hundred years from abroad and vice versa: how the culture of the Czech lands affected the culture of foreign countries.

Keywords: Culture, 20th Century, Changes, Stalinism, Komunism, Nazi occupation

The 20th century is now a closed chapter and is gradually becoming, even in its final stage, the property of historical researchers. The people who entered it as small children are practically all dead today. The people who entered their productive age in its second half are reaching into their senior years today. Those who made up its image in the last quarter are gradually and irreversibly getting closer to a senior age. After the so-called “long 19th century”, the 20th century was much “shorter”. In many ways it only began in 1914; i.e., at the outbreak of the Great War, which we now call the First World War or World War One. It ended ten years before its “chronological end”, connected with a completely new re-formatting of the power and political situations around the world.1

1 This study originated within the framework of fulfilling the tasks of the project Historisa- tion of Central Europe, which has been introduced at the Institute of Historical Sciences of the Arts & Humanities Faculty of the Silesian University in Opava. The program is being implemented thanks to financial support provided by European social funds and the

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It is thus by and large logical that even at present the 20th century receives various attributes and generalising characteristics. Very often it is described as the age of totalitarianism and dictatorships. If we consider this issue, then, in light of the creation and existence of totalitarian regimes, we should regard such a proposition as true. That is to say, the development of all social structures, even if seemingly paradoxically, threw the doors wide open for the entry of totalitarian regimes. It was a completely new quality of interconnecting all parts of the individual and social being into one all-controlling unit represented by one all powerful political component or organisation. A classical example was the Communist political system originating in Russia and spreading into a number of countries in Europe, Asia, Africa as well as America. At the same time, it is not possible to ignore the fact that it exhibited a number of differences in various geographical conditions and that, even if it was represented by the Soviet Union, it internally developed here as well as in other countries. Another totalitarian regime was Nazism and, to a certain extent, related fascism. The core of this system was unquestionably formed by Hitler’s “Third Reich”. However, it existed for a far shorter period than the Communist system, but even so, it threw the world into deep decline. Besides this, there were also other totalitarian regimes, which, however, were related only to restricted territories. We will mention as an example Cambodia under the government of the Khmer Rouge. If we consider that all totalitarian regimes resulted in deep crises or even catastrophes, than the attribute of the century of totalitarianism and catastrophes could be quite appropriate. And if we add the fact that most countries around the world were controlled for a part of this time period or even for the whole period by dictatorships, semi-dictatorships or authoritarian regimes, then this characteristic will be even strengthened. Another possible and fully legitimate attribute characterising the 20th century could be the “age of dynamic development”. In spite of the facts mentioned in the previous paragraphs, mankind as a whole had never before experienced such dynamic developmental progress as in the 20th century. Civilisation was

state budget of Silesian University. At this point I will also say that the presupposed study is basically of a generalising consideration based on long-term usage of many titles of expert literature, archive study and numerous interviews with eyewitnesses. Impressions from reading fiction, observing film and visual art and from visits to several museums etc. are reflected in it. However, considering that no ties in the text can be unambiguously made to a specific information source, no other notes are added.

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rocked by massive and rapid industrialisation and urbanisation. The links between individual centres, and even countries and continents opened up unsuspected possibilities for all sphere of human activities. In economics we can then hon- estly talk about a kind of real globalisation. Everything was connected through an unprecedented technical and scientific development. Technology completely changed people’s lifestyles, broadcasting and television entered into practically all households, electricity allowed people to eliminate the limits of human activities for daylight hours. Scientific research contributed, however, also to unsuspected changes in the field of hygiene and health. Various epidemics disappeared, and we can also note an extensive range of transplants, there was hardly any medical discipline that would not have facilities towards the end of this period that the scientists of the time would have considered to be nonsensical fantasy at its beginning. Hand in hand with these specific results, more space was also given to legislation, which had to react to these as yet unforeseen changes. However, it must be noted that the “first world” participated much more in these innovations, while the benefits to the regions lagging behind were disproportionately lower. It was in the 20th century that this diversification, inexpertly expressed as “the rich North and the poor South”, became clearly apparent. The previous tendencies are also related to another possible characterisation of the 20th century – it could also be called the century of fast growth of the living standard. The standard of living, however, again in the more developed part of the globe, moved forward in a way that cannot be documented in any previous period. The growth of the purchasing power of inhabitants, in spite of two war calamities and various crises, was quite surprising. What in 1900 was available to only a very small group of people was generally available to all classes in 2000. The birth of the “Social State” in Western Europe then enabled the gradual establishment of a strong middle class, distinguishing itself with corresponding financial security, social status, education and access to information. This was true despite the fact that in the last third of the 20th century, the shears between a grandiose concentration of wealth in the hands of a minimum of people and the social structures living under the poverty line began to open again. All of these characteristics thus hide in themselves some internal doubts, whether given by the aspect of time, territory or the contradictory character of their own interior structure. In this sense, the objections of opponents of this or that characteristic feature can then be raised. However, there is one feature

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on which all of them can agree. The 20th century may be called the century of mobility. This is true whether it concerns temporary or long-term transfers of inhabitants or the spread of ideas and information. Movement in this specific field is also reflected by eyewitnesses in various scenes from the Czech countryside. Children at the beginning of the 20th century gathered along the road (usually dirt or gravel) when the first automobiles went through their village. This latest craze of technology, progress and luxury was the property of the local aristocrat or factory owner. Towards the end of their active lives, the same boys not only owned and drove a car, but made also flew in aeroplanes on regular or recrea- tional flights. Mobility, however, was a general phenomenon, which also related to material culture or its idealised forms. A distinctive topic for historical research could then be the efforts to hinder mobility from the point of view of governing power structures or at least inhibit their dynamics. In this consideration, however, we will focus on a somewhat different issue. That is to say, we will concentrate on the cultural exchange in the Czech lands in the 20th century. We will try to at least generally answer the - in our view - fundamental questions. What influenced the culture in the Czech lands in individual phases of this century’s development from abroad and, vice versa, how the culture of the Czech lands influenced foreign cultures. At the same time, we will make some notes concerning the reception of the cultural values offered by the Czech population.

This relatively long period of time will be divided into the following phases: 1) Austro-Hungarian period; 2) Inter-war period; 3) Nazi occupation; 4) Post-war uncertainty (1945-1948); 5) Stalinism (1948-mid-1950s); 6) Czech “Communism”; 7) Post-revolution 1990s.

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1) Austro-Hungarian Period:

At the beginning of the 20th century, Austria-Hungary was a full-bodied European state, with regard to its area, number of inhabitants as well as the total potential it represented a second level power in the European and global scale and a first grade power in Central and South-Eastern Europe. It was a country with a developed culture, whose inhabitants, not to the same extent, of course, but almost all, enjoyed the benefits and cultural experiences of the last phase of the “Age of Elegance”. The Czech lands were among the most developed areas of the monarchy and the same applied to the members of two dominants ethnic groups – i.e. Czechs and Germans. As we said earlier, let us ask the question of what influenced the cultural development in the Czech lands? It was, in particular, the German-Austrian influence. On the one hand, it was unquestionably dominant and, on the other hand, let us emphasise again that the Czech lands, as an inseparable part of the Haps- burg Monarchy, were an inseparable component. Even today this can be documented in a very concrete manner particularly in the architecture of towns and cities. Art Nouveau houses are practically the same quality and make the same impression as the Art Nouveau buildings in Vienna, Budapest, Munich or Krakow. Due to the well-preserved state of urban units, this knowledge is traceable quite easily even for a casual and superficially informed visitor. If, however, we make a deeper study of the cultural environment, we will discover also another confirmation of this proposition. If we focus, for example, on theatre programs, we will find that, apart from the theatrical pieces of an explicitly national orientation, dramatic compositions were very similar. This was especially striking in operas and operettas. The art of painting the Czech landscape was influenced particularly by studies made by the artists living here. It is possible to say that it was three academies – Vienna, Munich and Prague – that profiled it most remarkably. Recommenda- tions to study in the East; i.e., in Krakow and Moscow, which we hear from the painter Mikoláš Aleš in the film “The painter went out in poverty into the wild world” from the 1950s is nothing but propagandist fantasy of the ideologists of the time. Local Czech and German painting, whether in their academic branches or the “avant-garde” was oriented on the three centres mentioned above, i.e. to the west of the old continent.

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The same can be said of literature. This too is dominated by historism and symbolism with a slight language modification. Even this tendency fully corresponded to the procedures applied in the advanced Western Europe, including literature or drama, whose only ambition was to entertain and make a certain monetary profit. Even the contemporary lifestyle was modelled on a German- Austrian context. We could speak of the later Biedermeier, which was flavoured by the “Age of Elegance” and by nationalism. Another cultural transfer was related to France. A close connection with this country and its specific culture was, at the same time, typical especially for the ethnically Czech environment; we come across smaller echoes of the “sweet France” among local German inhabitants. French influences were reflected most remarkably in the visual arts. After all, many Czech artists lived in France, especially in Paris, for long periods of time. The most famous Czech artist living in Paris at that time was Alfons Mucha. This personality markedly influenced the form of Art Nouveau painting and his theatre posters made a sought-after and generally acknowledged artist of him. However, Mucha also attracted attention through his designs of interiors, jewellery, etc. The influence of France on other artistic areas in the Czech lands is obvious also in the field of sculpture. August Rodin, for example, had a relatively strong relationship to Prague. A remarkable collection of his sculptures can still be seen in the National Gallery in Prague today. However, the influence of French culture can be documented also in other examples. We can, for instance, recall the teaching of the French language in Czech secondary schools. Considerable attention was paid to it and financial support for this subject was quite high. French, however, also met with considerable interest of the secondary school students at the time. Another incentive in cultural transfers into the Czech lands was the geographic area of the Far East; i.e., China and Japan. This influence can also be seen in all of Western and Central Europe. Captivation by Eastern art can be, in fact, understood also in the context of Art Nouveau, which could make extraordinary use of this influence. Patterns, as they were perceived, were reflected also in the lifestyle of the upper middle classes. We still see japaneries located in gardens in many villas of Czech towns. It was in these summerhouses, where coffee or afternoon tea was served. Japanese and Chinese patterns appeared also in the form of many fashionable garments. Perhaps most popular were Chinese silk scarves and shawls. Even

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sets of China or porcelain statuettes formed a part of the standard of middle class townsfolk; even Japanese vases appear. On the other hand, the spiritual values of these countries attracted only negligible interest. Another centre which sent its cultural ideas into Czech lands was unquestionably Russia. The influence of Russian culture was, however, very problematic. We could speak even of distinctive selectiveness. On the one hand, Tsarist Russia played a certain role in the considerations of some politicians. It harmonised with neo-Slavism and certain other schools of thought. A specific figure of the high politics in Czech lands was Dr. Karel Kramář, whose wife was Russian and who also had considerable properties in Russia. His ideas even went so far that he considered a personal union between the Czech and the Russian countries. These political echoes are, however, reflected only to a minimum extent in the cultural sphere. First and foremost, Russian thinking was to a considerable extent neglected also by intellectual strata, because it appeared to be abstruse in the Central European environment. The concept of the “useless man” could not win recognition in the active national and economic bustle. On the other hand, it must be emphasised that Russian music gained considerable interest in Czech lands, especially Petr Illyitch Tchaikovsky, who visited Prague and conducted his opera Eugene Onegin here. The works of classical Russian literature, in particular, Lev Nikolaevitch Tolstoy and Fiyodor Michailovitch Dostoyevsky, were translated into Czech. Their reception, however, was not entirely positive. Well known is, for example, a somewhat controversial relation of Tomáš G. Masaryk to Prince Tolstoy. Let us turn now to the second level of our investigation – that is, how the Czech lands influenced foreign countries, when transferring their culture. We have mentioned above the contribution of Alfons Mucha. Another area that must be mentioned is Czech music. The turn of the 19th and 20th centuries is the period when Antonín Dvořák became world famous. His music not only permeated all significant music scenes, but he also became the “founder” of the classical music tradition in the United States of America. However, another Czech composer – Bedřich Smetana – also made his mark in music. Many Czech musicians considerably influenced the works of various musical bodies. This was especially remarkable in Austria, Germany, the Balkans and Rus- sia. Many Czech personalities headed for Russia. Here we can also mention some architects, and even gardeners and landscapers, who became quite prominent in several Russian Black Sea resorts, where vast parks were created, many of which

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still exist today. Czech culture was, however, carried into Tsarist Russia also by Czech engineers, architects and traders as a side product of their activities. A specific chapter is created by the activity of some engineers and architects in China and Japan. World War One, however, terminated all these relatively long- term tendencies. Its results changed not only the political map of Europe and the world, but also brought a radical breakthrough in cultural mobility.

2) The Inter-war Period:

After 1918, the Czech lands appeared in an entirely new geopolitical situation. The Hapsburg Monarchy collapsed, successor states originated from it and the Czech lands became a part of the new Czechoslovakia. These were very fundamental shifts, which were, of course, reflected in the area of cultural mobility. On the other hand, however, it is natural that while the political and power decisions can be implemented in the course of a relatively short period of time, in other areas of social life, there is a heavier inertia and the continuity is thus not torn in such a revolutionary manner. Even after the establishment of a new independent republic in the Czech lands, the German-Austrian influence continued to work as in the past. However, it was modified by the fact that the ethnic Czech environment no longer considered itself to be part of it. A somewhat different situation was in the ethnic Ger- man areas, but even here the state border played a considerable role. In spite of the continuity mentioned above, the acceptance of new German cultural streams was rather limited. For example, popular expressionism had a much smaller echo in the Czech areas. It was noticed more distinctively only in the 1930s, which could, however, be related also to the German and German-Jewish emigration from Hitler’s Third Reich. However, German films were widely accepted by a large audience. The Berlin UFA became a sort of Mecca for European film makers and it was only shadowed by the American film industry. A number of Czech actors also saw their engagement in these film studios as the culmination of their life work and acting career. This is described in a very concrete way in the memories of Lída Baarová, among others. The cultural influence of France, on the contrary, strengthened greatly. This process was related undoubtedly to the wide acceptance of the avant-garde move-

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ment in the Czech lands. The collection of Picasso’s paintings, systematically gathered by Vincenc Kramář in the National Gallery in Prague, is material proof of it. The admiration of France was reflected also in the literary sphere. The poems by Vítězslav Nezval, František Halas and many others testify to this. As regards prose, let us mention here Karel Čapek. But it was not only the modernist line of Czech culture which was borne along with the French tune. The correspondence of one of the representatives of the modern Catholic style, Sigismund Bouška, with French writers of the same orientation is also a remarkable source for taking over French cultural incentives and influences in the Czech environment. There were also other facts contributing to the admiration of France and its culture. It was the provision of grants for Czech students, and rising tourism to this country. It also became a sort of attribute of one’s social standard to visit this country. It may have been then that an interesting bon-mot of a well situated lady appeared: “One travels to Paris for the first time with one’s father, for the second time with one’s husband and the third time with one’s lover.” Another region, as we mentioned in the previous text, was the Far East. Its influence almost disappeared during the inter-war period. It was partly due to the fact that Czechoslovakia had completely different priorities than those remote regions, but also because tastes had changed. The formerly admired rich deco- rativeness and colourfulness, so much pleasing to the ideological essence of Art Nouveau, was now considered to be decadent, and in the worse case, even kitsch. Tsarist Russia turned into the Bolshevik Soviet Union. The country fell into isolation and in many ways it strove for isolation itself. Soviet culture was then presented in a sharply ideologised form; everything related to the Soviet Union was sharply politicised. Part of the cultural avant-garde, however, was highlighted by Soviet culture; nevertheless even this part began to be ignored to some extent after the “exclusion” of futurism, Soviet functionalism, etc. However, the Com- munist intelligentsia remained faithful to it. Let us mention here, for example, the works of Stanislav Kostka Neumann “Antiguezde”, which was a sharp criticism of a text written by a man who had visited the Soviet Union, from a man of letters who had not known this country at all, but believed in its mission. As an example of cultural exchanges, we can also mention the efforts to establish a Czech National Church – the Czechoslovak Hussite Church. This did not qualify itself against Rome only through the Hussite tradition, but also by its ties to Orthodox Christianity as a Slavic Christian alternative. Its founders, however, did not turn to Moscow, but communicated with the Serbian Orthodox hiagerchy.

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Only in the 1930s did space for a very restricted cultural exchange with the Soviet Union begin to open. Undoubtedly it was influenced by the Nazi threat and the uncertainty of global developments. As evidence of perhaps the presentation of Soviet culture we can mention the journey of Jan Werich and Jiří Voskovec to the USSR. They commented favourably on the Soviet theatre and were especially captured by Muscovite Gipsy theatre. A very distinctive role in the cultural influence on the Czech lands was, on the other hand, played by the Anglo-Saxon world. Even here the closeness of the “State ideology” could be seen between Czechoslovakia and the United States of America as well as Great Britain, and the popularity of the American President, Thomas Woodrow Wilson, as well as the intellectual dominance of T. G. Masaryk was indisputably reflected here. It was one of the sources of the loosely oriented artistic stream, where the figure of Karel Čapek cannot be forgotten. Many trans- lations from American and English literature were published and American films met with a huge response. Czech culture in the inter-war period emerged very quickly into the world. The dramas written by Karel Čapek appealed to audiences in many countries around the world. The import of Czech culture was related to the fact that Czechoslovakia was presented as the only exemplary “Western” democracy in Central and South-Eastern Europe. This must have made the awakening at the time of the Munich Accord all the worse. With a certain dose of symbolism we can remember Čapek’s desperate correspondence with several significant personalities in world culture. None of them responded, even though Čapek knew many of them personally. The several-month-old Second Republic tried to retire into its shell and return “to its roots”. The slogan “Small but Ours” was quite appropriate for the time. It was only a sort of agony of the previous incomplete two decades. If we stop at the extent of acceptance of foreign influences by Czech inhabitants, then it can be said in short that as a result of liberal conditions, it was considerable. It was unquestionably related also to the highly evaluated function of education, to which considerable attention had been paid since as early as the 19th century.

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3. The Protectorate:

The events of World War Two in the Czech lands are related to the existence of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, which was in fact, a specific form of German occupation. Czech culture tried in the beginnings to follow rather the Second than the First Republic, when making use of its stated autonomy. Con- sequently, vast regimentation measures appeared and the system of controlling culture became stricter and stricter. Regarding the foreign transfer of culture, the dominant position was occupied by the Nazi Third Reich. The tendency to incorporate into this sphere the influences of the cultures of its allies, were gradually hindered by wartime events. So, with the exception of showing Italian films, we do not find any more significant evidence of such cultural processes. Czech culture retired, in fact, into its shell at that time and turned away in favour of cosmopolitism. As future development showed, the most survivable were protectorate film comedies, which are broadcast on television even today.

4. Post-war Uncertainty (1945 – 1948):

The immediate post-war period brought a sort of breathlessness, signs of transitoriness and strong turbulence and it was indeed very short-term. There was a peculiar fight for the form that the post-war Czechoslovakia would take, but in the situation that Europe divided its powers. The peculiarity of the country was perhaps best captured by Josef Škvorecký in the novel “The end of the Nylon Age”. The cover of the book shows a drawing of a dog with “RAWGH RAWGH” crossed out and the Russian “гаф, гаф” written in overtop. Still, until February 1948, it was a completely open society, where transla- tions of both Western and Eastern literature were published, theatre was presented without restraint and the cultural traditions of the First Republic were followed. Any restrictions were still more in the way of a technical nature than of political.

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However, unjustified enthusiasm prevailed among the people, which clearly dominated over rational thought. As far as the export of Czech culture abroad is concerned, if it happened at all, it was based on the past, not on the present. Suddenly, it was as if the country had nothing to offer.

5. Stalinism (1948 – mid 50s):

The change of the political system and establishment of a totalitarian regime with its many manifestations of persecution outlined a completely different cultural map of the Czech lands. Above all, it closed the area towards the West. Everything was ideologically assessed and verified, many cultural figures were persecuted, and the activities of many others were prohibited, as everything was judged through the filter of Socialist Realism, which, however was not even con- cisely defined, even under the massive financial support for those cultural figures who were among the officially preferred. In practice, it brought a total devalua- tion in form and a deformed privilegisation of content. The import of Soviet culture was massively supported. But gradually people began to lose interest in this officially appointed culture, and later began to ridicule it. People quickly began to call the pompous Stalinist sculptural group above the Vltava River “The Fishing Warden”. As regards the export of Czech culture abroad, this was rather the interpretation of classical works of art into the Soviet Union and the countries in its power block.

6. Czech Communism 1956 – 1989:

It is not possible to determine exactly the time line between the declining Stalinism and post-Stalinist conditions in the development of culture. Not even the specific time period was fixed; there were also more liberal phases and phases of tougher relations and ties. Nevertheless, the total cultural isolation from the world as in the previous period never happened again. Various artists performed in Prague and other places in the Czech lands and Czech artists went on tours abroad. These were primarily performers of classical music, but also popular

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music as well – some long term successful performers were Karel Gott, Hana Hegerová, the Semaphore Theatre and many others. The successful Czechoslo- vak exhibitions at the Brussels and Montreal Expo cannot be overlooked. Czech films were also well received. The same applies to some television series, such as the huge success of Jaroslav Dietl’s “Hospital on the Edge of the City” on Ger- man television. Many films of worldwide acclaim came to the Czech lands and original as well as translated books were published in copies in the ten thousands and hundred thousands – and people queued for them! But over the entire period, many writers, as well as theatre people, artists and musicians, were outcast. The citizens accepted a number of cultural events and projects with understanding and as is shown by today’s television dramaturgy, many of works created then are accepted even by viewers today. If we should look for some theoretical starting points, then even in the 1960s already some intellectuals inclined to the so-called “new left”, but later on no unifying platform existed.

7. Post- Revolutionary 1990s:

After November 1989, the Czech lands returned again to the standard “advanced” countries even in terms of culture. Along with the former restraints of the Communist era, some financial and organisational principles disappeared as well. Since then, Czech culture has been accompanied by ordinary conditions existing anywhere in the developed world. We can thus say that in spite of some reservations of contemporaries, the 20th century closed optimistically.

Conclusion

Throughout the 20th century, Czech culture was influence by the entire world, although with certain fluctuations. It also influenced the world in the dimensions given by the size and capacity of the country and its citizenry. And how was all this accepted and perceived by the people of the Czech lands? I would say practically and rationally.

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Resumé Procesy kulturní výměny v českých zemích ve 20. století Zdeněk Jirásek

Příspěvek rozebírá dějiny uplynulého 20. století jako století mobilit, zabývá se všemi aspekty, které jej utvářely od jeho počátků až po nedávnou minulost a blíže se zaměřuje na kulturní výměnu v českých zemích ve 20. století ze dvou rovin a to čím byla kultura českých zemí ovlivňována v jednotlivých etapách vývoje sledovaných sta let ze zahraničí a čím kultura českých zemí naopak ovlivnila produkty kultury zahraniční. Poměrně dlouhý časový úsek celého minulého století autor rozčlenil na rakousko – uherský vstup; mezivá- lečné období; nacistickou okupaci; období poválečné nejistoty (1945 – 1948); stalinismus (1948 – pol. 50. let); český „komunismus“ a porevoluční 90. léta.

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The Culture under the Conditions of Exile in the 20th Century (based on the Example of an Insight into the Culture of the Czechoslovak Exiles in Australia)

Jana Burešová

Abstract: This contribution deals with the forms of the national cultural activities performed by the Czechs and Slovaks in Australia during the 20th century. It analyses the form of the main exile periodicals, shows the process of creation, the form and functioning of the amateur theatres, the physical education activities of the Sokol association and the public education work in the field of religion.

Keywords: Exile, Culture, 20th century, Australia

Introduction

Exile is one of the phenomena of the human history that occurred not only in the 20th century. This paper focuses on the emigration and exile of the citizens from the countries governed by the communistic regime in the second half of the 20th century into the world of liberty. The exiles brought with themselves from their home countries to the foreign world their national culture. They intended to maintain and cultivate the language and the culture in the broadest context across the frontier and to get ready to return to their home countries as soon as the conditions are favourable. In this context, the results of the insight into the culture of the Czechoslovak immigrants to Australia will be presented.

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The most general term used for the people leaving their home country to live abroad, is the term “migration, migrants”. The migration history of the twenti- eth century is currently in the spotlight of the social science experts in the broad worldwide context. The most frequently used terms in the Czech environment to describe the leaving of the home to live in a foreign country are emigration and exile. Since the beginning of the nineties of the 20th century, intensified attention has been paid not only by the historians to the history of the Czechoslovak emigration and exile. A number of research projects dealing with both the more general and more particular topics were implemented and the destiny of the emigrants and exiles in a number of world destinations were studied and presented in publications. During the scientific conference discussions, attention was paid also to the theoretical issues and in particular to the terminology aspects, namely how to denominate under various situations and under various circumstances the persons who were leaving their homeland.

Czechoslovak Emigration and Exile in Australia

The circumstances and reasons leading to the decision to leave one´s homeland varied. During the period of the First Czechoslovak Republic, the Czech people and even more the Slovak people dared to emigrate for social and economic reasons in particular. Following the onset of the communistic dictatorship in February 1948, in particular those people were leaving who disagreed with the social and political relations and/or even persecuted and prosecuted by the communistic government. Later on, the number of the people leaving also for economic reasons rose. To name the process of leaving of the citizens of one country for abroad, various terms have been used over time that have gradually stabilized based on the reasons and circumstances under which the individuals or a group left their home country. In addition to the terms such as refugee, expatriate, outgoer, displaced person, expellee, we most frequently encounter the terms of emigrant and exile. The term emigration means that a person leaves his/her homeland mostly for a prolonged, previously indefinite period, or even forever. Economic emigration and political emigration are usually distinguished. Economic emigration,

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also called emigration, is usually driven by the effort to search for better conditions for living and material provision abroad and it often results in permanent settlement by the emigrants in the countries where they found solid conditions for their life existence. If these emigrants have not completely assimilated with the society in their new place of living and maintained a certain relationship to their native languages and the traditions of their home country, the term “foreign compatriots” is used for them. As far as the political emigration is concerned, it means that people are leaving their homeland due to political, national, ethnic and/or religious repression and persecution and/or due to the disagreement with the domination of another country and/or nation, and/or to the disagreement with the regime governing their home country. The term “exile” has become established in this respect, and the political emigrants are therefore called “exiles”. Unlike the economic emigration, the exiles count in major part on as fast return to their home country, as possible, as they hope that the situation, the regime and/or the social relationship in their homeland change. Therefore, the target countries of the exiles were usually the countries featuring suitable conditions for the exiles to apply their opinions and to enjoy unrestricted. In most cases, these were the countries that took negative standpoint towards the governing authorities in the exiles´ home country and were therefore sympathetic to the exile, and/or the exiles could have counted on their intervention against the political regime in the home country and/or on the help with the liberation of their home country from the foreign dominance (mainly in the event of warlike situations). The exiles were also ready to support their host countries in their potential fight against the regime in their own homeland or home state or against the state dominating over their state or home country. The Czechoslovak state was to a considerable extent interested in the destiny of its compatriots abroad, in particular during the times of the First Czechoslo- vak Republic. In the first half of the 20th century, the association called Czech- oslovakiaý ústav zahraniční (The Czechoslovak Foreign Institute – hereinafter referred to as ČÚZ) was highly active in Czechoslovakia and its tasks included taking care of the foreign compatriots, providing the necessary information, mediating the contacts with the former home country and/or assisting with the repatriation which occurred mainly after the end of the World War Two. The ČÚZ association was active also during the communistic regime in Czechoslo- vakia, but was directly integrated into the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Under these conditions, however, the activities of the ČÚZ association had primarily

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the ideological and political subtext. The emigrants of the first half of the 20th century who remained loyal to the communistic government in Czechoslovakia were used by this government through the ČÚZ association as the apologists and promoters of the communistic regime. The ČÚZ association was trying to keep the exiles under control, were collecting information on them in various ways which was not easy taking into account that the exiles did not communicate with the Czechoslovak authorities at all, if possible. About one thousand Czech and Slovaks had gradually left for the faraway Australia till the beginning of the World War Two and till 1948, they were up to 2,000, but the data on the accurate numbers vary in the individual information sources. The relatively low number of emigrants is related not only to a considerable geographic distance and the associated high costs of the journey, but also to the gradual restriction of immigration by the Australian government at the break of the twenties and thirties, until it was stopped completely due to the worldwide economic crisis. At the end of the thirties, with the growing need for the new and mostly manual workforce, the Australian government permitted immigration to the country again. As a result of the February state coup in Czechoslovakia, 11,000 to 12,000 Czechs and Slovaks left for the Australian exile at the break of the forties and fifties. After the August 1968, the second wave of exiles counting over 6,000 people left for Australia. At the beginning of the eighties, the materials by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated roughly 18,000 Czechs and Slovaks living in Australia. With the exception of the minor primary researches made at the break of the 20th and 21st century in particular by the employees of the Ethnologic Institute attached to the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic in Prague, emigration and exile from Czechoslovakia to Australia in the 20th century have not so far been in the spotlight of a more significant scientific attention. With the support of the Grant Agency of the Czech Republic, the employees of the Centre for the Czechoslovak Exile Studies at the Faculty of Philosophy of the Palacký University in Olomouc are currently dealing with the form of the basic research. From the sociological point of view, the Czech emigrants to Australia have been studied in most comprehensive form by Michael Cigler so far. At the beginning of the second millennium, the project titled “Exil sám o sobě” (The Exile Itself) has been worked up, in particular based on the initiative of Mr. Stanislav Brouček (of the Ethnologic Institute attached to the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Prague). The goal of the working team was to expand the aware-

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ness of the emigration and exile with the aspect of the way of life in a different environment. It was the intention to introduce the ethnographic and sociological view of the issue of exile. The objective of the researches performed by that time was in particular to map the political situation and the club, cultural and similar public activities. Such an approach to the research of emigration and exile is undoubtedly extending and inspiring. The information related to this topic can be found both in certain institutions in the Czech Republic and directly in Australia. In the Czech Republic, the valuable sources originating from the Czechoslovak Foreign Institute are deposited in the National Archive in Prague, while in the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Prague, the written documents originated from the work of the General Consulate of the Czechoslovak Republic in Sydney can be found. The Libri prohibiti library plays an irreplaceable role in this particular research as it contains a collection of the Czech and Slovak exile newspapers and magazines. The individual, partial and/or fragmentary information can be found in the written documents deposited in the Archive and in the library of the Náprstek Muzeum in Prague and in the Czechoslovak Documentation Centre in Prague. The Centre for the Czechoslovak Exile Studies at the Faculty of Philosophy of the Palacký University in Olomouc has written documents available from the personal estate left by Mr. Petr Hrubý and there is also an extensive fund titled “The Council of the Free Czechoslovakia”. A large number of unprocessed written documents, and, in particular, not organized in an archive and coming directly from the exiles in Australia are kept by the Museum of the Czech and Slovak Exile in Brno. Directly in Australia, you can find the materials related to the issue of the Czechoslovak exile in the national libraries in Sydney, Canberra, Melbourne and Perth and in the National Archive in Canberra. A number of written materials, such as chronicles, the minutes from the meetings, correspondence, own production, is held by the officers of the individual associations (such as Sokol Sydney, Beseda Canberra) and/or completely in private hands of the former employees in the culture. The objective of the research project investigators is to obtain the copies of the documents and to establish the Archive of the Czechoslovak Exile in Australia in Olomouc within the scope of the Centre for the Czechoslovak Exile Studies. The direct cooperation with the still living exiles being a specific type of the source is irreplaceable. These exiles give a number of valuable information and references to the research project investigators, provide

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contacts to other personalities who tried to keep up the Czech culture and/or the awareness of the Czech culture in Australia in their way.

The Cultural Activities of the Czechs and Slovaks in Australia

The first association of the Czechoslovak exiles in Australia, and, atthe same time, the only one that assumed a positive attitude to the politics of the Czechoslovak Communistic Party even after this Party had gained the absolute political power in the country and had established the dictator-like method of government in Czechoslovakia in 1948, was the Czechoslovakiaý kroužek (The Czechoslovak Circle) in Sydney. The information on the activities and opinions of the members of the Czechoslovakiaý kroužek association in Sydney during the period of the communistic regime in Czechoslovakia (1948 to 1989) can be obtained in particular from the sources deposited in the National Archive in Prague and from the materials kept in the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Af- fairs of the Czech Republic in Prague. The Czechoslovakiaý kroužek association issued the Krajan (The Compatriot) magazine. This association was formed in November 1927 by the Czechoslovak exiles of the first half of the 20th century who left for Australia due to economic reasons. The Czechs and the Slovaks worked together in this association as they were the exiles from one country. Due to the more difficult social and economic situation in Slovakia, however, more Slovaks left for Australia. The exiles of this first exile wave came in particular from weak existential environment. In Australia, they were employed in particular in blue-collar professions, such as workers in ports, miners in mines and/or farmers in the countryside. The major part of these exiles settled in Sydney and in Melbourne and in the close surroundings and only in exceptional cases some of them pursued the farming activities more towards the inland. The employees of the general consulate helped the compatriots to found the association. The objective was to be shaped as a cultural and supporting association. The beginnings were difficult, the Czechs and Slovaks did not know English, they lived scattered to a large extent in the countryside, but, thanks to the good will, the association started functioning. At the beginning, the meetings of the members were held

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irregularly and, later on, the activities were settled to take place on regular dates, namely on the first Friday of the month. During the worldwide economic crisis at the beginning of the thirties, the association members were collecting money to pay for the rental, organized parties for which the ladies-members prepared refreshment for free and this refreshment was then sold. The compatriots faced severe difficulties in surviving the crisis. The following text focuses on the anti-communism-targeted exile after Feb- ruary 1948 and the associated culture. In general, the politicians, intellectuals, artists were leaving, i.e. the people who were persecuted by the regime in the dictatorship environment, namely in Czechoslovakia after the set-up of the communistic government in February 1948 and were prosecuted for their different opinions and/or their anti-communistic protests. These people did not have the free and unrestricted possibility to express and implement their ideas. They were endangered by persecution and liquidation, sometimes even by physical liquidation, and even the family members felt the adversity of the regime. Therefore, they tried to escape to a world of free opinions. These are called exiles. The exiles perceived their new home in the foreign country as a substitute and temporary home and they were trying to get ready to come back home, they were trying to work and/or to help prepare the change of the of the domestic social and political relations. Within the exile environment, they were cultivating the Czech national culture and celebrated the national holidays. The Czechs seemed to want to bring over to their exile the first Czechoslovak Republic, but it was largely to an idealized extent. However, the intellectuals, in particular the politicians, brought over to the exile also their conflicts in opinions. It is understandable to a certain extent, as a lot of people of various philosophical, political and religious orientations left for a foreign exile into a number of countries worldwide after the onset of the communistic regime. There, they continued their discussions and conflicts of opinions as they transferred them from the times of the First Re- public. Paradoxically, the difference in their opinions was even more pronounced across the borders of their home countries, anywhere in the world, than it was in Czechoslovakia, their home country, till that time. The negative point of this situation was in particular, that the disputes prevented the exiles from a foreign cooperation and from performing any constructive activities. Although they all shared the anti-communistic resistance, the differences among all of them and the minimum ability of tolerance and of making any compromises had a stronger impact. There were great tensions, disputes and quarrels among the exiles all over

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the world. Despite all the difficulties, not only the communication difficulties, but, in particular, the financial difficulties, they made every effort to cultivate the Czech culture. The social and cultural life of the exiles in the world can be generally monitored through the activities of the clubs established by them, the issue of the periodical and non-periodical printed matters, the community theatre activities, physical education and sports activities associated with the national idea (in particular the Sokol (physical education union), but also the catholic association Orel). Next, the exiles held lectures on the occasion of the anniversaries of the significant milestones in the Czech and Czechoslovak history (in particular the formation of the Czechoslovak Republic on October 28, 1918, the birthday of T. G. Masaryk, the first Czechoslovak president, on March 7), various music performances, entertainments, balls and excursions. The said activities were often interconnected and the officers of the exile clubs and associations were often the organizers of the above mentioned activities. Sometimes, the same people were working in the editor team of the magazines. Of the available sources depicting the life of the emigrants and exiles, the most varied and the most vividly depicting ones are the various periodicals issued by the exiles in practically all countries in which the exiles settled. We shall focus on the magazines and periodicals issued by the Czechoslovak exiles in Australia. When viewing the exile periodicals, we can see that the exiles monitored the development of the Czech culture in their home country – Czechoslovakia and were informed about it to a considerable extent and were also informed about the success of the Czechoslovak artists in the world, where the artists were able to get to a certain extent after having passed strict audits and after having gained the trust from the communistic government. They also monitored the presentation of the Czech works by the local artists in the world. We give just a couple of example from the initial post-February (1948) exile period, i.e. from the very beginning of the fifties, just for illustrative purposes. For example the Pacific magazine took the pleasure to report to the compatriots that the New Zealand radio performed the Prodaná nevěsta (The Bartered Bride) opera in the Czech language in August 1951. The compatriots commented on this event in the print as a marvellous holiday, they felt “as if they had been in Prague in the National Theatre where this opera belongs”. The Czech music was often broadcasted in New Zealand and in Australia (of course, the lyrics having been sung was almost always in English or in German). Also the work by the contemporary composer

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Bohuslav Martinů was performed in the world. The Czechoslovak citizens in Australia were informed on the first night performance of the one-act comical opera called “Komedie na mostě” (The Comedy on the Bridge) (composed as early as 1937 based on the libretto by K. V. Klicpera written on the basis of his play bearing the same title in 1828) at the end of May 1951 in New York. The exile newspaper brought news on the successes achieved by the Czech artists all over the world. For example, K. B. Jirák (living in Chicago, the U.S.A.) was awarded the second prize for his Symphony No. 5 at the music festival in Edinburgh in 1951. The symphonic poem “Taras Bulba” composed by the Czech music composer Leoš Janáček had success at the festival in Salzburg in the summer 1951. The well-known Rafael Kubelík who conducted the composition, undoubtedly contributed to the success of this composition. Depending on the circumstances, the exiles tried to meet the Czechoslovak artists following their performances abroad. A relatively high number of various magazines, newspapers, bulletins, jour- nals were published during the second half of the 20th century in a couple of the Australian cities where the Czech and Slovak exiles were living and performing certain cultural activities. As a rule, these activities were associated with the national spirit and with the Czechoslovak state awareness. Jiří Gruntorád, the founder of the unique library in Prague called Libri prohibiti, collecting the Czech and Slovak exile literature, and monitoring in particular the periodicals in this case, identified a total of 81 periodicals in Australia. Of course, the level of the print varied. The periodicals were also published for various periods of time, usually only a couple of issues were published and the periodical expired. The reasons for the expiration and/or delay with the issue of the individual numbers and/or for the irregularity consisted especially and definitely in the financial circumstances. The newspapers were issued by the true enthusiasts for the cultural work and they did so in their leisure time, using their own financial means and the financial means provided usually by a very narrow group of people who were strongly and/or even emotionally dependent on the cultivation of the Czech national culture and, in this case, on the issue of the Czech magazines. The magazines were sold and subscription fees were collected. We can often read in the articles repeated invitations by the editors to subscribe the Czech print, to pay the subscription fees, to acquire the new subscribers so that the periodical could continue to be published. The response was usually not noticeable enough and

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the publication of the newspaper in the exile was always the affair of a narrow group of the enthusiasts for the Czech culture. Logically, the locations in which the different periodicals originated were the larger cities with a higher concentration of the Czech and Slovak exiles, such as: Sydney, Melbourne, Adelaide, and, to a smaller extent Brisbane, Canberra and Perth. In certain other locations, some cultural activities of this kind were successful for a short-term. The magazine “Hlas domova” (the Voice of the Homeland) was an example of a unique magazine that was issued regularly for as many as 30 years. It was published as a biweekly in years 1950 to 1979 in Melbourne where there was one of the most significant centres of the Czech cultural and national activities performed by the exiles. This is the most significant Czech magazine on the Aus- tralian continent. It was founded and initially edited by Mr. Josef Rýpar with the cooperation of the Information Service of the Free Czechoslovakia - FCI. At the beginning of the Czech exiles in Australia, Mr. Josef Rýpar was one of the most important personalities in the Czech cultural and national-political work. Since July 1951 the paper was published and edited by Mr. František Váňa – for almost all those 30 years. We also state other particular names, as there were always particular people behind each name of the newspaper, theatre, union, etc. Michal Cigler, Karel Janovský, Václav Michl (who published under the name “Junius”) and R. Toman and Karel Wendt participated as the members of the board of editors in the editing of the Hlas domova magazine. This most significant Czech exile paper in Australia was basically founded immediately after the arrival of the first truly large wave of exiles at the break of the forties and fifties of the 20th century (in particular in years 1949 and 1950). Originally, it was not a periodical, but a mass letter to the exiles. It was because at that time, the Australian law did not allow the issue of the periodicals written in any language other than English. It was the interest of the Australian government that the immigrants of different nations which it started assuming to a large extent following the World War Two – unlike the strong restriction of immigration in the thirties – got assimilated as fast as possible. For a certain period after they had arrived, they were held in the refugee camps and from there, they were allocated to the required job positions – with some exceptions, such positions were blue-collar positions – at the farms, building of the roadways, work in the ports, etc. The work teams were organized by the government purposefully as groups of mixed nations so that the new Australian inhabitants would become accustomed and get assimilated as soon as

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possible and would speak English with one another. Nevertheless, all the nations tried to maintain and cultivate their own national culture – and even if the groups of enthusiasts were only small and such a work was hard, we have particular source documents available on these facts. The first number of the Hlas domova magazine was issued in Melbourne on January 15, 1950, but even this form of a publication was soon prohibited by the Australian government offices. The last number of this on-official bi-weekly was published on August 15, 1950. The first official number was only issued on July 23, 1951. In the meantime, however, the editorial board issued a couple of cir- culars: the explanatory circular was issued at the break of August and September 1950, then the non-periodical prints Zpravodaj (March 7, 1951), and the Májový přehled (May 1951) – the Czechoslovak National Association in Victoria was quoted as the publisher and the imprint stated the name of Mr. Miroslav Volný, the director of the association and the author of the editorial was probably The legalized periodical Hlas domova had then been published with the new number- ing and information on the years, without being linked to the original mass letter – as a multiplied typescript since May 1955 (n. 10) as the printed paper having the format of a newspaper. It was in particular a newspaper. At the beginning, the minor news from the home country and the world and from the life in exile prevailed. Sometimes, minor news dealing with the compatriot unions in Australia appeared. During the first years, a part of the individual numbers was written in English. The supplement called Cesta (The Way) formed a substantial part of the paper (the editors were Václav Jun and Josef Los). The supplement contained larger documentary entries, and, in particular, cultural entries. In addition to the original exile works, often viewed critically by the editorial board, also the excerpts of the pre-Munich and pre-February (1948) literature were published, such as the excerpts from the work by K. Čapek, V. Dyk, J. Hora. Attention was also paid to the post-February (1948) literature and to the world literature. Epigrams often appeared in the magazine, commenting on the situation both in Czechoslovakia and in the exile (Mr. Karel Jes, using the initials -jes-, was often signed under them). Among the more successful first magazines issued right in the fifties, there was also the magazine Pacific. In addition, to the classic sections, we can also find there the attempts for jokes on political topics concerning the communistic Czechoslovakia. There were frequent jokes on “Klema and Marta”, who were the Czechoslovak communistic leader and president, Klement Gottwald, and his

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wife Marta. The authors of the jokes took their inspiration from the social status of Klement Gottwald, who, unlike the other intellectual persons – presidents – Masaryk and Beneš – came from a worker environment and he therefore did not have such a significant cultural, historical and social horizons. The magazine Hlas domova which was published till 1979, was followed by the bi-weekly magazine titled Hlasy Čechů a Slováků v Austrálii in the eighties (1980 – 1991) and was directed by the editor, poet and copywriter, Mr. Petr Rada. It had both the features of an informative compatriot newsletter, and it was also a cultural and political revue. The magazine originated as a response to the discontinuation of the issue of the magazine Hlas domova. The atmosphere among the exiles in this situation is appositely depicted by the content of the column on the cover page of the first number of the magazine Hlasy Čechů a Slováků v Austrálii. The compatriots involved emotionally responded there to the situation of the print and they expressed, each in their own way, that they felt the need to have print written in the Czech language and Slovak language in Australia. Just for illustration purposes, we submit some of the statements published: “… we feel very sorry that the issue of the magazine Hlas domova was discontinued. It is almost the same as if somebody who is very close and dear to us, would die, Drahomír Fiala, Miranda… We were shocked to have heard in the last issue of the magazine Hlas domova, that this only Czech magazine would no more be published in Australia and if the reason therefore is a financial reason, we are ready to pay any increased subscription fee if this could help to maintain the magazine – Mr. and Ms. Hauser, Kensington… I agree that money is not sufficient and also a personality is needed and Mr. Váňa should be awarded the Nobel prize for so many years of admirable and tireless work. But what to do – how to continue – a good advice is worth gold, Karolina Filipová, Sydney…“ We may undoubtedly perceive from the presented quotations the appreciation of the praiseworthy editorial and publishing work performed by Mr. Rýpar and Mr. Váňa as seen by the compatriots with patriot feeling. The presence of the enthusiasm of compatriots and the interest in maintaining the Czech language and literature can be supported with the editorial column published in the first number of the Hlasy magazine, written as a response to a number of the letters received by the board of editors of the Hlas domova magazine at the end of its work. The new board of editors states there that the continuing magazine Hlasy Čechů a Slováků v Austrálii originated as a response to such a strong need of the compatriots to have a magazine of their own. At the same time, the board of

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editors emphasizes that the magazine will only be successful and will continue if there is an interest in it on the side of the public, or, in other words, if there are enough people contributing with articles and also a sufficient number of the paying readers. The cover page also brought the analysis of the reasons for the discontinuation of the Hlas domova magazine – there were a couple of them – and one of them was also the fact that the existence of the magazine was based on a single man, Mr. František Váňa, who, alone, made up for the chronically regular deficit. The new numbers of the magazine Hlasy became a test in a couple of aspects: A group of people was charged with the creation and issue of the magazine Hlasy. A part of this group decided to support financially the issue of a couple of the first numbers. The other aspects depended on the readers. The editorial board asked the readers for help in form of acquiring new subscribers, encouraged the readers to recommend their friends to advertise in the newspaper: “…benefit from the services provided by advertisers and tell them always that you use their services because you have read their advertisement in the Hlasy magazine“. In particular, the editorial board invited the readers to pay their subscription fee and contribute to the print fund, if they are able to. We can definitely see that the financial problems and the methods and ways to fight them were permanently similar both for the small-sized printed papers, and also for the most successful ones. The second part of the editorial group of the magazine of Hlasy Čech a Slováků v Austrálii promised to help with the creation of the magazine which declared to provide service to the entire Czech and Slovak public. The editorial board invited the readers that the magazine Hlasy would be successful in its effort to such an extent and can therefore be the true reflection of our live in exile, to which the compatriots will write the contributions on their lives, share their experience, respond to the opinions presented in the print, etc. The editors also declared that the magazine Hlasy has the pretensions to be a different magazine than the magazine Hlas domova. The magazine Hlasy had a different format and was copied using a different printing technology and had a different look which the editors tried to improve based on their own financial capabilities. Each magazine is formed not only from the articles supplied by the contributors, but also through the personality of the chief editor. Any change in the person of the publisher and the editors in any magazine results in a certain change in the focus of the magazine, and sometimes even a change in the whole magazine concept. However, the magazine Hlasy established at the beginning

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that it was supposed to continue the tradition of the magazine Hlas domova, even though with certain working transformation. The meritorious and many years´ editor of Hlas domova, Mr. František Váňa, expressed support to the new magazine in the first number thereof and the wish of even larger interest from the readers and authors. He wrote (same as what he achieved through the thirty years of existence of the magazine Hlas domova) that he wishes the editors and the editorial group of the magazine Hlasy a lot of pleasure brought by their work and a strong will to keep up the work. The magazine Hlasy Čechů a Slováků v Austrálii can serve as a more general proof of the form of the exile print during the last decade of the bipolar world. As demonstrated above in form of illustrations, even at this advanced period, the Czechs (as well as Slovaks, even though there are significantly less Slovak names in the sources) were still interested in issuing a magazine written in Czech and in cultivating the Czech national culture. There were even more willing editors and minor sponsors than at the beginning of the exile life. However, this is a logical fact as the interest in cultivating the culture had been maintained and survived the most difficult period in terms of existence. Sooner or (more frequently) later, the exiles having settled abroad resolved their existential, language and similar problems and could devote themselves to the national culture and public education more easily. Next, we may stay one more general piece of knowledge: Through the readers´ texts and the reaction of the editors, we can still see a certain level of enthusiasm in a certain number of the compatriots living abroad, but this number is very small as compared with the total number of the emigrants. The authors often write that the newspaper would like to unify the people, inform them and serve to those Czechs and Slovaks who had not forgotten where they had come from, etc. The editorial board repeatedly reminded what is generally known, and namely that in addition to the editors and publishers, a newspaper needs plenty of other authors – the authors from among the readers – in particular in Australia where the compatriots were scattered all over the scarcely populated country, and the more they needed to give reports on themselves in the magazine through the letters sent to the editorial board. This was also one of the reasons why the readers´ columns were marked by the editors as highly important parts of the newspaper. And there was one more thing that was reminded by the editorial boards: For the people to be able to better understand each other and to meet up with their opinions, it is necessary that they know about each other so that they

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could share their ideas, joys and worries within the meaning of the proverb stating “a shared joy is a double joy, a shared worry is a half worry“. In addition to the Hlasy Čechů a Slováků v Austrálii, one example of a magazine issued during the last stage of the exile life was the monthly magazine Pan- oráma published in Melbourne. The first number was issued in July 1986 and the publishing was terminated in December 1988. The responsible editor was Jiří Hodač. The magazine was presented as a new attempt during the changed times of the eighties, unlike the legendary, well-done and successful magazine Hlas domova. As shown on other examples and as a general rule, the editorial board invited the readers for cooperation in the introductory column. The editorial board announced that they would like to bring reports, and namely the reports directly from the field. A certain shift in how the exiles perceived their positions, can be seen in the way they justified the origin of the magazine Panoráma. The editors state that the magazine was established so that the Czech culture in Australia would not expire, even though, as they admitted for the first time openly and in the public, it is natural and necessary to assimilate with the life of the major society. Among the significant exile personalities contributing to the magazine Panoráma, there were, for example, Miloš Ondrášek and Jaroslav Kováříček. The exiles were building their “National Houses” in the world – in Australia, such a house had the form of, for example, the association house (such as Beseda in Canberra), and/or the Sokol training halls (for example the organization Sokol Sydney has built its own Sokol training hall at the outskirts of Sydney, but only in the eighties). There, various cultural, social and/or sports events were held. However, this occurred later on, during the sixties and seventies, and sometimes even during the eighties. Logically only after the improvement of financial and overall existence situation of the exiles, when the exiles had made the living for themselves and their families, they could, and only a few of them, provide materially for their national cultural and public education activities. Often, in particular during the first decade of the exile life, the exiles performed their social and cultural activities in leased spaces which were frequently cramped and not really satisfactory (for example Sokol Sydney organized the exercising in more venues, for example in the gym of the Girls´ School under the Harbour Bridge). From the very beginning of the fifties, in practice immediately after having arrived to Australia, the exiles started organizing various cultural clubs – for example, in Sydney, the cultural club named SCENA and conducted by František

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Řehoř was successfully active in Sydney. A choir was also founded that was re- hearsing Czech and Slovak national songs to be recorded on playing records. The songs were then broadcasted by the Australian radio 2UW and 2GB Sydney. Immediately from 1951, the Czechoslovak choir in Melbourne was preparing for the Christmas celebrations in Alexandra Garden. The Australian Department for Immigration asked the compatriot organizations in Melbourne to sign the Czech Christmas carols and to perform the national dances. At the very beginning of the fifties, the organizational work dealing with the cultivation of the national culture was really enthusiastic and hardworking. To document the atmosphere of those times, we may quote a statement from the invitation given by Mr. Květoslav Eliáš, the organizational officer of the Central Office of the Czechoslovak -Dem ocratic Organizations in Australia, from Adelaide: „ To all the Czechoslovak citizens in Australia and New Zealand: Dear friends, I am addressing all of you who are not yet involved in the work in our compatriot organizations, with the sincere invitation not to stay aside and contribute with your share both to a better representation of the name of our country in the new environment and to create a reciprocal family of emigrants who help one another. If there is any organization of the Czechoslovaks in the city you are living in, join this organization and try to improve the activities it performs. If there is no such organization, anyone of you is entitled to establish the preparatory board and if you require any information concerning the formalities, I would be happy to supply them.“ In the next years, however, the initial enthusiasm did not continue and it was only maintained within a very restricted group of enthusiastic compatriots. Plenty of exiles felt the need to bring from their home country abroad all the culturally pleasing and necessary items, namely all that they were immediately missing after they came abroad, as they mutually reported to the print. They were missing in particular the social life, literature, concerts and theatre. Therefore, they soon started to organize the amateur theatre actors – for example, they founded the Klub českého divadla (The Club of the Czech Theatre) in Sydney. In the magazine Pacific, they published an invitation intended to the amateur theatre actors, but in Sydney, there were living also the professional theatre actors, such as Mr. Bittner, Forster, Kačer, Kratochvil, artist – painter prof. Šara, choreograph Antič. They decided to found the Czech theatre with the aim to play a theatre performance from time to time, approximately once a month. Soon, the exiles in the large cities started to devote themselves to the amateur theatre. The centres of the theatre arts were located particularly in Sydney and Melbourne, and, later

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on, the amateur theatre groups were also formed in the capital of Canberra and in Adelaide The theatre started to be done also in the farthest location, in Perth in Western Australia, and namely only in the eighties when the amateur theatre activities in the other cities practically came to the end. The opening performance played by the amateur theatre actors in the Australian exile was the “Vojnarka” by Jirásek performed in Maccabean Hall in Sydney, directed by Jiří Kačer. The performance took place on March 7, 1953, and it symbolized the birthday of the first Czechoslovak president T. G. Masaryk. The members of the physical education union Sokol developed significant activities, not only the physical education ones, but also the cultural ones. The physical education unions Sokol were the popular and socially active unions in the home country during the first half of the 20th century, and this also in the nationally-cultural field. Similarly as the other customs, unions and events, the exiles tried to bring abroad with themselves even this form of life. Of a total of 2,000 members of the Sokol unions present in the refugee camps , about 1,000 members left for Australia. The first physical education union was founded in Canberra on January 20, 1950. The members could exercise in the YMCA gymnasium. The second physical education union was founded in Port Darwin in June 1950, where there lived about 30 Czechoslovaks. The third union, counting about 50 members, was founded in Sydney and it soon acquired about 15 new members. In September 1950, a Sokol union was founded in Western Australia in Perth and had 50 members. In November 1950, the Sokol union was established in Melbourne. At the beginning of the fifties, it was worked on the foundation of the Sokol union also in the cities of Adelaide, Brisbane, Newcastle and Bon- negilla. Gradually, the Sokol members were issuing their own periodicals. For example the Věstník tělocvičné jednoty Sokol Sydney (The Bulleting of the Sokol Sydney Physical Education Union) was published regularly since May 1957 and brought quite a detailed picture of the work performed by the Sokol union. On the other hand, the Sokol union in Melbourne only published a very brief two- page publication “Sokolský list” (“The Sokol Paper”). It was a monthly and was issued in the eighties. The sources document also the Christian activities and, in particular the Cath- olic religious activities among the exiles. The Cyrilometodějská liga (CML – The Cyril and Metoděj League) was established in Melbourne in 1951. The foundation of the branches was prepared in all the larger cities in Australia and New Zealand, but this activity was not successful in all places. A branch of the Christian Acad-

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emy (a study institute attached to CML) was also established in Melbourne at the beginning of the year 1951), with the headquarters in Rome. The objective of the Christian Academy was to study the philosophical, historical, legal and national economy topics. The activists working in this religious organization emphasized that it is the duty of the exile people to study these topics and to get ready as thoroughly as possible to all tasks that will be waiting for the liberated country. This is an evident proof that the exiles really presumed to come back home to Czecho- slovakia till the middle of the fifties. Therefore, the cultivated culture in the exile, studied all the world events, were getting ready to transfer their “culture” created in the exile, back to their homeland. They emphasized that everybody would be welcome to cooperate “who is willing to study the most acute problems of the then time, the intelligence, students, Catholics and non-Catholics, simply everybody who is interested in studying“. The edition Křesťanská akademie (The Christian Academy) published an interested booklet titled Jak studovat (How to Study). Next, the booklet České modlitby a písně (The Czech Prayers and Songs) were published for the exiles. The CML was publishing a monthly titled Nový život (The New Life) containing the articles dealing with the religious, cultural and social topics. The monthly Nový život also brought information about the persecution of the Church in Czechoslovakia. In addition, the publication of the Gospels in the Czech language was being prepared. The Christian Academy was very active – for example – as early as 1951, it announced a literary and musical competition. The information bulletin Křesťanská akademie Veritas (The Christian Academy Veritas) was published. Also the personalities active in the field of religion and living in the exile sometimes came to Australia, for example, a number of exiles came together during the visit of the Jesuit dr. I. Lang at the archbishop of Melbourne at the end of 1979. During the last stage of the history of the exile life of the Czechs and Slo- vaks in Australia in the eighties, the sources are talking about the effort to organize a compatriot radio broadcasting which was often successful, following the certain problems. The radio broadcasting was made from Sydney thanks to the work of Mrs. Jana Reichová who was also preparing the programme of the broadcasting, and also from Adelaide. There, the radio program was prepared by the volunteers from the Czechoslovak club. They could use their own recording studio in the National House. The range of the programme topics was varied and both the Czech and the Slovak language appeared in the shows. The Committee of the Club in association with the Radio Group of the Club were responsible

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for the broadcasting. The radio station intended for the needs of the emigrants of all countries was the radio station 5 EBIFM (Ethnic Broadcasters Inc.) in Adelaide. Over 30 language groups were broadcasting at this radio station in the eighties. The Czechs broadcasted for one hour on Wednesday and the Slovaks broadcasted for one hour on Saturday. The Czechs and the Slovaks managed the internal organization of broadcasting independently. The exiles from the post-August (1968) wave of refugees cultivated the culture in the seventies and eighties among others also through the newly established Společnost pro vědy a umění (SVU – The Society for the Sciences and Arts) which had branches in Australia in the cities of Sydney, Melbourne and Perth. The post-August exile wave had a somehow different opinion on the cultivation of the culture, on the selection of the topics and the interpretation thereof. The discrepancies in their opinions often lead to the termination of the activities of the original cultural groups and, after some time, lead to the formation of the new groups featuring an innovative concept brought by the members of the second exile wave. The Czech artists proved to be successful also in the top Australian cultural and artistic institutions and bodies – such as the artist Vladimír Tichý and the theatre actor Oliver Fiala in Sydney. Among the successful music artists, there was, for example, Ladislav Jásek from Sydney. He was invited in 1980 by the Symphonic Orchestra ABC of Melbourne to perform the violin concert by P. I. Tchaikovsky.

Conclusion

During the second half of the 20th century, the situation in the Czechoslo- vak exile was changing. In particular, the situation was different in the fifties, then it changed in the sixties and a completely new situation came with the second wave of the exiles at the beginning of the seventies. During the initial period, these Czechs and Slovaks considered their stay in Australia to be temporary only and they believed that the political development in Czechoslovakia would reverse and the democracy would come back. At that time, they presumed to come back to Czechoslovakia as the important personalities of the “foreign resistance movement”. Based on these positions, they

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developed for a number of years, in particular in the fifties, the active federal anti- communistic activities and, at the same time, they cultivated the Czech culture. The post-February (1948) exiles founded a number of unions and organizations, but pursued these activities in a scattered way. Similarly as among the exiles in other parts of the world, the hatred could have been perceived in various forms and to a various extent among the members of the various unions in Australia even though, on the contrary, we would have expected unity and cooperation in the effort to fight for a common thing – to fight against the Communism and the comeback of the democracy to the country. The hatred between the Czechs and the nationalistic groups of Slovaks in the Australian exile was particularly significant. The Slovaks tried to unify more significantly as the nation than the Czechs which is a logical continuation of certain national political trends of the period of the First Republic Czechoslovakia. After the hopeful beginning at the break of the forties and the fifties, the attempts to create a central management over all the exile organizations in Australia was never successful. The scattered activities and the very weak mutual information on the cultural and social work in the individual large cities were most typical for Australia, considering the geographic distances on the continent and the very sparse level of population. A number of the people from the post-August (1968) wave of exiles often learned on the activities performed by the post-February (1948) only during the specialist historical research of the exile life in Australia by the workers of the Exile Centre of Olomouc at the Department of History of the Faculty of Philosophy of the Palacký University in Olomouc since 2012.

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Resumé Kultura v podmínkách exilu ve 20. století (na příkladu sondy provedené do kultury československých exulantů v Austrálii) Jana Burešová

Exil je jedním z fenoménů v dějinách lidstva, a to nejen ve 20. století. Tento příspě- vek se zaměřuje na exil ze zemí s komunistickými režimy ve druhé polovině 20. století do svobodného světa na příkladu Československa. Exulanti si s sebou ze své vlasti odnášeli do cizího světa svou národní kulturu. Jejich cílem bylo jazyk a kulturu, v nejširším slova smyslu, za hranicemi domova udržovat, pěstovat a připravovat se na návrat zpět do vlasti, až k tomu budou příznivé podmínky. V tomto kontextu je prezentován výsledek sondy do kultury československých vystěhovalců do Austrálie. Příspěvek analyzuje prioritně hlavní exilová periodika, dále přibližuje ochotnické divadlo, tělovýchovně národnostní aktivity Sokola, osvětově náboženskou práci a další kulturní aktivity. Tak jako jinde ve světě byla i v Austrálii, a tam obzvláště, společenská a kulturní činnost exulantů roztříštěná a věnovali se jí jen málopočetní vlastenecky orientovaní nadšenci.

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42 Processes of Cultural Exchange in Central Europe 1800 - 2000

Borscht, Chinese or Pizza? Cultural Transfer in the Area of Cuisine in Czech Countries 1948-1989

Martin Franc

Abstract: The study deals with the issues of adopting the elements of culinary customs from foreign cuisines into Czech cuisine in the years 1948-1989. The cultural transfer is viewed by means of the media, and also personal meetings in the form of tourism as well as the operation of foreign restaurants, mostly in the capital; not even the significant influence of the import of hitherto unusual foods from foreign countries is neglected. Both the sphere of everyday eating and haute cuisine are reflected.

Keywords: Cuisine, Cultural Transfer, Foods, 1948-1989

Cultural transfer has played an extraordinarily important role in the area of cuisine practically throughout the entire history of mankind, whether it penetrated by means of media or on the basis of personal meetings or it resulted from the import of hitherto unknown or little known foods. It suffices to mention the radical change in aristocratic eating customs caused by the impulses introduced by the Crusaders. On the other hand, as far back as the Middle Ages, this sphere became a place of various false connections and nationalist stereotypes. Cultural transfer implemented via language and the stomach mostly had ideological connotations and the consumption of a certain meal or drink could become a manifestation of one’s personal attitude. An example would be the key conflict in the area of haute cuisine in the late 18th century and in the first half of the 19th century between French and English cuisine. While the first was associated with the inclination to aristocratism and excessive artfulness, the English cuisine was to represent homely, democratic and civic tastes.

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A threat in the other case was, instead of artfulness, the inclination to rough- ness or even barbarism (the consumption of raw food).1 Similarly, we can conceive the dispute between the promoters of hot chocolate, embodying the lazy aristocracy, and coffee, embodying the critical, agile, civic intellectuals. At the beginning of the 19th century, the concept of national cuisines also began to develop in Central Europe and it at least partially broke the hitherto united Southern German culinary circles including the middle class cuisine in Bavaria and some other Southern German provinces as well as in the Austrian Empire. The original foundations of national cuisines in the form of the cookery books of M. D. Rettigová among the Czechs or Josephine von Saint- Hillaire in Hungary did not differ much in the composition of dishes from the Southern German standard and some of the popular impulses, forming national specialities (for Czechs, for example, plum dumplings) penetrated them only gradually. Some standard dishes were also introduced, mostly with the help of restaurateurs and hoteliers, in the position of a national symbol, which could be supported also by the corresponding name of the dish (for example, Jókai cake in Pesther Kochbuch by J. von Saint-Hillaire). It was the names of the dishes of haute cuisine that played a very important role in the 19th century – they served very often to honour significant cultural personalities or politicians. They could also recall important events or phenomena. This practice lasted until the first half of the 20th century; however, in the period after World War Two it was practically forgotten. This study briefly outlines the main features of the culinary transfer in the Czech lands from the seizure of power of the Communist party in February 1948 until its fall at the end of 1989, with a brief overlap into the establishment of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1918.2 1 MENNELL, Sidney: Die Kultivierung des Apettits. Die Geschichte des Essens vom Mittelalter bis Heute. Frankfurt/M 1988. 2 Grażyna Szelągowska, who works with a similar model as I do, has recently dealt with the culinary transfer in another country of the Soviet bloc – Poland. Her work originated as one of important outputs in the international project in which I also participated, and it cannot be excluded that she had certain information concerning my attitude. Compare SZELĄGOWSKA, Grażyna: Jeść inaczej. Turystyka kulinarna Polaków w czasach PRL. In: BORODZIEJ, Włodzimierz – KOCHANOWSKI, Jerzy (eds.): Bocznymi drogami. Nieo- ficjalne kontakty społceństw socjalistycznych 1956–1989. Warszawa 2010, p. 145–165. As regards the situation in the GDR, compare, for example, VOIGT, Jutta: Der Geschmack des Ostens. Vom Essen, Trinken und Leben in der DDR. 2. Aufl. Berlin 2006.

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The time delimitation leads to emphasising ideological and political influences on cuisine, which reflects also the situation of the time. The significance of ideological and political factors also corresponds to the division of countries into three groups – The Soviet Union and European countries of the Soviet bloc, Third World countries including China, and Western countries including the USA. However, it is necessary to say that the culinary transfer from the countries of individual groups had their own appreciable specialities which, in my view, justify such division. Next to direct ideologically motivated interventions into cultural exchanges in the area of food and eating habits, to which we can count especially the endeavour to emphasise the inspiration from the cuisine of the So- viet Union, the countries of the Eastern bloc or the countries sympathising with this bloc, the key role was played by the issue of the changing orientation of the import of food commodities. It was the changes in the structure of the import that often caused the necessity to transfer certain culinary habits from foreign countries with the help of the media. It was, in fact, the instigation of how to purposefully incorporate one or another food items into the menu. In the period of 1948-1989 the media was the main mediator of inspiration, especially the periodical or non-periodical press and since the 1960s also television. Cookery books were among the best selling literature practically over the entire period. If in the 1950s and partially also in the 1960s, they were perceived as specifically health-related handbooks, then mostly from the second half of the 1960s the commercial interest was becoming more and more distinctive and a number of these books were published by the Merkur publishing house, linked to the Ministry of Trade. The register of cookery books markedly grew; specialised works focused on individual national cuisines as well as the first cookery books written by various personalities from the world of culture (actress Jiřina Šejbalová, humorist Achille Gregor) appeared to a greater extent. In spite of a huge interest of consumers in the 1950s to the 1980s there was no specialised periodical dedicated exclusively to cuisine,3 even though the expert magazine of the “Society for Rational Nutrition” called Nutrition of the People, which was enriched from the middle of the 1950s with a culinary supplement called Nutrition in the Family, was published since as

3 The paperback series called “Notebooks of Domestic Management” published from the 1960s cannot be considered to be a periodical in the strict sense of the word. In this, however, although rarely, appeared notebooks dedicated to another theme than cuisine (housekeeping).

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early as 1945. The sections dedicated to cooking in many diaries and magazines were, however, very popular. Television viewers then could watch a popular program called “A Chef is Cooking” since 1963. If the importance of the media for the culinary transfer in the Czech lands in 1948-1989 can be really fundamental, then the potential possibilities of another form of transfer; i.e., on the basis of personal knowledge, in fact remained unused. It was given naturally by the restriction of foreign contacts, above all, particularly at the beginning of this period. A distinctive limiting factor for the entire period consisted also usually in the lack of foreign currency with tourists, which made it impossible for them to fully get to know foreign cuisine. The overall openness of Czech society towards foreigners largely blocked the possibility of transfer of culinary habits of foreign citizens long in our country. A certain refund for an initially minimal possibility of travel abroad should be the offer of international specialties in the domestic hospitality businesses. A specific form in this regard constituted a national restaurant or various weeks or months of international cuisine. A major impetus for the expansion of a certain dish was also its inclusion in the standard menus for public catering establishments, and factory and school canteens. We have already mentioned the importance of the structure of food imports but we cannot overlook the introduction of an ingredient or semi-finished product, typical for some of the national cuisines, into domestic industrial production. As examples we may mention Worcester sauce, soya sauce, ketchup or an instant pizza mixture. However, mostly it concerned substitutes, which were very far from the original taste original. Their spread could thus rather do a disservice to the relevant national cuisine.

From De-Austrianisation to Eintoph

After the establishment of the independent Czechoslovakia in 1918, the order to “de-Austrianise” should also have referred cuisine. The work of M. D. Rettigová and her successors in the Household association hitherto forming the core of the national cuisine, dominating among the middle class households were suddenly facing criticism due to excessive anchoring in the customs typical for Southern German or Austrian culinary circles. With regard to the orientation of

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the new country, it seems understandable that new incentives were sought, above all, in French cuisine, which, after all, had been ruling haute cuisine for the long term without competition.4 The result of her study was, among other things, the publication “French Cuisine”, which was published for the second time in the extended version in 1940 (for the first time in 1926). M. Janků-Sandtnerová also published “The Home Cookery Book”, which was to replace the increasingly obsolete work of M. D. Rettigová, revised in the second half of the 19th century by female authors from the Household association, on the position of the basic cookery book. However, the author here followed the contemporary tradition to a considerably lesser extent and her innovations manifested themselves rather in the details. This strategy, however, appeared to be very successful and the book of M. Janků- Sandtnerová managed to assert itself. It was published in a wide series, which was terminated only during the period after World War Two. Nevertheless, the effort for a controlled cultural transfer in the area of cuisine had one very small success, which was tightly connected especially with the short period, which was delimited to the First Republic. The period of occupation brought into the area of culinary cultural transfer mainly the forced interconnection with German cuisine, finding naturally a considerably tough resistance of consumers. One of the first steps of the Wehr- macht in Prague was the distribution of the symbolic German low-budget meal called Eintopf free of charge. The bodies of the occupational power organised very carefully the quota supply and tried to avoid the collapse of the entire system, which happened in World War One. The emergency war supply of the Czech lands should have been improved, among other things, also by extensive imports of sea fish, which represented a new element in Czech nutrition. In spite of the fact that these tins were available also outside the ration card economy for relatively favourable prices, Czechs had quite a cold attitude to them in a number of cases. A certain role was played in this especially by the unusual taste and a strong distrust for anything German. A paradoxical example of this attempt for

4 Marie Janků-Sandtnerová could follow, for example, Václav Soukup, who had tried to intermediate the incentive from the French cuisine, with which he had had rich personal experience, to Czech readers as early as before the outbreak of World War One. It was V. Soukup who denominated his culinary products with a patriotic overtone. Compare SOUKUP, Václav: Domácí a cizí nápoje. (Domestic and foreign drinks.) Prague b. d. [1904]. We will find here, for example, the Goblet of Czech-French alliance.

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a cultural transfer in the area of cuisine was an unenviable position of sea fish as the absolutely least favourite meal among children. The dislike of sea fish was, however, also caused by the usual feeding of children in the post-war period with very problematic fish fat in terms of taste for medical reasons.

Under the sign of UNRRA

If German geographical transfers were often rejected and the repudiation of German cuisine as such was considered by most consumers to be a natural and practically unquestionable matter, American tins and other foodstuffs supplied by UNRRA became very popular, even though they brought hitherto unusual foods and ingredients. As an example we can mention the popular turkey meat with eggs, tinned tomato juice and last but not least also chewing gum.5 Even the magazines for housewives reacted to the so far unknown foodstuffs with instructions of how to prepare them appropriately. At the same time, certain elements related to the UNRRA supply applied in the eating system in the Czech lands also in the following years, when this connection was more or less held back. Tinned foodstuffs from UNRRA are an example of how distinctively the cultural transfer in the area of cuisine is influenced by imports, particularly in terms of ready meals. Nevertheless even some foodstuff commodities can in- stigate the over-border import of eating habits by means of the media, recom- mending the appropriate preparation of hitherto little known or completely unknown kinds of goods. The period of both the war and post-war shortage, moreover, strengthened the openness towards these kinds of foods, which would in a saturated society be introduced only with great difficulties. The period after the Second World War was also a time of huge migrations, which seemingly could contribute markedly again to the intensification of cultural transfer in eating. While, for example, in neighbouring Bavaria the wave of forced emigrants

5 Chewing gum as a post-war phenomenon related to the USA did not work naturally only in Czechoslovakia, but also in the Western part of Germany, as is symbolically documented also by the (West-) German movie from 1983 Peppermint-Friends (directed by Marianne Rosenbaum), where the end of the war is symbolised for the children by an American soldier handing round peppermint chewing gum.

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from the Sudetenland really distinctively influenced local dishes (it enriched it, in particular, with three ingredients – poppy seed, garlic and ginger), the immigrants into Bohemia did not succeed in doing anything like that which was, undoubtedly, related to the fact that they were mostly repatriates, whose joint identity was no longer well supported.

Friendship Evenings around the Samovar6

After 1948 the borders with Western countries were almost hermetically sealed and there was no bustle even in the contacts with the countries of the Eastern bloc. The masters of haute cuisine, oriented mostly towards France, were pushed to the background and the official culinary discourse was dominated mostly by medical doctors, who were backed up by some female journalists from the area of the housewives’ magazine “Our Household”. The peak cuisine should have been deprived of the tinge of cosmopolitism, which manifested itself in the purist renaming of various traditional specialities. Their now exclusively Czech names were primarily to explain what kind of dish it was and all any connotations, particularly if they somehow indicated a connection with Western countries, should have disappeared. For example, tournedos Rossini became simple sirloin cuts with goose liver.7 A good example of the culinary isolationism of the time seems to be the cookery book “We Cook in a Healthy, Tasteful and Economic Manner”, published for the first time in 1952. It was written by female employees of the Czech- oslovak Union of Women, formerly active in the circle around the magazine “Our Household”. Recipes referring to any foreign cuisine appear only exceptionally here. If the motto of the First Republic cuisine was “de-Austrianisation”, then the end of the 1940s and the beginning of the 1950s was in the spirit of “de- Frankisisation” as well as “de-Austrianisation”. It should have been a sort of total

6 This part is linked to a certain extent to my study published in the magazine Contempo- rary History. Compare FRANC, Martin: Z kuchyně přátel. Česká společnost a kulturní transfer z gastronomií SSSR a zemí sovětského bloku (1948–1989) (From the Cuisine of Friends. Czech Society and Cultural Transfer from Gastronomies of the USSR and the Countries of the Soviet Bloc (1948-1989). Contemporary History 17, 2010, No. 3, page 312-334. 7 National archive, f. Ministry of Interior Trade, Ministerial Board 181-250.

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purification of the national cuisine from the deformation in the Capitalist period from the 2nd half of the 19th century until the first decades of the following century. An idol was seen either in the idealised “popular cuisine”, i.e. a somewhat purposefully established conglomerate of individual regional country cuisines or, in finding some new nutrition system, above all, with the help of medical doctors. Nevertheless, the turn to the popular cuisine opened a field to a relatively new cultural transfer in the area of cuisine towards Slavonic countries. At the same time, we cannot say that this would be an entirely new matter; the attempts at connecting the Czech to mainly the Russian cuisine appeared as early as the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries; however, only the period of the general sovietization gave a hitherto unprecedented scope. Even with regard to the domination of the official culinary discourse particularly by medical doctors, the main added value of this transfer should have been the improvement of current nutrition and the overcoming of disadvantageous parameters of the traditional Czech cuisine, i.e. a relatively high consumption of carbohydrates (especially in the form of flour and flour dishes) as well as fats to a certain extent. Certain positive changes in this respect were expected with the connection with the renewal of the joint country of the Czechs and Slovaks. Czech nutrition should have been enriched by the vegetable stew called “prívarok” as a new type of side dish, which should have replaced especially the usual dumplings.8 This calculation, however, was not successful as the cultural culinary transfer between the two nations was taking place in an opposite direction, in spite of the wish of medical doctors, which corresponded after all also to the majority of other cultural habits. In reality, Slovaks began to drink beer to a larger extent and the popularity of dumplings increased among them.9 A significant role in the process of turning to Slavic cuisines was played by the well-known journalist and Slavophil Marie Úlehlová-Tilschová, which published excited reports from the Soviet Union in the newspaper “Lidové noviny” as far back as the inter-war period. The “Soviet cuisine” was a neologism, whose form was codified by the collective cookery book called “The Book of Tasty and Healthy Recipes”, published for the first time in 1939. However, only in the first half of the 1950s it became a real bestselling book, when in 1952-54 it was pub- 8 Compare with ÚLEHLOVÁ-TILSCHOVÁ, Marie: Desatero zlozvyků v jídle. (Ten bad eating habits.) Nutrition of the People 6, 1957, No. 4, page 85-88. 9 Compare with STOLIČNÁ, Rastislava: Tradičná strava Slovenska. (Traditional meals in Slova- kia). Bratislava 2000.

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lished three times, every time in half a million copies. But the nutrition system in this publication did not by far comply with the ideas of the creators of Czech culinary discourse, even though peak Soviet medical doctors participated in it. The task of the extraordinarily exclusive publication was, above all, the presentation of luxury of the Late Stalinist edition and the endeavour to present the Soviet Union as a country of incredible wealth, as was done, for example, also by some period Soviet snapshots. In spite of a huge edition it was not a piece of work targeted at the widest groups of inhabitants, but it appealed rather well-situated people from towns. Nutrition according to “The Book of Tasty and Healthy Recipes” was very nutritious in terms of calories and the emphasis was placed particularly on a high consumption of meat, cream, butter and other animal products.10 The Czech translation, which had been prepared by the team headed by the above-mentioned Marie Úlehlová-Tilschová under the name of “How They Cook in the USSR”, published in 1954, passed without significant notice and the alienating name of the book clearly documents that no massive influence on Czech nutrition with the help of this book was reckoned. The cultural transfer from the Soviet cuisine was thus restricted to a few rather symbolic dishes, such as borscht11 or perogies (meat pies). The motif of the Soviet Union appeared also in the promotion of drinking tea, when the traditional Russian samovar became perhaps the most famous property of “friendship evenings”.12 Food specialities from the USSR only exceptionally asserted themselves. Next to vodka, Georgian cognac, caviar or tinned meat of Kamchatka crabs, sold

10 Soviet nutrition experts at the beginning of the 1950s liked to set up an “optimal dose of foods“ typical with an extraordinarily high portion of animal proteins; the whole matter probably had also an ideological background in connection with Engel’s definition of life as a form of the existence of proteins. 11 There was a material consumption standard for borscht as far back as the beginning of 1950s, as for one of the mere 31 soups. Compare Vaříme podle norem. Praktický kuchař. Materiálové normy spotřební a restaurační závody, jakož i pro potřebu v domácnosti. (We cook according to standards. The practical cook. Material standards for consumption and restaurants, as well as for household consumption). Drafted by Erich NOVÁK and Josef MAKARIUS. 2Nd edition Prague 1952, page 40. 12 Compare with, for example, ÚLEHLOVÁ-TILSCHOVÁ, Marie: Rozdíly mezi českou a sovětskou stravou. (Differences between the Czech and Soviet nutrition). Výživa lidu (Nutrition of the People) 9, 1954, no. 1, page 4-5. However, by 1948 tea drinking was promoted rather with reference to Great Britain.

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under the name of chatka,13 it was soft ice cream, popular even today, which argu- ably became the most popular product and which was admired by M. Úlehlová- Tilschová during her visit to Moscow in the 1930s.14 An extraordinarily appropriate and versatile source of innovation in this situation seemed to be mainly Bulgarian cuisine. With regard to the rift with Yugo- slavia, not even the culinary transfer from this country was supported at the end of the 1940s and at the beginning of the 1950s. On the contrary, some dishes later taken over from the cuisines of individual union republics were presented as dishes of Bulgarian or generally Balkan cuisine.15 On the contrary, since the 1960s the situation sweepingly changed. Yugo- slavia became one of the most favourite destinations of Czech tourists, which formed extraordinarily psychological suitable conditions for the cultural transfer.16 It was not so much the fact that tourists could come across the relevant dishes in the original environment, but rather a positive interconnection to the memories of pleasant holidays. That is to say, in Yugoslavia a considerable number of tourists did not have many opportunities to get to know the local cuisine due to a limited allotment of finances and it rather concentrated on the preparation of meals from imported supplies. But the meals from the Balkans fulfilled, even though in a substitution manner to a certain extent, also the longing for the exotic, which, for example, the cuisine of Western Germany had experienced in

13 In the 1950s, chatka was very poorly sellable upon its introduction onto the Czechoslovak market, mainly, due to its typical smell. It was even necessary to specially motivate shop assistants to offer this product. However, this changed in the 1960s and chatka became a scarce and luxurious commodity. The price of the tin increased from the original 5 CSK in 1950s up to 80 CSK in the 1980s. 14 Compare with ÚLEHLOVÁ-TILSCHOVÁ, Marie: V zemi zmrzliny. (In the country of ice cream). Lidové noviny 1. 7. 1937, page. 10 or THE SAME: Ice cream – Moroženoje. Lidové noviny 31. 7. 1938. It was in the time of Marie Úlehlová-Tilschová´s visit, when a huge campaign for the increase of ice cream consumption was taking place in the USSR. Com- pare with GRONOW, Jukka: Caviar with Champagne: Common luxury and the ideals of the good life in Stalin’s Russia. Oxford – New York 2003, page. 116-118. 15 Compare with ÚLEHLOVÁ-TILSCHOVÁ, Marie a kol.: Vaříme účelně pro zdravé a nemocné. (We cook purposefully for the healthy and the ill.) Prague 1953, page 255. 16 Compare with, for example, ZAHÁLKA, Jaroslav: Balkánská kuchyně. (The cuisine of the Balkans.) Prague 1981, page 20. However, the tourist could get to know according to the book the local nutrition in privacy or in small restaurants.

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the 1950s. Even though Hungary was not a Slavic country, its cuisine also with regard to its traditional positions from the period of Austro-Hungary, also seemed very inspirational. A role was played also by the fact that some less extended kinds of foods, particularly vegetables such as peppers, tomatoes or aubergines and later patisson squashes, came from this country as well as from Bulgaria.17 It was thus to a considerable extent a transfer conditioned by the import of specific commodities. For Hungary, it is not possible to neglect the import of ready tinned meals, which became very popular.18 Hungary itself contributed to spreading Hungarian cuisine by publishing the special cookery book “The Gourmet” in Czech with the fundamentals of Hun- garian cuisine.19 As an example of successful introduction we can mention “letcho”, a dish of stewed peppers with tomatoes and eggs. Even though it may seem that a high level of culinary transfer from the Balkans and Hungary was given exclusively by the affiliation of Czechoslovakia to the same power block as a part of the Balkan countries (mainly Bulgaria and Rumania) and Hungary, Austrian examples show that a not inconsiderable role was played by the traditions reaching deeply into the 19th century.20 The official culinary transfer from other countries of the Eastern bloc was not at all so intensive as in the case of Hungary and Bulgaria. Polish cuisine was

17 It results from statistical yearbooks that in the second half of 1950s roughly three quar- ters of the total import of vegetables into Czechoslovakia came from Bulgaria and Hun- gary. In 1980 both these countries together with Romania secured 78% of the import in this area. 18 In 1955 17 kinds of ready meals including the very popular liver cream were imported from Hungary and 3 kinds of ready meals from Bulgaria. Slovak National Archive, f. Povereníctvo obchodu Kolégium povereníka obchodu 1952-60, Kolégium ministra vnú- torného obchodu 1953-60, k. 90. It was, for example, the pork in the Balkan style or the famous Májkrém, i.e. liver pâté. It is the Hungarian expression for liver „máj“ where it is necessary to look for the origin of the denomination of the extraordinarily popular canned liver pâté Májka in the Czech Republic even today. 19 MAGYAR, Elek: Cookery Book “Gourmet”. Budapest 1957. 20 Compare, for example, with the gastronomical section in the Austrian magazine for women Die Frau year 31 (1975) or the books of Austrian television cooks from 1960s HOFER, Hans: Feinschmecker Spezialitäten. Wien – Heidelberg 1964 or Küchenchef Willi Hallmann kocht, denkt und spart für Sie. Die neuzeitliche Kochbuch mit Tips bis zum Jahre 2000. Graz – Wien 1964.

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accepted with certain misgivings, in spite of the fact that its acceptance could have been made easier by the presence of a relatively big minority living mainly in the North of Moravia and Silesia and the affiliation of the Poles among the Slavs. In spite of certain endeavours in the periodical press, however, the worst reputation ever of the “cuisines of friends” was that of the cuisine of (East) Germany, towards which there were numerous prejudices.21 At the same time, the situation could not in any way be changed even by the fact that the GDR became, especially in the 1970s and 1980s, a very popular tourist destination and food was cheaper here in comparison to Czechoslovakia. A different extent of transfer from individual cuisines of the Soviet bloc is well illustrated by the share of individual national dishes in the standards for public nutrition. It was the incorporation into the system of public catering standards that to a certain extant testified to the real popularity of individual meals, even though certain culinary alterations here could be naturally pushed through artificially. The first standards from the 1950s, however, drew upon the inter-war assortment of companies for public catering; a breakthrough concerning dishes from the Eastern bloc came only in the 1960s, while dishes from the cuisine of the nations of the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Romania, Yugoslavia and Hungary were clearly dominating. Only some isolated cases from Polish cuisine appeared (zrazy, flaszki – Polish style tripe) and (East-) German dishes were almost completely missing. At the same time, these were mostly rather cheap meals offered both in ordinary restaurants and in student canteens. Similar results were shown by the data concerning an important form of culinary transfer, on which an extraordinary emphasis was placed at the given time – the establishment of national restaurants.22

21 Josef Mašek, one of the most significant figures in the research of heath nutrition at the beginning of 1970s, connected the negative traditions of German food with Protes- tantism. “It is remarkable that we come across hurried eating and underestimating taste qualities rather in Protestant than in Catholic countries, as good food is almost considered a crime in them; the excellent Italian, Austrian, Spanish and particularly French cuisine contrasts in our perception with the unappetizing and unacceptable taste combination of „Eintopfgericht“ a meal from one pot, once popular among Nazis...“Mašek, Josef a kol.: Člověk, společnost a výživa. (A man, society and nutrition). Prague 1971, page 64 (the text of the chapter comes directly from J. Maška). 22 Restaurants officially serving as the representation of some of the national cuisines – for example, the above-mentioned companies Moskva, Sofia or the Chinese restaurant had a privileged position in the system of public catering. A special advantage consisted in the

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If we observe this phenomenon in the city of Prague, we will see that, while as far back as the turn of the 1950s and 1960s there were companies offering the “Soviet” cuisine (Moskva)23 and NDR and Bulgarian cuisine (Sofia), then there was a certain delay in the case of Hungarian cuisine. Immediately several companies with their own names, but also menu and, above all, its list of drinks (wine) list declared their support for Yugoslavia and a number of similar companies considerably grew especially in the second half of the 1960s. On the contrary, Poland and the GDR got a bad deal again.24

Exotic Luxury25

On the contrary, from the end of the 1950s it was possible to find in Prague exclusive restaurants offering Chinese cuisine (the Chinese restaurant in Vodičkova street)26 and Indian cuisine (the restaurant Maÿur from 1959). The end of the 1950s and the beginning of the next decade brought a greater openness towards exotic, particularly Far East cuisines, which was related to the intensification of contacts with the countries of the Third World as well as with China. Naturally, the extent of culinary transfer from China was changing quickly on the basis of the development of political relations with this country and the cooling-off especially towards the end of the 1960s was very apparent here. The

possibility of importing food raw materials only for the specific operation, which played an important role especially in the event of the Chinese restaurant. 23 Even other operations such as Berjozka, Riga or Sokolniky declared their support for the “Soviet” gastronomy in Prague of the 1970s and 1980s. 24 The operation Alex, which was to offer German cuisine, appeared in the Revoluční street in the centre of Prague in 1980s, but it became popular only with some German tourists. 25 As regards these issues in 1948-1968 in general, compare with FRANC, Martin: Řasy, nebo knedlíky? Postoje odborníků na výživu k inovacím a tradicím v české stravě v 50. a 60. letech 20. století. (Algae or dumplings ? The attitudes of nutrition experts to the innovations and traditions in Czech nutrition in 1950s and 1960s). Prague 2003, page 211–216. 26 Compare with ŠUSTA, Jan: Prahou pohostinnou. (Across the hospitable Prague). Prague 1976, page 36-37. The head of the Chinese restaurant, Dobromil Klíma, was also author of the influential Chinese cookery book. Compare KLÍMA, Dobromil: Čínská kuchyně. (Chinese cuisine). Prague 1967.

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lack of imports from China contributed, however, to the supply crisis in the area of foodstuffs in Czechoslovakia in the first half of the 1960s.27 Very important for Czechoslovakia was the import of some specific commodities, such as rice, tinned pineapple or pork meat. Chinese tinned pork for example, became very popular, including luncheon meat. In the 1970s and 1980s Chinese cuisine, although adjusted to domestic relations, became very fashionable and many restaurants not only in Prague, but also in other places, began to offer it. It was especially soya sauce that added a Chinese tint to the meals and this was manufactured under the brand of Vitana directly in Czechoslovakia. However, by the 1980s even the original Chinese product was available in shops. Indian cuisine did not become so popular, even though in the 1960s it temporarily took over from China the role of a key supplier of some food commodities, such as tea. The famous mixture of curry spices was also supplied to shops.28 In the eyes of ordinary people it embodied the Indian cuisine as soya sauce did the Chinese. In the second half of the 1960s the first cookery books dedicated to Indian cuisine also appeared on the counters of Czech bookstores.29 Other Third World countries affected Czech cuisine, above all, by means of single imports of exotic crops. The most important exception of this rule was Cuba, which supplied some of the commodities regularly. Particularly Cuban or- anges, which were difficult to peel, but also the famous Cuban white Havana Club Rum was very well-known. Moreover, many Czech employees worked in Cuba in the 1960s to the 1980s and a financially better situated part of the inhabitants could spend their leave here. From the standpoint of meals, however, modest relations of this country did not have much to offer; a much more distinctive

27 On the other hand, in the same period Chinese recipes appeared in the press, for example in the magazine Výživa lidu. (Nutrition of the People). 28 As early as the second half of 1950s India exhibited in Prague some of its specific food products (cashew nuts, chutney), however, they did not penetrate into the retail network. Compare RABOCH, František: Výstava zboží Indické republiky. (Exhibition of the goods of the Indian republic.) Výživa lidu 11, 1956, no. 9, p. 134. 29 Compare ROUBÍČEK, Jindřich: Indická kuchyně. (Indian cuisine.) Prague 1969. However, the author was not a specialist in oriental cuisine – in the same year he published a book dedicated to considerably different Scandinavian gastronomy. A very high-quality overview of Indian cuisine was then offered in the later publication MILTNER, Vladimír: Indická kuchyně. (Indian cuisine). Prague 1982. Compare also NOVOTNÁ, Regina: Exotika v družstevní kuchyni. (Exotics in the cooperative kitchen.)Prague 1988.

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inspiration concerned mixed drinks (mojito, cuba libre, etc.) This tendency was also reflected in the 1970s and 1980s by some hospitality operations of higher categories.30 Most distinctive impulses were not brought into Czech cuisine even by the people working in Third World countries, even though, for example, the Inter- national Cookery Book published in 1967 contained also several North African recipes (designated as recipes from Tunisia).31 Fitters and other workers in the Arab world or in Central Asia did not take over the local culinary habits very willingly. Not even students and other workers coming from various Asian, African or Latino-American countries had a great influence.

Culinary Breaking of the Iron Curtain

We have already mentioned the traces left by the cuisine of the USA by means of the UNRRA action in Czechoslovakia. The general criticism of the lifestyle in Western countries and, naturally, also in the United Countries of America, manifested itself also in the area of the official culinary discourse. The main strike was naturally targeted against haute cuisine, which was dominated by the influence of peak French cooks even after the end of World War Two. Even in the Czech lands the best recommendation for chefs remained the work in some of the peak French restaurant at least for some time or the graduation of a school

30 For example, Havana club bar in the Prague Interhotel Olympic opened in 1976. Compare ŠUSTA, Jan: Průvodce pražským pohostinstvím. (A guidebook through the Prague hospitality.) Prague 1983, page 353-354. 31 FIALOVÁ, Julianna A. et al.: Mezinárodní kuchařka. (International cookery book) Prague 1967. This book had a very interesting destiny. Originally, it was a publication, where the wives of Czech experts, mainly the employees of the company Škoda, would summarise their knowledge from the stays in the assemblies abroad, etc. Juliana A. Fialová, however, completed markedly the original version, among other things, with the recipes for meals from the Czechoslovak restaurant at Expo 1958 in Brussels and with quite a peculiarity conceived „Czechoslovak cuisine“, where she added, for example, „klopsy“ or „ražniči“. Compare the review of František Raboch (Výživa lidu 23, 1968, supplement Výživa v rodině (Nutrition in a Family) 13, č. 7, s. 34). The International Cookery Book was published in a high number of 100 000 copies.

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of cooking in France or Switzerland. Even though, these people mostly kept their professional position (for example, the chef in the Alcron hotel Florián Zimmermann), their voice was practically not heard at all in public. The haute cuisine as such must have faced the suspicion that it served only exploiters. There was almost no space left for it in the new order. Nevertheless, in the media of the time, the total model of catering for wide groups did not avoid France. An article appeared, for example, in the magazine “Nutrition of the People”, which designated French cuisine as such as overestimated from the medical point of view, which was justified by the author with a high extent of the consumption of unhealthy white baked goods in France.32 Nevertheless, similarly primitively ideologically motivated attitudes were not even in the period of Stalinism the only form of testimony of Western cuisines and there were also works giving, after all, a less gloomy picture of the situation in European countries.33 Roughly from the second half of the 1950s the inspiration also in Western Europe was sought with the purpose of improving domestic eating habits, without the risk of persecution for the authors of similar texts for “servility to the West”. At the beginning, it was a matter of course to restrict it ideologically in such a way that brutal differences in Western countries were mentioned, but even this began to disappear from the 1960s. Even the area of haute cuisine was stimulated, where especially the French cuisine continued to keep its positions. A big incentive in this sense was the World Exhibition Expo 1958 in Brussels. Czechoslovakia successfully presented itself not only through the products of consumer industries or Laterna Magika, but also by the restaurant Praha, composed of various operations. The fact that the most exclusive operation was designated as the French restaurant can be then considered typical. Before the World Exhibition, a group of leading

32 SOLNAŘOVÁ, Božena: Příkrmy v naší výživě. (Trimmings in our nutrition)Výživa lidu 8, 1953, no. 9, page 134-135. 33 It is necessary to say here that the information concerning the catering of wide groups in Czechoslovakia given by some Western experts sometimes described the situation in a more dramatic way than corresponded tothe reality even in later decades. Compare, for example, MAY, Jacques M.: The Ecology of Malnutrition in Central and Southeastern Europe. Austria, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia. Studies in Medical Geography Vol. 6. New York – London 1966.

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employees of the Czechoslovak restaurant took a several-week-long study trip to the leading restaurants in France, Italy, Switzerland and Belgium itself.34 The menu in the restaurant Praha was linked in many ways to the tradition of inter-war Czech haute cuisine, but they also succeeded in appropriately incor- porating Czech specialities in it, which had extraordinary success in Brussels. An the next World Exhibition in 1967 in Montreal, Canada, Czech and Slovak cooks presented their own version of haute cuisine, which was, however, markedly inspired by the peak international cuisine and commonly used ingredients which were difficult or impossible to get in Czech retail trades, which had practically nothing in common with Czech cuisine (prawns, artichokes, olives).35 Even though the top Czechoslovak cuisine was successful also at the World Exhibition in Osaka, Japan in 1970, in later decades, however, it began to lose its top position more.36 It did not even grasp the modernisation tendency of nouvelle cuisine in the 1970s and it seemed too conservative as opposed to the Western competition.37 It was probably the repeated restriction of contacts with the Western world, which manifested itself here most of all, even though it was naturally not such an isolation as in the first half of the 1950s. The inflexible system of personal change in top restaurants could also have played its role. In the 1960s the culinary transfer from the French and Italian cuisine especially was becoming very popular. Particularly in the latter case, the sympathy of some famous cultural personalities for Italian cuisine was influencing consumers in Czechoslovakia a great deal – perhaps as a most distinctive example we can mention the actor and writer Jan Werich, who promoted Italian cuisine in com- mercials.38 Unlike French cuisine, as far back as the 1960s, a greater simplicity of

34 Compare BENEŠOVÁ, Emilie – ŠIMŮNKOVÁ, Karolina: Expo ’58. Příběh československé účasti na Světové výstavě v Bruselu. (The story of the Czechoslovak participation at the World Exhibi- tion in Brussels.) Prague 2008, page 122. 35 As regards catering at world exhibitions in the years 1958 and 1967 compare also KOREČEK, Ladislav – NESTÁVAL, Antonín – SRKALA, Antonín: Od Montrealu k Ósace. (From Montreal to Osaka). Prague 1970 and especially HŘÍBEK, Miroslav: Hostili jsme svět. (We hosted the world.) Prague 1970. 36 As regards the menu of the Czechoslovak restaurant in Osaka, compare Brussels – Mon- treal – Osaka. A collection of recipes from world exhibitions. Prague 1987. 37 This was shown also by international exhibitions Gastroprag in the years 1982 and 1986. 38 Compare the Slovak National Archive, f. Povereníctvo SNR pre obchod 1964-68, k. 17, inv. č. 75 and 78.

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meals was connected with Italian cuisine, while France could not get rid of the label of the country of haute cuisine. A greater extent of culinary transfer from both counties was hindered more by ideological reasons than by the unavailability of certain kinds of foods and ingredients in the Czech retail trade network. The authors writing expert articles concerning nutrition reacted to this fact in the 1950s by the attempts to prove that, olive oil, for example, lags behind the more easily available kinds of vegetable oils such as rapeseed, sunflower or soya oil.39 From the 1960s, however, similar texts quickly disappeared and in 1968 there was even a Czech-Italian symposium concerning the use of olive oil in the modern dietetics.40 In the 1960s people started to talk more frequently about providing supplies of original raw materials for the Czech retail trade market and, in fact some food products from Italy and France, particularly alcoholic drinks, became a part of the assortment of the retail trade in Czechoslovakia (for example, Cinzano ver- mouth, Dubonnet aperitif, Mon Cheri sour cherries in chocolate supplied by the company Ferrero-Rocher). But, for example, the luxurious French cognac Martell has been sold here since 1958. Supplies of ingredients of French food specialities were provided since 1970 by the specialised Prague shop (connected with a wine bar) Paris – Praha in Jindřišská street.41 From the 1960s, Italian diplomats negotiated the establishment of an official restaurant that would offer dishes from their country.42 The project was carried out in a restaurant in 1970.43 But the standards themselves in the 1960s enabled the preparation of some famous Italian dishes including several kinds of pizza.44

39 Drv. FRANC, Martin: Řasy, nebo knedlíky? Postoje odborníků na výživu k inovacím a tradicím v české stravě v 50. a 60. letech 20. století. (Algae or dumplings? The attitudes of experts concerning the nutrition to the innovations and traditions in Czech nutrition in 1950s and 1960s). Prague 2003, p. 19-50. 40 HRUBÁ, Marie: Italsko-československé sympozium o využití olivového oleje v dietetice. (Italian-Czech symposium concerning the use of the olive oil in dietetics.) Výživa lidu 23, 1968, no.: 7, p. 131. 41 ŠUSTA, Jan: Průvodce pražským pohostinstvím. (A guidebook across the Prague hospitality). Prague 1983, p. 200-201. 42 Compare The Archive of Security Components, f. II. Administration of the Ministry of Interior (A 34), k. 489, Týdenní svodka č. 14 (11. 4. 1964) 43 ŠUSTA, Jan: Průvodce pražským pohostinstvím.(A guidebook across the Prague hospitality). Prague 1983, p. 146. 44 Normy teplých jídel. (Standards of warm meals). 5Th edition Prague 1964, p. 238-240.

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At the turn of the 1960s and 1970s, specialised cookery books dedicated to the cuisine of France and Italy were also published.45 In the second half of the 1960s the number of tourists travelling into both countries also rose, although not to any great extent. In a number of cases, however, the travellers were the representatives of culture influencing in many ways public opinion. The 1960s, especially the second half, was however favourable for a culinary transfer also from other Western countries, which is documented, for example, by publications dedicated to international cuisine in general or the rich representation of meals from Western countries in the cookery book published for the television program called “A Chef is Cooking”.46 It does not make any sense to list the details of the transfer from other Euro- pean countries in this brief outline. Perhaps only the cuisines of North European countries deserve mentioning. Interested Czech persons could find the secrets of the Scandinavian cuisine from a specialised publication as far back as the end of the 1960s.47 It was particularly Sweden and other Nordic countries that were a great idol in this period especially in the area of school catering. Experts were attracted also by the importance given to the issues of proper nutrition in Northern Europe. Especially big campaigns for the support of milk and dairy products seemed to be extraordinarily inspirational. The transfer of Scandinavian specialities was easier since the second half of the 1960s due to special shops, offering Scandi- navian food products, even though only in the assortment reduced to fish and fish products – the famous Frionor shops.48 Nevertheless, sea fish were imported

45 KLÍMA, Dobromil: Italská kuchyně. (Italian cuisine). Prague 1968; MARTINICOVÁ, Jana: Francouzská kuchyně. (French cuisine). Prague 1972. Cookery books bringing the gastronomy of Italy and France nearer were published also in further decades. Compare, for example, PÖSINGEROVÁ, Marie: Italská kuchyně. (Italian cuisine.) Prague 1984; PEUKERTOVÁ, Drahomíra: Francouzská kuchařka. (French cookery book) Prague 1988 or LAVALOVÁ, Vlas- ta: Francouzská domácí kuchyně. (French domestic cuisine.) Prague 1989. 46 HEJZLAR, M. – KUDLÁČEK, J. (eds.): Vaří šéfkuchař. (The chef is cooking.) Prague 1970. A great attention was, however, paid also to the recipes from the Eastern bloc in the program and in the consequent publication. 47 ROUBÍČEK, Jindřich: Skandinávská kuchyně. (Scandinavian cuisine.) Prague 1969. 48 HRUBÁ, Marie: Záslužný čin (A praiseworthy act) (an interview with V. Cifrák). Výživa lidu (Nutrition of the People) 24, 1969, permanent supplement Výživa v rodině (Nutrition in the Family) 14, 1969, no. 6, p. 28.

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from Scandinavia even before, including whale meat from Norway. Northern Eu- ropean incentives penetrated into the area of haute cuisine only to a very limited extent; however, the extension of the so-called Princess cake with a light green marzipan icing roughly at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s was an important innovation.49 Unlike Western European countries, Czechoslovakia naturally did not undergo the wave of huge Americanisation until 1989 and, on the contrary, most visible signs of North American cuisine have been rejected here for a long time as entirely undesirable. Ideological reasons were often covered by willing experts with arguments on the unsuitability of various foods, drinks or ingredients for health reasons. It can be perhaps best illustrated on the almost profaned story of Coca-Cola, probably the most distinctive symbol of American lifestyle in the area of cuisine. The original fierce rejection from the 1950s was replaced at the turn of the 1950s and 1960s by an effort to develop domestic substitutes. In the 1960s Czech glassworks began to produce original bottles for Coca-Cola and towards the end of this decade negotiations concerning the licensed production of this drink started and were successfully concluded with an agreement.50 Pepsi-Cola or the soft drink Lift also later came onto the Czech market. The distribution of both non-alcoholic drinks perceived as a symbol of the West and Western lifestyle 51 was, admittedly, not simple and most of the production was determined for the needs of public catering, but even so, it was a fundamental change in attitudes, which was not disturbed even by the approaching normalisa- tion. We can say, in general, that towards the end of the 1960s, a more realistic judgment won in the expert press also in case of assessing American cuisine and even certain positive aspects were appreciated. Experts publishing in the magazine “Nutrition of the People” even praised the system of fast food restaurants at

49 The Princess cake was a speciality of the Prague Interhotel Olympic. 50 As regards the introduction of Coca-cola into Czechoslovakia, compare FRANC, Martin: Coca-cola je zde! aneb Konzumní společnost v Československu? (Coca-cola is here! Or the consumption society in Czechoslovakia?) In: TŮMA, Oldřich (ed.): Pražské jaro 1968: Občanská společnost – média – přenos politických a kulturních procesů. (Prague spring 1968: Civic society – the media – a transfer of political and cultural processes.) Prague 2011, p. 133-142. 51 Radoslav Selucký in the book Západ je západ (West is West) even stipulated a clear definition – The West is where Coca-Cola is. SELUCKÝ, Radoslav: Západ je západ. (West is West.) Prague 1965, p. 5.

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the beginning; however, they later adopted a more critical attitude towards them, supported by relevant arguments from, among other sources, even Western colleagues. In any case the establishment of fast food chains seemed to be a utopia until 1989. It can be expected that their opening would cause a similar turmoil as during the opening of the first McDonald’s in Moscow in 1990, where there were extremely long queues. Even though in the 1970s there was a markedly greater watchfulness against the penetration of Western cultural influences in comparison with the previous period, the area of culinary transfer was influenced only in a very limited way. Various contracts concluded towards the end of the 1960s influenced the reality in the area of cuisine even in the following years and decades. If, however, there was a huge development of tourist contacts with some countries of the Eastern bloc (particularly with the GDR, but also Hungary and Bulgaria) in the 1970s and 1980s, in the case of Western countries there was no similar explosion, which naturally influenced the extent of the culinary transfer. The worsening state of the economy in the second half of the 1970s was without influence and restricted the possibility of importing some food commodities for “hard currency”. On the other hand, since the 1980s, the network of ESO shops was extended in Czech towns, which worked on a similar basis as the older East-German chain Delikat. Next to more luxurious kinds of domestic products, customers could buy, for CS crowns, also some Western food products. Czech and Slovak cooks participated, also in the 1970s and 1980s in various international cooking shows and some even got the opportunity to travel to the West for short-term study residences. Nevertheless, in the 1970s, the top Czech cuisine came to be in a protracted crisis. Its innovation force was undermined and it made a considerably conservative impression. New trends coming mainly from Western countries were not greatly reflected. The period of the so-called reconstruction in the second half of the 1980s worked, among other things, under the sign of greater openness towards West- ern influences also in the area of cuisine. However, this concerned often rather cramped attempts, full of imitation and inferior substitutes.

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Without Hamburgers, but with Letcho, or the Conclusion

The extent of successfulness of the culinary transfer is observed only with difficulties. We can, admittedly observe the changes of individual channels inter- mediating new incentives for eating habits from abroad; however, their impart remains disputable. Naturally, the importance of individual factors has always varied also according to the total social situation. In the conditions of Czechoslo- vakia in 1948-1989, an extraordinarily important role was played by the changes in the structure of the food imports, which created a demand for new recipes from foreign cuisines. With regard to the system of public catering, the incorporation of specific recipes into the system of standards, according to which meals in restaurants, and school catering were prepared, could be classified as of key importance. Nevertheless, the incorporation itself did not provide that the relevant recipe will be really used. It is difficult to observe the influence of the transfer by means of the media. Cookery books, admittedly, were among the bestselling books over the entire period and even the television program “The Chef is Cooking” could not complain about a shortage of viewers, but these incentives undoubtedly influenced only a part of the citizens. The rich culture of handwritten collections of recipes joined with newspaper recipe clippings shows, however, that the interest in culinary innovations prevailed in spite of the difficult situation in the food supply. Even a certain shortage or lack in the supplies of some commodities rather supported the use of imagination and the search for inspiration elsewhere. The restriction of travelling also limited the fundamental significance of culinary transfers via personal contacts. A breakthrough in this respect was not brought on as a result of extensive posting of employees of various types in Third World countries, which began primarily from the 1960s. Even though the number of Czech tourists travelling at least to the countries of the Soviet bloc, the importance of this factor was often limited by a shortage of finances, which had been allotted to them. Official restaurants dedicated to foreign cuisines were meant to become a certain substitute, which often, at least at the beginning, employed cooks from the countries of origin (the Chinese restaurant, the restaurants Sofia or Trattoria Viola) or also shops offering national food specialities (Paris-Praha). A distinctive sign which attracts one’s attention at first glance is the mixing of ideological overtones into the area of cuisine. Even though the importance of this parameter since the first half of the 1950s markedly decreased, it played

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its role until 1989. In comparison with Western Europe, Czechoslovakia was not hit by a wave of Americanisation, and the transfer of culinary specialities from France, Italy and other countries were blocked by a fundamental shortage of some important ingredients on the market. The officially strongly supported transfer of eating customs from the countries of the Eastern bloc, especially from the Balkans and from Hungary, sometimes worked as a substitute, even though it also followed certain traditions from the 19th century. The Balkans as a favourite tourist destination also played the role of accessible exotics. An interesting element in the history of the culinary transfer in Czechoslovakia in 1948-1989 is the fact that Americanisation was not in this respect replaced by a similarly massive Sovietisation. Only individual dishes were transferred (such as borscht, perogies, but not “soljanka”, unlike the neighbouring GDR) or food specialities (caviar, Georgian cognac, soft ice cream, Champagne). The Soviet model probably differed from the existing Czech habits so much that it could not become an adequate ideal. Moreover, the support of an ideological background could only partly compete with the transfers supported by commercial mechanisms. Czech cuisine of 1989 seemed very conservative and little influenced by modern world trends to observers from the West. Mainly the already mentioned incorporation of some customs and dishes from the Eastern bloc seemed to be specific. The development in the following decades showed that at least at the level of ordinary cooking in households, company catering and restaurants this transfer became deeply anchored in the Czech catering system and became an inseparable part. After 1990 however, tendencies of culinary inspirations very similar as anywhere else in Central Europe with only small specific features took hold in the cuisine of the Czech lands. It is definitely a much more open system than in the past, even though a frequent limit of the transfer of eating customs from abroad in many cases remains the financial situation of families. On the other hand, many trade chains include food specialities from various foreign cuisines in their popular discount sales and some sales are even focused directly on a certain national cuisine. The reverse side of this method of transfer is often its flatness, narrowness and partly its substitute-like character.

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Resumé Na boršč, na „čínu“ nebo na pizzu? Kulturní transfer v oblasti gastronomie v českých zemích 1948–1989 Martin Franc

Gastronomický transfer ze zahraničí hrál významnou roli ve vytváření stravovacího systému v celých dějinách a jeho význam neklesl ani v období 1948-1989, přestože na počátku tohoto období výrazně posílily izolacionistické snahy i v gastronomii a došlo k přervání mnohých kontaktů se zahraničím. Impulsy byly přejímány především z kuchy- ně SSSR, zemí jihovýchodní Evropy patřící do sovětského bloku a hlavně od šedesátých let i z Jugoslávie. Vedle ideologických důvodů hrály mimořádně důležitou úlohu v tomto procesu změny v dovozu potravinářských komodit, změny turistických cílů a cílené za- řazování pokrmů z těchto zemí do závazných norem ve veřejném stravování. Nedošlo k žádné celkové „sovětizaci“ české kuchyně kvůli námitkám lékařů ovládajících gastrono- mický diskurs a především z důvodu velkých odlišností obou stravovacích systémů (ten sovětský byl navíc vnitřně nekohrerentní). Balkánské země plnily i úlohu náhražkové exo- tiky, podněty ze zemí tzv. Třetího světa i Číny byly pouze omezené, přestože se svérázná domácí varianta čínské kuchyně stala v českých zemích v 70. a 80. letech velkou módou. Vyspělé západoevropské gastronomie se dočkaly na počátku padesátých let ideologicky podbarvené kritiky, záhy se však prosazoval vyváženější pohled. V druhé polovině pade- sátých let se vrací na mezinárodní (i domácí) scénu česká haute cuisine, která v mnohém navazuje na meziválečné tradice hodně ovlivněné Francií. Obohacuje ji však specifickými prvky z domácí kuchyně. Od druhé poloviny padesátých let se také dovážejí některé po- travinářské speciality ze západních kuchyní, na sklonku šedesátých let pak vznikají v Praze speciální podniky nabízející produkty italské a francouzské gastronomie (Trattoria Viola, Paris – Praha). Některé italské speciality byly zařazeny do norem na přípravu teplých pokrmů ve veřejném stravování. Zhruba ve stejném období vycházejí i specializované kuchařské knihy a mírně narůstá i počet turistů do obou zemí. Kontakty nepřerušilo ani období tzv. normalizace. Specifickou pozici měla skandinávská gastronomie, mj. i kvůli tomu, že systém závodního a veřejného stravování v severských zemích sloužil v Česko- slovensku jako vzor. Československo neprošlo na rozdíl od západoevropských států vlnou amerikanizace, ale přesto se zde na sklonku šedesátých let došlo k podepsání licenční dohody na výrobu jednoho z nejproslulejších symbolů amerického životního stylu – Coca coly, nicméně např. americké fastfoodové řetězce do Československa pronikly až po roce 1989. Pozorovatelům ze západu se česká gastronomie roku 1989 na všech úrovních zdála hodně konzervativní a málo ovlivněná moderními světovými trendy. Jako specifické se jevilo hlavně již zmíněné zapracování některých zvyklostí a pokrmů z východního blo-

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ku. Vývoj v následujících desetiletích ukázal, že přinejmenším na úrovni běžného vaření v domácnostech, v závodním stravování a v restauracích zakotvil tento transfer hluboko v českém stravovacím systému a stal se jeho neodlučitelnou součástí. V devadesátých letech se však trend v oblasti gastronomického transferu výrazně změnil a nově nastavené poměry platí prakticky dosud.

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68 Processes of Cultural Exchange in Central Europe 1800 - 2000

Cisleithanian Universities as Centres of Forming an Educated Elite in the Second Half of the 19th Century and the Beginning of the 20th Century

Marie Gawrecká

Abstract: The study is a partial contribution to the issues of university education in Cisleitha- nia (translator’s note: the German term Cisleithanien referred to the Austrian part of Austria-Hungary; Předlitavsko was the unofficial Czech term), in the second half of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century. On the basis of statistical data, the author looks at the growth of the number of university students, its dynamics and share of individual ethnicities in the composition of students of Austrian universities.

Key words: Universities; University education; Hapsburg Monarchy; Cisleithania; 19th Cen- tury

The issue of secondary and university education played a key role in the process of cultural exchange. Colleges and universities weren’t just science centres and top institutions of higher learning but also the centres of cultural impact, emancipation and social mobility of individual elements of the society. Further- more, they played a key role within the process of modernisation and transformation of traditional societies into modern civic societies. Since the monarchy was a multiethnic state, they also contributed to the formation of national societies. In the 19th century universities became institutions that reflected the social and political development. Eventually, they started shaping it. The year 1848 was a significant impulse for the advocacy of the freedom of teaching and research at universities. In Austria, it was based upon Thun-Hohenstein’s reforms between 1848 and 1852 which governed the legal status of universities as autonomous in-

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stitutions which were subject to state supervision through administrative management. These reforms allowed universities to become centres of scientific research and art faculties became equal to other faculties.1 The liberal era brought other reforms. The December 1867 Constitution guaranteed the freedom of education and research; colleges and universities were substantially “de-confessionalised” and, in 1872, a new examen rigorosum code was adopted which governed university studies in the spirit of the new understanding of universities as centres of scientific research and education.2 Therefore, these reforms represented a significant step in the development of universities and created conditions for the improvement of the scientific and educational qualities of universities of the Austro- Hungarian Empire, equal to those of German universities. The development of scientific research at universities required greater specialisation and differentia- tion; the newly established scientific disciplines required the foundation of new departments, laboratories, hospital clinics etc. New forms of education in social sciences and natural sciences were introduced via the so-called seminars. Significant changes in the structure of the tertiary education during the second half of the 19th century were also a typical sign. In addition to traditional universities, technical and other specialised colleges and universities were founded. Unlike universities focusing on broader university education, specialised colleges focused on the professional education of future experts in much needed fields. The qualitative and quantitative development of colleges and universities since the second half of the 19th century was affected by numerous coexisting factors, such as population growth, government policies and changing attitudes of the general public towards education and the resulting democratisation of the process, as well as the formation of national civic societies. Social and economic aspects were also equally important, since the processes of modernisation and industrialisation called for new fields and technologies and, therefore, qualified and educated experts who would assume positions in the state administration and the private and business sectors or the developing industry, trade etc.3

1 LENZTE, H.: Die Universitätsreform des Ministers Graf Leo Thun-Hohenstein. (Sitzungsber- ichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, 2.) Wien1962, pg. 239. 2 ENGELBRECHT, H.: Geschichte des österreichischen Bildungswesens. Erziehung und Unterreicht auf dem Boden Österreichs. Bd. 4, Wien 1986, pg. 227. 3 COHEN, Gary, B.: Education and Modele-Class Society in Imperial Austria 1849-1918. West Laffayette 1996, pg. 61-63.

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The key prerequisites for the development of tertiary education included the unprecedented development of the network of secondary schools, as the pre- stage for tertiary education, since the second half of the 19th century. In addition to qualitative changes (thanks to which secondary school were transformed into modern educational institutes) the number of schools and students increased, even though the expansion of the network of these schools was not uniform across Austria-Hungary and the level of expansion differed in various lands and according to the type of schools (Gymnasium, Realschule, Realgymnasium).4 The network of secondary schools was most developed (in terms of area and number of inhabitants) in developed Czech lands and Lower Austria, where Germans and Czechs had an advanced system of secondary schools which flexibly reflected the needs of the industrial society. Bohemia and Moravia had the highest number of Realschule schools which offered secondary school education for technical and other fields of study. In Galicia (with agriculture as the dominant sector), where the number of secondary schools had tripled during the last three decades of the monarchy, conventional gymnasia were preferred to the Realschule schools.5 The same applies to the farming area of Hungary in the eastern part of the monarchy. Regional distribution of universities and colleges across individual lands was uneven throughout the analysed period. Colleges and universities were located in seven crown lands of Cisleithania (Lower Austria, Styria, Tyrol, Bohemia, Moravia, Galicia and Bukovina); most institutions of tertiary learning were found in the capital of the monarchy (Vienna), in Prague and in Lvov, Galicia. There was no college or university in seven lands, especially in the southern part of Cisleithania.

4 Between 1881/1882 – 1909/1910 the number of gymnasia and Realschule schools in Cisleithania increased from 252 to 420 and the number of students from 65,525 to 138,882. Statistik der Unterrrichtsanstalten im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königsreichen und Ländern für das Jahr 1881-1882. In: Österreichische Statistik,Band 3, 2.Heft, Wien 1884. – Statistik der Unterrichtsanstalten im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königsreichen und Ländern für das Jahr 1909-1910. In: : Österreichische Statistik,Band 7, 3.Heft, Wien 1913. 5 During the academic year 1909/10 there were 45% secondary schools in the Czech lands in Cisleithania and they were attended by 39 % of all secondary school students. Gawrecká, Marie: Národnostní aspekty vývoje školství v Předlitavsku ve druhé polovině 19. století. In: Acta historica Universitatis Silesianae Opaviensis 5/2012, Hornoslezská středověká knížata v komparativní perspektivě; Industrializace, migrace, národnostní a kulturní aspekty středoevropských regionů v 19. století,ÚHV, Slezská univerzita v Opavě, Opava 2012, pg. 141-154.

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In 1867 there were six universities in the Cisleithanian part of the monarchy: in Vienna, Graz, Innsbruck, Prague, Lvov and Cracow, all German.6 Follow- ing the Polonization of the universities in Cracow and Lvov in the early 1870’s, a German university was founded in Chernivtsi, Bukovina in 1875, based upon efforts in this area by the government in Vienna.7 Following the division of Charles-Ferdinand University into Czech and German parts in 1882 the number of universities increased to eight. Despite efforts by Czechs, Italians or Sloveni- ans to establish universities in Brno, Trieste or Ljubljana, the number of universities had remained constant until the fall of the monarchy. The increasing modernisation and industrialisation and the development of civic societies brought democratisation of education, thanks to which the access to colleges and universities was granted to larger numbers of higher- and middle- class students who eventually became members of the elite in terms of education and business-related wealth. Over the next 60+ years the number of students at Cisleithanian universities and technical colleges increased significantly. The increase in the number of students was substantially higher than population growth.

Table number 1: Development of the number of universities, technical colleges and other schools and student body sizes (enrollment) between 1871 and 1910 8

6 In 1859, due to the loss of Lombardy, the monarchy lost the university in Pavia and in 1866, due to the loss of Veneto, it lost the university in Padova. The university in Salzburg was closed in 1850, only its theological faculty survived. 7 Since the academic year 1870/71 lectures at all faculties of the university in Cracow with the exception of the theological faculty had to take place in Polish. A simile order came for the university in Lvov in July 1871, Rusyn-language lectures were offered in addition to Polish. Otruba, Gustav: Die Universitäten in der Hochschulorganisation der Donau- monarchie-nationale Erziehungsstätten im Vielvölkerreich 1850-1914. In: Student und Hochschule im 19. Jahrhundert. Göttingen.Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1975, pg. 99. 8 Drawn up based on: Österreichische Statistik, Bd.III. Heft 2. Statistik der Unterrichtsanstalten in dem im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königsreichen und Landern für das Jahr 1881/1882, Wien 1884; Bd. XXVIII. Heft 4. Statistik der Unterrichtsanstalten…..für das Jahr 1889/1890. Wien 1892; Österreichische Statistik, Neue Folge, Bd.VIII, Heft 2, Statistik …für das Jahr 1910/1911. Wien 1914.

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Cisleithanian part of the monarchy

Universities Technical colleges Other colleges Number Enrollment Number Enrollment Number Enrollment 1871 6 8,532 6 2,643 10 1,626 1890 8 13,053 6 1,650 6 754 1910 8 24,962 7 9,688 11 2,965 1914 8 27,739 7 10,916 11 4,324

The increase in the number of university students in Cisleithania was most dynamic in the 1870’s and 1880’s and then between 1900 and 1914, during which time it was more than double. The interest in technical fields of study was significantly higher after the end of the economic crisis and the resulting stagnation since the 1890’s, due to the increasing demand for qualified personnel and the higher number of jobs offered to them. Technical colleges saw the number of students increase more than five times, compared with the boom before the war. In terms of enrolment, throughout the period analysed in this article the interest in universities was more than twice as high as technical colleges, also due to the fact that they were situated in three most developed (in terms of industry) lands of Cisleithania, i.e. Lower Austria, Bohemia and Moravia. The huge “boom” of college and university studies around the turn of the century was subject to much criticism from certain conservative and nationalist Austrian politicians and officials (mostly of German origins) who argued that the number of students was higher compared with Germany (per capita), especially at law faculties and technical colleges. In their opinion, the education policy of the state was not based on the needs of the society. Instead, it favoured the nationalist ambitions of non-German nations of the monarchy.9 The composition of student bodies and the relevant development trends are possible thanks to Austrian statistics on Cisleithania from the time period analysed in this article. School databases reflect the composition of student body based on their native languages, unlike the processes used within the framework of census which, since 1880, took the colloquial language into consideration. It should be noted, however, that the native language (not to mention the colloquial language) cannot serve as a reliable criterion of nationality and a student’s identi-

9 WANDRUSZKA Adam - Urbanitsch, Peter (Hg.): Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918. Band III., Die Völker des Reiches. I.Teil, Wien 1980, pg. 95.

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fication of a certain language as their native language was affected by numerous objective and subjective factors.10

Table number 2: University students in Cisleithania in 1881, 1890 and 1910 (based on their native language)11 Other Polish Rusyns Czechs Italians TOTAL Germans Slovenians, Slovenians, Romanians Hungarians Croats, Serbs Croats, of Jews which

Students 48.9 15.5 15.7 4.8 4.6 3.2 1.6 4.5 1.2 100 11.3 1881 in % Proportion of 36.8 23.8 14.9 12.8 7.8 3.0 0.9 - - 100 4.5 popul. in % Students 43.8 21.4 16.9 4.1 4.1 3.3 1.4 2.9 2.1 100 19.2 1890 in % Proportion of 36.0 23.3 15.8 13.2 7.8 2.9 0.9 - 0.1 100 4.9 popul. in % Students 40.2 16.2 24.8 5.5 4.8 2.5 1.1 0.7 4.2 100 17.7 1910 in % Proportion of 35.6 23.0 17.8 12.6 7.3 2.7 1.0 - - 100 6.4 popul. in %

10 BOOR, A, de.:Die „Nationalität“ und der „Sozialstatus“ aussländischer Studenten in Halle. Er- ste Überlegung zur Kategoriebildung auf grund von Massendaten. In: Rüdiger, H.P.-Tikhonov,N. (Hrsg.): Universitäten als Brücken in Europa. Les universités: des ponts a travers ľ Euro- pe. Peter Lang GmbH, Frankfurt am Main 2003, pg. 58-59. 11 Drawn up based on: Österreichische Statistik, Bd.III. Heft 2. Statistik der Unterrichtsanstalten in dem im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königsreichen und Landern für das Jahr 1881/1882, Wien 1884; Bd. XXVIII. Heft 4. Statistik der Unterrichtsanstalten…..für das Jahr 1889/1890. Wien 1892; Österreichische Statistik, Neue Folge, Bd.VIII, Heft 2, Statistik …für das Jahr 1910/1911. Wien 1914. Data on the numbers of Jewish students is taken from a study by E. Pliwa: Österreichs Universitäten 1863/4 – 1910/11. Statistisch graphische Studie. Wien 1913.

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As we can see from table 2 above, the demographic (ethnic) structure of universities in the Cisleithanian part of the monarchy between 1881 and 1910 was inconsistent with the demographic structure of the population as such during the analysed period. Germans were the largest national group at Cisleithanian universities. In 1881 the represented almost 49 % of all students at seven universities.12 Over next decades, due to increasing emancipation and expansion of the network of secondary schools in Slavic territories, the interest on the part of Slavic nationalities in university studies increased and the proportion of Germa- ny started to decrease gradually (1909/10: 40.2 %). Nevertheless, the proportion of Germans was still higher than the proportion of Germans of the population of Cisleithania. Being the second largest ethnic group in Cisleithania, Czechs were the second most frequent nationality among university students until the turn of the century. The percentage of Czechs among university students increased rapidly in the 1880’s as a result of the foundation of a Czech university in Prague and the expansion of the network of Czech gymnasia in Bohemia and Moravia (1881/82: 15.5 %, 1890/91: 21.4 %). That said, it was still much lower than the percentage of Czechs in the population of the monarchy. Between 1890 and 1910 the percentage of Czech students at universities decreased rapidly (to 16.2 %) in favour of technical colleges which (as far as Cisleithania is concerned) had the largest student bodies in Czech lands: there were two Czech and two German technical colleges in Prague and Brno. The percentage of Poles among university students was always higher than the percentage of Poles of the total population, evidently thanks to the existence of two Polish universities in Galicia since the 1870’s. The enormous increase in the number of Polish university students took place during the last two decades before WWI (1890/91: 16.9 %, 1910/11: 24.8 %), when they surpassed Czechs and became the second most numerous nationality (Germans being the first). One of the reasons for this development was the triple increase in the number of Polish gymnasia in Galicia (from 21 to 66) as the pre-stage for university studies. Furthermore, the dominant economic activity of the region (agriculture) favoured the choice of universities to the detriment of technical colleges. The low interest in technical fields of study can be seen from the numbers of students during the academic year 1910/1911: the only technical colleges in Galicia, 12 OTRUBA, Gustav: Die Universitäten in der Hochschulorganisation der Donaumonarchie. c.d. s. 139.

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in Lvov, had 1,745 students, whereas both Czech technical colleges had twice as many students (Prague: 2,997; Brno: 541). 13 As for the ethnic groups in Cisleithania that did not have “their own” university, the most numerous group of students were Italians living in southern Tyrol, Austrian Littoral and Dalmatia who attended universities in Innsbruck, Graz and Vienna. The proportion of Italians was slightly higher than the 5% proportion of the population of the Cisleithanian part of the monarchy represented by Italians. In 1910 there were 11 college or university students per 10,000 Italians, whereas there were 16 in the case of Germans and Poles and 13 in the case of Czechs. It shall be pointed out in this regard that the numbers of Italians at universities in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy were always high. In the 1850’s, prior to the loss of universities in Pavia and Padova that most Italian students living in the monarchy were eager to attend, the proportion of Italians within the monarchy as a whole was higher than the proportion of Germans.14 The percentage of South European nationalities (Slovenes, Croats and Serbs) of university students in Cisleithania was very low in the 1880’s and the number of students from these lands started to increase as late as around the turn of the century. In the late 1880’s fewer than 400 Slovenes attended a university, but in 1900 there were 652 of them. That said, in 1910 there were only 5.51 university students per every 10,000 inhabitants using Slovenian as their colloquial language. The number was even lower in the case of Croats and Serbs.15 This situation was caused by numerous factors: aside from the largely agricultural nature of the area and its economic underdevelopment, slow modernisation processes and transformation of the traditional society into a modern-day society, the long distances between the region and Austrian university centres were also a key factor, since they were too long to be convenient for Croatian and Serbian students from Dalmatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The situation of students from Slovenia was somewhat better: having graduated German or utraquist gymnasia in Styria or Carniola, they could attend the university in Graz or the more distant Vienna. Around the turn of the century the number of Slovenian students increased at

13 GAWRECKÁ, M.: Národnostní aspekty vývoje školství v Předlitavsku, pg. 32. 14 OTRUBA, Gustav: Die Nationalitäten und Sprachenfrage, pg. 96. 15 MELIK, Vasilij- Vodopivec, Petr: Die slowenische Intelligenz und österreichische Hochschulen. In: Wegenetz europäischen Geistes II.. Universitäten und Studenten. Die Bedeutung studentischer Migration in Mittel –und Südeuropa vpm 18. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert. Hrsg.R. Plaschka- Karlheinz Mack, Wien 1987, pg. 134-154.

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the Czech and German universities in Prague as well. Croats and Serbs living in the Cisleithanian part of the monarchy (counted together as Serbo-Croats in Austrian statistics) were among the ethnic groups of Cisleithania with the highest illiteracy rate: in 1910 it was still as high as 65 % (which was even higher than that of the Rusyn minority). Starting in the 1880’s Serbo-Croatian gymnasia were founded in Dalmatia next to the existing Italian and utraquist gymnasia. After graduation, most students went on to study at the university closest to them, i.e. Zagreb, in the Hungarian part of the monarchy. The absence of a medical faculty and the problems the law faculty alumni had with the acknowledgement of their diploma in the Cisleithanian part were among the reasons why Croats began to prefer more distant universities and colleges, especially in Vienna, Budapest, Graz or Prague. 16 Rusyns in Bukovina and eastern Galicia were the most economically and socially disadvantaged ethnic groups in Cisleithania; the quality of education among the general populace was very low. The proportion of Rusyns of university students was the lowest among all ethnic groups (with regard to the number of inhabitants). Around the turn of the century there were only 4.2 students per each 10,000 inhabitants. These students mostly attended the university in Lvov or, less commonly, at the German university in Chernivtsi or Cracow, Poland. Similarly, the number of Romanians from Bukovina at universities was low. Most of them attended the university in Chernivtsi: in 1900 it had approximately 105 Romanian students at three faculties (22 % of the total number of students). Throughout the following decade, due to the development of utraquist secondary school system in regions where German-Rusyn and German-Romanian gymnasia existed next to German ones, the number of students of both ethnic originals increased almost five times (to 552 students in 1910).17 Throughout the period analysed in the article, there was a significantly high percentage of Jews among university students (the proportion was dispro- portional with regard to the data from the census). During the academic year 1881/1882 11.3 % of university students were Jewish, but in 1890 the number

16 SUPPAN, Arnold: Die Kroaten. In: Wandruszka Adam - Urbanitsch, Peter.(Hg.):Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918. Band III., Die Völker des Reiches.2.Teil, Wien 1980, pg. 703-714. 17 Statistik der Unterrrichtsanstalten im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königsreichen und Ländern für das Jahr 1900-19001. In: Österreichische Statistik,Band LXX, 3.Heft, Wien 1904; Österreichische Statistik, Neue Folge, Bd.VIII, Heft 2, Statistik …für das Jahr 1910/1911. Wien 1914.

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increased to 19.2 %. During the subsequent decade the rate slightly decreased to 17.7 %, mostly due to the fact that these students preferred technical colleges. This high percentage of Jewish students is further demonstrated by the statistical data on religion: between 1898 and 1902 there were 5.3 Christian and 24.5 Jewish university students per each 10,000 people of the same religion. College or university education which has always been high on the list of Jewish values (and Jewish students in general preferred German universities) help them during the process of integration into the developing civic society and its educational or economic elite groups.18 We shall point out several important factors that played a key role as Cisleitha- nian secondary school graduates were choosing a university. Theoretically, they could attend any university in Cisleithania, as well as a university in Transleithania or abroad. The selection of the most suitable university was a relatively important and definitive decision for young people since it was uncommon in Cisleithania, unlike in Germany, to transfer among schools during one’s studies and most students received their diploma at the school where they started. Austrian statistics and research into student mobility prove that only a small number of students (if not individuals in rare instances) chose to study abroad. Most of these students wished to study a field which was not covered sufficiently by the curricula at the universities in Cisleithania. Other students based their decision to attend a university “at home” on various factors, such as the reputation of the school or the field of study, family traditions, social origin etc. That said, up until the turn of the century the most important factors had included the links and ties between the region and its university centre. If we analyse the composition of student bodies based on the regional origin, correlations are evident. At any university, most students hailed from the same land or at least the neighbouring lands. In other words, geographical proximity combined with social, economic and cultural links with the university centres had played a role more important for the selection of a university than language or national issues. As of the 1880’s, in relation to the increasing nationalisation of the society of Cisleithania and the resulting nationalist activism of individual ethnic groups, the area of education was becoming a key element of nationalist and political

18 BIHL, Wolfdieter: Die Juden. In: Wandruszka Adam - Urbanitsch, Peter.(Hg.):Die Habs- burgermonarchie 1848-1918. Band III., Die Völker des Reiches.2.Teil, Wien 1980, s. 924- 925. Otruba, Gustav: Die Universitäten in der Hochschulorganisation der Donaumonarchie. c.d. table no. 8b.

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competition within the monarchy. Within the framework of Cisleithania national- language colleges and universities were being established in relation to the process of national self-identification. Let us remind once again that by the time the university in Prague was divided into two language parts both universities in Galicia had become “Polonized” (in 1870’s). In addition, a German university was founded in Chernivtsi, a Croatian university was founded in Zagreb (then Transleithania) and unsuccessful attempts took place to establish Italian universities in Trieste or Innsbruck. Universities and colleges forming new national and political elites were becoming key centres of nationalist and political competition in the monarchy. Consequently, the national aspect was becoming more important for prospective students. With the exception of the universities in Vienna or Graz, universities were starting to lose their multiethnic aspect, only to become more or less “national” universities. The most important and largest university centre of Cisleithania was the university in Vienna. In 1871 it had 3,833 students but by 1909 the student body was more than twice its original size (8,502), i.e. one-third of all university students. As far as the composition of the student body is concerned, between 1860 and 1900 most of its students were from Lower Austria (especially Vienna and its vicinity), Czech lands and Galicia. Only a few students hailed from more distant areas of Tyrol, Styria or Carinthia, since most students from this region preferred closer German universities in Innsbruck or Graz. Most Czech students at the university in Vienna hailed from Moravia (almost 60 % of all Moravian university students), while students from Bohemia preferred the university in Prague (with the possible exception of Germans in South Bohemia). Students from Moravia based their decision to study in Vienna on factors like the geographical proximity, tradition and reputation and the subsequent better position of the graduates of the Viennese university on the labour market (as proved by the fact that only 4 % of the students of the German university in Prague in the 1890’s were Germans from Moravia).19 The university in Vienna was the number-one choice for the inhabitants of Austrian Silesia (the only Czech land where Germans were the largest ethnic group). Even though the absolute numbers of students from Bo- hemia and Moravia were higher, the relative numbers of Silesian students in the

19 PLIWA, Ernst:Österreichs Universitäten 1863/4 – 1902/3. Statistisch-graphische Studie. Wien 1908.

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metropolis were higher and they even increased shortly before WWI.20 Germans from Silesia, just like students from Moravia, found Vienna to be their natural “academic catchment area” due to the absence of a university in Moravia or Aus- trian Silesia. Furthermore, their political, cultural, economic and financial links with Vienna were stronger than those with Prague. The university in Vienna also had a more complex and favourable system of scholarships than Prague. The university in Vienna had a high percentage of students from Galicia, this was caused by a high percentage of almost 54 % of Jewish students who hailed from Galicia but mostly moved to Vienna during the second half of the 19th century.21 The university in Vienna had a substantial proportion of foreign students; most of them came to study medicine and law at faculties offering excellent facilities and equipment. Around the turn of the century the number of foreign students at the faculty of arts increased as well. The percentage of foreign students was particularly high in the 1870’s and 1880’s (during the academic year 1881/1882, 26 % out of 4,823 students enrolled). During the subsequent decades the number decreased gradually. In 1910 only 13 % out of 9,508 students were foreign students.22 One of the causes of this trend was the fact that more than ¾ of these foreign students were young people from Hungary, Transylvania and the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia (996 in total during the academic year 1881/1882) who started to prefer their national universities in Budapest (following the development of local university that was almost exclusively Hungarian) or the newly founded university in Cluj, Transylvania. On the other hand, the number of Cro- atian and Serbian students increased as a result of the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Typically, there were fewer than 10 students from other countries, including the United States. The number of students from Russia started to in-

20 In 1888/9 there were 704 students from Bohemia, 787 from Moravia and 188 from Silesia at the university in Vienna, in 1910/11 there were 653 students from Bohemia, 1,104 from Moravia and 330 from Silesia. 21 COHEN, Gary, B.: Die Studenten der Wiener Universität von 1860 bis 1900. In: Wegenetz europäischen Geistes II.. Universitäten und Studenten. Die Bedeutung studentischer Mi- gration in Mittel –und Südeuropa vpm 18. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert. Hrsg.R. Plaschka- Karlheinz Mack, Wien 1987, pg. 295. 22 Österreichische Statistik, Bd.III. Heft 2. Statistik … für das Jahr 1881/1882, Wien 1884; Bd. XXVIII. Heft 4; Österreichische Statistik, Neue Folge, Bd.VIII, Heft 2, Statistik …für das Jahr 1910/1911. Wien 1914

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crease towards the end of the century (there were 150 of them in 1910); most of them studied at the faculty of medicine and the faculty of arts. As for the ethnic composition of the student body, the university in Vienna is naturally most attractive for German-speaking students from Cisleitha- nian lands. In the 1870’s they represented more than 60 % of all students (1873: 62.7 %). By 1910 the percentage had increased to 73.2 %). The percentage of Czech students (based on the native language) decreased significantly after the foundation of the Czech university in Prague and it kept decreasing since the turn of the century. In 1873 the percentage of Czechs was 8.5 % and in 1910 it was 3.2 %. Even steeper decrease can be seen in the case of Hungarian students (because more and more of them preferred Budapest). In 1873 there were 11 % of them, by the year 1910 the number had dropped to 1.5 %. On the other hand, towards the end of the century the percentage of South Slavic ethnic groups was increasing: during the academic year 1900/1901 3.6 % of students of the university in Vienna were from Slovenia and 6.1 % from Serbia and Croatia. The number of Polish students was relatively constant (between 3.7 % in 1873 and 4.5 % in 1910).23 Statistical data on the religion of students prove the dominance of Catholics (although this dominance was ebbing away towards the end of the century) and very low percentage of Protestants and Orthodox Christians. Following the abo- lition of the last Austrian discriminatory laws in the 1860’s the number of Jewish students almost doubled over the subsequent three decades. Most of them attended the faculty of law and the faculty of medicine. In 1890 the percentage of Jewish students was 33.4 % (of all university students in Vienna). This substantial increase in the number of Jewish students resulted in anti-Semitist behaviour on the part of certain nationalist students and teachers as early as in the 1870’s. This behaviour contributed to the escalation of tensions on and off the academic grounds.24 Charles-Ferdinand University in Prague was second largest university in Cisleithania (after the university in Vienna). In 1871 it had 1,709 students; ten years later and shortly before the division it had as many as 2,147 students. Most of them (83 %) were from Bohemia. Based on the native language, two-thirds 23 COHEN, Gary, B.: Die Studenten der Wiener Universität von 1860 bis 1900.c.d. s.296; Pliwa, Ernst: Österreichs Universitäten 1863/4-1902/3.Statistisch-Graphische Studie. c.d. s.24; Österrei- chische Statistik, Neue Folge, Bd.VIII, Heft 2, Statistik …für das Jahr 1910/1911. Wien 1914. 24 COHEN, Gary, B.: Die Studenten der Wiener Universität von 1860 bis 1900.c.d. pg. 296

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were Czechs and one-third Germans.25 Following the division of the university during the academic year 1882/1883 two homogenous (in terms of nationality) universities were formed with almost no foreign students. Once the two universities had overcome the initial economic difficulties, the Czech university enjoyed faster and stronger development. In three years, and following the foundation of a faculty of medicine, the number of students exceeded 2,000. By the academic year 1910/1911 the number of students had doubled (4,457); most of them studied at the faculty of law and the faculty of arts.26 The university in Prague was regarded as the final step of the process of education mostly by students from Bohemia; in the academic year 1890/1891 86 % of all students were from Bohemia, while only 11 % (274 students) were Czech-speaking Moravians, plus there were only four Czech students from Silesia. Around the turn of the century, with the increasing nationalisation of the society when academic education was becoming a political issue and a first Czech gymnasium was opened in Silesia, the percentage of students from Moravia (14 %) and Silesia (55 students = 1.2 %) at the Czech university also increased. Up until the academic year 1897/1898 the Czech university had a homogenous student body, 99 % of them were Czech nationals. Towards the turn of the century Prague was the school of choice for Slovenes (in 1910/1911 there were 119 of them, mostly at the faculty of law). Until 1908 there had only been a few dozen Croats and Serbs from Dalmatia and Istria, before 705 new students came to Prague – almost all Croatian and Serbian students from the university in Zagreb who protested against the increasing Hun- garian influence. The number of foreign nationals among university students was not very high. During the last decade before WWI the number oscillated between 25 and 30.27

25 OTRUBA, Gustav: Die Universitäten in der Hochschulorganisation der Donaumonarchie. c.d. tab. č. 11a; Österreichische Statistik, Bd.III. Heft 2. Statistik … für das Jahr 1881/1882, Wien 1884; Bd. XXVIII. Heft 4. 26 Until the academic year 1891/92 the theological faculty was a part of the German university, even though almost all students were Czechs. In: Pešek, Jiří: Prag und Wien 1884 – ein Verglech zweischen den Universiäten und deren Rollefur die Studenten aus den Böhmischen Ländern. Metropole und Provinzen in Altösterreich (1880-1914), Böhlau Verlag, Wien Köln-Wei- mar 1996, pg. 95. 27 HAVRÁNEK, Jan: Budování české univerzity a její působení jako centra české vzdělanosti (1882- 1918).In: Dějiny Karlovy univerzity 1802-1918 (red. J. Havránek). III, Univerzita Karlova Vydavatelství Karolinum, Praha 1997, pg. 192-193.

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Following the division, the new German university in Prague found itself in the position of an intellectual representative of the German ethic group in Bohemia (which was getting smaller in absolute and relative numbers). Stagnant number of students was becoming a problem, while the number of faculty and staff remained equal at both universities. The German university in Prague was basically a university of German-speaking students from Bohemia (1900/1901: 86 %), mostly from Prague and North Bohemian and West Bohemian border regions. Only a small group of German-speaking students from Moravia and very few individuals from Silesia preferred Prague to Vienna. In the academic year 1900/1901 the German university had 3.9 % students from Moravia and only two students from Silesia. By 1891, most students of the yet-undivided theological faculty were Czech (more than 80 % = 223); the number of Czech students at the remaining faculties was never a two-digit number. The structure of students and their religions was a very specific issue. Among the students were German- speaking students from Austrian lands, mostly Lower Austria and Styria, but also Galicia and Slovenes from Carniola. Foreign students included mostly Germans. Although the number of these students was somewhat higher than at the Czech university, approximately 9.5 % of all students, the university did not achieve supra-regional significance comparable with that of the university in Vienna.28 The university in Graz was the second most important university in Aus- trian lands (after Vienna) that offered academic education not only to German- speaking students from Styria, Carinthia but also, to a smaller extent, to students from Lower and Upper Austria, Czech lands and Galicia. As for Cisleithania, this university was the closest (and number-two choice) university for South Slavic nations, Slovenes from Styria and Carniola; Serbs, Croats and Italians from Dalmatia and Austrian Littoral. During the academic year 1872/1873, when the university had 963 students, the percentage of German students was 55 %; Slovenes, Serbs and Croats 22.8 % and Italians 16.6 %. By the turn of the century, the number of students increased by 50 % (1900/1901: 1,461). The biggest increase was seen in the following decade, when it increased to 1,889. As for ethnic composition, the number of Germans had increased (to 73 %), while the percentage of South

28 PEŠEK, Jiří a kol: Německá univerzita v Praze 1882-1918. In: Dějiny Karlovy univerzity 1802-1918 (red. J. Havránek). III, c.d. pg. 305-314; Statistik der Unterrrichtsanstalten im Re- ichsrathe vertretenen Königsreichen und Ländern für das Jahr 1900-19001. In: Österreichische Statistik,Band LXX, 3.Heft, Wien 1904.; Österreichische Statistik, Neue Folge, Bd.VIII, Heft 2, Statistik …für das Jahr 1910/1911. Wien 1914.

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Slavic nations and Italians decreased, even though the absolute number of them increased. Most German and South Slavic and Italian students were interested in law, medicine and (to a much smaller extent) the faculty of arts. Aside from Vienna, the university in Graz had most students from the Hungarian part of the monarchy who were treated as foreigners: mostly Croats, Romanians and Hun- garians (during 1890/1891 they represented 23 % of the student body). Most of them attended the faculty of medicine which the university in Zagreb could not offer. Following the development of universities in Transleithania (in Cluj, Transylvania and Zagreb, Croatia) the percentage of these students decreased. On the other hand, the numbers of students from Serbia and Russia increased.29 The university in Innsbruck was the second smallest university after the university in Chernivtsi, Bukovina. In the early 1880’s it had 650 students. By the academic year 1910/1911 the number of students had increased to 1,200, including foreign students. Most of them were German-speaking students from Tyrol, Vorar- lberg and the area around Salzburg. Until mid-1890’s many Italian-speaking students attended the university, most of them from southern Tyrol (between 17 and 20 %). Since the faculty of law offered, since the 1860’s lectures in German as well as in Italian, most of these students attended the faculty of law. Since the mid-1890’s the university saw a wave of nationalist and anti-Italian protests which escalated in 1904 in what is known as fatti di Innsbruck, when German students and professors staged tense and loud protests to prevent the foundation of an Italian faculty of law at the university promised by Körber’s government, because their aim was to preserve the German spirit of the university. As a result, most Italian students left the school to attend a more ethnically diverse and nationally tolerant university in Graz.30 Of all faculties of the university, the theological faculty had the best reputation, not only in Austria but throughout Europe. It had the largest student body of all theological faculties in Cisleithania; its students hailed from all lands of Cisleithania. The fac-

29 HEPPNER, Harald: Die Rolle und Bedeutung der Grazer Universität fúr die Studentenschaft aus Südeuropa 1867-1914. In: Wegenetz europäischen Geistes. Wissenschaftszentren und geistige Wechselbeziehungen zwischne Mittel- und Südeuropa vom Ende des 18. Jahrhun- derts bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg.. Hrsg.R. Plaschka- Karlheinz Mack, Wien 1983, pg. 286- 293. 30 MALFER, Stefan: Italienische Studenten in Wien,Graz und Innsbruck. In: Wegenetz europä- ischen Geistes II.. Universitäten und Studenten. Die Bedeutung studentischer Migration in Mittel –und Südeuropa vpm 18. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert. Hrsg.R. Plaschka- Karlheinz Mack, Wien 1987, pg. 183- 195.

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ulty also had a high percentage of foreign students, mostly from Germany, United States and Switzerland. During the academic year 1900/1901 the theological faculty had 246 students, 77 % of whom were foreigners.31 Following the granting of autonomy to Galicia, the universities in Cracow and Lvov were polonized in the early 1870’s. They became the main academic centres for Poles and the university in Lvov also became the academic centre for Rusyns, especially from Galicia. The university in Cracow, being the oldest university on the territory of the former Polish state, saw an unprecedented development in the last third of the 19th century. It became, together with the newly founded academy of sciences in 1873, the most important science and intellectual centre for the Poles. After Polish was installed as the only teaching language, other ethnic groups lost easy access to education and most German-speaking students went to study in Vienna. As a result, the university became almost ethnically homogenous. Aside from Polish students from Galicia the only larger group were Poles from the Russian annexation who chose universities in Galicia (most of them preferred Cracow to Lvov due to the increasing Russification of the local Polish secondary and tertiary education (in 1870’s ca 20 %; in 1910 +30 %). Poles from the Prussian annexation and Upper Silesia attending German secondary schools preferred German universities, only a few of them studied in Cracow (the number was the highest in the academic year 1910/1911 – 46 students). It is interesting that Cracow was not even attractive enough for Polish students from Cieszyn Silesia. In the 1870’s, following the development of the network of Polish secondary schools in Galicia, the number of students started to increase. Around the turn of the century the university had 1,400 students (twice as many as in 1880/1881). By the year 1910 the number increased to approximately 3,000. Half of them attended the faculty of law and the faculty of arts. Since the turn of the century more and more students from the Kingdom of Poland started to apply to the university in Cracow, most of them after the closing of the university in Warsaw after the 1905 revolution when approximately 800 students started to attend mainly the faculty of arts and the faculty of medicine. 32

31 Österreichische Statistik, Neue Folge, Bd.VIII, Heft 2, Statistik …für das Jahr 1910/1911. Wien 1914. 32 BUSZKO, Józef: Organisatorische und geistig-politische Umwandlungen de UNiversitáten auf auf polnischen Boden in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts. In: Wegenetz europäischen Geistes. Wissenschaftszentren und geistige Wechselbeziehungen zwischen Mittel- und Südeuropa vom Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg.. Hrsg.R. Plaschka- Karlheinz

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Students of the university in Lvov included, aside from Poles mostly from eastern Galicia, also Rusyns from Galicia and Bukovina (about one-third of the student body). Therefore, although Polish was the main teaching language, some lectures were offered in the Rusyn language in the 1870’s and 1880’s (mostly at the faculty of law and the faculty of arts), but they were ultimately cancelled. The only faculty where the Rusyn language survived as the teaching language was the theological faculty which, until the turn of the century, had most Rusyn students of all faculties. The university saw substantial development towards the end of the century when a new faculty of medicine was founded (1894/1895) and the number of students increased rapidly. In 1900 the university in Lvov had twice as many students as the university in Cracow (2,060) and ten years later it had almost 5,000 students. As for the ethnic composition, the number of Polish students increased rapidly, while the percentage of Rusyn students was decreasing between the 1890’s and WWI (from 35 % in 1890 to 21 % in 1910). Prior to WWI, the university in Lvov was the second largest university in Cisleithania in terms of the student body (after Vienna) but the university in Vienna was far better in terms of the equipment of departments and laboratories. This is why some Polish or Rusyn students from upper social classes preferred Vienna to the university in Lvov.33 The foundation, in 1875, of a German university in Chernivtsi on the occasion of the takeover of the region by the Habsburg monarchy was a reaction of the German liberal government to the Polonization of the university in Lvov. Its aim was to retain the position of the German spirit and German culture in the easternmost region of Cisleithania. The university had a rather slow start during the first two decades of its existence. During the academic year 1900/1901 it had fewer than 400 students, most of which were German-speaking students from Bukovina, largely Jews. Other more significant ethic groups included Romanians from Bukovina (24 %), Rusyns (10 %) and Poles (6.5 %). Unlike professors and

Mack, Wien 1983, pg. 132-145; Statistik der Unterrrichtsanstalten im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königsreichen und Ländern für das Jahr 1900-19001. In: Österreichische Statistik,Band LXX, 3.Heft, Wien 1904.; Österreichische Statistik, Neue Folge, Bd.VIII, Heft 2, Statistik …für das Jahr 1910/1911. Wien 1914. 33 BUSZKO, Józef: Organisatorische und geistig-politische Umwandlungen. C.d. s.142-143; Statistik der Unterrrichtsanstalten im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königsreichen und Ländern für das Jahr 1900- 1901. In: Österreichische Statistik,Band LXX, 3.Heft, Wien 1904.; Österreichische Stati- stik, Neue Folge, Bd.VIII, Heft 2, Statistik …für das Jahr 1910/1911. Wien 1914.

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assistant professors coming to the newly founded university (especially to its two secular faculties: law faculty and faculty of arts) who were from Vienna, Prague, Graz or Innsbruck, the university itself managed to retain its “regional spirit” in terms of the origin of its students. Its theological faculty, which had had long tradition even prior to the foundation of the univeristy, did not share the Ger- man spirit of the university, as it was under full control of Romanian professors and Romanian students from Bukovina (and, since the turn of the century, increasingly from Romania (1910/11: 75 students)) represented the largest group of students. The increase in the number of gymnasia in Bukovina, often with German-Romanian and German-Rusyn counterparts, since the turn of the century resulted in the doubling of the number of students at the university. In the academic year 1909/1910 it had 1,000 students. The demographic structure of the student body had changed: the number of Rusyn (26.1 %) and Romanian (26.2 %) students increased, while the number of German-speaking (38.1 %) students decreased. This changes in the demographic structures of university students further motivated Rusyns from Bukovina and Galicia to pursue their efforts aimed at founding their own university.34 This study is a small contribution to the debate on the issue of university education in Cisleithania from the second half of the 19th century. It focuses mostly on quantitative indicators of the development of universities and their demographic (ethnic) structures. The author did not focus on the social origin and religious beliefs of the students, nor did she analyse the faculty and staff or feminisation of university education or the involvement of the alumni of Cisleithanian universities in the process of formation of national societies. The aforementioned issues will be addressed in future research projects.

34 STOURGZH, Gerald:Die Franz-Joseph –Universität in Czernowitz 1875-1918. In: Wegenetz europäischen Geistes. Wissenschaftszentren und geistige Wechselbeziehungen zwischen Mittel- und Südeuropa vom Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg.. Hrsg.R. Plaschka- Karlheinz Mack, Wien 1983, pg. 54-59; Statistik der Unterrrichtsanstalten im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königsreichen und Ländern für das Jahr 1900-19001. In: Österreichische Statistik,Band LXX, 3.Heft, Wien 1904.; Österreichische Statistik, Neue Folge, Bd.VIII, Heft 2, Statistik …für das Jahr 1910/1911. Wien 1914; Otruba, Gustav: Die Universitäten in der Hochschulorganisation der Donaumonarchie. c.d. pg. 103-109.

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Resumé Předlitavské univerzity jako centra formování vzdělanostních elit ve druhé polovině 19. a na počátku 20. století Marie Gawrecká

Předkládaná studie je dílčím příspěvkem k problematice univerzitního vzdělávání v Předlitavsku ve druhé polovině 19. a na počátku 20. století. Autorka věnuje pozornost zejména kvantitativním ukazatelům rozvoje univerzit a jejich etnickému složení. S po- stupující modernizací a rozvíjející se občanskou společností dochází k větší demokrati- zaci vzdělávání, univerzity a vysoké školy jsou přístupné širším skupinám obyvatelstva především z vyšších a středních vrstev, které se následně začlenily mezi vzdělanostní či podnikatelské elity. Autorka sleduje na základě statistik růst počtu univerzitních studentů a jeho dynamiku od druhé poloviny 19. století do počátků 20. století a podíl jednotlivých etnik na skladbě studentů předlitavských univerzit. Statistiky a dosavadní výzkumy stu- dentských migrací ukazují, že jen poměrně malé skupiny studentů odcházely studovat do zahraničí a to většinou obor, který nebyl na univerzitě zastoupen. Při výběru „do- mácí“ univerzity hrála u studentů až do přelomu století větší roli geografická blízkost, společenské, kulturní či hospodářské vazby k univerzitnímu centru než hledisko jazykové a národnostní. Od 80. let v souvislosti s nacionalizací předlitavské společnosti, kdy se oblast školství stává významnou složkou národně politického soupeření, začínaly univerzity, s výjimkou vídeňské a štýrskohradecké, postupně ztrácet svůj multietnický charakter a stávají se víceméně „národními univerzitami“.

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Slavkov Myth and Iconography of the Revived Rome: Battle at Austerlitz in the Year 1805 as a Part of Napoleon’s Victory over the Dacians Contemporary on the Vendôme Square in Paris

Marian Hochel

Abstract: The present study reflects one of the most prominent cultural exchanges, carried out in France in the early 19th century from utilitarian, aesthetic and political reasons, which occurred against the background of state-controlled celebrations pillars of the military regime of Napoleon‘s power in terms of iconography, preservation of monuments and museums. It contributes to a comprehensive picture of the 19th century in France and the idea of art in the field of war and so-called high politics.

Keywords: Austerlitz, Napoleon, Denon, colonne, Vendôme

As well as the ancient Romans assembled around their emperor cult, those Frenchmen who in the First Empire in France were engaged in the Napoleonic myth, were aware of their role in history. They cared about having their achieve- ments glorified and immortalized by the most detailed depicting. Historical themes had their pride of place in all fields where human imagination dominated. The emperor, leader, general and the triumphator – a representative of power and a guarantor of his nation integrity - was placed in the imaginary centre of “mimesis”, around which the entire art world revolved. It became the subject of epic stories that retold the events of his famous military campaigns crowned with victory in paintings hold him up for show for present and future generations.

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The Trajan’s Column in Rome, the work of Apollodoros is a proof of it (Fig. 1). In that so-called continuous style with the same person - the Emperor - appears in several consecutive episodes. As François Chamoux1 states, it was Apollo- doros of Damascus (50/60 - about 130), a Syrian architect, engineer and sculptor, who first got undoubtedly the idea of winding a long sequence of reliefs around the gigantic memorial column. On the Trajan’s Column there is in memory of the Emperor’s expedition against the Dacians carved out an extensive description in which there were some details destined to diversification of actions and events or anecdotal Fig. 1 stories, and even repetition. For that long succession of images sculptors did not have models of the classical period, it is therefore normal that some naturalistic elements conformed to direct obser- vation plaid a more important part than elsewhere (Fig. 2). The aim of this study is to analyze one of the most prominent cultural exchanges on the particular example, realized in France early in the 19th century from utilitarian, aesthetic, and also political reasons. Its subject was the state-controlled celebration of military power pillars of the Napoleon’s regime. The main means of this exchange became just the Trajan’s Column in Rome, the old monument which had entered collective memory already in ancient times. Eighteen centuries later it got in the collective memory for the second time when erected on the Paris Vendôme Square, but with a new message and updated iconographic program. Trajan’s last victorious campaign against the Dacians, impressively depicted in wound bas-reliefs of white marble attracted the attention of General Bona- 1 CHAMOUX, François: Roman World from Sulla to Severan Dynasty. In: HUYGHE, René (ed.): Umění pravěku a starověku, (Art of Prehistory and Antiquity), Prague 1967, p. 353.

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Fig. 2 parte already during the first Italian campaign in the years 1796-1797 (Fig. 3-4). The idea to let celebrate the Italian victory and honour their soldiers who participated, led Bonaparte to include the Trajan’s Column in the list of five hundred treasurable objects that were to be transported from Apennines peninsula to France as war booty. Pierre-Claude-François Daunou (1761-1840), a member of the Institute and a member of the Council of Five Hundred, who chaired the commission charged with the collection of artworks and valuable books in Italian museums, libraries and palaces of Rome, protested against that order with justification that the Government of the French Republic had promised not to touch any of public monuments on the territory of defeated countries.2 Bonaparte perhaps abandoned that venturous idea, but he returned to it in the first year of his consulate – however in a modified form.

2 DEBOFLE, Pierre: Colonne Vendôme. In: TULARD, Jean (ed.): Dictionnaire Napoléon, Paris 1999, I, p. 461.

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On 29 Ventôse, year VIII (ie. March 20, 1800) Lucien Bona- parte, Minister of the Interior, proclaimed that “the revolution could not build a monument in memory of the warriors ’it is necessary to repay this debt; the largest square of the capital would take a column bearing the names of soldiers killed on bat- tlefields, and names of survivors, who have distinguished themselves’ ”.3 Thanks to the consular regulation it was decided that two commemorative columns would be erected in Paris, a departmental one (colonne départementale) on the Vendôme Square dedicated to the mem- Fig. 3 Fig. 4 ory of all fallen heroes of the Seine Depart- ment, and a national one (colonne nationale) on the Concord Square (Place de la Concorde), dedicated to national glory. The architectural competition was launched on May the 18th, 1800, was however called off due to irresolution of local authorities and adverse criticism, therefore the

3 „La Révolution n’a pas su élever de monument à la mémoire des guerriers, « il faut s’acquitter de cette dette; la plus grande place du chef-lieu recevra une colonne portant le nom des militaires morts sur le champ de bataille et le nom des vivants qui ont obtenu une distinction...»“ LELIEVRE, Pierre: Vivant De- non, homme de lumières, „ministre des arts“ de Napoléon. Paris 1993, p. 119.

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realization of these projects was put into a cold storage.4 In the spring of the year 1803 the First Consul announced his plan to exhibit in Paris a statue of Charles the Great coming from his tomb at Aix-la-Chapelle, and he also decided that the new commemorative column should be created after the Trajan’s Column model in Rome, but with altered iconographic program more convenient for needs of the Napoleon’s regime - one hundred and eight figures symbolizing French departments should walk spirally to the top in the procession offering a crown to Charles the Great.5 That motive clearly reflected the political climate of the Con- sulate coming up to a similar coronation - Bonaparte as the First Consul soon declared himself the successor of Charles the Great “accepted” imperial crown from his nation. “I did not usurp a crown, I raised it in the stream, and my nation put it on my head: such things are to be respected,” Napoleon said later before Las Cases, his adjutant.6 The order to construction of the column was issued with the relevant clarifications on 8 Vendémiaire, year XII (i.e. October 1, 1803):7 Article I: The column as a pure imitation of that one erected in honour of Trajan in Rome will be built in Paris, in the middle of the Vendôme Square. Article II: This column will have a diameter of 2 m and its height will be 20.78 m. Its shaft will be decorated with a spiral around the perimeter, with one hundred and eight allegorical figures in bronze representing all Republic departments, each of which will have a diameter of 0.97m. Article III: The column placed on a pedestal will be crowned with a semicircle decorated with olive leaves and bearing a standing statue of Charles the Great. Article IV: The Minister of Interior will be responsible for realization of this order.

4 HAUTECOEUR, Louis: Histoire de l’Architecture classique en France, V, Révolution et l’Empire, 1792–1815. Paris 1953, p. 193–197. 5 LANZAC DE LABORIE, Louis de: Paris sous Napoléon. Paris 1905, II, s. 241. 6 „Je n’ai point usurpé la couronne, je l’ai relevée dans le ruisseau; le peuple l’a mise sur ma tête: qu’on respecte ses actes!“ LAS CASES, Emmanuel de: Mémorial de Sainte-Hélène. Éditions du Seuil 1999 (1st edition in the year 1823), I, p. 157. 7 „Article I: Il sera élevé à Paris, au centre de la place Vendôme, une colonne à l’instar de celle élevée à Rome, en l’honneur de Trajan. Article II : Cette colonne aura 2 mètres de diamètre sur 20 m 78 de hauteur. Son fût sera orné dans son contour d’une spirale de cent huit figures allégoriques en bronze, ayant chacune 0 m 97 de proportion, et représentant les départements de la République. Article III : La colonne sera surmontée d’un piédestal, terminé en demi-cercle, orné de feuilles d’olivier et supportant la statue pédestre de Charlemagne. Article IV : Le ministre de l’Intérieur sera chargé de l’exécution du présent décret“. Archives Nationales F 21/576.

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Dominique-Vivant Denon (1747-1825), a recently appointed General Direc- tor of museums who had been charged orally by the First Consul with the realization of that project, requested Savinien Thierry,8 an architect, to elaborate several studies that were subsequently presented to Bonaparte during an audience at Saint-Cloud. The First Consul ordered Denon to submit that project for consideration to the Institute. On 25 Ventôse, year XIII (i.e. March 16, 1805) Denon wrote to the Minister of the Interior to whom the Director’s Office was subordinated:9 Yours Excellency, When His Majesty the Emperor heard the State Council and ordered construction of the monument of Charles the Great (...) commissioned solely me to direct it. Funds for this project have been already raised, and from these funds Mr. Thierry’s studies of plans and construction of models that have been made should be reimbursed too. This famous Council has empowered me as a director of this work to express the Council’s opinion that a statue of His Majesty should replace the statue of Charles the Great. His Majesty the Emperor, to whom it is an honour to me to present Mr. Thierry’s projects, ordered me to submit them for consideration to the Class of Fine Arts of the National Institute that has appointed a Commission to draw up a report and even Chaptal, the former Minister

8 In his letter of 9 Brumaire, year XII (i.e. Nov. 1, 1803) Denon requested Morey, an architect and Head of the Office of Public Works Bureau( des Bâtimens Civils) to supply all drawings and plans relating to the construction of the column on the Vendôme Square. He informed him that those documents would be handed over to Thierry, an architect, for assessment of the project and evaluation of the amount of costs. Then, as Denon said, the report would be submitted to the Minister of Interior. Letter of Denon to Morey, 9 Brumaire, year XII. Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA5 p. 10. 9 „Excellence, Lorsque Sa Majesté l’Empereur, son Conseil d’Etat entendu, ordonna l’exécution des monuments de Charlemagne (…), elle me chargea spécialement d’en suivre l’exécution. Des fonds furent faits pour ces travaux, et c’est sur ces mêmes fonds que doivent s’acquitter les demandes de M. Thierry pour les devis et construction des modèles qu’il a faits. A cette époque, ce conseil célèbre me chargea, comme directeur de cet ouvrage, de porter à Sa Majesté son vœu pour que sa statue fut substituée à celle de Charlemagne. Sa Majesté l’Empereur, à qui j’eus l’honneur de présenter les projets de M. Thierry, m’ordonna de les soumettre à la classe des beaux-arts de l’Institut national, qui nomma une commission pour lui en faire un rapport, et l’ex-ministre de l’Intérieur Chaptal voulut bien s’occuper de chercher la composition d’un vernis propre à empêcher la fonte dont cette colonne devoit être faite de s’oxider, il en chargea même son conseil des Mines. Si l’on a négligé à cette époque de m’adresser la lettre que Votre Excellence me demande, l’ex- ministre et les bureaux n’en étoient pas moins informés que ces travaux étoient commis par Sa Majesté à ma direction (…).“ The letter of Denon to the Minister of Interior, 25 Ventôse, year XIII (March 16, 1805). Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA5 p. 129–130.

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of Interior, dealt with composition of the varnish to prevent oxidation of cast iron from which the column is to be made and he also charged the Office for mining with this task. If it was neglected until now to direct me a letter that Yours Excellency inquired me, the former minister and the authorities were not less informed about the fact that the work was entrusted under my leadership by His Majesty. (…) „The Emperor (…) commissioned solely me to direct it (…) the work was entrusted under my leadership by His Majesty“, Denon wrote in his letter to the Minister of Interior. Denon‘s decisive tone and enthusiasm again suggested that the General Director of museums had his own concept that he wanted to apply it within the implementation of the project and that he did not consider the Minister of the Interior formally superior to him to be capable of discharge of the function of “Direc- tor of the Fine Arts”. „This famous (State) Council has empowered me as a director of this work to express the Council’s opinion that a statue of His Majesty should replace the statue of Charles the Great… Stylization of personality of the French Emperor to the image of Charles the Great of political (and propagandistic) reasons began when the concept “Consulate for life” was put into life, however it was replaced immediately by another vision in which the society wanted to believe and Denon promptly offered it to the world of art - the cult of the French Emperor. As Denon indicated in his letter to the Minister of the 1st Floréal, Year XII (i.e. April 21, 1804), a special Commission was established in the Institute for this purpose, whose members were renowned artists and architects of that time: Jacques Gondouin (1737–1818), Jean-François-Thérèse Chalgrin (1739–1811), Jacques-Louis David (1748–1825), François-André Vincent (1746–1816), Jean- Guillaume Moitte (1746–1810), Pierre Julien (1731–1804) and Ennio Quirino Visconti (1751–1818). The Class of Fine Arts was requested to assess the project submitted by Denon. Since the column should be constructed of cast/mild steel (Fer Fund), the General Director of museums suggested to call one or two chemists from the members of the first class of the Institute to give their opinion of materials of which the column should be made. The report, discussed at the meeting on 29th Floréal, Year XII (i.e. May 19, 1804) was approved and handed over to Denon. The Class of Fine Arts of the Institute decided to make the column pedestal of massive granite (granite massif). Proclamation of the Empire on the 28th Floréal (i.e. May 18), however, induced the members of the Institute to rectify their report and on their re-meeting on the 6th Prairial (i.e. May, 26) the Class IV of the Institute proposed unanimously a motion to replace the statue of

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Charles the Great that was planned to decorate the top of column by a statue of the new French Emperor Napoleon I. Following the decision of specialists from the Class IV of the French Insti- tute the State Council as a consultative body of the Emperor inclined to public presentation of the crowned French ruler on a column on the Vendôme Square. Next steps in the project, however, were temporarily suspended because the government had invested to other projects and the campaign in the year 1805 gobbled up most of the state’s finance means. The Emperor proud of his victory at Slavkov (Austerlitz) on the 2nd Decem- ber 1805 that took place symbolically on the first anniversary of his coronation in the Cathedral of Notre-Dame, after his arrival to Munich on the 1st January 1806 signed the Decree on construction of a commemorative column, that was addressed Champagny, Minister of the Interior, mandated him to carry out implementation of a project. For construction of the column bronze from cannons in poor condition (en mauvais état) used in the Battle of Slavkov (Austerlitz) and delivered by Viennese arsenals should be used. After Napoleon’s return to Paris, on the 19th February 1806, Denon sent to the Emperor his report with recapitu- lation of realized works on the commemorative column:10 Column of Charles the Great. On the 8th Vendémiaire, year XII, His Majesty directed to erect a column in the manner of that Roman one built in honour of Trajan in the middle of the “Place de la Concorde”. That column should be decorated with allegorical bas-reliefs in bronze representing the departments of France and had to be completed with a standing statue of Charles the Great. His Majesty gave me a verbal order to have work out projects and I dealt with them then. It was an honour to me to present him at Saint-Cloud plans and models created by architect

10 „Colonne de Charlemagne. Le 8 vendémiaire an 12, Sa Majesté arrêta qu’il seroit élevé au centre de la place de la Concorde, une colonne à l’instar de celle érigée à Rome en l’honneur de Trajan. Cette colonne devoit être ornée de bas-reliefs allégoriques en bronze représentant les départements de la France, et devoit être surmontée d’une statue pédestre de Charlemagne. Sa Majesté me chargea verbalement de faire faire les projets, et je m’en occupai de suite. J’eus l’honneur de lui présenter à Saint-Cloud les devis et modèles dres- sés par l’architecte Thierry. Sa Majesté m’ordonna de les soumettre à la 4ème classe de l’Institut national, ce que je fis. Dans le projet que j’avais donné de cette colonne, l’hommage de la France représentée par 108 départements portant une couronne à Charlemagne m’avoit paru tellement amener la pensée de substituer la statue de Votre Majesté à celle de ce héros, que tout naturellement, le 6 prairial an 12, l’Institut termina son rapport par ce vœu qui deviendroit bien sûrement aujourd’hui celui de tout l’Empire. (…)“ Denon’s Letter to Napoleon, 19th Febr. 1806. Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 2 n° 12.

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Thierry. His Majesty ordered me to submit them to the Class IV of the National Institute, what I did. The project that I submitted and devotion to France represented by one hundred and eight departments bearing the crown of Charles the Great inspired me with an idea to replace the statue of that Hero with the statue of Yours Majesty, and on the 6th Prairial, year XII, the Institute ended their report by the same request that has surely become wish of the entire Empire today. (…) He begins his message carefully, he has known for a long time that after the Emperor’s return from the Slavkov (Austerlitz) campaign, a statue of Charles the Great lost its sense. France loves its Hero and the Institute request has surely become wish of the entire Empire. And Denon also knows that he must remind the Emperor of his merits; the Minister of Interior surely cannot make decision on such important project on which all arts would participate. “His Majesty gave me a verbal order to have work out projects and I dealt with them then”. He wrote self-assuredly. And behold - what a response! Three days later, on the 22nd February, the General Director advise his colleagues in the Institute that he had received new orders relative to the column of Charles the Great and asked members of the committee to meet again. About what happened subsequently, the General Director of Museums informed the Minister of the Interior11 by his letter of the 7th March 1806, and on the 10th March even the Emperor. The total costs for the construction of the column were enumerated to 1,726,185 francs, of which 50,000 francs for the statue decorating the top of the column and 259,274 francs to facing with bas-reliefs. The construction period was distributed to three years:12

Sir, Recently I have sent an approximate plan to the Minister of Interior, how much a column (made) of bronze of the same dimension as the column of Trajan, i.e. with the diameter of 11 feet and a height of over 30 feet above the buildings of the Vendôme Square would cost. The budget was drawn up by the Committee of the class of Fine Arts of the Institute, consisting of two architects, two sculptors, two painters, the President, the Permanent Secretary of the Class and me. Work, implemented separately by each member of the Committee, was 11 The letter of the General Director of Museums to the Minister of Interior, 7thMarch 1806. Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA 12, correspondance supplémentaire p. 98. 12 The letter of Denon to Napoleon, 10thMarch 1806. Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 2 n°27. Original text in French, see: Annex I.

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presented at the (collective) meetings, where each of my comments and each of my questions were discussed on the basis of various arguments. We agreed on the result that the monument would cost 1,416,911 francs, material supplied by the Government and 1,726,185 francs, material was purchased. I believe even more in this result, since the same one was presented to me by one of architects to whom I spoke before, and to which I reached on the basis of studies and researches I had carried out together with several well-known experts. The idea of the Institute that has certainly become the idea of the whole nation is that we no longer need visions of the previous centuries to find the Hero of France in the past. This column, designed for Charles the Great has become admittedly a Germanic column. Your last mission there would have been written in bronze bas-reliefs (of length) 830 feet, depicting the operations of that memorable campaign against the Austrians in 1805, equal to that (recorded) mission against the Dacians on the Trajan’s Column. If lips of the Legislative Assembly could open free, they would pronounce (their) desire to erect (Your column) and within three years one of the most beautiful monuments of the Globe would be built in honour of the most beautiful glory. It would be constructed from the war booty conquered by defeating the enemies, it would have been made of materials suiting the best the climate of France, and it would have been the most spectacular and showy dominating beyond all that modern nations had ever created and it would have become finally the monument worthy of yours Majesty. When you decide this matter and if Yours Majesty allow me to do it, it will be an honour to me to bring you an engraving of the Trajan’s column in a large version to consult with you, Sir, the selection of motives that will be created in bas-reliefs on the Germanic column and placed in such a sequence as Yours Majesty will deign to dictate. With the deepest respect, Sir, Yours Imperial and Royal Majesty’s most faithful DENON

The National Institute, The Avenue of Fine Arts. Paris, 8thMarch 1806

Permanent Secretary of the Class, (to) Mr. Denon, The Member of Institute, The Gen- eral Director of Museums. I hurry, my dear colleague, to send you the answers to questions posed by you relative to the column on the Vendôme Square, as well as solutions uttered last evening by the Committee of the Class of Fine Arts.

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The first question: Are dimensions appropriate? Priority was unanimously given to proportions of the Trajan’s column.

The second question: Solid shaft or staircase? Dimension allows to build stairs without reduction of solidity and compactness, we agreed unanimously that it would be useful and enjoyable.

The third question: The pedestal shall be of marble or of bronze? We agreed that the first socle is to be made of granite and the rest of the pedestal of the same material as the column. The fourth question: Estimation of costs. Costs were calculated in detail as follows: ... 1,726,185 francs / 3 years. (...)

One of the Committee members also calculated that 45 cannons of calibre 12 or 27 pieces of calibre 24 would be enough to cast the entire monument. (...)

I would be deeply and greatly indebted to you if you convince His Majesty the Emperor and King of enthusiasm with which the Class of Fine Arts will always perform what he (His Majesty) will order or what will be pleasurable him, and especially our joy if we could contribute to the monuments commemorating his glory. I would like to recall in this regard beliefs of the Class, uttered (already) in the previous report to crown the projected column by the statue of His Majesty. (...) Signed by: Joachim Le Breton

Denon as a great tactic made another sophisticated move in order to convince his Lord and Master of his gallant idea. Within the Annex of his letter, he sent to Napoleon a report of their colleagues from the Institute to support his arguments, add seriousness and prestige to his recommendation that crowned the whole project. The idea of the Institute has certainly become the idea of the whole nation, he convinces the Emperor repeatedly, we no longer need visions of the previous centuries to find the Hero of France in the past, the modern Hero was reborn – he arrived from Slavkov (Austerlitz), from the “Germanic Campaign”, the Emperor conquered “Barbaricum” and returned triumphantly to his homeland. That is why, the column designed for Charles the Great has become admittedly a Germanic column. His latest mission there has to be recorded, eternalized for future generations as an unforgettable chap-

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ter in the book of history, exposed to admiration, in the same manner as the mission against the Dacians was recorded on the Trajan’s Column. Closed lips of the State Council, closed lips of the Institute of Fine Arts have open, closed lips of the Lawmaking Body are opening too for the purpose of expressing their opinion in a hurry but with respect and admiration that within three years there will be erected one of the most beautiful monuments of the globe that has ever been built in honour of beautiful glory. The glory is also multiplied thanks to used materials from the war booty of the humbled enemy that best suits the climate of France. The victory secures bronze, and bronze secures glory. Such a glory of Hero, such a glory of France will be as glorious pomp than anything that has been ever created by modern nations. There is only one man who is surely worthy of it – the one who will decide the matter, who will give permission, the one who will take advice, and that one who will condescend to dictate it… And behold – the one revived, with the deepest respect most faithful Apollodoros will bring an engraving of the Trajan’s column in the large version with intent to consult on the choice of motives of bas-reliefs on the Germanic column being placed in the order that the reborn Hero will condescend to dictate ... On the 15th June 1806 Denon writes to the Emperor: „You have charged me, Sir, with construction of the Slavkov column; since then the Minister of Interior gave me your order, I have been fully engaged in this monument. I thought to give unity and harmony of that bas-relief concept dominating with its 820 feet (in length), so I needed fantasy of only one creator. I have been charged with the whole composition, so we are drawing under my direction and in my full view three months of your history; the main draughtsman and four tracers-copyists will be continuously busied with this enormous work of immense importance. These preparatory operations will be carried out till erecting the column shaft. When the drawings are finished, I will hand over thirty feet of reliefs to thirty sculptors to model according to the composition and drawings created by the same person, so these all will be of the same character making a whole looking like being created by the only hand. As soon as the program is sketched, I will dare to show them to Yours Majesty, who will vouchsafe tell me what shall be removed and what details shall be added as necessary; significance of this monument may deserve your attention. Sir, Yours Majesty will condescend to remember that the first idea (to realize this work) comes from him; therefore I plead with Yours Majesty for allowing me not to take any orders before the project will be delivered to improvements. I will submit all my efficient means, all my estimates of expenditures and all necessary steps that I will take to the Minister of the Interior. But it is necessary for me to dispose completely of the rest, not paralyzing my means from now and for a few successive months, the Minister in charge would attend to a matter of suppliers and supplies and Yours Majesty would retain possession of this amazing monument. And for all that I dare assure you of the fact that

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thanks to its perfection and magnificence the artwork will overcome that Trajan’s one which aroused the admiration for twenty centuries“.13 How thoroughly Denon will see to depiction of those three months of Napo- leon’s history that shall arouse the admiration of century day after day, is evident from his letter to the Prince of Benevento, who was no one else than Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord who held the function of Napoleon’s Minister of Foreign Affairs at the end of the year 1805: „Sir, it is an honour to me to ask Your Highness to acquaint me whether during the negotiations that took place in the case of the Pressburg Peace, something momentous happened, what could be depicted on a spiral bas-relief of the Slavkov column.14 When draftsmen get to this point within the (Napoleon’s) campaign, I must ask you Sir, to mediate any information which I dare to ask you”. 15

13 „Vous avez décidé, Sire, que je dirigerais l’exécution de la colonne d’Austerlitz; depuis que le ministre de l’Intérieur m’a donné cet ordre de votre part, ce monument est devenu ma principale occupation. J’ai pensé que pour donner de l’unité à la conception d’un bas-relief de 820 pieds de développement il fallait qu’elle sortît de la même imagination. Je me suis donc chargé de toute la composition et, tandis que l’on dessinera sous ma dictée et sous mes yeux cette page de trois mois de votre histoire, un dessinateur en chef et quatre copistes seront constamment occupés de cet immense travail. Cette opération préalable se fera pendant le tems qu’on élévera le noyau de la colonne. Les dessins faits, je distribuerai à la fois à trente sculpteurs trente pieds de bas-reliefs à modeler d’après la composition et les dessins d’un même homme, ils auront tous pour cela le même caractère et la totalité paraîtra ainsi faite de la même main. Dès que le programme sera écrit, je prendrai la liberté de le transmettre à Votre Majesté, qui voudra bien marquer à mi-marge les retranchemens qui lui conviendrait et y ajouter les détails qui lui paraîtront nécessaires; l’importance de ce monument mérite peut-être ce soin de votre part. Sire, Votre Majesté voudra bien se rappeller que la première idée en est d’elle; je la prie donc de me permettre de ne prendre d’ordres que d’elle pour l’amener à sa perfection. Je soumettrai au ministre de l’Intérieur tous mes moyens d’exécution, tous mes apperçus de dépenses et tous les marchés que je passerai. Mais il faut que je dispose absolument du reste, ou bien d’ici à quelques mois tous mes moyens seraient paralysés, il ne resterait au ministre que des entrepreneurs à alimenter et à Votre Majesté un monument imparfait. Et cependant j’ose assurer qu’il surpassera en perfection et en magnificence celui de Trajan qui a fait l’admiration de vingt siècles.“ The letter of Denon to Napoleon, 15th June 1806. Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA 12, correspondance supplémentaire S. p. 108–109. 14 The seventieth sequence of the bas-relief on the column depicted The Pressburg Peace Treaty signing on 26th December 1805 by Talleyrand, the Minister of Foreign Afairs for France at that time. For a more detailed description see: TARDIEU, Ambroise: La colonne de la Grande Armée d´Austerlitz ou de la Victoire, monument triomphal érigé en bronze, sur la place Vendôme de Paris. Paris 1822, p. 69. 15 „Monseigneur, J’ai l’honneur de prier Votre Altesse de vouloir bien me faire savoir si, lors des négocia- tions qui ont eu lieu pour la paix de Presbourg, il s’est passé pendant la tenue des conférences quelques traits remarquables que l’on pourroit retracer sur le bas-relief spiral de la colonne d’Austerlitz. Comme

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Construction of the column was started on the 8th July 1806 and architects Jacques Gondouin (1737-1818) and Jean-Baptiste Lepère (1761-1844) were charged with that task. Denon did not interfere overly in the work of architects, he rather focused on Pierre-Nolasque Bergeret (1782–1863), a painter, who was instructed to prepare drawings of bas-reliefs.16 All those drawings were made under Denon’s supervision as the General Director informed the Emperor of in the above-quoted letter. It was also Denon who distributed Bergeret’s models to thirty sculptors who participated in making the original bas-reliefs according Denon’s directives and models or artwork. 280 meters of drawings, such a task remained to be done by Bergeret: fidelity and sense of rigorous detail- inde picting uniforms of soldiers, arms, materials, true portraits and emphasizing the main actors - these were the qualities that were expected from an artist. Although Denon informed Napoleon on the 22nd November 1807 and on the 14th to the 15th August 1808 about good the prospects and successful course of the work of architects, draftsmen and sculptors in the “Journal of the Campaign” (Journal de la campagne),17 the column was completed as late as in the year 1810 (Fig. 5). In the above-mentioned correspondence, there however appears a certain change in “terminology” that is worth mentioning. If Denon in his report to Napoleon of a title Objets confiés par l’Empereur à la Direction (i.e. Objects entrusted by the Emper- or to the direction of [“Museums”, although in this case it would be more proper to use the term direction of “Fine Arts”, i.e. Director of “Fine Arts “, a title that had never existed, however de facto it followed from Denon’s competencies] dated on August the 14th, 1808, he wrote about the ”Germanic column” (colonne germanique), but in a letter dated on August the 15th addressed also to the Em- peror, he used the term “Column of the Great Army” (colonne de la Grande Armée), while Denon’s accompanying text, summarizing the progress of construction and

les dessinateurs sont sur le point d’arriver à cette époque de la campagne, je vous prie, Monseigneur, de me transmettre les renseignemens que j’ai l’honneur de vous demander.“ The letter of Denon to Tal- leyrand, 9th March 1808. Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA7 p. 25. 16 The letter of the General Director of the Napoleon’s museum to the Minister of Interior, 8th January 1814. Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA 12, correspondance sup- plémentaire p. 90. 17 The letter of Denon to Napoleon, 22nd November 1807. Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 3 n° 20; 14th August 1808. Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA 12, correspondance supplémentaire p. 146; 15th August 1808. Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 4 n° 34b [The comment by hand of the Secretary].

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sculptural works on the column, was identical in both documents. What made the General Director to that modification, although insignificant at first sight in terms of the -objec tives of the Napoleonic propaganda perhaps essential? At that time it was in the course the “Spanish question” and the war against the English in the Iberian Peninsula, it was better to forget for a while the “German adventure” radically solved a long time ago, and remind the strength of Napoleon’s Great Army constantly claiming newcomers and staggering amounts of money? At the time of the Austro-French convergence ap- proximation and a courtship of Aus- trian Archduchess Marie Louise the name the “Slavkov Column” (colonne d’Austerlitz) got out of fashion, because it remembered humiliation of the Emperor of Austria at Slavkov, who would become a father in-law of Napoleon after a short time - the Fig. 5 censorship of the press took care of such details. Denon also continued to emphasize the Emperor the “pan-European” importance of that project and pledged to creation of a collection of engravings modelled on Bergeret’s sketches destined for various bas-reliefs of the column. In his letter of the 13th January 1808 sent to the Emperor, we could read: “Sir, just after discovering engraving with etching, it was used for transferring the knowledge of ancient monuments. Columns of Trajan and Antonio became the adornment of libraries and objects of interest for antiquarians of wars who ordered their erection. That forced me to suggest yours Majesty creation of that monument together with a collection of engravings from the Slavkov (Austerlitz) campaign that could be presented to our contemporaries and eight hundred and thirty feet of bas-reliefs which are cur-

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rently created as the column decoration should be kept in all libraries”.18 “After presenting by Denon the first drawing from that collection called “Regroupment the camp of Boulogne” (levée du camp de Boulogne)19 as well as the budget for its preparation, in the conclusion of his report he explained to Napoleon the “noble” intention of that project: “And on top of that the chalcography of the Napoleon’s Museum would have been enriched by engravings of the work as a reminder of the victory of the Emperor, some of the nicest days of the French Empire and that collection should complete monuments of this century thanks to their scheme and format that sciences together with the arts dedicate to descendants”. 20 In August of the same year Denon informed the Emperor: “It is a honour to me to present to Your Majesty a plan of expenditures as for engraving works on this Monu- ment that would familiarize the public with creation of the bas-reliefs mapping the campaign being depicted by them: to engrave these topics would take 18 months. If we begin now, these works could be presented at the column unveiling and could be shown up throughout the whole Europe at the same time”.21 Unfortunately, that work was not accepted by Napoleon very well. After looking around a part of that upcoming collection at Saint-Cloud

18 „Sire, aussitôt que la gravure à l’eau-forte a été découverte, elle a servi à transmettre la connoissance des monuments antiques. Les colonnes Trajanne et Antonine sont devenues l’ornement des bibliothèques et un objet de recherches pour des antiquaires sur les guerres qui en ont commandé l’érection. C’est ce qui m’engage à proposer à Votre Majesté de faire marcher ensemble et l’exécution du monument et de la gravure de celle d’Austerlitz, pour mettre sous les yeux des contemporains et conserver dans toutes les bibliothèques le développement de huit cent trente pieds de bas-reliefs qui s’exécutent actuellement et doivent décorer cette colonne.“ The letter of Denon to Napoleon, the copy of the 13thJanuary 1808. Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 4 n° 31. 19 For more detailed description of a scene see: TARDIEU 1822, s. 23–24. 20 „En outre la Calcographie du musée Napoléon seroit enrichie des planches d’un ouvrage destiné à rappeller une partie des triomphes de l’Empereur, quelques-uns des beaux jours de l’Empire français et à compléter par son objet et son format les monumens de ce siècle que les lettres unies aux arts consacrent à la postérité.“ Ibid. Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 4 n° 33. The Pictorial Enclosure to the letter: Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 4 n° 29. 21 „J’ai eu l’honneur de présenter à Votre Majesté un devis des dépenses pour la gravure de ce monument, qui ferait connaître le développement des bas-reliefs qui sont le journal de la campagne qu’ils représentent: il faudrait 18 mois pour graver ces sujets. En commençant de suite, cet ouvrage pourrait à l’inauguration de la colonne et la faire connaître en même tems à l’Europe entière.“ The letters of Denon to Napoleon of the 14th and 15th August 1808 have been quoted.

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in June 1810 Napoleon denounced it as “full of blunders” and ordered to modify those engravings and deliver them within one year.22 Denon was ordered to consult the works minutely with Marshal Berthier, Prince of Neuchâtel, however that collection of engravings has never been published. What were those above-mentioned “blunders” like in Napoleon’s opinion? It was known that the French Emperor strictly paid heed to accurate rendering of uniforms of soldiers and dignified representation of marshals and corps of generals and to top it all there were “inappropriate” scenes depicting the “yester- day’s” enemy, the Austrian Emperor, who had become his father-in-law.23 From the years 1808-1810 there were also preserved several reports in which the General Director of Museums informed the authorized state dignitaries on progress of the project. On January the 6th, 1808, according to Napoleon’s order, Marshal Berthier, Prince of Neuchâtel, was informed by Denon about sketches, “which should be realized in bas-reliefs ” 24 on the 12th January Denon submitted him a draft text of: inscriptions to be placed on a spiral border” 25 and on May the 14th Denon announced him that the sketches “are already in hands of sculptors“.26 “I take this occasion to inform Your Highness that this majestic triumphal column, the first casting of which has already been seen by you (Your Highness) with such interest and whose beauty was appreciated by you is continuously improving day after day. I am very sure that this monument construction of which was started twenty months ago should be completed within one year, and that it will be one of the most grandiose monuments of Europe”.27 Denon wrote to Berthier avidly.

22 „…plein de fautes grossières…“ LE MASNE DE CHERMONT, Isabelle. Pour faire vivre un livre qui jamais ne parut. Le projet de publication des bas-reliefs de la colonne Vendôme. In: GALLO, Daniela (ed.): Les vies de Dominique-Vivant Denon. Actes du colloque organisé au musée du Louvre par le Service culturel du 8 au 11 décembre 1999. Paris 2001, II, p. 395. 23 Lelièvre 1993, p. 123 24 „…les dessins qui doivent être executés en bas-reliefs“. The letter of Denon to Prince of Neuchâ- tel, 6th January 1808. Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA7 p. 2. 25 „…les inscriptions à mettre sur le cordon spiral qui bordera la suite des bas-reliefs“. The letter of De- non to Prince of Neuchâtel, 12th January 1808. Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA7 p. 5. 26 „…sont entre les mains des statuaires“. The letter of Denon to Prince of Neuchâtel, 14th May 1808. Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA7 p. 47. 27 „Je profite de cette occasion pour prévenir Votre Altesse que cette majestueuse colonne triomphale, dont elle a vu les premières fontes avec tant d’intérêt et dont elle a apprécié les beautés, marche chaque jour vers sa

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The statue of the Emperor which had to decorate the top of the column was ordered by Denon on the 27th Sep- tember 1806 at Antoine-Denis Chaudet (1763-1810), a sculptor: “It is an honour to me to inform you Sir that I chose you for making a statue of His Majesty the Emperor that has to exceed the Germanic column. The model of this statue that will be cast of bronze shall have a height of 3 m and 25 cm. The price established for this work is 10,000 francs for the model, and 3,000 francs in addition to that for making two plaster casts, and for supervising casting and chasing. I appeal you, sir, for dealing with this work as quickly as possible and inform me of making drafts of your composition “.28 It should be emphasized, however, that the Chaudet’s statue of Napoleon in the style of Roman Antiquity statues in the manner of Roman emperor with allegory of Victory in his hand that had provoked the Fig. 6 same indignation of the Emperor as the statue by Lemot (it was removed from the Triumphal Arch on the Carrousel Square in the year 1812), after its unvailing it remained at the same place until the year 1814 (Fig. 6). Why then Napoleon permitted Denon to install his statue for the second time at the Parisian public place? The hesitant Emperor buckled under urge of the General Director of

perfection. Je suis certain maintenant que ce monument, commencé il y a vingt mois, sera terminé dans un an, et qu’il sera un des plus grandiose de l’Europe.“ Ibidem. 28 „J’ai l’honneur de vous prévenir, Monsieur, que je vous ai choisi pour exécuter la statue de Sa Majesté l’Empereur qui doit surmonter la colonne germanique. Le modèle de cette statue, qui sera coulée en bronze, doit avoir 3 mètres 25 centimètres de haut. Le prix fixé pour cet ouvrage est de 10 000 F pour le modèle plus 3 000 F pour deux plâtres reparés et la surveillance de la fonte et de la ciselure. Je vous invite, Mon- sieur, à vous occuper le plus promptement possible de ce travail, et à me communiquer les croquis de votre composition.“ The letter of Denon to Chaudet, 27th September 1806. Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA5 p. 271–272.

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Museums and members of the Institute who clearly spoke in favour of replacing the statue of Charles the Great by his statue. Based on the Emperor’s order the Charles statue was returned to Aix-la-Chapelle then. Can not be simultaneously said that Napoleon was not interested in construction of the column, which himself ordered – his correspondence with the Minister of the Interior proved that,29 even though “he had been chosen by his nation” he still insisted on such an appropriate iconographic program approached his concept as much as possible. Denon was well informed about Napoleon’s images and ideas, as we can read in his letter to the Emperor on August the 15, 1808: “Yours Majesty told me graciously for several times about Yours Majesty portrait in civilian clothing. You favoured me once with expressing Yours wish to be presented in the style of Frederick II whose portrait is placed in Yours cabinet“.30 Nevertheless, in the same letter the General Director of Museums informed the Emperor on his sculpture made of marble and characterized by its heroic nakedness hided in an ancient warrior’s attire (costume héroïque et militaire).31 From Denon‘s correspondence, as well as from memoirs of his contemporaries we know for sure that Denon was in the habit of dictating artists his aesthetic concepts and ordering artefacts of art suiting his own visions. The cred- ibility of a report published in the Courrier Français on the 28th August 1806, indicating a lively discussion among Napoleon, Denon and Chaudet, seems to be even less believable: “The Emperor and the Director of Museums strongly tend to attire the statue (of Napoleon) in fashionable style; Chaudet opposes and conditions his cooperation by acceptance of (proposed) draperies (Emperor’s clothing)“.32 Could De- non whose aesthetic concepts and theories of art are well known to us promote installation of Napoleon’s portrait as an officer of the guards (Colonel de la Garde), at the top of the column in ancient style? And moreover, in Denon’s private collection, there were preserved several Chaudet’s sketches for that statue.33 Not a single one of those sketches suggests that the artist or an order party,

29 Ibidem; no 9.971, no 10.320. 30 „Votre Majesté m’a fait plusieurs fois la grâce de me parler de son portrait dans le costume civil. Elle m’a fait l’honneur de me dire une fois qu’elle désirerait l’avoir dans la proportion de celui de Frédéric II, qui est placé dans son cabinet.“ The letter of Denon to Napoleon, 15th August 1808. Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 4 n° 34b [The comment by hand of the Secretary]. 31 Ibidem. 32 „…l’Empereur et le directeur des Musées inclinant fortement pour que la statue fût costumée à la mod- erne: Chaudet s’y opposant et faisant de l’acceptation de la draperie la condition de sa collaboration.“ 33 Musée du Louvre, département des Arts graphiques. Inv. RF 3294.

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which was the General Director of Muse- ums in that case, thought about Napoleon’s “corporal” clothing (costume en Caporal), as the Emperor himself wished (Fig. 7). The first four sketches presented the French Emperor crowned with laurels, holding in his left hand the Globe overtop by a statue of Victory (Vic- toria). The first two drawingsNapoléon victorieux portant la toge romaine et une Victoire ailée (Na- poleon “victorious” attired in a Roman toga and with the winged Victory) and Napoléon en général romain cuirasse (Napoleon in a Roman commander’s cuirass) represent the figure of French Emperor hid in antiquity clothing imi- tating Ancient Roman Style. While the former sketch refers rather to the Augustan imperial tradition, another one comes up the vision of the Roman general in leather clothing with his mantle slung over his left hand in such a manner as that iconographic type was used in late antique art (Figs. 8-9). The third sketch Na- poléon Hercule vainqueur (Napoleon as Hercules, the Vanquisher) presents heroic naked Napo- leon buckled with lion’s leather and propped up himself on a club (Fig. 10). The fourth draft Etude pour Napoléon victorieux (Study for Napoleon “victorious” model I) presenting Fig.7 the French Emperor in the traditional knightly armour is the proof that Chaudet and Denon were looking for an iconographic program closest as possible to the French armour more or less concealed with short military jacket fastened together on his shoulder with a clip (Fig. 11). The fourth sketch Etude pour Napoléon victorieux (Study for Napoleon‘s “victorious” model II) shows the figure of the “victorious” Napoleon without a statue of Victory – as Hercules the “Vanquisher” with a laurel sprig growing from a horn of plenty and a club in his left hand (Fig. 12). The fact that the Denon finally decided to choose

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Fig. 8 Fig. 9

Fig. 10 Fig. 11

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Fig. 12 Fig. 13 the most radical iconographic type presenting the French emperor à l’antique, naked as a Hero under his toga, and leaning against a large sword, which just goes to show that the resulting proposal was not been consulted with the Emperor and that he made a resolution about that affair solely in his own opinion and to his taste (Fig. 13). That Napoleon’s statue should correspond with antiquity style of the whole, which was clearly codified in the dedication inscription that Denon had engraved on the front side of the pedestal: NAPOLIO IMP. AUG. MONU- MENTUM BELLI GERMANICI (Fig. 14).34 The iconographic program assimilated to the image of Napoleon as a “modern” Emperor in the manner of Roman emperors was highlighted by the said BELLI GERMANICI - the phenomenon of the so-called “Germanic war” in which Denon anecdotally stylized

34 TARDIEU 1822, p. 22.

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Fig. 14 image of Napoleon’s campaign from the year 1805 crowned with his victory on the Marchfeld (the Moravian field). The “Slavkov (Austerlitz) Myth” should have played the role of another pillar of the monumental imperial vision in terms of how it was projected by Denon himself. The symbol of Napoleon - the Emperor, the Restorer of the Empire of the West, around which the French nation has united confirmed by the state propaganda of the power and invincibility of their emperor - his image as a guarantor of stability and prosperity of the Empire, that is why he is worthy of proper celebration - this is the image reflected in Denon’s visions within implementation of projects subsidized by the government (Fig. 15). How the public responded to that program? Let us quote here the report of May 1810 that was left by Paris visitor the Count de Clary who was chosen by the Austrian Emperor Francis I. to deliver to Napoleon his letter on confirmation of the imperial marriage with Archduchess Maria Luisa: “The column has been completed. Now it is just cleaned ... I got to the top of the scaffolding. I had a ticket from Denon. Many people went upstairs and downstairs (in the column shaft). After two days the scaffolding is removed and the column should be wrapped in canvas expecting August 15th, when it should be (as a gift to Napoleon’s birthday) solemnly unveiled. The work seems to be wonderful. The pedestal is covered with Austrian trophies, uniforms that they suffer disfavour (of the

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Fig. 15

Emperor) and, moreover, due to their simple awkwardness they seem to be fully thought- out and fictitious. There are undersides, stripes, embroidery, that we have never known. But, there is something very bizarre, by way of flags, drums, helmets covering the pedestal, there are monograms of Emperor Francis everywhere. The huge bas-relief on a spiral that winds around the column from above downwards appears to be wonderful; it images confusion during battles, entries, hardly recognizable figures that no one can see in the future after removing the scaffolding. They will be not be marked by it as at the beginning, and added to that… at the very top I noticed escape of our emperor (Francis) from Vienna in a terrible carriage (of bronze) and our soldiers who taking him on their hands and struggling through the streets. Napoleon’s statue on the ridge of the column is very pretty as regards its style, clothing, draperies, but it is only eleven feet high. They say that it seems to be small, viewed from below. Denon nonetheless insists on, and I want him to believe that it is an appropriate dimension and that the larger one would affect negatively. An internal staircase leading to the gallery is winding it round and

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everyone will want to get there, because the view is extremely interesting. The garden of Tuileries that dominates so close, parks of urban palaces on the Vendôme Square and the rest impresses charmingly”.35 In general, the Contemporaries are of the same opinion: “The column makes great impression thanks to its mass; one’s astonished eyes transmit grandiosity of palaces surrounding it to the rich monument. It’s a new whole for modern people ”.36 “If we exclude Rome, no other city in Europe can offer its equivalent.37 These modern people who the French revolution carried up and who due to “circumstances” during days of Brumaire of the year VIII became the pillar of a new incoming power wanted to take full advantage of the symbols of his Hero glory who had no equivalent in Europe. Only this way they could keep their social status, acquired property and honour. Representatives of French cities and towns, wealthy citizens, government dignitaries, representatives of government offices and institutions – those all 35 „La colonne est finie. On ne fait plus que la nettoyer... J’ai grimpé en haut de l’échaufaudage. J’avais un billet de Denon. Beaucoup de gens montaient et descendaient des escaliers. Dans deux jours, on démolira les échaufaudages et on entourera la colonne de toiles, en attendant le 15 août, où elle doit être inaugurée. L’ouvrage en paraît superbe. Le piédestal est couvert de trophées autrichiens, d’uniformes qui ont très mauvaise grâce et, de plus, par une maladresse singulière, semblent entièrement de fantaisie. Ce sont des revers, des brandebourgs, des broderies, que nous n’avons jamais connus. Mais, chose très bizarre, moyennant les drapeaux, les tambours, les casques qui couvrnet le piédestal, il présent partout le chiffre de l’empereur François. L’immense bas-relief en spirale, qui se déroule de haut en bas de la colonne, paraît d’un travail superbe; il forme une confusion de batailles, d’entrées, de figures impossible à démêler, que personne ne verra plus, dès que les échaufaudages seront enlevés. On n’en distinguera plus que le commencement, et encore... J’ai remarqué, tout en haut, la fuite de notre Empereur, sa sortie de Vienne dans une mauvaise calèche (en bronze) et nos soldats qui la font rouler, en la poussant par les rues, à tour de bras. La statue de Napoléon, au faîte de la colonne, est très belle de forme, de costume, de draperie, mais n’a que onze pieds de haut. On dit qu’elle paraîtra petite, vue d’en bas. Denon affirme pourtant, et je veux l’en croire, que c’est la juste proportion et que, plus grande, elle ferait mauvais effet. Un escalier intérieur conduit à la galerie qui l’entoure et tout le monde voudra y monter, car la vue est extrêmement intéressante. Le jardin de Tuileries, dominé de si près, les parcs des hôtels de la place Vendôme et le reste font un effet charmant“. PRINCE DE CLARY ET ALDRINGEN, Charles de: Trois mois à Paris, lors du mariage de l’Empereur Napoléon et l’Archiduchesse Marie-Louise, avec des croquis de l’auteur. Publié par le Baron de Mitos et le Comte de Pimodan. Paris 1912, p. 384–386. 36 „Par sa masse, la colonne doit produire un effet imposant; l’œil étonné reporte sur ce riche monument la magnificence des palais qui l’entourent. C’est un ensemble nouveau chez les peuples. modernes“ LEGRAND ET LANDON: Description de Paris et de ses édifices, histoires, objets d’arts, curiosités, par J.-G. Legrand et C.-P. Landon, avec 100 p. et 1 plan. Paris 1842, in-8o. 37 „Si l’on excepte Rome, aucune capitale de l’Europe n’en offre l’équivalent“. LANZAC DE LABO- RIE 1905, II, p. 241.

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grouped together round that Icon that reflected in himself the whole nation and mirrored visions of His glory. And not only they, as we can read in Denon’s letter of February the 19th, 1810 addressed to Mr. de Ladoucette, the Prefect of the Department of Roer:38

Dear Mr. Prefect, You were so kind turning to me with your letter of January the 30th regarding wishes of the City of Cologne (Köln) to erect in its harbour a statue of His Majesty the Emperor and you asked me about the price for the statue (of the Emperor) placed on the column on the Vendôme Square, and if it is possible to cast another one (sculpture) from the same mould. It is an honour to me to inform you, Dear Mr. Prefect, that due to its characteristic composition a statue dedicated to the above mentioned monument could not be placed on a plain pedestal, (and) moreover, it would be only repeating that would suffer very much from it, and that there is needed His Majesty approval of making another cast of that figure. I calculated, Dear Mr. Prefect, that the creation of that figure, if approved by His Majesty, would have reached the sum of 50,000 francs at least, in which costs on bronze or a pedestal have not been counted either, (and) that the statue of the same size of a marble created in a similar manner as for its determination is considered that we would like to give it, would cost, including transportation and crate costs of 30,000 francs, but considering and believing that the city of Cologne (Köln) could acquire two blocks of marble of which the given figure was made from the Minister of the Interior. Dear Mr. Prefect, you can count on my support of worthy projects of inhabitants of the city of Cologne (Köln) and if their zeal bring them an order about creation of this marble figure that I suggest, with great pleasure I will supervise (relevant) works and give an artist any information and advice he would need.

What was the attitude of Napoleon himself to his portrait designed by De- non for the column on the Vendôme Square? He was often contradictory to it and his approach to any thorny questions was based on his momentary mood influenced by the current political situation both in France and abroad. The fate of the statue that he wanted to be removed from the column of the Great Army was sealed only after his abdication in the year 1814, not on the basis of his order. So what was Napoleon’s opinion of his own presentation for real? Many things may be clarify thanks to insights coming from the pen of Bausset (1829) who was 38 The letter of Denon to Mr. de Ladoucette, 19th February 1810. Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA7 pp. 164–165. For the original text in French see: Annex II.

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an eyewitness of several scenes taking place in the emperor’s immediate vicinity. As he mentioned in his “Mémoires anecdotiques” in the passage of the year 1809 at that time, Napoleon had stayed in the Schönbrunn Palace, when he received a work from Paris presented him by the Institute. He was not satisfied and asked the Duke of Friuli (Marshal Duroc) to deliver the following note to the Minister of the Interior: “The Institute proposes to give the title of Germanicus and Augustus to the Emperor: Augustus fought out only one battle of Actium; Germanicus (Roman general, famous for his military expeditions to Germania) might be interesting for Romans due to his misfortune; however his life was only average. Nothing shows up in memory of the Roman emperors, what would be enviable. One of the biggest concerns of the Institute and scientists must be distinguishing between them (Roman emperors) and famous events of our history. What a fearsome memory for future generations of Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, Domitian, and all rulers who ruled without legitimate laws, hereditary rights, and who, for reasons that are not useful to include, discredited and compromised themselves with so many criminal acts and caused so much pain to Rome (and who still bear the name Augustus). There is the only man (and he was not the Emperor) who was famous for his character and great deeds, Caesar. If there is considered any other title than the Emperor of French Nation it would be the title of Caesar which the emperor would like to have. But there are so many small and petty rulers who have dishonoured that title, ergo it is not possible to associate it with the memory of great Caesar, but only in the context of some German rulers who were both weak and ignorant so none of them has left a trace in the collective memory. The title of Emperor shall be the Em- peror of the French nation; he does not want any other parables, even the titles of Augustus or Germanicus, and/or Caesar. Regarding the language in which inscriptions are to be designed, it is the French language. The Romans used Greek language in their inscriptions for several times; but it was a remnant of the influence of Greeks on the science and art in Rome. The French language is the most sophisticated of modern languages; it is a more defined and a more widespread than dead languages. We can not see the only reason for using in inscriptions other languages than French. 39 39 „L’Institut propose de donner à l’Empereur le titre de Germanicus et d’Auguste : Auguste n’a eu que la bataille d’Actium; Germanicus a pu intéresser les Romains par ses malheurs; jamais, il n’a illustré sa vie que par des souvenirs très médiocres. On ne voit rien dans les souvenirs des Empereurs romains que l’on puisse envier. Un des plus grands soins de l’Institut et des hommes de lettres doit être de s’attacher à mettre une grande différence entre eux (les Empereurs romains) et les fastes de notre histoire. Quel horrible souvenir pour le générations que celui de Tibère, de Caligula, de Néron, de Domitien, et de tous les princes qui régnèrent sans lois légitimes, sans transmission d’hérédité, et qui, par des raisons inutiles à définir, commirent tant de crimes et firent peser tant de maux sur Rome (et qui, pourtant, portaient le nom d’Auguste). Le seul homme (il n’était pas empereur) qui s’est illustré par son caractère et par ses

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At the column head on which the statue stood Denon had engraved the French inscription: Monument élevé à la gloire / de la Grande Armée / par Napoléon le Grand / Commencé le XXV août 1806 / Terminé le XV août 1810 / Sous la direction de D.-V. Denon / MM. J.-B. Lepère et J. Gondouin. (i.e. the Monument erected in honour of Glory/ Great Army / by Napoleon the Great / started up on XXV August 1806 / August 1810 Completed on XV August 1806 / Under the direction of D.-V. Denon / MM. J.-B. Lepère and J. Gondouin.). 40 If the Germanic column (colonne germanique) that should be exceeded by a statue of Charles the Great became the Slavkov Column (Colonne d’Austerlitz), whose name had to be modified for political reasons with respect to the formation of the Austro-French alliance, therefore under the direction of D.-V. Denon the image of Napoleon the Great dedicated to the glory of the Great Army (Colonne de la Grande Armée) remained there. The Slavkov (Austerlitz) myth that was appointed there remained day after day impressively maintained, at the time of the Empire it was remembered with admiration and continued to contribute to creation the image of Napoleon Trajan, notwithstanding the fact that the French Emperor wanted to remain primarily the successor of Charles the Great and the General - Commander of the French army (Fig. 16). Even in that case the role of the General Director of Mu- seums was reflected, the master of image planning and a talented intermediator of visions under whose direction the Napoleon’s image – without the participation of Napoleon – was mythologized and elevated to the symbol – integrating and unifying – with the aid of which it have been possible – for the relevant reasons – to be utilized for oneself. Post-revolutionary society needed a new “sym-

grandes actions, c’est César. S’il était un autre titre que celui d’Empereur des Français, ce serait celui de César que l’Empereur pourrait désirer. Mais, tant de petits princes ont tellement déshonoré ce titre qu’il n’est plus possible de le rapprocher de la mémoire du grand César, mais de celle de ces princes allemands, aussi faibles qu’ignorants, dont aucun n’a laissé de souvenir parmi les hommes. Le titre de l’Empereur est celui d’Empereur des Français; il ne veut aucune assimilation, ni le titre d’Auguste, ni celui de Germani- cus, par même celui de César. Quant à la langue dans laquelle les inscriptions doivent être rédigées, c’est la angue française. Les Romains se servirent quelquefois de la langue grecque dans leurs inscriptions; mais c’était le reste de l’influence des Grecs sur les sciences et les lettres à Rome. La langue française est la plus cultivée des langues modernes; elle est plus définie et plus répandue que les langues mortes. On ne voit point d’autre langue pour les inscriptions que la langue française“. BAUSSET, Louis-François-Joseph: Mémoires anecdotiques sur l intérieur du Palais et sur quelques événements de l Empire depuis 1805 jusqu au 1er mai pour servir ä l histoire de Napoléon. Paris 1829, IV, pp. 192–196. ʼ ʼ 40 TARDIEU 1822, p. 14. ʼ ʼ

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Fig. 16 bol” and the new “symbol” needed to consolidate that society. Denon stylized the mythological hero to a personality cult that is sanctified under his direction. The General Director of Museums thus created a distinct charisma around his Emperor, a clear aura of certain impenetrability and thus the impossibility of any potential deconstruction and “malicious” interpretation. What is sacred shall be definitive, powerful, everlasting and unchallengeable. What is thus presented is valid beyond any criticism. Who would doubt, due to his doubts and criticism he stands himself off the team of those who are the “good” ones,41 so they can be served by their own sacral object. Political elites of the Napoleonic France accede to this compromise in order to retain their social status; the Myth of Protector and Saviour shall be exhibited in public squares to arouse sympathy of the nation and to allow its fast identification with this image. In his iconic role the modern

41 RANDÁK, Jan: Kult osobnosti. Úvaha nad jeho vymezením a místem v politických vyprávěních a mýtech. In: Kult osobnosti. Vydavatelství ČVUT, Praha 2007, p. 12–13.

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Fig. 17

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French Emperor and Triumphator should appeal to and influence the community for which he has become a model and a supervising authority. His image and desired properties are illustrative model of his behaviour. Napoleon’s cult of personality designed by Denon is finally a specific product of the community, it is its symbolic expression and also the focus of post-revolutionary identity. Denon, the great organizer with a rich imagination and practical knowledge through all the important fields of art, gets the chance to grasp this “Empire of Muses” into his own hands. The Triumphal Column on the Vendôme Square is a great example of how at the time of Napoleon the Napoleon’s history was written via the links between science and art. Before our eyes an impressive performance is unwinding main actors of which there are the French Emperor and the Great Army (Fig. 17). This embossed adventure begins on August the 25th, 1805, in Boulogne where four corps are setting out for a march to cross the Rhine, and ends with the rati- fication of the Treaty of Peace of Bratislava, the return of the imperial army and the ceremonial entry of the Emperor to Paris on the 27th January 1806, bringing trophies of the campaign (Trophies de la campagne).42 Various military troops are clearly identifiable and every soldier prides himself on his uniform worked out in detail. The Emperor appears at this show at regular intervals as in the role of commander at the head of his army, and as a rhetorician addressing his proclamations to the soldiers and the local population. The topography of the places through which this war grouping has passed is recorded with the greatest detail (Fig. 18-22). Denon is aware of importance of this history recorded in spiral bas-reliefs, as well as he knows to what it is head- ing towards and who will exceed it with its impressiveness, which will be the main card in incoming political games. The column shall be included in wordplays of propaganda, which will change its name and the censorship will open his careful

42 Description de la colonne de la Grande Armée. Place Vendôme. Paris 1810; TARDIEU, Ambroise: La colonne de la Grande Armée d´Austerlitz ou de la Victoire, monument triomphal élevé à la gloire de la Grande Armée par Napoléon, 40 planches représentant la vue générale, les médailles, piédestaux, bas-reliefs et statue dont se compose ce monument. Paris 1833; LANZAC DE LABORIE, Louis de: La colonne de la Grande Armée. Colonne Vendôme. Paris 1915; HIRSCHFELD, Gustave: Arcs de triomphe et colonnes triomphales de Paris. Paris 1938; BIVER, Marie-Louise: Le Paris de Napoléon. Paris 1963, p. 162–175; MURAT, Achille: LA COLONNE VENDÔME. Paris 1970; SAINT-SIMON, Fernand de: La place Vendôme. Paris 1982.

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Fig. 18

Fig. 19

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Fig. 20

Fig. 21

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Fig. 22 eye over the press to ensure everything will follow the direction of changing al- liances. While the choice of themes for the Triumphal Arch on the Carrousel Square erected between the years 1806-1808 also in memory of Napoleon’s victorious campaign from the year 1805 should have reflected glorification of the military forces of France with the idea of long-awaited peace, we cannot find here any battle scenes, but only peace episodes that conclude them. The Great victory at Slavkov (Austerlitz) is reminded here as a fateful meeting of fighting actors which has to evoke through its visual effect the spirit of peace negotiations rather than the ardour of military adventurers. The Column on the Vendôme Square glorifies to the contrary the military genius of France, an impressive theatre of scenes of Napoleon war campaign. Denon who has participated in it, sign his name over everything, applies his visions and the Slavkov (Austerlitz) Myth on the Paris Vendôme Square and imposed it on the others who should it utilize or should be attacked by it or confronted with it. The cult of Napoleon’s personality is thus primaly the aesthetic aspiration of the General Director of museums, a concept that was not in its final phase accepted or supported by the highest state author-

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Fig. 23 ity. And it collapsed with the same rate as military coalition armies advanced after winning the Battle of Leipzig in October in the year 1813. The ephemeral empire of modern Trajan began to fall apart, the Slavkov (Austerlitz) myth however has still lived its own life. It however, flashed again thanks to certain circumstances that took Napoleon’s nephew Louis Napoleon Bonaparte (1808-1873) on the French throne about less than a half-century later, but his equally ephemeral government that in the world of visions transposed through artistic means was well below the originality of the era of modern Apol- lodorus, who fell demythed into ruins but not into oblivion (Fig. 23).

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ANNEX I

Le lettre de Denon à Napoléon.43

Paris, le 10 mars 1806. Sire,

Je viens d’adresser au ministre de l’Intérieur un devis approximatif de ce que coûterait une colonne en bronze de la même dimension que la colonne Trajanne, c’est-à-dire 11 pieds de diamètre et par sa hauteur débordant de 30 pieds les bâ- timens de la place Vendôme.

Ce devis a été fait par une commission de la classe des beaux-arts de l’Insti- tut, composée de deux architectes, deux sculpteurs, deux peintres, du président, du secrétaire perpétuel de la classe et de moi. Le travail fait particulièrement par chaque membre a été apporté aux séances où chacun des mémoires et chacune de mes questions ont été discutés contradictoirement.

On a obtenu pour résultat que ce monument coûterait 1 416 911 francs, la matière fournie par le gouvernement, et 1726185 francs en achetant la matière.

J’ai d’autant plus foi dans ce résultat qu’il est le même que celui qui m’a été donné par un architecte particulier que j’avais autrefois consulté, et celui que j’avais obtenu des recherches faites de mon côté avec des experts.

La pensée de l’Institut, qui est bien sûrement celle de la nation, est que nous n’avons plus besoin de l’illusion des siècles pour chercher dans le passé le héros de la France. Cette colonne projettée pour Charlemagne devient donc tout naturellement la colonne germanique. Votre dernière expédition y serait écrite en bronze par un bas-relief de 830 pieds représentant les opérations de la mémo-

43 The letter of Denon to Napoleon, the 10th March 1806. Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 2 n°27.

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rable campagne de 1805 contre les Autrichiens, de même que l’expédition contre les Daces l’a été sur la colonne Trajanne.

En déliant les lèvres des membres du Corps législatif, elles prononceraient le vœu de cette érection et dans trois ans un des plus beaux monumens du globe serait élevé à la plus belle gloire. Il serait construit des dépouilles de l’ennemi, il serait construit de la matière qui convient le mieux au climat de la France, il serait d’une magnificence au-dessus de tout ce qu’ont fait les nations modernes, il serait, enfin, un monument digne de Votre Majesté.

Lorsque vous aurez décidé sur cet objet, si Votre Majesté veut bien me le permettre, j’aurai l’honneur de lui porter la gravure en grand de la colonne Trajanne pour vous consulter, Sire, sur le choix des sujets qui devront être traités dans le bas-relief de la colonne germanique et placés dans l’ordre que Votre Majesté voudra bien me dicter.

Je suis, avec le plus profond respect, Sire, de Votre Majesté Impériale et Royale le plus fidèle sujet. DENON

Institut national.

Classe des beaux-arts.44

Paris, le 8 mars 1806.

Le secrétaire perpétuel de la classe à Monsieur Denon, membre de l’Institut, directeur général des musées.

44 Annex of the letter of Denon to Napoleon from the 10th March 1806, dated on the 8th March 1806. Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 2 n° 28.

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Je m’empresse, mon cher confrère, de vous adresser les réponses et solutions données hier au soir par la commission de la classe des beaux-arts sur les questions que vous aviez faites relativement à la colonne de la place Vendôme.

1ère question. Proportion convenable? La proportion de la colonne Trajanne a été unanimement préférée.

2e question. Noyau plein, ou escalier? Le diamètre permettant de pratiquer un escalier sans nuire à la solidité, on a pensé unanimement qu’il serait utile et agréable.

3e question. Le piédestal doit-il être en marbre, granit ou bronze? On croit que le premier socle doit être en granit et le reste du piédestal de même matière que la colonne.

4e question. Apperçu de la dépense. (…)

Un des membres de la commission a calculé aussi que 45 canons de 12 ou 27 pièces de 24 suffiraient pour toute la fonte du monument. (…)

Je vous prie de vouloir bien assurer Sa Majesté l’Empereur et Roi du zèle que la classe des beaux-arts mettra toujours aux travaux qu’elle ordonnera ou qui lui seront agréables, et du plaisir particulier qu’elle prendrait aux monumens qui re- traceraient sa gloire. Je me permets de vous rapeller à ce sujet le vœu que la classe a émis dans un précédent rapport pour que la statue de Sa Majesté couronnât la colonne projettée.

Je vous renouvelle, mon cher confrère, etc., etc.

Signé : Joachim Le Breton.

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ANNEX II

Le directeur général du musée Napoléon à M. de Ladoucette, préfet du département de la Roer.45

Paris, le 19 février 1810. Monsieur le Préfet, Vous avez la bonté de me consulter par votre lettre du 30 janvier sur le désir que la ville de Cologne témoigne d’ériger sur son port une statue de Sa Majesté l’Empereur et vous me demandez le prix auquel est revenu celle placée sur la colonne de la place Vendôme, et si l’on pourroit profiter du moule pour en couler une pareille. J’ai l’honneur de vous présenter, Monsieur le Préfet, que la statue destinée au monument susdit ne seroit nullement par sa composition de nature à être placée sur un simple piédestal, que d’ailleurs ce ne serait qu’une répétition qui perdroit beaucoup, et qu’il faudroit encore l’assentiment de Sa Majesté pour que je per- misse le contre-moulage de cette figure. J’ai calculé, Monsieur le Préfet, que l’exécution de la figure indiqué[e], Sa Ma- jesté l’autorisât-elle, monteroit à une somme de 50 000 F au moins, dans laquelle ne serait point compris ni le bronze ni les frais du piédestal, et qu’une statue de même proportion en marbre et composée d’une manière plus analogue à la destination qu’on veut lui donner coûterait, transport et frais de caisse compris, la somme de 30 000 F, en supposant toutefois que la ville de Cologne obtiendrait du ministre de l’Intérieur la cession de deux blocs de marbre dont seroit exécuté ladite figure. Vous me trouverez toujours disposé, Monsieur le Préfet, de seconder les loua- bles intentions des habitans de Cologne et, si leur zèle les porte à ordonner la figure en marbre que je propose, je me chargerai avec beaucoup de plaisir d’en surveiller les travaux et de donner à l’artiste tous les renseignements et conseils dont il pourrait avoir besoin.

45 The letter of Denon to Mr. de Ladoucette, the 19th February 1810. Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA7 pp. 164–165.

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Resumé Slavkovský mýtus a ikonografie vzkříšeného Říma: bitva u Slavkova v roce 1805 jako součást Napoleonova vítězství nad novodobými Dáky na pařížském náměstí Vendôme Marian Hochel

Jedna z nejmarkantnějších kulturních výměn, realizovaných ve Francii na počátku 19. století z utilitaristických, estetických a politických důvodů, se udála na pozadí státem řízené oslavy vojenských pilířů moci Napoleonova režimu. Hlavním prostředkem této výměny se stal Trajánův sloup v Římě, starobylá kulturní památka, jež vstoupila do ko- lektivní paměti již v období starověku. O osmnáct století později vplyne do kolektivní paměti podruhé, vytyčena na pařížském náměstí Vendôme, avšak s novým poselstvím a aktualizovaným ikonografickým programem. Trajánovo poslední vítězné tažení proti Dákům, působivě zachyceno na vinutých basre- liéfech z bílého mramoru, poutalo pozornost generála Bonaparta již na jeho prvním ital- ském tažení v letech 1796–1797. Myšlenka nechat oslavit italská vítězství a poctít své vojáky, kteří se jich účastnili, vedla Bonaparta k tomu, aby nechal zařadit Trajánův sloup na seznam vzácných památek, které měly být převezeny z Apeninského poloostrova do Francie jako válečná kořist. Bonaparte se nakonec vzdal této odvážné myšlenky, ale vrátil se k ní v prvním roce svého konzulátu – avšak již v pozměněné podobě. Ke skutečné realizaci projektu došlo však až v roce 1806. Císař, opojený svým vítězstvím u Slavkova, podepsal dne 1. ledna 1806 dekret o stavbě pamětního sloupu. Realizací jeho stavby byl pověřen nedávno jmenovaný generální ředitel muzeí Dominique-Vivant Denon (1747–1825). Vítězný sloup na náměstí Vendôme je skvělým příkladem, jak se v době Napoleonově psala napoleonská historie prostřednictvím propojení věd a umění. Před očima se nám odví- jí působivé představení, zaznamenané v basreliéfech, jehož hlavními aktéry jsou francouzský císař a jeho Velká armáda v průběhu válečného tažení, vítězně završeného na moravských pláních v roce 1805. Jestliže se z „germánského sloupu“, jenž měl být převýšen sochou Kar- la Velikého, stal postupem času „sloup slavkovský“, jehož název musel být brzy z politických důvodů modifikován s ohledem na formování rakousko-francouzského spojenectví, zůstal zde pod vedením D.-V. Denona heroizovaný obraz „Napoleona Velikého“ na způsob řím- ských císařů, zasvěcený slávě Velké Armády, s pomocí které si císař podmanil „Barbarikum“. Slavkovský mýtus, který zde byl ustanoven, zůstal den po dni působivě zachován, v době císařství s obdivem připomínán a přispíval i nadále k formování obrazu „Napoleona Trajá- na“, nehledě na fakt, že francouzský císař si přál zůstat především nástupcem Karla Velikého a vrchním velitelem francouzské armády. I v tom se koneckonců promítla role generálního ředitele muzeí, mistra projektování obrazu a talentovaného zprostředkovatele vizí, v jehož režii byl Napoleonův obraz – bez účasti Napoleona – mytologizován a povýšen na symbol, integrující a scelující, kterým bylo možné se – z příslušných důvodů – obsluhovat.

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The Cultural Exchange Processes in Czechoslovakia after 1945

Jiří Knapík

Abstract: The study focuses on the involvement of some trends in the transformation of overall cultural climate in Czechoslovakia after World War II, especially in terms of re- -assessment of cultural values and cultural heritage, adoption of external stimuli acting on Czech culture and organization of cultural relations with foreign countries. It also will focus on disability overall dynamics of these processes. Cultural exchange is understood not only in terms of mere transfer of cultural influences, but also as a process of replacing the original cultural model, as with us constituted during the 19th and early 20th century, a new system, influenced by political and ideological conceptions of political representation in Czechoslovakia after the years 1945 and the 1948.

Keywords: Exchanges, 1945, Czech culture, Soviet occupation

During the first third of the 20th century, the Czech culture went through an essential process of modernization, and namely both in the institutional sense and in the idea sense. Even though the modernistic artistic trends have been accepted by the members of the Czech artistic intelligence as early as the break of the 19th and 20th century, it may not be ignored that the highly positive cultural and artistic life has been influenced by the fact that this life could have been developing under the conditions of an independent democratic state.1In the young

1 This essay was made possible through the financial support of the European So- cial Fund (ESF) and the state budget of the Czech Republic as part of project CZ.1.07/2.3.00/20.0031, ‘The Historization of Central Europe’.

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Czechoslovak Republic, a couple of cultural concepts co-existed and/or freely competed with one another and these concepts drew inspirations, among others, from the living contacts with the other European cultural centres. The traditional national conservative concept of the Czech culture was enriched in particular by the liberally democratic trend and the left-wing avant-garde featuring a rich internal structure. It was the cultural tendencies mentioned as the last ones that absorbed the impacts of the cosmopolitan modern western culture and, at the same time, hereby laid the new foundations of the Czech cultural life and the modern cultural heritage that is apparent in the literature, in the dramatic arts and graphic arts, music and, later on, also in the film production. After the year 1918, also the Czech (and Slovak) society experienced a leap of modernization when it fully benefited from the possibilities of the Czechoslovak statehood for self-presentation at the International Forum; in addition to the intensive cultural contacts, the Czech and Slovak society was establishing itself at the economic and commercial field.2 The promising development occurred during the two decades following the World War One was interrupted by the international political crisis in Europe at the end of the thirties. The profiling and refinement of the home cultural streams were impacted by the penetrating activities occurred at the international political scene, connected with the expansion of the Nazi Germany. The end of the independent Czechoslovakia was an essential turnaround for the cultural and social development and this turnaround had a significant impact on the up-to- date flow of the cultural impacts in all directions. The sad self-destruction of the cultural plurality during the short period of the so-called Second Republic was soon overwhelmed by the Nazi occupational politics, the thorough implementation of which threatened to result into fatal consequences for the existence of

1 For more details, see: MAREK, Jaroslav: Česká moderní kultura. Praha 1998. 2 The close connection of the culture and the economic interests can be appropriately demonstrated on the example of the movie industry. For this purpose, compare ŠTÁBLA, Zdeněk: Vývoj filmového obchodu za Rakousko-Uherska a Czechoslovakiaé republiky (The Devel- opment of the Movie Business in the times of Austro-Hungarian Empire and in the Czechoslovak Republic) (1906–1939). In: Filmový sborník historický, vol. 3, Praha 1992, p. 5–48; and also HEISS, Gernot – KLIMEŠ, Ivan: Kulturní průmysl a politika. Czechoslovakiaé a rakouské fil- mové hospodářství v politické krizi třicátých let. (The Cultural Indstury and Politics. The Czechoslovak and Austrian Movie Industries During the Political Crisis of the Thirties) In: Obrazy času. Český a rakouský film 30. let, Praha – Brno 2003, p. 303–383.

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the Czech culture and the Czech society as such.3 As early as the break of the years 1938 and 1939, the Czech culture was hit by the emigration wave, the first one of those of our modern history. The subsequent Nazi occupation lead to the silencing and persecution of the other representatives of the Czech cultural life and to the global liquidation of the Jewish culture. The censorship interventions significantly restricted and/or even froze not only the so-far living cultural connections, but also inhibited the reception of the democratic cultural heritage of the western territory and also the connections with the Russian and/or the Soviet arts. At the same time, the occupational power constructed an artificial model of cultural exchange with the Nazi Germany and its allies. The following contribution intends to focus on the impairment of certain trends of transformation of the overall cultural climate in Czechoslovakia after the World War Two, in particular in terms of re-valuation of the cultural values and the cultural heritage, adoption of the external incentives having impact on the Czech culture and the organization of the cultural contacts with the foreign countries. It shall also focus on the impairment of the overall dynamics of these processes. Here, the cultural exchange is to be understood not only in terms of the plain transfer of the cultural impacts, but also as the process of replacement of the original cultural model as it had been established in our country during the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, with a new system. It has to be pointed out that this process did not occur in a linear way at all times and that it reflected the essential social and political reversals. Therefore, we can define several periodization sections. Although the period of 1945 to 1947 is a period of the post-war renovation that developed again in the cultural life the possibilities of a free competition in the artistic expression, but, on the other hand, brought a significant turn towards the model of the state control of the cultural sphere,4 including the effort to reach the overall reglementation in terms of “Anti-Slavic” orientation and distribution of the cultural values based on the idealized ideas of the so-called culture democratization. The year 1948, being the year of the es-

3 DOLEŽAL, Jiří: Česká kultura za protektorátu. (Školství, písemnictví, kinematografie). (The Czech Culture Under the Protectorate. (Education, Literature, Cinematography)). Praha 1996, was publishing with regards to the principles of the occupational politics in this field. 4 It cannot be omitted that, to a certain extent, it was still possible in spring 1945 to continue some of the aspects of the cultural life control as it was performed during the occupation – in particular, we have in mind the centralization, the fusion of the cultural organization and certain censorship practices.

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tablishment of the Communistic regime, symbolizes the essential milestone that developed even more the post-war trends, now, however, being asserted from the positions of power and based on the requirements of the Marxist and Leninist ideology and the Zhdanov doctrine. In particular the subsequent years 1949 to 1952 can be characterized as the period of a significant and target-oriented interruption of the cultural contacts with Western democracies, the period of taking over the Soviet model of the control of the society and the cultural sphere. In association with the outbreak of the Korean war in 1950, these trends have also been influenced by the militarization in the Soviet block countries. The period of 1953 to 1955 represents a relatively new trend in which the ideological requirements for the social arts and the cultural life somehow slackened off and they started to be gradually livened up with the cultural contacts with non-socialist countries as well. This direction was deepened in the second half of the fifties and, in particular, during the sixties,5 when a new socialist lifestyle starts to form which often absorbs without planning also the cultural incentives from the western countries, and/or tries to formulate a “socialistic” alternative to such trends. The 1945 is an essential milestone in the modern Czech history – it is a symbol of the dramatic social and political changes, of the change in the national structure of the inhabitants of the Czech countries and/or in the property transfers. One of the symbols of the change of the cultural climate in the broadest sense consisted in the transformation of the language literacy of the Czech society. Following the expulsion of the German minority counting three million people, the natural bi-lingual society came to an end and the knowledge of German disappeared from the cultural skills of the Czech people during the time of one or two generations. A deviation from and/or refusal of the Ger- man language was quite understandable in the post-war years and the elimination of the German language from the public spaces was very radical; the German language disappeared from the public events, from the school curriculum,6 and

5 An interesting piece of work related to this period was published for example by LIZ- COVÁ, Zuzana: Kulturní vztahy mezi ČSSR a SRN v 60. letech 20. století. (The Cultural Relations between the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany in the sixties of the 20th century). Praha 2012 (Teritoria, vol. 7). 6 Let´s draw your attention to a completely different attitude to the Hungarian language and the Hungarian culture. In respect to this issue, more information can be found for example in GABZDILOVÁ, Soňa: Prejavy totalitarizmu vo vzdelávacom procese škol s vyučovacím jazykom maďarským v rokoch 1948–1953. (The signs of totalitarism in the educational proces of

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it was gradually eliminated from the company street signs, local names and other names.7 Until January 1947, it was even prohibited to use the German language on the phone.8 The loss of the live contact between the Czech language and the German language had a long-term impact on the Czech society and the consequences thereof can be undoubtedly felt even at the present time; we have in mind not only (even within the European context) the generally low level of the language skills, but we can also consider the problematic perception of being different and this perception seems to be very gradually being eliminated only in the post-November (1989) period. Following the establishment of the Communistic regime in 1948, the English language has become another undesirable language; the suppression of the Eng- lish language symbolized the division of the post-war Europe into the Western block and the Eastern block.9 At the break of the forties and the fifties, the Eng- lish language was equated with the enemy political system and the “decadent” Western culture. For example, Klement Gottwald, the President of the Republic, said in his speech given in front of the delegation of the Union of the Czecho- slovak and Soviet Friendship in 1952 that the English language was the “inter-

the schools teaching in the Hungarian language in years 1948 to 1953), In: K problémům menšin v Czechoslovakiau v letech 1945–1989. (The Problems of the Minorities in Czechoslova- kia in Years 1945 to 1989). Sborník studií, Praha 2005, p. 113–126. 7 Let´s mention the renaming of the healing sources in the Jeseník region. It was a para- dox that the “Böhmische Quelle“ was renamed by the Terminology Committee to “Jitřní pramen“. For more information: ABT, Lukáš: Atlas jesenických pramenů a jiných drobných památek. (The Atlas of the Jeseník Sources and Other Minor Landmarks), Jeseník 2007, p. 69–70. 8 Němčina v telefonu (The German language on the Phone). Obzory, year 3 (25, 1947), n. 4, p. 53. 9 In this respect, we may quote a very interesting document coming from the inheritance of the employee of the Cultural and Promotional Bureaucratic Apparatus of the Cen- tral Committee of the Communistic Party of Czechoslovakia, Mr. Pavel Reiman. In the spring 1949, he received the official offer by the secretary of the leading left-wing theatre scene “The London Unity Theatre“ to perform in Czechoslovakia within the scope of the intended tour of the countries of the Eastern Europe: “We think that if this can be arranged it would be very desirable indeed and help the Unity Theatre considerably in enriching their experience and their contacts. Also I don´t doubt it would be of interest to the Czech people.“ P. Reiman made a brief note to this letter: “We do not need any Eng- lish theatre here.” The Archive of the National Museum, f. Pavel Reiman, card. 1. Letter of March 28, 1949.

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national language of the cosmopolitical traffickers, diplomats and exploiters“.10 Also the Esperanto language fell into disgrace of the governing ideology at that time, in association with the campaign against the so-called cosmopolitism; this artificial language associated with the idea of peace and understanding among the nations also served as a link of the organized Esperanto speakers with the western countries and therefore, the communistic government adopted a number of restrictions in years 1951 to 1952, including the interruption of the international mail contacts.11 It is well-known that the expelled German language was replaced in the post- war Czechoslovakia by the Russian language, being the language of the liberators, the language of the key allied country. The introduction of the Russian language to schools (in the first years, it was an optional language) had been already anchored in the Government Program of Košice in April 1945 and during the first post-war years, it undoubtedly reflected the true interest of the citizens in the Russian and Soviet culture.12 However, the mass enforcement of the Russian language after the year 1948 was already a part of the ideology having been asserted administratively and through the government power. The symbol of this mass enforcement consisted in particular in the popular courses of the Russian and the tuition of this language was hereby taken out of the closed school environment to the environment of the companies and/or the Trade Union clubs attached to the enterprises, in which the employees were supposed to study the essentials of the Russian language for the everyday conversation purposes as well as for the practice in technical fields.13 10 GOTTWALD, Klement: Klement Gottwald 1951–1953. Sborník statí a projevů. (A Collection of Essays and Speeches), Praha 1953, p. 197–198. 11 The National Archive, the Archive of the Central Committee of the Communistic Party of Czechoslovakia, f. 02/5, vol. 34, a. j. 108. The Political Secretariat of the Central Com- mittee of the Communistic Party of Czechoslovakia, August 7, 1952. The Esperanto Union of the Czechoslovak Republic, having unified over 5 thousand members, had to leave the World Esperanto Organization in 1951 and was dissolved one year later. 12 Program Národní fronty Čechů a Slováků. Brno 1945, p. 21. „Ruský jazyk bude proto v novém učebním plánu z cizích jazyků na prvním místě.“ („Therefore, the Russian language shall be the first option among the foreign languages in the new curriculum plan.”) 13 The General Trade Union Archive ČMKOS, f. Cultural Committee, cart. 142 and 198. The information on the popular Russian courses is summarized in KNAPÍK, Jiří – FRANC, Martin a kol.: Průvodce kulturním děním a životním stylem v českých zemích 1948–1967 (I.). (A Guide of the Cultural Life and Lifestyle in the Czech Countries), Praha 2011, p. 506–507.

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The enforcement of the Russian language could only hardly replace the knowledge of the German language within its cultural and historical function and within the function of a mediator between the Czech culture and the German culture (that was still present on our territory). The expulsion of the German language was negatively reflected in the unkind relationship towards the cultural heritage of the Czech countries, the ignoring of a number of monuments and other cultural values not only by the government institutions, but, in particular, by the ordinary people. However, the opportunities to use the Russian language were considerably smaller; in the ordinary life, the people made almost no use of it. A certain potential of the Russian language appeared when people travelled and the travelling was restricted only to the Soviet block countries for a number of years. The largest possibility of use of the Russian language was in the professional environment, in particular in the technical fields. As late as the middle of the fifties and, especially, in the sixties, the approach to other languages somehow changed in association with the more intensive contact with the foreign countries. In addition to the establishment of the specialized language schools, dictionaries for everyday use started to be published again; the demand for the dictionaries can be supported by the fact that second edition and the following editions were published quickly one after another. At the break of the fifties and sixties, also the practical pocket dictionaries started to be published. In 1955, the first post-war German-Czech language was issued in our country and the vocabulary was naturally adapted in particular to the contacts with the German Democratic Republic. Shortly afterwards, people could also start using the practical German-Czech and Czech-German dictionary.14 As far as English is concerned, although specialized technical and commercial dictionaries were continuously published during the fifties, the general Czech-English dictionary was only published in 1959 and, one year later, also the pocket English Czech dictionary was published.15 Following the gap in 1949, the new and fully

14 VOLNÝ, Jan: Německo-český slovník. (The German-Czech Dictionary). Praha 1955; BENEŠ, Josef – PLACHÝ, Adolf: Německo-český a česko-německý kapesní slovník. (The German-Czech and the Czech-German Pocket Dictionary). Praha 1959. 15 POLDAUF, Ivan: Česko-anglický slovník středního rozsahu. (The Middle-sized Czech-English Dic- tionary) Praha 1959. The last previously issued general dictionary was published in 1952; it was the 15th edition of the dictionary by Jindřich PROCHÁZKA. Next - HAIS, Karel: Anglicko-český a česko-anglický kapesní slovník. (The English-Czech and Czech-English Pocket Dic- tionary). Praha 1960.

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re-worked dictionaries for the persons interested in the French language were published as early as 1953.16 The publication of the language textbooks for self-learners had a much larger significance with respect to somehow better opportunities to travel to the western countries in the sixties. The English for self-learners was first published in 1962 (since 1947) and the German for self-learners was first published in 1964, and so was the French for self-learners (since 1949).17 In the fifties and sixties, the Luxembourg Radio had probably the position of the most attractive “language school” in particular for the young generation and it was broadcasting in the Eng- lish and French languages and, since 1957, also in the German language.18 The television had also essentially participated in the mass tuition of the languages since the middle of the sixties; the television language courses became soon very popular which, however, was slightly paradoxical due to the weak realistic chance to travel to a western country.19 However, let´s go back to the spring 1945, when the Czech cultural life found itself at an imaginary, but though an essential intersection at which the certain key parameters of the existing cultural and artistic life were revalued that had impact on the Czech culture in the decades to come. The culture was at the very

16 BUBEN, Vladimír: Slovník francouzsko-český. (The French-Czech Dictionary). Praha 1953; TÝŽ: Slovník česko-francouzský. (The Czech-French Dictionary). Praha 1953. Following a number of following editions, the new dictionary was only published as late as 1960 – SMOLÁK, Vladimír: Česko-francouzský kapesní slovník. The Czech-French Pocket Dictionary. Praha 1960. 17 KOLLMANOVÁ, Ludmila: Angličtina pro samouky. (English for Self-Learners). Praha 1962; ZAPLETAL, Štěpán: Němčina pro samouky. (German for Self-Learners). Praha 1964; TÝŽ: Nemčina pre pracujúcich. (German for Workers). Praha 1964; LYER, Stanislav: Francouzština pro samouky. (French for Self-Learners). Praha 1964. 18 Blíže VANĚK, Miroslav: Byl to jenom rock n rol? Hudební alternativa v komunistickém Czechoslo- vakiau 1956–1989. (Was there only rock´n´roll? The music alternative in the Communistic Czechoslo- vakia 1956-1989.) Praha 2010, p. 154–158. Also http://www.rozhlas.cz/17listopad/revo- luce/_zprava/658966 and http://www.radiodratak.cz/clanek/kde-hudba-hrala-6 (visited on May 9, 2014.) 19 FRANC, Martin – KNAPÍK, Jiří: Volný čas v českých zemích v letech 1957–1967. (Leisure Time in the Czech Countries in Years 1957 – 1967). Praha 2013, p. 255 and 424. Just as a matter of interest, we can state that the Czech magazine “Sedmička“ published the addresses of the British music stars (such as Mick Jagger) in 1968 at which the children could ask for an autograph. – Adresy známých zpěváků. (Addresses of the Well-Known Singers), Sedmička, year 2 (1968/69), n. 17, p. 14.

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threshold of the development within the principles of the new model of management as well as within the new understanding of the mission of the culture and the arts in the society, i.e. the model that complied with the basic postulates of the so-called public democracy and its perception of the political competition, economic structure and social fairness. The cultural exchange in the post-war period can therefore be also perceived as the process of gradual replacement of the existing traditional structures par- ticipating in the formulation, preference and creation of the cultural values. The successor model newly defined the basic structures of the cultural life (at the institutional level) and, at the same time, started the complicated process of re- interpretation of the national culture and the relationship towards the domestic cultural heritage and the European cultural values. The starting point and, at the same time, the political draft of this process consisted in the Government Program of Košice that anchored an essential increase in the participation of the government in the cultural life management; the government hereby became the guarantor and warranty for the “correct” trends in the cultural life within the renewed country. As early as 1945 to 1947 there was a significant enlargement of the cultural sphere that was controlled directly and/or indirectly by the government. In addition to the nationalization of the entire movie-making industry, movie-production and distribution,20 there was a dramatic change in the ownership of the theatres, dramatic changes in the education system and the beginning of suppression of the freelance activities within the scope of the popular entertainment (cancellation of the public agencies). The state authorities started to significantly influence the publication of the books and other non-periodical publications and, of course, they controlled the periodical print and other media. It needs to be emphasized that as far as the belles-lettres and/or the artistic and cultural periodicals are concerned, the state did not perform the censorship in the political and/or ideological sense, but this regulation had the character of the cultural planning in terms of the requirements of the Government Program of Košice for the so-called democratization of the culture, within the scope of which the entire society should be educated to accept the valuable works of art. Within the scope of this “process of education” being controlled in practice,

20 Let´s ignore the more complicated issues of the cinemas owned by the unions and, in particular, by the physical education organizations – see EISMANN Šimon: Osudy spolko- vých biografů v poválečném Czechoslovakiau. (The Life Stories of the Union Cinemas in the Post-War Czechoslovakia). Iluminace, 1999 (year 11), n. 1 (36), p. 53 to 86.

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the pro-scribed literary genres were systematically displaced (the so-called pulp fiction) and effort was made to capture the dramatic arts (operetta) in a new way and/or to control the movie arts (the State Dramaturgy). It needs to be emphasized at the same time that the cultural exchange process perceived in this way was not only the result of initiatives of the political elites and the bureaucratic structures of the state, but that also the artists themselves actively participated in it (often holding the position of top-level state officers); after all, the autonomy itself of the cultural sphere was interpreted in this way after 1945. At the same time, the relationship between the artistic personality and the state and the relationship between the arts and the new national company was re-defined. The phrase of that period that required the enforcement of the “new relationship between the artist and the population” was based on the prem- ise that the artist does not only create the work for his personal feeling, but is called to dedicate his/her talent to the needs of the society. Even though these requirements could have been noticed in the Czech culture since the period of the National Resurrection,21 now, in the new situation when the role of the state in the cultural sphere has dramatically grown, and so did the dependence of the artist on the state, the discussions on the limits of the artistic liberty started to be opened in the politically polarized pre-February (1948) society. In addition to the German language, the expulsion of which from the Czech public environment has been mentioned, also the German culture was expelled from our country for a number of years. In addition to the oversaturation with the German arts from the period of the war and the overall anti-Germany aver- sion, it shall also be perceived that some generalizing opinions were captured on the wave of nationalism and the Slavic idea; this can be seen in particular in the Communistic representatives who were, for instance, trying to equate the roots of the Nazi ideology with the main streams of the German philosophy of the end of the 18th and the first half of the 19th century.22 The same approach was applied by the speakers of the Communistic cultural politics when they were

21 These tendencies have been mapped in its well-known work by KUSÁK, Alexej: Kultu- ra a politika v Czechoslovakiau 1945–1956. (The Culture and Politics in Czechoslovakia 1945 to 1956). Praha 1998. 22 Compare with the publication of the leading communistic promoter of that time - KOLMAN, Arnošt: Ideologie německého fašismu. (The Ideology of the German Fascism). Praha 1946, p. 108–117.

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identifying certain contemporary artistic and/or philosophical streams of the western world (existentialism, surrealism) with the fascism. It was just the relationship of the post-May (1945) cultural politics towards the western culture and arts that underwent an interesting development that prefigured in many ways the post-February (1948) tendencies. Even though the Czech cinemas and theatres were again performing a number of English, Ameri- can, French and other works of art since 1945 that were banned in our country during the war, the state authorities gradually started to set up a filter that was supposed to represent the new preferences in the “basket” of the national cultural values. This can be easily seen also in the post-war regulation of the book market and the preference of the domestic literature to the prejudice of the transla- tions of the contemporary foreign books. The responsible authorities started to select the artworks by the authors and literary genres that were considered both the most valuable and the representative ones. The leading responsible officer of the Ministry of Information gave a characteristic statement in this association at that time: “As a small-sized nation, we for sure do not need all the works written by Bromfield, Aragon, Caldwell, Steinbeck, Buck, etc. and we also do not need four monographs on Churchill and four or five books on invasion.“23 However, similar criteria towards the Russian and/or the Soviet arts could not have been basically applied at that time. The preference of the culture of the Slavic nations is also evident, as it had been required in the Government Program of Košice. This tendency was demonstrated, among others, at two significant international festivals that started to write their history during the post-war period: The International Film Festival held in Mariánské Lázně and the Prague Spring Music Festival. If we omit the first years of both these festivals held in the spring and summer of 1946 which represented a certain makeshift24, the clear “Slavic”

23 JANÁČEK, Pavel: Potlačování okraje, prosazování středu. Operace vyloučení jako součást programu ideální literatury 1945–48. (Suppressing the Margin and Enforcing the Middle. The Operation of Exclusion as a Part of the Program of Ideal Literature 1945 to 1948). In: Populární literatura v české a slovenské literatuře po roce 1945, (The Popular Literature in the Czech and Slovak Literature After 1945), Praha–Opava 1998, p. 9–24. 24 At the IFF held in 1946, 13 feature films were presented but only 3 of them were of domestic provenience. The remaining films came from the U.S.A., Great Britain, France, the U.S.S.R. and Switzerland. At the Prague Spring Festival in 1946, only the Czech Philhar- monic Orchestra was performing, but the orchestra was conducted by significant foreign conductors, such as Leonard Bernstein.

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orientation of both cultural events was enforced in 1947 and, in particular, in 1948, despite the effort to have both the western and the eastern countries represented equally (as far as the Prague Spring Music Festival is concerned, equality was searched for both in terms of the repertoire and the presence of the foreign music conductors).25 I believe that this development was not only influenced by the post-February (1948) political turnaround in Czechoslovakia, but that it was a logical and actually a welcome result of the post-war state cultural politics. In this context, the years 1945 to 1947 may, in my opinion, be perceived as the key signature of the post-February (1948) development than the effort of the political representation of the Národní fronta Committee to specifically continue with the character of the “Masaryk” republic between the two wars. However, the essential change in the power and political relations in Czecho- slovakia in 1948 resulted in further changes in the cultural politics, including the orientation of the politics towards the foreign countries. It may be stated that a number of processes of years 1945 to 1947 continued without interruption also in the following years and they kept developing in their maximalistic form (bureaucratization, cultural planning, nationalization, ideological reduction of the cultural heritage, etc.).26 At the same time, however, the cultural life was hit by a fully new practice that resulted from the intentions of the Communistic party and, at the same time, was inspired by the Soviet example. The cultural life in Czechoslovakia started to undergo the so-called sovietisation process: simply speaking, this process can be viewed as the gradual adopting of the Soviet practices in terms of management of the culture, the structure of the cultural

25 BLÁHOVÁ, Jindřiška: Národní, mezinárodní, globální. Proměny rolí mezinárodního filmového fes- tivalu v Mariánských Lázních/Karlových Varech 1946 až 1959. (National, International, Global. A Change in the Roles of the International Film Festival in Mariánské Lázně / Karlovy Vary in Years 1946 to 1959.) In: Plánovaná kinematografie. Český filmový průmysl 1945 až 1960, (The Planned Cinematography. The Czech Movie-Making Industry 1945 to 1960). Praha 2012, p. 276–277; IBLOVÁ, Michaela: Česká filharmonie pod tlakem stalinské kulturní politiky v padesátých letech. (The Czech Philharmonic Orchestra Under the Pressure of the Stalinist Cultural Politics in the Fifties.) Praha 2014, p. 124. 26 As early as 1949, there is a sharp decline in the publishing of the French literature; the regime was interested in the translation of the realistic literature with a progressive content (H. Balzac, Molière, R. Rolland, V. Hugo etc.) and of the up-to-date “progressive” literature (in addition to the belles-lettres, the journalism dominated in particular). – For more information ČECH, Pavel: Francouzsko-české vztahy v oblasti překladu (1945–1953). (The French-Czech Relations in the Area of Translating – (1945 to 1953). Brno 2001.

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and artistic life, the cultural operation and ideological impact of the cultural life, including the artistic expression. The former ideas of the historians about the course of the process of the so- called sovietisation of the culture as we know it from the professional literature of the nineties were based on the conviction that the essential factor in this respect consisted in the direct instructions given by the Soviet cultural agents, both directly from the Soviet Union,27 and/or interpreted through various delegates. The survey carried out in the following years has shown that the so-called sovietisation had a complicated course in our country. Rather than the immediate Soviet pressure and supervision, the indirect reflection of the Soviet practice appeared here as it was perceived by the Czechoslovak representatives during their stay in the Soviet Union and as captured in various official documents on the cultural politics and ideology and/or based on up-to-date ideological campaigns captured in the Soviet print.28 Based on this information, it can be stated nowadays that 27 In particular KUSÁK, Alexej: Kultura a politika v Czechoslovakiau 1945–1956. (The Culture and Politics in Czechoslovakia), Praha 1998; compare also: NOIRANT, Françoise: Počátek nedorozumění (Francouzští komunističtí intelektuálové a mlčení okolo sovětizace Czechoslovakiaa 1949–1950) (The Beginnings of Misunderstanding (The French Communistic Intellectuals and the Silence on the Sovietization of the Czechoíslovakia 1949 to 1950). Soudobé dějiny, (The Con- temporary History), 2002 (year 9), n. 3 to 4, p. 552 to 553. It can be in particular argued with the author´s opinion which states that, so far, there are no proofs of the activities of the advisors at the Ministry of Information and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and, nevertheless, it is “entirely clear that since this moment /arrival of the Soviet advisors in autumn 1949 – a note by JK/, all the important decisions are “being born” at the level of the political secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communistic Party of Czecho- slovakia, that is directly connected to the management of VKS(b)“. A. Kusák has no doubts about the direct influence of Moscow either. In general, the following deals on the activities of the so-called Soviet advisors in different spheres: VOLOKITINA, Taťjana Viktorovna and coll.: Moskva i Votočnaja Evropa. Stanovljenie političeskich režimov sotetskogo tipa (1949–1953). Moscow 2002. 28 KNAPÍK, Jiří: Únor a kultura (Sovětizace české kultury 1948–1950). (The February and the Cul- ture (Sovietization of the Czech Culture 1948 to 1950)), Praha 2004; FRANC, Martin: Jakou kulturou se zabývá kulturní politika. (Which Culture the Cultural Politics Usually Deals With?). Kuděj, 2005 (year 7), n. 1–2, p. 187–189. About the “self-sovietization”, details and arguments can be found in ŠMIDRKAL, Václav: „Něžné zbraně“. Múzické instituce socialistické armády v Czechoslovakiau, NDR a Polsku. (“The Tender Arms”. The Performing Institutions of the Social- ist Army in Czechoslovakia, GDR and Poland”). Rkp. doctor dissertation thesis, Praha FSV UK 2014, p. 32. With respect to this topic, see also CONELLY, John: Zotročená univerzita. Sovětizace vysokého školství ve východním Německu, v českých zemích a v Polsku v letech 1945–1956.

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the Soviet model of the cultural politics was basically built in years 1948 to 1950 through the activities of the domestic Czech (and Slovak) representatives, both those working in the state apparatus and/or in the Communistic Party´s structures.29 Such sovietisation was the combination of often mechanically adopted Soviet practice, or, rather, the imaginations of the Soviet practice, and the ideologically strongly biased domestic traditions and the national cultural heritage. The rate of presence of both these aspects resulted also to the tension inside the top Communistic Party structures responsible for the cultural politics and ideology in years 1949 to 1951. The fact that the sphere of culture and arts was not managed by an obligatory Soviet model in the countries governed by the Soviet influence30 can be supported by the fact that the Soviet Union did not consider it essential to maintain the control of power in the particular satellite country. After all, even the other representatives of the Communistic management of these countries considered the cultural sphere to be a subsidiary one as compared with the political, economic and safety matters. A certain variability of the forms of the “Soviet models” in the Central and Eastern Europe did not exclude the opportunity for the Soviet Union to benefit from the arts of the socialistic countries from the outside in its foreign policy, in particular when the Soviet Union tried to address (through the film festivals and through other forms of the cultural exchange) the countries of the developing “third world”.31 The complexity of adoption of the Soviet incentives into the management of the Czech culture can be supported with at least three examples. As early as the autumn 1945, the Ministry of Agriculture established the multi-company (The Enslaved University. Sovietization of the University Education System in Eastern Germany, in the Czech Lands and in Poland in Years 1945 to 1956). Praha 2008. 29 A highly interesting description of the impressions from the business journey of the cultural and promotional employees of the Central Committee of the Communistic Party of Czechoslovakia to Moscow in spring 1951 was prepared by Mr. Čestmír Císař. He documents his surprise in his memories that they did not learn anything from any of the Soviet Communistic Party Officials what they would not have known from the available sources in Czechoslovakia. – CÍSAŘ, Čestmír: Člověk a politik (Kniha vzpomínek a úvah) (The Man and the Politician (A Book of Memoires and Essays). Praha 1998, p. 176. We could find more similar examples in the memoire literature. 30 V. Šmidrkal documents that a unified model of organization of the military artistic institutions was not established through the operation of the Soviet advisors in the Soviet block countries even in such a key area as the army. - ŠMIDRKAL, Václav: c. d., p. 31. 31 BLÁHOVÁ, Jindřiška: c. d., p. 295.

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“Vesnické divadlo” (The Village Theatre), the task of which, in the sense of the concept of the “culture democratization” was to perform in particular in the borderline areas, i.e. in the cultural peripheries as these areas were viewed at that time. The concept of the Vesnické divadlo theatre was based on the concept of the Soviet Kolchozní divadlo (The Kolkhoz Theatre) established as early as the beginning of the twenties; however, it was the operation of the Czech Vesnické divadlo theatre that inspired the similarly oriented theatre companies in Poland, the German Democratic Republic and Hungary in the following years.32 In the summer 1948, the institute of the so-called workers´ jury was established in our country (at the Workers´ Film Festival in Zlín) that was supposed to help enforcing the new model of the artistic criticism based on the Soviet model, in particular to weaken the positions of the professional critics in the periodical print and to introduce the new “classwise” aspects to evaluate a work of art. While in the first years, the workers´ juries complied with their purpose (in terms of the managing structures of the cultural policy), in the following years, the leading cultural representatives essentially modified their function – they suppressed their spontaneous criteria of art evaluation and replaced them with a training, i.e. an ideological preparation for the “correct” interpretation of the art.33 Third, let´s mention the stories of the post-February (1948) efforts for a target-oriented education of the new writers from among the workmen and cooperative farmers who were expected to become a natural asset for the socialistic literature“; the experience gained at the training of these literature “talents” were supposed to result into the establishment of an institution similar to the Maxim Gorky Lit- erature Institute of Moscow (a similar institute was also established by Rumania in 1951 based on the Soviet model). In 1952, at the background of the preparation of the constructed political processes with the Communistic officers, this 32 JUST, Vladimír and coll.: Divadlo v totalitním systému. Příběh českého divadla 1945–1989 nejen v datech a souvislostech. (The Theatre in the Totalitarian System. A Story of the Czech Theatre in 1945 to 1989 Not Only in Dates and Associations). Praha 2010, p. 40-41. Similarly, V. Šmidrkal documents that the Czechoslovakia Army Graphic Arts Studio inspired in 1961 the delegates of the Polish Army to establish a similar institution in Poland, but the Army Graphic Arts Studio was established in Czechoslovakia in 1953 based on the model of the Grekov´s Studio of the Graphic Artists of the Soviet Army. - ŠMIDRKAL, Václav: c. d., p. 34. 33 For more details in this matter, see KNAPÍK Jiří: Filmová aféra L. P. 1949. (The Movie Affair A.D. 1949) Iluminace, 2000 (year 12), n. 4 (40), p. 97 to 120; The Archive Všeodborový archiv ČMKOS, Organizational Department, cart. 97, i.j. 329. The movie seminar of the movie-making jury III. FFP in August 1950.

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approach was refused as a typical “left-wing” approach and was designed as the attempt to create “an artificial seedbed of the writers”; on the other hand, it was emphasized that the new writers would be captured not globally but based on their true literary talent.34 The issue of the cultural exchange in the post-war Czechoslovakia naturally includes the field of the living arts to which I would like to devote a couple of final notes. Also in this field, a permanent growth of the state regulation can be observed since 1945. The main task of the supervision of the so-called cultural relations during the first post-war years was the representation and promotion of Czechoslovakia as the country of the popular democracy, the country that wanted to develop the popular democracy with the idea of social equity; for this reason, the institute of the cultural attachés was established at the Czechoslovak representative offices abroad.35 Although Czechoslovakia presented itself to the western countries through the cultural activities as a country embodying a certain bridge between the political systems, it was an illusion in fact that had undoubtedly economic incentives as well. Such a function of the cultural relations became obsolete in 1948. Starting from about 1949, there was suppression in the cultural relations with the western countries and an artificial cultural and information barrier was established.36 On

34 The National Archive, A ÚV KSČ, f. 100/24, vol. 66, a. j. 968. A speech by J. Taufer of February1952. Dále More information on the issue of training of the writers can be found for example in: BAUER, Michal: Ideologie a paměť (Literatura a instituce na přelomu 40. a 50. let 20. století). (Ideology and Memory (The Literature and Institutions at the Break of the Forties and Fifties of the 20th Century)). Jinočany 2003. 35 The Foreign Cultural Relations Management Section was established at the Min- istry of Information that also systemized the separation of the cultural atta- chés. The National Archive, f. Ministry of Information – appendices, cart. 1, inv. n. 139. 36 The level of information on the life in the Soviet block countries was markedly biased in the western countries. To give an example, let´s present the main news in the Polish compatriot daily paper issued in the Great Britain that was naturally and vividly monitoring the life in the Central Europe, east of the “Iron Curtain”. In association with the preparation of the constructed process with the top communistic politicians in 1951, the local Polish readers could speculate about the possible emigration of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, V. Clementis (Dzennik polski 9. 2. 1951, year. 12, p. 1). At the beginning of March 1951, this paper even

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the other hand, the definite focus on the Soviet Union and the countries of the newly arising Soviet block is becoming more evident.37 The primary accent on the union of the cultures of the Slavic countries, as it was evident in the pre-February (1948) period, started to decline. Next to the interruption of the cultural relations with Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia established the cultural contacts with the Ger- man Democratic Republic and these contacts culminated with the visit of the President, Wilhelm Pieck, in the autumn 1951; let´s remind that, at the symbolic level, the new chapter of the Czechoslovak – German relations should have been hallowed by the ceremonial handing of the “gift by the German people”, the Code of Jena, that reminded of the key position of the Hussite movement in the Czech national tradition and, at the same time, of the Marxist interpretation of the Czech history.38 In 1950, the Czechoslovak government also signed a cultural agreement with the People´s Republic of China. It could seem that the formally established cultural contacts in the block of popular democracies would be accompanied by a sharp growth in the mutual exchange of the cultural events. However, nothing like that happened because the bilateral cultural exchange was based on the strict reciprocity and both sides

published the main news, based on which V. Clementis was killed while attempt- ing to escape abroad and the President K. Gottwald, the Prime Minister A. Zá- potocký and the Minister of Foreign Trade A. Gregor were allegedly imprisoned (Dzennik polski 7. 3. 1951, year 12, p. 1). 37 Read on the methods of promotion of the Soviet culture and arts in: STYKALIN, Alek- sandr Sergejevič: Propaganda sovetskoj kultury v poslevojennoj Čechoslovakii. In: Fevral 1948. Moskva i Praga. Vzgljad čerez poloveka, Moscow 1998, p. 130–142. 38 Návštěva presidenta NDR Wilhelma Piecka u presidenta republiky Klementa Gottwalda. (A Visit by the GDR President, Wilhelm Pieck, at the President of the Republic, Klement Gottwald). Rudé právo newspaper , October 24, 1951, year 31, n. 251, p. 1. Read about the national and history-making aspects of the cultural politics of the Communistic Party of Czechoslovakia after 1945 in POLIAKOVÁ, Martina: Co znamená „národní“? Národ hesel komunistické kulturní politiky. (What Does the Word “National” Mean? A Nation of Mottos of the Communistic Cultural Politics). Historie – Otázky – Problémy, year 4 (2012), n. 1, p. 23–38; KOPEČEK Michal: Ve službách dějin, ve jménu národa (Historie jako součást legitimizace komunistických režimů ve střední Evropě v letech 1948–1950). (Serving the History, in the Name of the Nation (The History as a Part of Legitimization of the Communistic Regimes in Central Europe in Years 1948 to 1950)). Soudobé dějiny, year 8 (2001), n. 1, p. 23 to 43.

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strictly monitored the expended financial means.39 The ideological and political togetherness between the popular democracy countries and the Soviet Un- ion was therefore occurring and demonstrating in particular at various festival shows while the ordinary cultural exchange was rather stagnating. For example, the Czech Philharmonic Orchestra organized two tours abroad before 1948 (to France and Switzerland in 1946 and to Poland in 1947). It also held concerts in Hungary and the German Democratic Republic in 1949, but then, it did not organize any tour, even to one of the “allied” countries till 1954.40 During the years 1951 to 1953, there was a sharp decline in the cultural contacts with the western countries, even though they did not expire totally – in particular the left-wing artists were invited to perform. An essential turnover in the cultural contacts occurred only after 1953, but a more detailed characteristic of the changes during that period exceeds the intended time scope of this paper.

Resumé Procesy kulturní výměny v Československu po roce 1945 Jiří Knapík

Vývoj procesů kulturní výměny v poválečném Československu můžeme členit na ně- kolik periodizačních etap. Období 1945–1947 je obdobím poválečné obnovy, které v kul- turním životě opět rozvinulo možnosti svobodné soutěže v uměleckém výrazu, na dru- hé straně přineslo významný obrat k modelu státního řízení kulturní sféry (snahy o její celkovou reglementaci; „proslovanská“ orientace; řízená distribuce kultury; koncept tzv. demokratizace kultury). Došlo také k zásadnímu přerušení vazeb s německou kulturou v širokém slova smyslu. Po nastolení komunistického režimu v roce 1948 byly ještě více rozvinuty poválečné trendy (demonstrovány jsou na proměně charakteru významných festivalů Pražské jaro a Mezinárodní filmový festival) a nově byly prosazovány z mocen- ských pozic a podle požadavků marxisticko-leninské ideologie a ždanovovské doktríny. Zejména období 1949–1952 můžeme charakterizovat jako etapu výrazného a cíleného

39 For more details, see ČIVRNÝ, Lumír: Co se vejde do života. (What can get into the life?) Praha 2000, p. 140–142. 40 IBLOVÁ, Michaela: Česká filharmonie pod tlakem stalinské kulturní politiky v padesátých letech. (The Czech Symphony Orchestra under the Pressure of the Stalin Cultural Politics in the Fifties) Praha 2014, p. 118.

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přerušení kulturních kontaktů se západními demokraciemi, dobu přebírání sovětského modelu řízení společnosti i kulturní sféry. V souvislosti s vypuknutím korejské války v roce 1950 tyto trendy ovlivnila militarizace v zemích sovětského bloku. Relativně nový trend představuje období 1953–1955, v němž poněkud povolily ideologické požadavky na socialistické umění i kulturní život a začaly se postupně oživovat i kulturní kontakty s nesocialistickými zeměmi.

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148 Processes of Cultural Exchange in Central Europe 1800 - 2000

School Excursions from the Hlučín Region to Bohemia as the Tool of the Czech National Propaganda

Jaromíra Knapíková

Abstract: School tours to the Hlučínsko were under the first republic organized mainly by local clubs, especially as tours of children and youth in Prague, the capital of republic. They should not only from educational point of view, but also in a cultural sense influence the teens population especially from the nationally incertain environment of Silesia. The paper deals with the phenomenon of pre-war school trips to Bohemia and their effects.

Keywords: Hlučín region, School excursions, Nationality

The school excursions from the Hlučín region to Central Bohemia and to the capital of Prague during the years 1923 to 1938 were mainly organized by the association known as “Národní jednota slezská” (The National Silesian Union) (hereinafter referred to as the “NJS”). It was a supporting Czech association seated in Prague, associating the natives and sympathisers of Silesia since May 1910, following the transformation of the former association known as “Slezan”. In Prague, this association also roofed and, at the level of the central institutions, gained the means (in particular during the times of the Republic) for the activities of the regional unions located directly in Silesia – namely Matice opavská in Opava and Slezská Matice osvěty lidové, operating primarily in the Těšín region and overlapping newly also to the Ostrava region and the Hlučín region.1

1 The latest information about the association KNAPÍK, Jiří – KNAPÍKOVÁ, Jaromíra: “Slezský konzulát v Praze“. Od Slezanu ke Slezskému kulturnímu ústavu 1906-1945. Opava 2010, 302 p.

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However, the promotional excursions to the Czech and Moravian cities associated with the lectures on Silesia can be considered a more typical activity of national awareness. During the period before the World War I, such lectures took place for example in Slané, Chrudim, Beroun, Třeboň, Benešov, Příbram, Rako- vník, Domažlice… Nevertheless, following the formation of Czechoslovakia, the Czech national supporters aimed their promotional projects at the stays of the children from Silesia in Prague – the capital of the new republic. They focused in particular at the children coming from the borderlands of the Czechoslovakian Silesia, from the communities having been perceived by the association as nationally ambiva- lent. This way, the children expeditions from the Opava region, the Těšín region and as well as from the Hlučín region that had been re-joined to the republic following the resolution of the Verailles Conference since February 1920 travelled collectively to Prague and its surroundings. The National Silesian Union stated with hope at that time: “The Hlučín region was added to the former territory /of authority – a note by JKn/ and the Czech positions have been moved forward“. Although the Hlučín region had formerly belonged to the Opava Principal- ity, it was joined to Prussia in 1742, after Marie Terezie had lost the wars against Friedrich II, the King of Prussia. During the second half of the 19th century, the Slavic inhabitants were essentially influenced in their national awareness by the centralistic measures taken by the German government administration. Although the inhabitants of the Hlučín region continued to indicate the so-called Moravian language and/or the Czech language as their native language during the 1910 census, (80 percent inhabitants of this specific regions), but after 170 years of existence in a different state formation, they fully identified themselves with the fact to be the citizens of the German Empire.2 Only in 1930, more than 500 children from the Hlučín region came to Prague thanks to the activities of the Národní jednota slezská association! To illustrate 2 The newly established administrative county of Hlučín comprising 1 city and 37 municipalities, with a population of 48,000 based on the statistic data (of which 39,209 were the Czech people) was headed by the county representative who was supervised by the authorized commissioner for the Ratiboř region – the Silesian national President Josef Šrámek – for more info, see the Statistic Lexicon of the Municipalities in Moravia and Silesia based on the census of February 15, 1921. Prague, 1924, p. 137 - PLAČEK, Vilém: Jak se stalo Hlučínsko součástí ČSR. Vlastivědné listy Slezska a Severní Moravy 1/1998, p. 9-13. In a broader context GAWRECKI, Dan: Dějiny Českého Slezska 1740-2000 I. Opava 2003, p. 303-305.

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the broadness of activities performed by this association, we shall add that this association also organized the excursions of the professional and physical education associations of Silesians in Prague (regular stays of the Czech farmers associated in the Central Economic Society for Silesia in the seasons of 1922, 1923, 1927 and of the sportsmen coming from the Silesian county to the General “Sokol sports association” gathering in July 1938). However, this was not by far the only organization that enabled the children from the Hlučín region to stay in Prague; next, we should also mention the Magistrate of the Capital of Prague, and/or certain banking institutions after 1945.3 The details concerning the events organized by these associations can be found in the annual reports of the Národní jednota slezská association,4 in the Opava regional print Naše Slezsko5 as well as from the chronicles of the education institutions,6 which finally sent the children to Prague usually for one week during the spring months; in May and in June. This way, we have captured the stays of the Hlučín region children in years 1921, 1927 (a mass stay), 1928 (an excursion of the pupils from Sudice), 1930 (two mass excursions organized jointly with the children from the “German locations of the Opava region”) and, finally, two excursions in years 1937, 1938. In addition, the regional historians worked in the publications dealing with the histories of various villages also with the memories the local citizens had

3 For example, the City of Prague sponsored the excursion of the juniors of Hlučín to Prague on June 17 to 20, 1938, see the Government District Archive of Opava (hereinafter referred to as the SOkA Opava), the collection of the school chronicles, the chronicle of the Civil School in Dolní Benešov. And the employees of the Národní banka československá bank sponsored the excursion of 33 children of Hlučín in May 1937, see the weekly magazine Náš domov. 4 The annual reports issued by the association called Národní jednota slezská (the National Silesian Union) in Prague 1922-1924, 1926-1938 (edition Praha). 5 Naše Slezsko, n. 43, 4. 6. 1930, p. 3; 14. 6. 1930, p. 3. – Surprisingly, the weekly magazine of Hlučín, called Náš domov, did not refer on the excursions undertaken by the children of the Hlučín region to Prague, despite bringing the detailed news of the general meetings of the Národní jednota slezská union held in Prague and the publication of the announcements by the Národní jednota slezská union targeted at the persons interested in obtaining a support for studies. 6 The chronicles of the general (elementary) schools and the city schools in Dolní Benešov, Chuchelná, Kravaře, Štěpánkovice held in the Government District Archive of Opava were studied. The chronicles of Hlučín were not preserved.

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of the great excursion from the Hlučín region (and also the excursion of the inhabitants of the Těšín region) to Prague at the beginning of January (5 to 9) 1921.7 The excursion participants – mostly the recognized village authorities – the leading teacher, the innkeepers the village mayors were accommodated at the first-class Zlatá husa hotel (The Golden Goose Hotel) in the Wenceslas square that time. And within the scope of the varied and generously outlined program, they met the Prague City Mayor, Karel Baxa, and they were warmly welcome by Tomáš G. Masaryk, the President, at the Castle. Of course, they could not have to “miss” the national opera titled Prodaná nevěsta (The Sold Bride) and as a cultural interlude, they watch the story talking about the occupation of the Hlučín region by the Czechoslovak Army. The impressions were unforgettable and they had a lot to talk about after coming back home. When setting up the itinerary of the school excursions, the Union naturally considered the religiosity of the Hlučín inhabitants (the alarmed Hlučín inhabitants did not only care for the teaching language during the radical changes in the local education system at the beginning of the twenties, but they also wanted to upkeep the catholic character of the local schools). In Bohemia, the Union enabled them to meet the clergymen, to visit the Prague churches and monasteries, such as Strahov, Loreta, St. Mikuláš and St. Týn. It also had an importance that the children were guided through Prague by P. Alois Nogol – a priest and a member of the National Silesian Union. As a farewell present, the children obtained the Marian sacral items from him. The print in Silesia (namely the Christian Democratic weekly Naše Slezsko inclining to the excursions) subsequently wrote in June 1930, that the children excursions organized by the National Silesian Union would contribute to the consolidation of the political and national relations in the Hlučín region and it expressed its opinion that these excursions would have a statist significance for the future of the Hlučín and Opava regions. To emphasize the impression, the print published the touching letters by the students having been impressed by Prague. Similarly, the Matice opavská union (cooperating closely with the National Union) was trying to come closer to the inhabitants of the Hlučín region who were perceived as ethnical Czechs by the Czech national unions directly in Silesia, during the 1919 National Summer Celebrations - the so-called Matice Days. The

7 PLAČEK, Vilém – PLAČKOVÁ, Magda: Dolní Benešov a Zábřeh v proměnách času. Dolní Benešov 2002, p. 113. ŠEFČÍK, Erich: Naše obec Chuchelná. Chuchelná 1996, p. 38. – ŠTĚPÁN, Václav: Bolatice od pravěku k současnosti. Bolatice 2010, p. 220.

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Matice opavská union was a union that, during the pressure times in the thirties, when the German private tutoring was rising up again, considered organizing the summer camps for the youth of the Hlučín region in the Czech inland. And it organized the largely visited Children´s Day in Kravaře for the Hlučín children in June 1921 that was reportedly visited by up to two thousand local children. A couple of hundred of the Hlučín children also successfully participated in the program of the Matice Day held at the stadium in Dolní Benešov on June 10, 1934 with the co-participation of the Czech Physical Education Union “Sokol”.8 Surprisingly, the affiliated union, the Slezská Matice osvěty lidové union did not follow this line of the national self-awareness.9 The visit of the church buildings was certainly an attractive part of the de- manding itinerary the children usually underwent in Prague (the itinerary was usually liven with the visit of the ZOO and/or with the steamboat trip on the Vl- tava river and with the climbing the Petřín watchtower and watching the Marold´s panoramas of the Lipany Battle). But the National Silesian Union wanted in particular that the Hlučín children get acquainted with the iconic locations of the Czech national identity and deepen their geographic and homeland knowledge. To this end, they visited the National Theatre (or the Theatre of Vinohrady), the Prague Castle, the Karlštejn Castle, Zbraslav with the tomb of the Czech kings and/or at least the Slavin in the Vyšehrad quarter where there are the monuments of the important personalities of the Czech culture. The excursions to Prague usually culminated with the evening theatre performance of the Prodaná nevěsta (the Sold Bride) by Bedřich Smetana, or Rusalka by Antonín Dvořák, for which the children were given tickets by the Union. The Inspectorate of the State Schools in Hlučín usually and continuously assisted the Union with the selection of the educational excursion participants in 8 SOkA Opava, Kronika obecné školy v Dolní Benešově: „Jedinečnou slavností v Dol- ním Benešově byl matiční den, pořádaný v neděli 10. 6. 1934 žactvem na sportovním stadionu.... Občané obdivovali selskou jízdu v čele se státní vlajkou, krásné hlučínské a slovácké kroje a děvuchy pěkně tančící slezskou a českou besedu. Finanční a morální úspěch byl vskutku skvělý.“ 9 KNAPÍKOVÁ, Jaromíra: Matice opavská. Spolek, osobnosti a národní snahy ve Slezsku 1877- 1948. Opava 2007, s. 132-134. - ŠRAJEROVÁ, Olga: Slezská Matice osvěty lidové v období prvej Československej republiky. In: České národní aktivity v pohraničních oblastech prvej Československé republiky. Olomouc-Opava-Ostrava 2003, p. 151-172.; Nejnověji také DEHNEROVÁ, Sabina: Matice osvěty lidové pro Těšínsko, Rkp. Opava 2014 (Diplomová práce uložena v historické knihovně Slezské univerzity v Opavě), 158 p.

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Silesia. The National Silesian Union often combined the presence of the Hlučín people in Prague with a lecture on the Hlučín region, namely the presentation of this specific region to the Prague inhabitants. In June 1927, this lecture was prepared by Mr. Andělín Novák, the District School Supervisor,10 who brought to Prague an excursion counting 262 children of Hlučín accompanied with 26 pedagogic supervisors. This lecture aroused more interest in the hall of the

10 The life peripeties of Mr. Andělín Novák, the School Supervisor, reflect the history of the Hlučín region itself. He came from the first municipality located behind the Austria and Prussia border (born on November 8, 1878 in Malé Hoštice). However, the family of his mother who brought him up alone was living on the Austrian side – in Kateřinky u Opavy. He went to the German general elementary school in his native town and to be able to attend the city school in the nearby (Austrian) Opava, he had to formally change his residence address. He also graduated from the pedagogic institute here and asked for an exception to be able to teach at the schools in Austria as the Prussian citizen. He worked as a teacher in Czech in Lukavec Lukavci na Bílovecku. After passing the teacher competency examina- tions related to the city schools, he found his further job in Orlová. In the Těšín region, he participated in the activities of the Matice osvěty lidové union, Sokol (the physical education union), the Učitelská jednota orlovská union (The Teacher´s Union of Orlová) and the Czech fire brigade. He also met his life companion there – Ms. Josefa Čočková – and they had two children – a son named Jaroboj and a daughter named Drahomíra. He issued the magazine called Obrana Slezsk (The Defence of Silesia) for the Czech people. When the Government Administration intended to occupy the position of the Czech School Supervi- sor in the Hlučín region in 1920, Mr. A. Novák was selected thanks to his knowledge of the situation in the Hlučín region. Therefore, he and his family moved to his native Hlučín region, although he had to leave his more favourable position of the Director of the new city school in Petřvald due to this mission. In the Hlučín region, he attended at all the Czech national events and he reported with worries to the Ministry of Education and the National Public Education on the expansion of the German tuition in the thirties. Following the Munich Agreement, the Ministry of Education made him retire. Afterwards, Mr. A. Novák and his family moved away from the Hlučín region to Dobrá in Frýdek region. During the occupation times, he was persecuted by the Gestapo due to his participation in the Sokol Physical Education Union. After the ward, Mr. A. Novák was the Chairman of the National Committee in Dobrá. From this position, he got involved in the polemic dealing with the expulsion of the Hlučín region inhabitants from the country. Since June 1947, Mr. A. Novák can again be seen in Hlučín, where, though retired and having experienced family troubles, he got involved in the work of the City chronicler and the Museum administrator. Right there, he had a brain stroke in the middle of May 1955. The life story of this unselfish Czech citizen came to the end. VALEČEK, Valentin (ed.): Andělín Novák, okresní školní inspektor v Hlučíně. Životopis a vlastní vzpomínky. Rkp. Ostrava 1969 (deposited at the SOkA Opava, collection of manuscripts sign. R-2374), 75 p.

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Měšťanská beseda, than the former discussion event by Ing. Jan Šafář, called “The Hlučín Region in the Light of the Latest Events” held in the middle of No- vember 1923. In the spring of 1927, the children from Hlučín even met, among others, Mr. T. G. Masaryk, the President of the Republic, and it was certainly the experience of life for them. Such events were mass events. Only in the thirties, the excursions to Prague were a reward to the selected students of whose family relations and school results the Inspectorate of Hlučín was notified in detail by the relevant school director.11 The Union was able to arrange for a guide in Prague for the Silesian inhabitants who contacted the Hlučín citizens directly at the railway station, to mediate a modest accommodation at schools12 (or at the headquarters of the Union in the Legerova street in Prague I) and breakfasts and snacks at the Czech coffee shop keepers and the refreshment prepared by the members of the ladies´ department of the National Silesian Union and was also able to arrange for the transportation both in the capital city and to Karlštejn. The Union even paid the full travelling expenses from Silesia to Prague to certain children and so these children did not have to pay anything for the trip. The Union could have got inspired by the activity of the older Moravian and Silesian Union in Prague (Moravskoslezská beseda v Praze) which organized similar events in Prague for the Silesian inhabitants as early as the monarchy period (during the decade of 1904 to 1914), but to a considerably more modest extent.13 Similarly as the German national unions operating in the villages with mixed population, the National Silesian Union naturally continued contributing in the form of finance and in kind to the Christmas gifts at the Czech schools (during the distribution of Christmas presents, the clothes and shoes sent from Prague and provided by the Czech companies based on their manufacturing ac-

11 Unfortunately, the written documents of the Inspectorate of the National State Schools Hlučín have been maintained in the form of a complete torso and so the study thereof in the District Archive of Opava did not reveal any mechanisms of cooperation of both the national institutions. 12 Prof. Tomáš Stypa, the Chairman of the Union, was the principal of the Girls´ Grammar School in the Vodičkova street in Prague II. However, the children of the large excursion from Hlučín of June 1927 were accommodated by the Union in a school of the Prague quarter called “Nusle”. 13 FOLPRECHT, Josef (ed.): Památník Moravsko-slezské besedy. 1869 (1879) – 1918. Praha 1919, p. 158-159.

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tivities were given out). Sometimes, the Union also subsidized the lunches at kindergartens. In addition, it sent the toys, books and textbooks to the libraries at kindergartens and general elementary schools in Hať, Hlučín, Chuchelná (a contribution to a repair of books was given here), Kobeřice, Kozmice, Kravaře, Strahovice, Svoboda, Vrbka, Vřesina. The Union donated the teaching aids to the newly established Czech city schools in Dolní Benešov and Velké Hoštice and provided a collection of products of nature and of textbooks to the School Inspectorate in Hlučín for distribution.14 The Měšťanská beseda union in Prague also participated in the excursions of the Silesian children organized by the National Silesian Union and the charity union České srdce (the Czech Heart) represented by Mrs. Renata Tyršová paid one half of the total costs of the mass excursions. The National Silesian Union also benefited to the maximum extent from the opportunities its members could obtain from their employers – the Electric Enterprise of the capital city of Prague provided the excursion trams for free. All these activities were successful thanks to the altruistic dedication of the organizers until the well-developed project was hit by the adverse weather conditions and in particular by the coming economic crisis. In particular during the 1929 season, the Ministry of Education and the National Public Education prohibited the larger school excursions after the children could not have attended the tuition in the spring period due to Siberian frost (in Kozmice, the temperature as low as -40°C was recorded). Therefore, at the end of the school year, the schools only organized a brief excursion to the nearby Hrabyně and to the well-known venue of the Czech manifestations - Ostrá hůrka u Chabičova, although the Na- tional Silesian Union had formerly considered undertaking the mass excursion of the pupils of the schools of Hlučín to Prague. At that time (at the beginning of July 1929), “only” 34 children of the Opava region came to Prague. Afterwards, even the Union started saving money in 1931 and organized the excursions to a smaller extent and with less participants. The savings are also evident from the reports on expenses made by the Union – in 1930, the Union expended eleven per cent of its total budget (21,528 crowns) on the school excursions from Silesia. Four years later, it “only” expended one percent of the budget (1,276 crowns)

14 See for example the gift consisting of 15 pairs of shoes intended for the children of the Eleven-Grade Secondary (City) school in Opava – see the school chronicle in the State District Archive of Opava.

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and this situation is identical to the data summary of 1938.15 That´s why the schools could only select a few pupils and their names including the names of the teaching supervisors were recorded in the school chronicle. We also found a picture of the group of students having undertaken the excursion of the “Czech children from the Hlučín region” that was taken in the middle on June 1930 at the Rašín riverbank in Prague with the typical Hradčany Castle panorama next to the national flag.16 After all, the children have learned in advance a poem about the Hradčany castle. This poem was written for the purposes of the senior school academy by the school principal and the founder of the Matice kindergarten in Benešov, Mr. Rudolf Eliáš:

Praze na Hradčanech (In Prague, At Hradčany Castle)

V Praze na Hradčanech, V Praze na Hradčanech Na českou zem časy pan Masaryk bývá, tam sluníčko hřeje; s veselostmi všemi, na celou se Prahu ne, to není slunko – náš Masaryk otec - Z okenečka dívá. tatíček se směje! jeden v České zemi!

Dívá, usmívá se, Tatíček se směje, když se dobře máme, starý, stříbrovlasý; a zesmutní vždycky, přivolat chce krásné když si naříkáme! na Českou zem časy.

We realize how important the support by the National Silesian Union was if we look into the chronicles to see what kinds of trips the children from the Czech schools in the Hlučín region undertook. (In addition, the Union also contributed financially to schools to undertake out-of-Prague educational excursions and trips, namely the excursion from the Hlučín region to Brno, to the Exhibi- tion of the Contemporary Culture held from the spring to September 1928.) The short walks in the school surroundings prevailed (this way, the children from Chuchelná visited the new church and the Orlovna building in Vřesina in April 1935 and the children from the General school in Štěpánkovice, using the Czech

15 The annual report of the National Silesian Union in Prague for years 1930, 1934, 1938. Praha 1931, 1935, 1939. 16 The State District Archive of Opava, the chronicle of the Civil School in Dolní Benešov.

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and Slavic language as the teaching language, went out to Kravaře and the pupils of the 1st General School in Kravaře went to the quarry of Budišov). Excursions to the regional capital, Opava, featuring the parks and churches (the itinerary of such excursions was identical to the itinerary of the Prague excursions) and the department stores (it is not evident what educational effect the teachers followed at that time). In June 1938, the pupils came to see the Sokol Association festival and the Sokol Association stadium in Opava. Among the expressive journeys, there are also the excursions undertaken by the children from the General elementary school in Chuchelná (the land to construct the new school building had been formerly donated by the school patron, the local landowner Mr. Karel Max- milián Lichnovský) to the representative seat of the Lichnovský family in Hradec u Opavy, where the children visited the interior of the chateau, the chateau park and the forest and then they walked back to Opava in the afternoon. There, they could see the city parks, schools and religious historic sights. It was also possible to take a train to arrive to Úvalno and after climbing the Hans Kudlich´s observa- tion tower, the children usually ended up the excursion at the Cvilín pilgrimage place (the children of Štěpánov in 1932). If the children coming from this poor, non-industrial region ever travelled farther – and for two days only – they visited the towns of Radhošť and Štramberk (the children from the Municipal School in Dolní Benešov in years 1924, 1925); Olomouc and Hranice; the most distant destinations being Brno and Sloupsko in the Blansko region (1927). Let´s also ask what sources were used by the Hlučín region schools to finance the excursions. In part, the schools used the monetary contributions received during the school academic festivals for adults held in March 1933 within the scope of the 84th birthday of the President of the Republic (at the end, the children sang the national anthem). In part, the children were saving money themselves to be able to visit the Macocha abyss and the surrounding caves at all. It was really a considerable step forward as compared with the beginning of the twenties when the Czech teachers having often moved to the Hlučín region from the Czech inland or having come from the Czech part of the Opava´s Silesia,17 had to found the Czech elementary education entirely on a greenfield

17 The first Czech teacher in Dolní Benešov, after the village had been joined to the Czecho- slovak Republic, was Mr. František Ondřejek from Jakubčovice (PLAČEK-PLAČKOVÁ quoted work) and Mr. Jan Vašek was appointed principal of the General School in Velké Hoštice who walked to work from the nearby Komárov (ŠTĚPÁN quoted work). Other teachers who were assigned by an order to the Hlučín region, however, usually did not stay

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site. The German state school were only left in the villages of Sudice and Třebom with prevalent German population.18 At that time, the teachers faced, to put it mildly, the mistrust and introversion in their new students who had remembered only German tuition by that time and they even did not fully understand it. It results from the chronicles and letters written by the children following the excursions to Prague that we have studied that some descendants of the Moravians of Hlučín identified themselves after the ten years of Czechoslovak propaganda with the idea to be Czech people. The public awareness presenting and/or emphasizing the Czech national traditions was therefore partly successful.19 The attitude of the children was certainly impacted by the fact that the State made large investments into the education system of the Hlučín region in years 1920 to 1938. Tuition in Antošovice, Hošťálkovice, Darkovičky, Chuchelná and Kravaře took place in repaired or in new school buildings. At the very end of the First-Republic period, a new General School started to be built in Hlučín. The ceremony at the opening of the new building of the City School in Dolní Benešov in May 1937 was attended by Mr. Emil Franke, the Minister of Edu- cation who presented “Cyprián Lelek, their great compatriot”, as the example of the love towards the homeland. Mr. Novák, the school inspector, and Mr. Honsa, the school principal, expressed their thanks to the Minister on behalf of the Hlučín region.20 After all, the inspections were frequently performed by the superior bodies in the Hlučín region – the tuition in the Czech language in Dolní Benešov had also been attended by the Franke´s predecessors – the Ministers Ivan Dérer and Rudolf Bechyně. Regardless of such investments running into millions, large differences remained in the Hlučín education system. Although there was a new realistic grammar school in Hlučín, the children from the local kindergarten, the General

long there. 18 For more details, see: PLAČEK, Vilém: Prajzáci aneb k osudům Hlučínska 1742-1960. Kravaře 2000, 180 p. 19 GAWRECKI, quoted work, p. 342 to 344, attempted to argue against the common conclusions of the Czech historiography concerning the orientation of the Hlučín population in the period between the wars. 20 Národní osvobození 26.5.1937; Národní politika 25.5.1937. The Minister has clearly expressed himself in this association: “We do not want anyone to be taken away his nationality but we did not allow our children to be alienated from our nationality...“

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school and the City school continued studying in unsatisfactory facilities.21 The Czech national unions, including the National Silesian Union since 1938, inter- vened at the state administration authorities in Prague to change such conditions. The Czech associations of defence were carefully monitoring the unfavourable development of the state interest in the education system in the Hlučín region and supported the regional reports written by the Czech education experts. The Hlučín region was also regularly discussed at the meetings of the National Silesian Union, including the academic section thereof. This Czech national organization continued perceiving the Moravians as the nationally unconscious citizens subject to the agitation of the neighbouring German state due to economic reasons. The reason therefore may be in particular that during the times when the Hlučín region belonged to Czechoslovakia, a lot of parents of the Hlučín children made their living abroad. Therefore, the preferred sending their children to German schools at the end of the thirties, but it is a completely different history.

Resumé Školní zájezdy z Hlučínska do Čech jako nástroj české národní propagandy Jaromíra Knapíková

Školní zájezdy z Hlučínska do Čech, do hlavního města prvorepublikového Česko- slovenska v letech 1923-1938 zajišťoval spolek Národní jednota slezská. Tato podpůrná česká jednota sdružující rodáky a sympatizanty Slezska v Praze, zde pracovala již od květ- na 1910. Do Prahy a jejího okolí následně přijížděly děti z pohraničí Československého Slezska, z obcí, které spolek vnímal jako národnostně nevyhraněné. Kupříkladu jen v roce 1930 z Hlučínska do Prahy zavítalo více než 500 dětí. Mládež z Hlučínska se zde sezna- movala s ikonickými místy české národní identity (Karlštejn, Pražský hrad, Národní divadlo, Zbraslav). Národní jednotě s výběrem účastníků exkurzí účinně pomáhal Inspektorát státních škol v Hlučíně. Velkorysý projekt pražského spolku, ale od roku 1929 výrazně omezil dopad hospodářské krize.

21 Same as above, the chapter “Rozvoj školství na Hlučínsku po připojení k ČSR“, p. 44-45.

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Austrian Silesia as a Space of Multicultural Encounters - Example of Contemporary Opava District

Zdeněk Kravar

Abstract: The territory of the today’s Opava district consists of several smaller units that have gone through different historical development. The city of Opava as a center and the capital of Austrian Silesia was different from the surrounding rural areas which included the judicial districts Opava-Province and Vítkov was different as for national structure of the population is considered and also in development on the cultural, social and economic level. The third part of the present Opava district – the Historical Hlučín Region - belonged to Prussia (Germany) within the years 1742- 1920 so that’s why there significant differences from the remaining areas appeared about its historical development. For demonstration of reciprocal influences of these regions the Author has chosen linguistic, ethnic, cultural and ecclesiastical spheres.. In addition to differences he is also interested in common phenomena that has enforced regardless of the barriers caused not only by the state boundaries, but also by other influences. In conclusion the Author can state that integrative development of the Opava- domain in recent decades has been very conductive to elimination of barriers and to maintaining its specific character.

Keywords: Opava district, Hlučín Micro-region, Vítkov Micro-region, national development, language, cultural development, the Church

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Introduction

To demonstrate the possibility and an extent of different encounters, or just a seemingly different cultural and social influences the current district Opava represents a very appropriate area, even with regard to the historical development of its individual parts. As only one of the whole territory of the Czech Republic it includes integrally the territory that was a part of a foreign state for a long time. And it was not just an episodic affair, but the almost two hundred year period, during which - despite the proximity, emphasizing both confessional and linguistic conformity of inhabitants on both sides of the border - some differences were reflected into the mentality of generations of other inhabitants. The current Opava district was established in the year of 1960 within the administrative reform of the socialist Czechoslovakia, when existing smaller districts had been joined into larger units. So, the newly decreed Opava district included the existing districts of Opava, Hlučín and Vítkov, as well as several municipalities of the former districts of Odry, Ostrava-Surroundings and Bílovec.1 In the Opava district there is situated only one large town, today’s the statuto- ry town of Opava with almost 60,000 inhabitants. Other locations with the town statute in terms of the cadastre size and number of population lag far behind, these are the former district towns Hlučín,Vítkov, and further Kravaře, Hradec nad Moravicí, Dolní Benešov and Budišov nad Budišovkou.2 With its surface area 1,126 km2 the Opava district belongs to the third place among the districts of the Moravian-Silesian Region. In addition to the above mentioned towns there are 77 municipalities and one market town.

1 For more details see BARTOŠ, Josef – SCHULZ, Jindřich – TRAPL, Miloš: Historický mís- topis Moravy a Slezska v letech 1848–1960 (Historical topography of Moravia and Silesia within the years 1848-1960), Volume 14. Olomouc 1995; Volume 16, Olomouc 2011. When comparing, we will consider only the former districts of Vítkov, Opava and Hlučín. MEDKOVÁ, Marta – MÜLLER, Karel: Správní vývoj okresu Opava (Administrative development of the Opava District). In: Bibliography of Opava.District, Brno 1999, pp. 6–55. In addition to the territorial development of the today’s Opava District in Website of the Czech Statistical Office: www.czso.cz. 2 On 01/01/2003 Hlučín had got about 14,000 Vítkov 5,900, Kravaře 6,700, Hradec nad Moravicí 5, 400, Dolní Benešov 4,100 and Budišov nad Budišovkou 3,000 inhabitants; For more detailed information as for inhabitants of the Czech Republic on 01/01/2013, online: www.czso.cz.

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Location of the Opava district between mountainous Jeseníky (Ash Moun- tains) and the Ostrava industrial region with successive Beskydy (The Beskids), and with the Moravian Gate nearby predetermined that area as a place where ethnic groups, nations, tribes could meet. Since prehistoric times not only communication has played a significant role there, but also two rivers, namely Opava and Moravice the interflow of which is near the town of Opava. The importance of the Opava River enhanced in the mid-18th century when it became the boundary river separating not only demesnes or principalities, but even state units. Such a situation was a completely unique novelty in that part of Silesia because there had never been a similar border. The continuous presence of the state boundary has been a significant aspect influencing the character of the Opava region since the separation of Silesia, while the provincial jurisdiction was increasingly losing its significance as time went. The changing property relations had caused the fragmentation of integrity of the Opava principality since the Middle Ages, so in the 18th century on its territory there were some islets of demesnes belonging to the neighbouring Krnov principality. As another territorial intervention there were so called Moravian en- claves jutted out through a narrow line near to the town of Opava. Even the nearby Moravia is represented3 in the Opava district territory right now. The Hlučín micro-region has passed a separate development stage, although it was originally a part of the Opava principality, then after the separation of Silesia continued to be under the influence of the neighbouring Prussia for 8 to 10 generations. Variability of jurisdiction that appeared on the level of both state and nobility governance and administration and later in a different arrangement of a local self-government and authorities caused a diversity on many levels. To understand typical or key aspects it is possible to select the following topics which are generally characterized as follows:

1. Language 2. National 3. Cultural 4. Ecclestiastical

3 Provincial territory border line between the Moravia and Silesia runs through the Opava district, through the areas of the Budišov and Vítkov micro-regions.

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In no case, it is comprehensive selection, but selected topics are adequately revealing potential. Each of these elements was not only a means of communication, but also an area where various influences and trends were in touch. So it could be therefore perceived as joining, but also as distinguishing or defining factor. Let’s try to introduce single parts of today’s Opava district according to four above mentioned suggested aspects and then we can focus not only on joining, but also on the dividing elements that can be found in the circle. Before that, however, we should point out briefly the town of Opava as a separate unit. Opava has got its very special place as an urban agglomeration that compared with the rural parts of the today’s Opava district - both in the past and in the present –is rather defying, which is quite understandable. There might be more efficient to point out other Silesian cities and their peculiarities and common elements. In some sense, however, Opava could not be omitted, not only as the former capital of the Austrian Silesia, but also as an administrative, cultural and economic centre. This is also true even at the present time when Opava is only a district town. Although there is the “Opava province” subject of interest after all it is not conceivable to consider one aspect without taking into account another one, and this is true of course vice versa. Thus, in the following text for the present district of Opava there will be used the general term “Opavsko” (Opava micro-region).

1. Language aspect

We will be interested in language and speech as a means of communication, but without any deeper philological or linguistic interrelationships. During a census there was previously used the term “colloquial speech” and even in the pre-statistical period it was possible to find a lot of valuable information in the language as a means of communication, both in folk literature and in written sources and also in architecture and culture in general. Since the 19th century the civic survey maps have informed us about diverse linguistic structure of the Opava micro-region population.4 In the neighbourhood of the in essence German town of Opava Czech-speaking population concen-

4 E. G.: Mapa vévodství slezského (Map of the Duchy of Silesia), by the Author J. Novák from the year 1912.

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trated there even in its vicinity, in today’s suburban parts Katerinky, Kylešovice and Jaktař.5 During the First Czechoslovak Republic that trend was dramatically evident in the census, especially in the years 1921 and 1930.6 With the exception of five purely German villages the Opava rural district consisted of the municipalities of Czech superiority. On the contrary the neighbouring district Vitkov was inhabited mainly by Germans where only five villages had a Czech majority.7 During the German occupation and after the introduction of the German state administration there were several districts in the Opava Administration territory which should not be affiliated to the German annexation, according to the Munich Agreement. That is to say, there were more than 50% of the residents of Czech origin. In addition to the district Opava-province there were also districts Bílovec and Zábřeh na Moravě.8 Until the fundamental transformation of the structure of the local population which was a direct result of World War II and the new order in Europe, areas of the districts Opava-province and Vítkov showed distinct and outright linguistic divergence. People speaking German and Czech were living there together. The continuous settlement by native population remained maintained only in the Opava province even after the year 1946. The displaced municipalities of the Vítkov mini-region (including the town Vítkov) and the German Opava mini- region underwent then serious changes that have disrupted totally the existing development. Only after 1989 we can speak of a certain continuity. The structure of the local population after 1945 has shown a clear predominance of Czech-

5 BARTOŠ, J. – SCHULZ, J. – TRAPL, M.: Historický místopis Moravy a Slezska v letech 1848– 1960 (Historical local geography of Moravia and Silesia in the years 1848-1960 ), Volume 14, Opava Town, pp. 45–48 6 Obyvatelstvo Slezska a Hlučínska v několika důležitějších směrech na základě sčítání lidu ze dne 15. února 1921 (The population of Silesia and Hlučínskomini-region in several important respects on the basis of the census of 15th February 1921). Opava 1924. 7 BARTOŠ, J. – SCHULZ, J. – TRAPL, M.: Historický místopis Moravy a Slezska v letech 1848– 1960 (Historical local geography of Moravia and Silesia in the years 1848-1960 ), Volume 14, The Judicial District Vítkov, pp. 99–114. 8 BARTOŠ, Josef: Základní charakteristika východních Sudet (vládního obvodu Opava)/(Basic characteristics of the eastern Sudetes (Opava administration territory)), 1938–1945. In: Historie okupovaného pohraničí 1(History of the occupied borderland), Ústí nad Labem 1998, pp. 7–24. Accordin to the census in the Bílovec district in the year 1939 there lived 62.4% of Czechs, in the Opava-province district 55.5 % and in the Zábřeh district 51.5 % of Czechs.

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speaking population, thereby the existing varied linguistic map of the region was completely unified, strictly speaking. If we imagine the state boundary before 1918, and if we visit the neighbouring Prussia, i.e., the southern part of the former Ratiboř district, we are confronted with a completely unique situation. As early as in the oldest German to- pographies of the late 18th century, there were recorded some population groups speaking different languages, depending on a “colloquial speech” people used then. As a good example there is the village of Malé Hoštice with the settlement Pusté Jakartice, the cadastre of which was located right on the Prussian-Austrian border line. The village was divided into 4 portions belonging to different do- mesnes. According to the oldest data from 1784 residents of the portion of the Opava Commandry and of the portion of the Poor Clares spoke “Moravian language”, which can be considered a form of the Czech language. In the portions belonging to the Liechtenstein family there lived people speaking Polish and German. And the portion belonging to the demesne of Baron of Kalkreut was inhabited by dependent vassals speaking Polish.9 That status was also confirmed by later statistic data. As you can see, even at the lowest level there were already registered measurable differences in what language people spoke at that time.10 The designation “Moravec,” as the residents of southern Ratiboř micro-region called themselves, was a particularity of Hlučín that managed to withstand even the germanization and also the so called “Kulturkampf ” in the second half of the 19th century. Thereby hangs the clearly declared affinity to the German state of Hlučín residents and the apparent discrepancy between the informal language (“colloquial speech”) and the official language, i.e. German. Economic reasons played primarily a decisive role there, better to say the reasons were of existential character. But even those did not cause reprobating their native language. People living in Hlučín micro-region on the periphery of Germany in ethnically mixed areas, and even speaking their Slavic language, felt the knowledge of the official language as a prerequisite for their personal growth.

9 Beyträge zur Beschreibung von Schlesien. Dritter Band. Brieg 1784. Beschreibung des Leob- schützer Kreises, s. 220. Until 1817 the villages of the Hlučín micro-region belonged to the district (Der Landrat) based in Hlubčice, only then they were annexed to the Ratiboř. district. 10 KNIE, J. G.: Alphabetisch-Statistisch-Topographische Uebersicht aller Dörfer, Flecken, Städte und anderen Orte der königl. Preuß. Provinz Schlesien. Breslau 1830, 18452.

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After connecting to Czechoslovakia the issue of “Moravian dialects” appeared in the census, and it was also used as a political argument. Political reasons were also the cause of a reorganization of the Hlucin district in the year 1930.11 In the First Republic the language question was one of the most pressing problems of the Hlučín micro-region. The State trend towards strengthening the Czech education system epitomized close as possible the building new schools came to an initiative called “Privatunterricht”(private teaching).12 Even in the new conditions knowledge of the German language for school- children was perceived as a priority. At the time of precarious international political situation and the threat to the integrity of Czechoslovakia similar activities were perceived by the state as necessarily threatening its stability. After annexation of the Czechoslovak borderland the census results were used again in favour of Germany as an argument for Hlučín micro-region connecting directly to the Empire, not to a later established Sudeten province.13 Even after the Second World War, the knowledge of the German language in the Hlučín micro-region was considered as priority and it was related not only to the fact that the language was mastered by parents and grandparents, but also because there were better prospects for leaving the country for the German Fed- eral Republic. Similarly to the Opava region the Hlučín micro-region was unified after the year 1945 as for the language using, but it was not due to a change of the population which unlike displaced areas remained indigenous. This has contributed significantly to the preservation of the particularities of that region till now.

11 PLAČEK, Vilém: Prajzáci aneb k osudům Hlučínska (Prussians or on the fates of the Hlučín micro- region) 1742–1960. Háj ve Slezsku 2007, pp. 170–171. To the Opava district there were annexed 7 villages, to the Ostrava distric - 4 villages, on the contrary to Hlučín district there were connected 4 Czech villages situated just south of Hlučín. 12 PLAČEK, Vilém: Prajzáci II aneb Hlučínsko ve staronové vlasti (Prussians II or the Hlučín micro- district in the old-new homeland) 1920–1938. Háj ve Slezsku 2007. 13 PLAČEK, V.: Prajzáci aneb k osudům Hlučínska (Prussians or on the fates of the Hlučín micro- region) 1742–1960, pp. 85–88.

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2. National aspect

This phenomenon is closely related to the language question, however it is not possible to interchange these both terms. The monitored area of Opava region with its ethnic structure of the population differed from neighbouring areas (mainly Jeseníky Mountains), because there were mixed ethnic groups. Since the second half of the 19th century the ethnic structure of districts Vítkov and Opava-province did not change too much by the end of the Habsburg Monarchy. Only at the time of Czechoslovakia can be monitored a definite shift in favour of the Czech nationality, which in turn was reversed during the occupation. The reasons were mainly political one. There was completely apparent the fundamental difference between those two districts that allows us - with a certain degree of simplification – to indicate the Opava-province as Czech and Vítkov district as German. In both districts there were located national islets of another nation, the Vítkov micro-region was represented by Czech villages as Březová, Jančí, Lesní Albrechtice, Leskovec and Větřkovice,14 in turn, in the Opava micro-region there were German villages Deštné, Lipina Mladecko, Skrochovice and Tábor.15 How- ever, a different situation prevailed in the neighbouring Hlučín micro-region. For that matter, even the national problems was interpreted somewhat differently than in Austria, although the language uniqueness of Moravians of Hlučín micro-region was also evinced in censuses.16 In both Austrian districts there lived inhabitants of the Habsburg Monarchy speaking different languages and having Czech or German “nationality”. On the “blue”, i.e. the Prussian side, there came up a paradoxical state because the local “Moravian” speaking inhabitants considered themselves to be Germans, or at least the loyal citizens of Germany. However, according to an important external feature they could not be regarded as Germans because German was not the native language of most people in the Hlučín micro-region.

14 BARTOŠ, J. – SCHULZ, J. – TRAPL, M.: Historický místopis Moravy a Slezska v letech 1848– 1960 (Historical local geography of Moravia and Silesia in the years 1848–1960, Volume 14, pp.. 101–103, 106–108, 114. 15 BARTOŠ, J. – SCHULZ, J. – TRAPL, M.: Historický místopis Moravy a Slezska v letech 1848– 1960 (Historical local geography of Moravia and Silesia in the years 1848–1960, Volume 14, pp. 51–52, 66–67, 70–71, 76, 81. 16 PLAČEK, Vilém: Prajzáci aneb k osudům Hlučínska 1742–1960 (Prussians or on the fates of the Hlučín micro-region) 1742–1960. Háj ve Slezsku 2007, pp. 170–171.

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3. Cultural aspect

If we were looking for a region where very intensive cultural, economic and social contacts took place as early as in the 18th century in an area partitioned by a “border line”, the Opava micro-region would be an extraordinary rxample. Presence of the state boundary did not limited significantly that interchange hamper, mainly because there did not exist strictly defined national or linguistic boundaries, as they did in the Jeseníky Mountains. In this respect the Opava micro-region can be compared with the Cieszyn territory, where, however, the cultural exchange was of somewhat different content and character, mainly because the Polish element were strongly applied there. Since the 19th century the cultural identity often associated with the concept of nation was manifested symbolically not only in architecture but also in the landscape that was gradually transformed to the landscape controlled by man. Is it possible to search and find differences in perception of the Opava cultural landscape by local German and Czech population? Since the mid-19th century and especially in the first third of the following century such differences can be found. They are personified by various symbolic or historically momentous sites. Momentous sites are often associated with a turbulent or significant history that has to impress symbolically on the visitor. Of course, such sites can be also found in the Opava micro-region. One of them was and still is the Vikštejn castle towering above the river Moravice.17 In the Romantic period there were already only the imposing ruins, because since the beginning of the 18th century that castle was inhabited and the local nobility built a castle in nearby village Dubová. The Vikštejn Castle was not only the aim of trips through an extremely scenic landscape, it also had got a symbolic potential as a meeting place for Germans. Not by chance there was in 1930 unveiled a monument dedicated to Walter von der Vogelweide, although that model of a medieval minnesinger had never resided there. Somewhat belatedly, but perhaps with a greater symbolic significance, Ostrá Hůrka nearby Háj in Silesia became a symbolic place for Czechs in the territory of the today’s Opava micro-region.18

17 KOUŘIL, Pavel – PRIX, Dalibor – WIHODA, Martin: Hrady českého Slezska.(Castles of the Czech Silesia), Brno – Opava 2000, pp. 373–386. 18 GROBELNÝ, Andělín: Památník slezského odboje na Ostré hůrce.(The Monument of Silesian Resistance Movement in Ostrá hůrka) In: For Bohuslav Valuška- a Silesian worker of public education, Olomouc 1994, pp.. 134–136. Anthology Ostrá hůrka a její tradice.(Ostrá Hůrka

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The most important castle in the Opava micro-region – at one time a residential castle of Opavian Přemyslids - the Hradec castle19 – could not however fulfil the reference to the Middle Ages for that reason that the site has maintained a structural continuity to the present. Since the 19th century the Hradec castle symbolized the coherence of the border territories of the Opava micro-region and in some respects even the Upper Silesian, namely through the family Li- chnovsky. Those were foreigners in Hradec, because they resided in Germany and the centre of their demesne was Chuchelná in the Hlučín micro-region. And the German romantic architecture is presented on the “Austrian” border line by an exemplary newly built red castle in Hradec. The building complex was built within the years 1874-1891 as a variant of some medieval German castles and it was unprecedented in the territory of the Austrian Silesia. This permanent architectural footprint has remained to this day represented the “other side” – in the Hlučín micro-region – with many other building objects from the Lichnovsky era built for economic, residential or ecclesiastical purposes.20 Taking control by man over the nature in the “Founder Epoch” since the mid-19th century has its model representation just in Hradec. It was not so much the result of activities of the Lichnovsky family, but rather an entrepreneurial spirit of the Weisshuhn family coming from Ratiboř - that of the Prussian Silesia. Carl Weisshuhn was at the birth of prosperity of the paper mill in Žimrovice, where he managed to bring enough water power in a remarkable way. The Weis- shuhn family was just one of many German Protestant families that contributed to the lively industrial and construction development of the Opava micro-region, while those were mostly families that had roots outside that territory.21 Gradually, the business activities were implemented not only in purely industrial sector, but they also hit the man-oriented spheres. And again it was already mentioned Carl Weisshuhn whose name has been associated with improvement of the spa Ján- ské Koupele in the Vitkov micro-regiont and its transformation to the actual spa

and its tradition) 1869–1969. Opava 1969. 61 p.. 19 KOUŘIL, P. – PRIX, D. – WIHODA, M.: Hrady českého Slezska (Castles of the Czech Silesia), pp. 166–198. 20 JUNG, Jiří: Julius Bühler. Architekt knížete Karla Maxe Lichnovského (Architect of Prince Karl Max Lichnovsky. Ostrava 2011. 21 WEISSHUHN, Ida: Vzpomínky na mého otce. Erinnerungen an meinen Vater.( The Memories of my Father), Opava 2001. Weisshuhns‘ ancestors came from surroundings of the town Kassel.

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in the modern sense of the word. In a similar vein, the “immigrant”, Camillo Ra- zumovsky, the owner of the demesne Dolní Životice, gained recognition for that region by purchasing the spa from the Weisshuhn family and its further operating.

4. Eecclesiastical aspect

The territory of the Opava district in terms of ecclesiastical administration remained unchanged over the centuries, without any significant changes. Since the Middle Ages the area was a part of the administration of the Olomouc Bish- opric (from 1777 The Archbishopric). Even new state boundaries changed nothing. There occurred only modification of some border lines of parishes, such as e.g. the border villages Malé Hoštice and Pusté Jakartice were assigned under the parish of Velké Hoštice, although before the year 1742 all local residents were registered under the Opava vicarage near the church of the Virgin Mary.22 The population of the Opava micro-region, while again we mean its rural area, not the town Opava itself, showed a considerable stability as for the religious affiliation. Since the 18th century there almost exclusively lived Catholics, and that fact was supported by the absence of the Protestant parish seat on both the Austrian and the Prussian sides. And the situation was very similar there as for even less numerous group of persons of the Jewish faith23 was considered. Mutual contacts were manifested in the contracting marriage of people from different parts of the demesne, parishes and even states. In the Opava Registry Office there are often found bridegrooms whose places of residence were in some of the villages in the “Prussian Silesia” and on the Hlučín side there were

22 Provincial Archives of Opava, The collection of registers of the former Northern Mora- via Region, Register of the Opava Parishes-The Provostship (the signature Op I) and the parish of Velké Hoštice (the signature Hr XX). Even in the 80s of the 18th century some residents of the Little Hoštice - apparently from the portion belonging to the Austrian nobility, were enrolled in registers of the Opava Parish 23 In the Ratibořice micro-region there was a Protestant church and a rectory in the village Rozumice (today‘s Razumice, Poland) and at the beginning of the 20th century the church was built for the German-speaking Protestants in Sudice. Evangelicals living in the province of Opava and Vítkov belonged to the Opava Parish. A larger Jewish community lived in the area of the today’s district of Opava - with the exception of the town of Opava - only in the Hlučín micro-region.

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not uncommon marriages when the groom was from “the Austrian portion” (of the Silesia). In the registers of the Austrian border parishes the written record about an “ex parte Borusia” groom was not rare. These contacts in the area of church life of rural people can be demonstrated very clearly and at several levels. There is a good mix of language and national peculiarities. With a certain paradoxical tinge we can monitor that trend with the aid of a very specific example of an architectural monument still standing in the village Malé Hoštice on the main road near the pub that was placed there before the First World War. The cross was built in the year 1912 and it had been recorded on several photographs of the period before the year 1914. Near the cross there was located a border barrier and a white and black striped guard shack. And at the nearby house there was placed some guideposts indicated the direction to Opava, Pusté Jakartice and Hlučín. So, imagine an inhabitant of Opava, who has decided to cross the state boundary to get to neighbouring Germany, and imagine the following scenario. That person, it is quite irrelevant whether that imaginary inhabitant of Opava speaks German or Czech, passes through the border control at the barrier and then enters the territory of Germany. The first thing that will catch his attention there will be the Cross of Jesus Christ near the Inn and there will bet he following inscription in its original version: „Pochvalen buď Pan Ježiš Kristus“ (Blessed be our Lord Jesus Christ). Also the chapel of the Virgin Mary from 1888 in Small Hoštice has above the portal Czech inscription: „Svatá Maria, bez hřichu prvojného počatá, oroduj za nás!! ( Holy Mary, conceived without sin, pray for us!) It was a very religious environment that helped to sustain the Moravian language in the Hlučín micro-region. The church, as well as the home environment, was the place where they can talk “in our plain Czech”. Not only Slavic-sounding surnames in the Hlučín micro-region, but also ways of germanization documenting the original language skills of the local population. A similar trend, however, can be substantiated in church registers in the Ger- man-speaking area west of the Opava district (Skrochovice) and even further west in the Krnov micro-region.24 Religious as well as the civilian architecture

24 ZAO, Collection of registries, the oldest registers of parishes of Bolatice, Kobeřice and Kravare were kept in Czech language (signatures H III, H IX and XI H), only in the second half of the 18th century Latin was replaced by German. The oldest parish registers of Brumovice (signature Kr V),have been though written in German since the year 1686, but there were often recorded purely Slavic surnames, e.g. Czeczatka, and so on.

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showed typically German (or Silesian) effects in the Hlučín micro-region documented from the 19th century. In the today’s landscape there are clear examples of that trend, e.g. the type of a brick field chapel. Unlike the above three aspects - language, nationality and culture – the church was rather unifying element than divisive one without regard to presence of any barrier (boundary). The religious life of the Catholic population of the Opava micro-region was very varied and evenfull. A typical illustration of that at this elementary level may be pilgrimages which were arranged to any closer and more distant places of pilgrimage regardless of any frontiers.25

Summary

A brief overview of the specifics of several areas of the today’s Opava district which have gone through different historical development and the population of which have showed also some very similar features despite major differences allows us perhaps to present the following characteristics of a given area according to the outlined criteria. In this summary the term “border” acts as a connecting member and simultaneously as a separating element, which emerges from the very essence of its meaning. We presented there the current Opava district in its historical development which showed minor but also essential differences over the past three centuries. That development diverse in many respects vas interrupted and finished due to events of the Second World War. The post-war history not only od the Opava district but also of other borderline areas of Czechoslovakia and of the today’s Czech Republic has been much more unified which could be caused mainly with the fact that for 40 years there was no space for pluralism in almost any sphere. As the most visible manifestation of the linguistic unification of the region there the language and national unity established after displacement of the German population and the frontier resettlement from the Czech and Slovak inland is to be considered there. In the case of the Hlučín micro-region enrolment of the local inhabitants to the Czech nation was the question of their bare existence.

25 SCHENKOVÁ, Marie: Poutní tradice na Hlučínsku. (The Pilgrimage Traditions in the Hlučín micro-region) Hlučínsko 3, 2013, No.č. 2, pp. 5–8.

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If we ask the question whether earlier linguistic, national and cultural diversity presented any significant problems in communication among people, it can be generally stated that both national and language differences did not appear to be significantly negative, with the exception of the era of totalitarianism. Far more significant milestone and turn was severing relations of inhabitants to the place where they live and where their ancestors were living for generations. This problem can be seen in the newly resettled area of the former Vítkov district, but there are many examples of that fact in the Opava province and in the Hlučín micro-region, too. Not by chance the both “German” villages, namely Sudice and Třebom26 that were resettled by new Slavic population, are still considered as a kind of “Cinderella” of the Hlučín micro-region. It was caused not only due to completely isolated location of those villages almost in the grip of the state boundary with Poland, but it was also due to interruption of relations to the home village which the new population only had to build. If we wanted to watch the “space memory” and its relations to the past, in the Opava district we again have the great possibility to compare completely different concepts. In total 33 municipalities of the Hlučín micro-region have associated in the organization named „The Association of Municipalities of the Hlučín micro-region“,27 thus this relatively large region can represent itself towards to the public as a whole. This is seen in the field of cultural promotion that is coordinated and simultaneously it has an adequate space on the „TV Hlučínsko“ and also in print and on the Internet. The newly established Museum of the Hlučin micro-region28 publishes a magazine destined to the local history and there is also The Initiative of Local Communities that published during the past twenty years an unusually high number of publications on the history of villages of the Hlučín micro-region according to the orders of local boards.29 If we look at the countryside of Vítkov and Opava micro-regions, then we note that priorities are somewhat else there. It is not possible to create there such a large

26 PLAČEK, V. Prajzáci aneb k osudům Hlučínska (Prussians or something about the Hlučin micro- region fate)f1742–1960, pp.113–115, 121–122. 27 www.hlucinsko.eu. 28 www.muzeum.hlucin.com. The museum was established on 1 January 29 Václav Štěpán and Mr and Mrs Wilém and Magda Plaček have been publishing books devoted to the history of municipalities in the Hlučín micro-region for a long time.

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interest association, such as that of Hlučín. However, the Association of the Hvozdnice micro-region seems to be ideal.30 The crucial role in preserving the memory of a place plays the continuity. As we have seen in the Opava district there are areas with different degrees of continuity of historical memory. While in the formerly German-inhabited places - mainly in the Vítkov microregion as well as in the local city itself, appeared a major disruption of continuity after the year 1946, in the Hlučín micro-region the continuity remained maintained in the memory of local autochthonous population. However even starting a new stage in re-settled villages after the year 1989 reflected positively in the field of interregional and interstate communication. e.. Similarly as in the Jeseníky region where in the past 20 years descendants of displaced Germans involved in recovery generally devastated areas, and by providing financial support for restoring monuments (especially religious ones), also the Vítkov micro-region may be in this respect presented as an open region offering many interesting monuments and experience not only to those who may have a personal relationship to the home village of their ancestors. The prime result of the Czech-German cooperation there is the so-called „Path of the German-Czech Understanding“ that began to be built from the initiative of the civic association “Patriotic Pilgrim” in 1998 near Guntramovice. There are officially laid granite tiles with the names of individuals or organizations who in this way also contribute financially to the activities of the association. In a similar way as the Czech-Polish cross-border cooperation in the Hlučín micro-region these activities are also developing regardless of linguistic or national differences. Newly-created Euroregions after the years of isolation and follow-up insulation in a figurative sense can be understood as re-establishing the cooperation of the period before 1938, or even better, before 1918, although the present-day district of Opava was also a frontier territory, but it was rebuilt as was given herein, and the term “frontier” was sometimes only a formal definition not a barrier, with which the people on both sides of the boundaries had to contend.

30 www.mikroregionhvozdnice.cz.

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Resumé Rakouské Slezsko jako prostor multikulturálního střetávání – příklad dnešního okresu Opava Zdeněk Kravar

Dnešní okres Opava vznikl při správní reformě v roce 1960 a zahrnuje převážně bý- valé okresy Opava, Hlučín a Vítkov. Na území okresu Opava se nachází pouze jediné velké město, další lokality s městským statutem co do velikosti katastru i počtu obyvatel výrazně zaostávají, jsou to bývalá okresní města Hlučín, Vítkov, dále Kravaře, Hradec nad Mora- vicí, Dolní Benešov a Budišov nad Budišovkou. Kromě zmíněných měst je zde 77 obcí a jeden městys. Poloha okresu Opava mezi Jeseníky a ostravským průmyslovým regionem s navazujícími Beskydy s blízkou Moravskou bránou předurčovala tuto oblast jako místo, kde se střetávají etnika. Již od pravěku zde hrály významnou komunikační roli dvě řeky: Opava a Moravice. Význam řeky Opavy byl od poloviny 18. století ještě umocněn, když se stala řekou hraniční. Taková situace byla v této části Slezska zcela unikátní novinkou, protože zde nikdy předtím podobná hranice nebyla. Trvalá přítomnost státní hranice je již od rozdělení Slezska výrazným aspektem ovlivňujícím dodnes povahu regionu Opavska. Proměnlivá příslušnost, která se projevovala v dílčích i zásadních rozdílech státní i vrchnostenské správy, později v odlišném uspořádání samosprávy a úřadů, vedla k růz- norodosti na mnoha úrovních. Pro představení typických nebo klíčových aspektů lze zvo- lit následující okruhy: jazykový, národností, kulturní a náboženský. Každý tento element byl nejen komunikačním prostředkem, ale rovněž prostorem, v němž se stýkaly různé vlivy a trendy. Mohl být, proto vnímám jako spojující nebo jako odlišující faktor. Autor se pokouší představit jednotlivé části dnešního okresu Opava podle čtyř výše navržených hledisek, dále se soustředí na společné i na rozdělující elementy, které je možné v daném tématu najít. V závěru zdůrazňuje význam nově vznikajících euroregionů po létech uzavřenosti a izolace, které lze v přeneseném smyslu chápat jako navázání na dobu předválečnou, kdy sice území okresu Opava bylo příhraničním územím, ale pojem „hranice“ byl někdy pouze formálním vymezením, které nebránilo vzájemné komunikaci.

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Art and Borders. Regarding the Issue of the Works of Painters, Sculptors and Carvers on both Sides of the Prussian-Austrian Border from the Middle of the 18th Century to the End of the 19th Century

Jaromír Olšovský

Abstract: The present study looks at the relations between Prussian and Austrian Silesia in the field of ecclesiastical and aristocratic artistic commissions, directed mostly to the decoration of church or chapel interiors. Using specific examples, we will document here an outline of the type, character and specifications of ecclesiastical artistic creations in the field of sculpture and painting which originated in this region, separated by the newly established Prussian-Austrian border, and which was influenced by the migration of artists in both parts of the divided Silesia. It shows that the specific line of creations by the artists from Austrian Silesia, until the end of the 19th century, a great influence on the design of ecclesiastical interiors within Prussian Silesia.

Key words: Art, Sculpture, Painting, Austrian Silesia, Prussian Silesia

I. 1742 – 1800

It is typical for art from the early New Age until the end of 18th century that the artistic development of a given region depends to a large extent on the migration of artistic influences, which bring more advanced styles and iconographic solutions into that area. Artistic development is thus in many ways dependant on

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the ability to migrate, and the settling of artists, painters, sculptors, carvers, plas- terers and other craftsmen connected to artistic crafts in a given region, as well as and on the ability to acquire experience from elsewhere. Transfers of specific styles, morphological and iconographic concepts were realised not only through the migrations of active artists, painters, sculptors or carvers who could temporarily or permanently move to another, closer or more distant region, but also through the relationship between the master and the student, when the painter, sculptor or carver often received training from a specific master and then wan- dered elsewhere, where he founded his own artistic workshop. It was no different in the case of artistic events in the historical region of Upper Silesia, covering the former Principalities of Krnov, Opava, Opole, Racibórz and Cieszyn, including the free estates and the so-called smaller estates, which, as a result of the Prussian-Austrian wars, were divided into the smaller Austrian Silesia (part of the Lower Silesia principality of Wrocław bishops was annexed to the territory of Opava, Krnov and Cieszyn) and the much bigger part of Silesia, which was incorporated into the Prussian state. The loss of a considerable part of historical Silesia, incorporated into the lands of the Czech Crown from the time of the Luxembourg monarchs and, subsequently from the early New Age into the alliance of countries of the Haps- burg monarchy, for the benefit of the upcoming great Prussian power, undoubtedly had a considerable influence, besides economic, social and generally cultural consequences, on artistic development and artistic production of all of Silesia. With a certain simplification we can say that the division of the historical region of Silesia into a Prussian and Austrian part resulted in the marginalisation of this region, when these territories appeared on the margin on both the Hapsburg Monarchy and the Prussian State. Moreover, in the Prussian part of Silesia, even a gradual change of the power and cultural orientation of the existing elites was taking place. Together with the exchange of the governing dynasty in the part of Silesia which fell to the Prussian kingdom (the Wrocław Preliminary in 1742, Treaty of Hubertsburg in 1763) after peace negotiations, there was a gradual exchange of power elites and/or change in their orientation, in particular among those social groups which were traditional commissioners of artistic works. First and foremost it was the Catholic Church which, to that time, had played a dominant role in commissioning works of art and which lost that privileged position through the incorporation of Silesia into the borders of Prussia. Even

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though the victorious Prussian King Friedrich II abided in religious issues by the Enlightenment principles of tolerance towards other denominations and established a moderate policy towards Catholics and the Catholic Church, the political and constitutional changes could not influence the commissioning potential of the Catholic Church. Breaking the existing ties of the Catholic Church as dona- tor, commissioner and patron, which connected it to the Hapsburg monarchy and – through the framework of which - also to the Czech lands, in the gradual decline of artistic creation, which was oriented towards artistic practice along the lines of high or late Baroque. A number of imposing artistic enterprises, related especially to the environment of Lower Silesian Cistercian Monasteries (Trzeb- nica, Krzeszów, Lubiaź) fell into ruin. This change was also related to the natural generational change, when most great artistic personalities (Felix Antonín Schef- fler, Michael Klahr senior, Antonín Dorazil, Franz Joseph Mangoldt), whether painters or sculptors, determining the existing artistic development, died. Next to the Catholic Church, the aristocracy and nobility also had a large share of artistic commissions and funding of works of art before the division of Silesia and the Hapsburg-Hohenzollern conflict. Until then, the favoured Catho- lic and pro-Hapsburg aristocracy lost, as well as the Catholic Church, its privileged position and was forced to cede its position of power for the benefit of the Protestant aristocracy.1 These changes naturally did not take place at one time and uniformly, as there were considerable regional differences in Silesia, which became part of Prussia. In this respect, there was a distinctive difference between the mostly Protestant region of Lower Silesia, headed by the protestant Wrocław, and the region of the former Upper Silesia, with the majority of the inhabitants being Catholic, where the Catholic Church could, due to the previous successful Hapsburg counter- Reformation, keep its positions in the new conditions of Prussian rule. If, in the case of the Western part of Silesia, i.e. the region of the former Lower Silesia, the existing orientation directed towards Vienna and the ruling Hapsburg dynasty was replaced by a switchover to Berlin as a new Central European artistic centre, whose significance began to rise from the mid-18th century in relation to the cultural and artistic policies of the ruling Hohenzollerns, then in the case of the Eastern part of Silesia, i.e. the former Upper Silesia, we can note that the orienta-

1 See OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Doznívání baroka ve Slezsku (The Decline of the Baroque in Silesia). In: JIRÁSEK, Zdeněk et al.: Slezsko v dějinách českého státu (Silesia in the History of the Czech State) (1490 – 1763), II. Prague 2012, pp. 358-362.

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tion towards Vienna and the “Austrian” character of artistic production, which in the eyes of the Catholic commissioners, whether ecclesiastical or aristocratic, blended with the Baroque or late Baroque orientation of artistic creation, prevailed in many ways. In both these traditional groups, important for the development of artistic creation; i.e., in the Catholic Church and Catholic aristocracy, the loss of the dominant social position manifested itself by the escalation of traditional “Ba- roque” religiousness and more intense relationship with Catholicism. As if the spiritual situation from the first decades of the 18th century repeated, when the Catholic faith in Silesia became just one of the possible denominations, and when the members of the Catholic religion felt endangered in the new religious conditions of the new Prussian State. Even though the Catholic Church kept a strong position in the Prussian part of the new frontier in the former Upper Silesia, it felt endangered anyway, both from the part of the Prussian State Protestantism, and from the part of the changed spiritual atmosphere and new social changes and reforms, going hand in hand with the Enlightenment streams of thought. This change of spiritual atmosphere was similarly perceived also by the Silesian Catholic aristocracy, for which the Catholic religion became a constituent element of its identity and an expression of pro-Hapsburg feeling, which increased above all during the 7 Years’ War. This increase can be observed both on the Austrian side of the new frontier, i.e. in the newly constituted Austrian Silesia, and in the Prussian part of Silesia. All this had a great importance for artistic commissions. Another factor contributing to the differences between the Western and the Eastern part of Prussian Silesia was the fact that considerable land properties in the Prussian part of Up- per Silesia were left to a number of traditional Catholic Silesian dynasties, which reflected also in the character of artistic commissions and thus also the artistic complexion of the Upper Silesian region.2 This concerned especially those dynasties which had their lands based in the Opava and Krnov principalities, from which the territories along the right bank of the river Opava were separated. The most significant Silesian dynasties, whose properties appeared on the Prussian side of the new border after the division of Silesia, were, for example, the Hodic, Oppersdorf, Chorinský of Ledská or Sedlnický of Choltice families. The Silesian Catholic aristocracy in the Prussian Upper Silesia behaved in its patron and funding activities, oriented for the benefit of churches, monasteries, chapels and pilgrimage sites similarly as the local Catholic Church. The Catholic

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manorial nobility emphasised especially certain topics and iconographic schemes, which, as opposed to the previous period, were neither new of course, nor in- novated in a more distinctive way, but we can say that by their application in their sponsored church it confirmed its Catholic as well as pro-Hapsburg identity. Characteristic themes of the Catholic Church and Catholic aristocracy were, for example, the founding figures of the Catholic Church or a set of themes belonging to the so-called pietas Austriaca, that is, for example, the Virgin Mary Immaculata, the image of St. Joseph, the cult of the Holy Cross with the figures of St. Cyril and St. Helen, etc. In this respect it was an intentional historicism as regards contents and, to a certain extent, also style, when Catholic commissioners, both ecclesiastical and aristocratic in the advanced 1860s and 1870s, in the period of the progressing Enlightenment and social changes, turned to the ideological and in certain cases also the stylistic register of the first decades of the 18th century; i.e., the period of the victorious counter-Reformation. The same orientation to the past can be found also in the case of some sites in Upper Silesia (e.g. Frýdek, the Pilgrimage Church of the Visitation of the Virgin Mary, 1792). Both domestic forces, coming from the Prussian Upper Silesia, and the artists from the neighbouring country; i.e., Austrian Silesia, participated hand in hand on this prolongation of the durability of Baroque and late Baroque schemes, while it is characteristic for the period of the last decades of the 18th century that this impact and mutual migration of artists from the regions which formed a part of various state formations, takes place, in fact, still in the tradition of the commissioners’´ and patrons’ ties, networks and contacts, created before the division of the historical region of Silesia. We can also emphasise that even at the end of the 18th century, the character of these artistic commissions, which were made in the ecclesiastical and aristocratic environment, is still Baroque, which means that they arose on the basis of personal experience and profit motive of ecclesiastical and artistic commissioners with specific works of art which they could come across in the wider Upper Silesian region. In this respect the ruling commissioners’ practice here is still pre-modern, which precedes the practice of the emergent civil society, in which artistic contests with a corresponding jury became a dominant method of commissioning high-quality works of art. A paradigmatic example of the programmatic preoccupation with the famous Catholic past, related to the reign of the Hapsburgs, can be found as early as the mid-18th century in the church in Rudy, which was one of two large Up- per Silesian Cistercian monasteries (Jemielnica, Rudy Wielkie). It is especially the

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architecture and sculptural decoration of the main altar, created by the Racibórz sculptor Johann Melchior Oesterreich in his workshop in 1753 that the programmatic return into the past refers to. The sculptural decoration of the main altar consisted of side figures of St. Bernard, St. Benedict and St. Helen and Empress Cunegunde (around 980-1033/1039), the wife of Emperor Henry II (1014-1024). This emphasises then the idea of empire, whose representatives in the New Age became the Hapsburgs, and the loyalty to their dynasty.2 Although it was not only J. M. Oesterreich, who worked in the Prussian Up- per Silesia, but also many other local creators (such as Jindřich Hartmann, An- tonín Oesterreich, etc.), whose artistic skills ensured proper quality of the interior furnishings of Upper Silesian Catholic churches and monasteries, Upper Silesian ecclesiastical commissioners, abbots of important monasteries, turned in many cases to the artistic forces from Austrian Silesia in spite of the protracted military conflict between Prussia and the Hapsburg Monarchy. In this respect, the first most significant artist was a sculptor from Opava, Johann Georg Lehner. We see his works behind the boundaries of the newly established Austrian Silesia twice. First of all, Lehner came to be in the Lesser Polish Krakow, immediately after the Wrocław Preliminary was closed (1742) and later in Jemielnica, the second Upper Silesian Cistercian monastery, which was located in the Prussian territory after the division of Silesia. The Opava sculptor was apparently motivated for the acceptance of the commission in the remote Krakow for the reason of making a living and a shortage of orders. The Regensburg native Johann Georg Lehner (around 1700-1776?), who settled down in Opava and established himself as the most productive and high-quality sculptor working in the Opava and Cieszyn region, moved in 1744 with his whole workshop to the Lesser Polish Krakow, where he settled down for several years in order to participate in the extensive decoration of the local Paul- ine monastery church at Skałka.4 In the years 1743-1747 Lehner and his workshop decorated the walls of the presbytery and side naves of the Pauline monastery church with fine stucco decoration, consisting of sculptured cartouches, and he covered window architraves with sculpted shells, palmettos and rolled ribbons with plant motifs. As well, he also decorated Ionic and Corinthian heads of pilasters, dividing the walls. At the end of his stay, in 1746-1747 he made sculpture and stucco decoration of three side altars, consecrated to St. Stanislaus, St. Paul 2 See GORZELIK, Jerzy: Powolne wygasanie baroku 1740 – okolo 1800. In: Sztuka Górnego Śląska od średniowiecza do końca XX wieku. Ed. E. CHOJECKA. Katowice 2004, s.155.

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the Hermit and the Holy Family. The side altar of St. Stanislaus was decorated by Lehner with a stucco relief of this saint and with allegorical side statues of two Christian virtues, Hope (Spes) and Faith (Fides). Similarly he decorated the side altar of St. Paul the Hermit with stucco reliefs of St. Thomas Aquinas and his brother Eusebius and with side reliefs of King David and the side altar of the Holy Family with an indeterminate saint in hermit clothing.3 Lehner came to work in the Cistercian monastery in the Upper Silesian Je- mielnica, situated since the lost first Silesian War between Prussia and Austria (1740-1742) behind the new Prussian-Austrian border, in 1762 through an offer of the local abbot Eugen Wisura. The Jemielnica Cistercian monastery intended at the beginning of the 1860s to renew the interior furnishings of the monastery church, within the framework of which Lehner was to build and decorate with sculptures the side altars, annexed to inter-nave pillars. It is not quite clear why the Opavian sculptor accepted the offer of the Jemielnice abbot and decided to work in the distant Jemielnice. More reasons played their role here. After a great fire in Opava in 1758, which destroyed 336 houses, three monasteries and five churches including the Ascension of the Vir- gin Mary with the recently completed main altar by Lehner, a great opportunity undoubtedly opened for Lehner to participate in the renewal of the destroyed church interiors, but it seems that Lehner’s sculpture workshop was not so much sought after at the beginning of the 1860s as before. Perhaps even a certain “saturation” of the Opavian environment with Lehner’s sculptural works played a role here. Apparently the competition sculpting workshop, with the workshop of Olomouc sculptor Johann Michael Scherhauf, engaged much more in the renewal of the destroyed Opavian church interiors. 6 Another reason for the acceptance of the commission in the distant Jemielnica could be also the fact that

3 To learn more about the activities of J. G. Lehnera in the Krakow monastery church of Paul see SCHENKOVÁ, Marie – OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Barokní malířství a sochařství v zá- padní části českého Slezska (Baroque Painting and Sculpture in the Western part of Czech Silesia). Opava 2001, p. 140, note 17. For more recent information see BRZEZINA, Katarzyna: Rzeźba i mała architektura sakralna księstw opawskiego i karniowskiego w XVIII wieku. Kraków 2004, p. 78–79. Compare with older literature: WIĘCEK, Adam: Prace opawskiego rzeźbiarza Jana Jerzego Lehnerta w Polsce. Časopis Slezského muzea – B, XII, 1963, s. 93 a INDRA, Bo- humír: Život a dílo opavského barokního sochaře Johanna Georga Lehnera. Příspěvek k dílu Umělecké památky Moravy a Slezska. Časopis Slezského zemského muzea (Life and work of the Opavian Baroque sculptor Johann Georg Lehner. Contribution to the study of Artistic Monuments of Moravia and Silesia. Magazine of Silesian Land Museum)– B, XLI, 1992, p. 37.

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towards the end of the 1830s the Jemielnice monastery had contacts with the Opavian environment. However, in 1733 the Cistercian convent and monastery church in Jemielnice was completely destroyed by fire. The abbot at the time, Ludwig Herd, invited Georg Fridrich Gans to rebuild and extend the destroyed Cistercian monastery. Gans’s father had become famous for the recently completed pilgrimage church at Cvilín (1728), in the construction of which, the son also participated as well. The well-known Krnov builder rebuilt the original Jemielnice monastery church and extended the western part, while adding a new western front on the church with a tower. The reconstruction of the monastery was finished in 1738 and four years before that, Michael Kössler, a Wrocław builder of Schwabian origin, had constructed a new main altar. After the reconstruction, the abbot of the monastery assigned, on Gans’s recommendation, the construction of two altars, consecrated to the Virgin Mary and St. Joseph and intended for the chapel, to an unnamed Opavian sculptor.4 During his stay in Jemielnice in the years 1762-1763, Lehner and his workshop built and decorated at least five new side altars in the local Cistercian monastery church, consecrated to St. Hedwig, the Virgin Mary, St. John of Nepomuk, St. Valentine and the Guardian Angel, which are attached to the pillars of the inter-nave arcades. Some of the side statues accompanying the side altar reredos, such as the woodcut of St. Thecla on the altar of St. Hedwig or the woodcut of St. Lucy on the altar of the Virgin Mary, are among the peaks of Lehner’s 4 See WELTZEL, Augustin: Das fürstliche Cisterzienserstift Himmelwitz. Breslau 1895, p. 209. B. Indra thought that this unknown Opavian sculptor had been J. G. Lehner, whose skills Gans knew very well from the works for the Cvilín pilgrimage church, see IN- DRA, Bohumír: Život a dílo opavského barokního sochaře Johanna Georga Lehnera. Příspěvek k dílu Umělecké památky Moravy a Slezska (Life and Work of the Opavian Baroque Sculptor Johann Georg Lehner. Contribution to the Study of Artistic Monuments of Moravia and Silesia). Časopis Slezského zemského muzea (Magazine of the Silesian Land Museum – B, XLI, 1992, 35. This possibility is realistic, of course, but it must be taken into account that there was also Antonin Nitsche (1706-1763) who operated a sculptural workshop in Opava and whose work is not, admittedly, known so far, but it cannot be excluded that it could have been him. As regards biographical data of the Opavian A. Nitsch, compare Silesian Land Museum Opava, Artistic and historical department, the so-called Braun’s archive, carton 298. According to A. Weltzel, the above-mentioned altars for the side chapel were made for 300 florins. For information concerning Kössler’s main altar see GORZELIK, Jerzy: Pod skrzydłami habsburskiego orła 1660–1740. In: Sztuka Górnego Śląska od średniowiecza do końca XX wieku. Ed. E. CHOJECKA. Katowice 2004, s. 138.

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creation, while other woodcuts, making a lesser quality impression in terms of expression and carving, apparently originated as a workshop product.5 Just as the representatives of the Jemielnice monastery turned to the Opavian J. G. Lehner, so the representatives of the competitive Upper Silesian Cistercian convent in Rudy chose for its refurbishment another successful sculptor from Upper Silesia in the years 1785-1790. This was Johann Schubert (1741/1743- 1792), sculptor, carver, plasterer and representative of a large sculptural workshop, coming from central Moravia, who worked with his workshop from the 1870s throughout all of Austrian Silesia and with his creations in the field of decoration and furnishings of church interiors, he distinctively brought himself into the notice of ecclesiastical commissioners as a creator able to carry out large commissions (Opava, Široká Niva, Krnov, etc.). The choice of Schubert’s sculptural and carving workshop for the refurbishment of the interior of the monastery in Rudy was certainly influenced by the fact that Johann Schubert was able to offer the work in a specific style, which suited the representatives of the monastery in Rudy, both from the point of view of the style, which was Baroque Classicism, and from the point of view of his specific specialisation in academic Classicism oriented towards Vienna, where, by the way, J. Schubert had resided for a few years. In the monastery in Rudy, Schubert made a pulpit, baptismal font attachment, side altars and stucco decoration covering the ceiling and the nave vaulting. 9 Schubert’s pulpit and architectural attachment of the baptismal font in the monastery church in Rudy follow compositional and iconographic schemes which he had also used in his ecclesiastical commissions in Austrian Silesia (Krnov, Opava, Široká Niva). If ecclesiastical representatives from Prussian Upper Silesia turned with their commissions to artists from Austrian Silesia, who went to Prussian Silesia to work on commissions, we also often come across the opposite case, where ec-

5 As regards Lehner’s activity in Jemielnice, compare GORZELIK, Jerzy: Powolne wygasanie baroku 1740 – okolo 1800. In: Sztuka Górnego Śląska od średniowiecza do końca XX wieku. Ed. E. CHOJECKA. Katowice 2004, p. 159–160. From older literature also KÖNIGER, Ernst: Kunst in Oberschlesien. Breslau 1938, p. 45; WIĘCEK, Adam: Prace opawskiego rzeźbiarza Jana Jerzego Lehnerta w Polsce. Magazine of the Silesian Land Museum – B, XII, 1963, p. 93 and INDRA, Bohumír: Život a dílo opavského barokního sochaře Johanna Georga Lehnera. Příspěvek k dílu Umělecké památky Moravy a Slezska (Life and work of the Opa- vian Baroque sculptor Johann Georg Lehner. Contribution to the study of Artistic Monuments of Moravia and Silesia ). Magazine of Silesian Land Museum – B, XLI, 1992, p. 35, 42, note 20 and 46.

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clesiastical commissioners in Austrian Silesia invited painters and sculptors from Prussian Silesia. One may be tempted to think that in the case of Austrian Silesia, the government could have been interested in restricting or preventing the invitation of artists from Prussian Silesia for carrying out ecclesiastical commissions by ecclesiastical representatives, as may be indicated by a case from Javorník, when the imperial government, represented by the Royal Office in Opava, succeeded in preventing the commission for the main altar of the Javorník parish church from being entrusted to a Wrocław sculptor; i.e., a sculptor from the then already Prus- sian Silesia, and sent to the Brno sculptor A. Schweigl instead. Just to recapitu- late the main points of this Javorník “case”, the course of which was described in detail by Bohumír Indra in his study: It was the Javorník priest at the time and Episcopal commissar Franz Josef, a free nobleman from Hohenhausen and Hochhause, who came up with the idea to build a representative main altar in the Parish Church of the Holy Trinity in Javorník. However, he passed away before being able to take the necessary steps and so he left a sum of 2,000 Rhenish gold guilders in his will for this purpose. Unfortunately, Prince and Bishop Philipp Gotthard Schaffgotsch, known for his wasteful life of an ecclesiastical grandee and art-loving nobleman, borrowed this amount, intended for the construction of a new main altar, with 6% interest and would never return it.6 With regard to the fact that financial matters related to repairs and refur- bishments of church interiors in Upper Silesia fell under the competence of the newly established Royal Office in Opava, the Office then turned in 1771 to the priest in Jánský Vrch, Gabriel Scholz, and to the Episcopal commissar and priest in Skorošice, Franz Scholz, with an appeal to begin with the construction of the new main altar. The due sum for the construction of the main altar was to be deducted from the bishop’s income. Under pressure of the Royal Office, the bishop began to negotiate and first of all contacted the Wrocław sculptor Matthias Stein and asked him to draft a design proposal of the altar in two versions; namely, a more expensive version made of artificial marble and a cheaper option made from wood. He also commissioned from the Frankenstein painter Bernard Krause (1743-1803) an altar painting with the theme of the Holy Trinity. As the main altar painting had al-

6 See INDRA, Bohumír: Schweiglův návrh hlavního oltáře farního kostela v Javorníku a jeho stavba v letech 1772–1773 (Schweigl’s design proposal of the main altar of the parish church in Javorník and its construction in the years 1772-1773). Magazine of the Silesian Land Museum – B, XXX, 1981, p. 285-286.

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ready been painted and the Royal Office could not do anything about it, the Of- fice concentrated on refusing the commission for the construction of the altar by the Wrocław sculptor. The Royal Office rejected the proposal of the main altar by the Wrocław sculptor with the explanation that he was a foreigner and it was required that domestic artists participated in the design and construction of the altar. This led Bishop Schaffgotsch to turn to the Brno sculptor Ondřej Schweigl, who, in the end, built the main altar of the Javorník parish church including its sculptural decoration in 1772 according to the proposed contract.7 Even though in this case the government actually interfered and forced Bish- op Schaffgotsch to assign the commission to a domestic sculptor, this case from Javorník cannot, in our view, be interpreted as an effort of the government to interfere with the selection of a suitable artist for an ecclesiastical commission, but rather as an example of the effort to “punish” an untrustworthy ecclesiastical representative, which Bishop Schaffgotsch was in the eyes of the Viennese authorities. In other, previous cases, the government was not in any way involved, as we know that in the Austrian part of the Jeseník region the sculptor and carver Jindřich Hartmann from the Prussian town of Varta (Bardo) worked without obstacles. In 1762 he built the main altar of the affiliate Church of St. Wolfgang in Travná, later destroyed during the Neo-Gothic reconstruction, and in the parish Holy Trinity Church in the Chapel of Our Lady of Sorrows, newly added in 1755 to the presbytery, he made the altar of the Virgin Mary (1764), followed by the side altar of St. Joseph in the temple nave (1770). Everything thus indicates that the newly established Prussian-Austrian border did not throw more serious obstacles on either side for the movement of artistic efforts, even though on the Austrian side Catholicism formed a constituent element of the State. Again, on the Prussian side the State adopted a policy of tolerance towards the Catholic Church at least until the end of the 18th century.

7 As regards the whole course of this sculptural commission of Schweigl‘s in Javorník, including the small domestic altar, which relates to Schweigl‘s main altar and which has been only recently mentioned in expert literature, see OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Domácí oltářík z Javorníku (zamyšlení nad otázkou jeho typu a funkce) (Domestic Altar from Javorník (consideration over the issue of its type and function). Magazine of the Silesian Land Museum – B, LXI, 2012, p. 253-262. The literature concerning the entire Schaffgotsch commission and Schweigl’s commission is also resumed here.

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Also in Silesian Catholic dynasties, whose properties remained after the division in the Prussian part of Silesia, we find an emphasis on the themes stressing the fundamentals of the Catholic faith in the field of artistic patronage and investments. When furnishing their patron churches, the members of these dynasties mostly proceeded in ideological compliance with the opinions of the local clergy. Illustrative examples of such strategies can be found in Prussian Upper Silesia, such as in Oberglogau, a town pertaining to the dynasty of Oppersdorf, or in another town, which came to be tightly behind the new Prussian-Austrian border, in Opavice pertaining to the family Sedlnický from Choltice. The little town of Oberglogau (Horní Hlohov, Glogówek) served as a power base of the Oppersdorf estate from the times of George II of Oppersdorf (1550-1606). In their foundation activities, aimed at benefitting the Catholic Church, the Oppersdorfs continued even after their property had been incorporated into the boundaries of Prussia and tried, mostly in cooperation with the local clergy, to strengthen the position of the Catholic Church. It was especially the pro-Hapsburg Count George Ferdinand of Oppersdorf, member of the Moravian branch of the dynasty (+ 1781), who took over the ownership of Oberglogau, related ideologically to the local clergy, who had a great influence on ecclesiastical commissions. In his patronage and foundation activities he consciously followed the activities of his family predecessors, in particular, the above-mentioned George III of Oppersdorf (1588-1651) and his son Franz Eusebius of Oppersdorf (1623-1691). The parish Church of St. Bartholomew the Apostle, whose new interior decoration can be understood as a rhetorical gesture directed against the surrounding Lutheranism, appeared as the centre of attention of the local clergy in the later 1770s. The distinctively conservative iconographic concept of the interior decoration of the church, which forms a sort of show of the genuine Catholic faith, was probably made to a large extent by the local dean Antonin Borek. We can, however, envisage also a considerable influence of Count George Ferdinand of Oppersdorf.8

8 The latest resume concerning the Oppersdorffs and their involvement in the Catholic counter-Reformation with regard to their activities in Oberglogau was given by David Pindur in PINDUR, David: „Si Deus pro nobis, quis contra nos?“ Rod Oppersdorfů jako reprezentant barokního katolicismu v nižším stavovském panství Frýdek. (The dynasty of Oppers- dorfs as a representative of Baroque Catholicism in the lower estate of Frýdek). In: Šlechtic v Horním Slezsku. Vztah regionu a center na příkladu osudů a kariér šlechty Horního Slezska (15. – 20. století) A nobleman in Upper Silesia. Relationship between the region tand the centres on the example of desti-

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The proposed interior stucco and sculptural decoration of the Oberglogau parish church required the engagement of an experienced sculptor and decora- tor, who would also have the necessary workshop forces at his disposal for managing such an extensive commission. Such a sculptural personality, able to carry out such an extensive task, was the already mentioned sculptor Johann Schubert, whose fame, resulting from his numerous successful works on the decoration of ecclesiastical interiors in Opavian and Cieszyn Silesia exceeded the Prussian- Austrian border and reached as far as the region of Prussian Upper Silesia. Together with the workshop of Johann Schubert, Frantz Antonin Sebas- tini (Šebesta), a painter working especially in central Moravia, who made his mark in the visual culture of Upper Silesia in the late 18th century with several of his fresco works, was also invited to Oberglogau during the years 1776-1781. Both artists were not coming into an unknown environment, as even by the 1760s they had engaged in the interior decoration of the local Franciscan monastery church. This time attention was paid primarily to the decoration of the parish Church of St. Bartholomew the Apostle.9

nies and careers of the aristocracy of Upper Silesia) (15th – 20th centuries) (.Eds. J. BRŇOVJÁK – W. GOJNICZEK – A. ZÁŘICKÝ. Katowice – Ostrava 2011, p. 197-222. Compare also GORZELIK, Jerzy: Między Rzymem a Wittenbergą i Genewą 1526 – 1660; Powolne wygasanie baroku 1740 – okolo 1800. In: Sztuka Górnego Śląska od średniowiecza do końca XX wieku. Ed. E. CHOJECKA. Katowice 2004, p. 107-114, 157-159. For Oppersdorffs in general see also MAŠEK, Petr: Šlechtické rody v Čechách, na Moravě a ve Slezsku od Bílé hory do současnosti (Noble dynasties in Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia since the White Mountain until today), II [N-Ž]. Argo 2010, p. 38-39 (key word: Oppersdorff). 9 As regards the activity of J. Schubert and/or F. A. Sebastini in Oberglogau see, for example, LUTSCH, Hans: Verzeichniss der Kunstdenkmäler der Provinz Schlesien, I–III. Bre- slau 1894,300; KRSEK, Ivo: F. A. Sebastini. Jeho malířské dílo na našem území (F.A.Sebastini. His painting work in our lands). Olomouc 1956; PŁAZAK, Ignacy: Działalność artystyczna Franciszka Antoniego Sebastiniego na Górnym Śląsku. Bytom 1967; GORZELIK, Jerzy: Powolne wygasanie baroku 1740 – okolo 1800. In: Sztuka Górnego Śląska od średniowiecza do końca XX wieku. Ed. E. CHOJECKA. Katowice 2004, p. 157-159; CHRZANOWSKI, Tadeusz: Glogówek. Wroclaw – Warszawa – Krakow – Gdansk 1977, p. 40. 123, 131-158; GOR- ZELIK, Jerzy: Oberglogau (Glogowek) – eine oberschlesische Residenzstadt im Zeitalter des Barocks. In: Hansestadt, Residenz, Industriestandort. Beiträge der 7. Tagung des Arbeitskreises deutscher und polnischer Kunsthistoriker in Oldenburg 2000. Ed. Beate Störtkuhl. Mün- chen 2002, p. 201–211; Glogowek / Oberglogau. In: Dehio-Handbuch der Kunstdenkmäler in Polen: Schlesien. München – Berlin 2005, p. 306–311.

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In the presbytery of the Oberglogau Church of St. Bartholomew the Apos- tle, J. Schubert built the frame of the main altar, erected on a slightly concave ground, which he accompanied with side statues of four evangelists with excited rhetoric gestures, placed into dynamic counter-posts. He pointed the triumphal arch, dividing the nave from the presbytery, with an architectonic arrangement of the baptismal font with the motifs of Adam and Eve, the first human couple and Christ’s baptism, and the opposite pulpit, whose sculptural decoration represents the work of salvation through Christ and the Church. The nave of the church became a sort of gallery of foundation figures of the Catholic theological teaching, from King David in the Old Testament, through St. Constantine and St. Helen, to the four Church Fathers, who are accompanied with the most significant saints, St. John of Nepomuk, St. Francis Xavier, St. Peter, St. Mary Magdalene, St. Florian, St. George etc. It is not off the point to see the figures of St. Constantine and St. Helen, on both sides flanking the music choir at the church entrance, at the level of the topical political connotation, as direct allusions to Empress Maria Theresa and her son Joseph II. The sculptural and stucco decoration of the interior was completed by fresco decoration in the spirit of Rococo sentimentalism. Frantz Antonin Sebastini covered the walls of the church nave with painted rocaille decoration, alternating with illustrative pilasters and decorated the walls of the presbytery with scenes from the life of the titular saint, i.e. St. Bartholomew, in Rococo plant framings and, into the vaulted areas of the presbytery, to which the Gothic reticulated wall was left in compliance with the total historising orientation of the iconography, he painted the frescoes with the theme of Christian virtues. Sebastini’s altar paintings, among which stands out the painting of the side altar with the theme of the Finding of the Body of St. John of Nepomuk, contributed to the total impact of the interior decoration. In the Oppersdorf chapel Sebastini painted also illustrative altar with a Crucifixion scene. Together with the interior of the parish church of St. Bartholomew the Apostle, also the interior of the local Franciscan monastery church was given additions in the interior decoration. Johann Schubert took part in its interior decoration in the late 1760s, when he was renewing the scenery-like designs of the main altar, created in 1751 from the funding of Georg Ferdinand, Count of Oppersdorf, and which had been destroyed by fire in 1765. He then accompanied the altar reredos with side statues of St. Clara of Assisi, St. Hieronymus, St. Augustine and St. Elizabeth of Hungary together with the figures of angels on

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the refectory and tabernacle. It was the Opavian painter Josef Lux (1743-1797) who undertook the expressive altar painting with the theme of the Ecstasy of St. Francis of Assisi. 14 Sebastini completed the decoration of the main altar and decorated the pair of side doors on the sides of the altar frame, enabling the entry into the space behind the altar, painted with the figures of the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul. As well, Frantz Antonin Sebastini used his fresco paintings, Santa Casa, to cover the Loretta which Georg III of Oppersdorf had built in the 1730s outside the monastery church and which became a part of the church interior during its consequent extension.10 Other works of both artists in Oberglogau concerned the local town hall. Johann Schubert decorated the building of the town hall with stucco statues of St. John of Nepomuk and St. Florian in the outside corners with accompanying stucco reliefs (1774) and Frantz Antonin Sebastini made his mark with his unpre- served frescoes with the portrayal of the Virgin Mary and Saturn, symbolising the elapsing of time, which accompanied the sundial.11 If Oberglogau was situated around seventeen kilometres as the crow flies from the then Prussian-Austrian border, we come across a similar proof of the exalted Catholic religiosity right behind the then Prussian border, namely in the Upper Silesian town of Opavice (Tropplowitz), belonging to the family property of Sedlnický of Choltice, whose part came to be tightly behind the border on the Prussian side after the division of Silesia. The local Holy Trinity Church, whose sponsorial rights were held by the Sedlnický family, functioned as a family patronage temple. Its importance for the Sedlnický family is well apparent from its in-

10 See PŁAZAK, Ignacy: Działalność artystyczna Franciszka Antoniego Sebastiniego na Górnym Śląsku. Bytom 1967, p. 43; GORZELIK, Jerzy: Franz Anton Sebastini – zbiorowy bohater sztuki górnośląskiej. In: Willmann i inni. Malarstwo, rysunek i grafika na Śląsku i w kra- jach ościennych w XVII i XVIII wieku. Eds. KOZIEŁ, A. – Lejman. Wrocław 2002, p. 262–269; GORZELIK, Jerzy: Powolne wygasanie baroku 1740 – okolo 1800. In: Sztuka Górnego Śląska od średniowiecza do końca XX wieku. Ed. E. CHOJECKA. Katowice 2004, p. 164; For the latest information concerning Sebastini’s activity in Oberglogau see ŠEFERISOVÁ-LOUDOVÁ, Michaela: Obnovený Stern – objevený Sebastini? (Renewed Stern – discovered Sebastini?)Opuscula historiae artium. Studia minora facultatis philosophicae Uni- versitatis Brunensis F 50, 2006, p. 103-106. 11 These frescoes of Sebastini‘s were covered over by painting in 1905 or 1906, see LUTSCH, Hans: Verzeichniss der Kunstdenkmäler der Provinz Schlesien, I–III. Breslau 1894, 300; PŁAZAK, Ignacy: Działalność artystyczna Franciszka Antoniego Sebastiniego na Górnym Śląsku. Bytom 1967, s. 32. Sebastini also worked at the Oppersdorff chateau and elsewhere.

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terior decoration. The funder of this church alone, Karel Julius Sedlnický (1653- 1731) has commissioned a funeral epitaph from the Opavian sculptor Johann Georg Lehner; the epitaph was situated in the presbytery of the Opavice church, while its interior decoration was completed by an impressive fresco (1733) of Jo- sef Matyáš Lassler (16999-1777), the most significant fresco painter of the Pozzo orientation, who had been settled in Opava since 1733.12 The care for the interior decoration of the Opavice church then continued also in other generations of the Sedlnický family members. If in the period before the division of Silesia into the Prussian and Austrian parts, the Sedlnický family relied mostly on domestic artists, living in Opava, then once their property had come to be on the Prussian side, they did not turn to Austrian Silesia any longer, but around 1772 invited Jan Nepomuk Hartmann, sculptor and carver coming from the then already Prussian Nisa, for another interior decoration of the family patronage church in Opavice. Sculptor and carver Jan Nepomuk Hartmann was not unknown in Prus- sian Silesia. Within Prussian Upper Silesia he made several sculptural and carved items, intended for the ecclesiastical interior (Nisa, Břeh) and the above-mentioned Jindřich Hartmann, the sculptor’s father, who was operating especially in Varta (Bardo) and its surroundings, came to Austrian Silesia in 1760. In the presbytery of the Opavice church of Jan Nepomuk, Hartmann built a monumental Rococo main altar on a slightly concave ground, consisting of the central tabernacle, above which hung suspended the altar painting in a magnifi-

12 For basic information concerning the dynasty of Sedlnický and Karel Julius, Count Sedl- nický, who held the post of the land commissioner of the Opavian Principality in the years 1682-1687 see STIBOR, Jiří – MYŠKA, Milan: Sedlnický z Choltic (Sedlnický of Cholt- ice) (biographical entry). In: Biographical dictionary of Silesia and Upper Moravia. Eds. M. MYŠKA – L. DOKOUPIL. Opava – Ostrava 1995, book 3, p. 97-101. As regards Opavice, see, for example, HOSÁK, Ladislav: Historický místopis Země Moravsko-slezské (His- torical topography of the Moravian and Silesian Land). Praha 2004, p. 787. As regards Lassler see, for example, GORZELIK, Jerzy: Pod skrzydłami habsburskiego orła 1660–1740. In: Sz- tuka Górnego Śląska od średniowiecza do końca XX wieku. Ed. E. CHOJECKA. Kato- wice 2004, p. 143. For the latest information concerning Lehner‘s Opavice epitaph see OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Johann Georg Lehner. Funerální epitaf Karla Julia hraběte Sedl- nického z Choltic (Johann Georg Lehner. The funeral epitaph of Karel Julius, Count Sedl- nický of Choltice). (cat. entry). In: ŠOPÁK, Pavel a kol.: Paměť Slezska. Památky a paměťové instituce českého Slezska v 16. až 19. století (Memory of Silesia. Monuments and memory institutions of the Czech Silesia n 16th to 19th centuries). Opava, Silesian Land Museum 2011, p. 110.

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cent Rococo frame, lifted up by cherubs, whose scenic creation is close to the altar of the church in Brieg (Brzeg). The exalted Catholic religiosity of the Sedl- nický family as sponsors and patrons of the church – Karl Johann Nicolaus von Sedlnický (1723-1798) could be the likely commissioner of these works – was expressed in Hartmann’s Rococo pulpit on the Gospel side of the church nave, modelled into the form of Simon’s (Peter’s) ship (which in German is described as aas Schiffkanzeln). This soteriological motif, stressing the indispensability of faith, is not often seen in Silesia; rather these examples appear more often in Bo- hemia, where they date from 1730s-1750s. The use of this motif in the late 1770s is quite unique and testifies to the emphasis placed by the commissioners on the visual expression of their conviction to spread the Catholic faith and news of the Gospel as it was in the times of the victorious counter-Reformation.13 The last example of such a “re-Catholisation” strategy, undertaken at the very end of the 17th century, could be the founding activity of the members of the Gaschin family from Gaschin and Rosenburg, originally a Polish dynasty, whose members lived in Silesia, in the Opava and Cieszyn region. As well, the possessions of this family, which was one of the Silesian Catholic families, came to appear in a Protestant country after the Prussian occupation of Silesia.19 Un-

13 As regards Jan Nepomuk, Hartmann and his activity in Opavice see, for example, OS- TOWSKA, Danuta: Rzeźba Śląska 1650 – 1770. Wrocƚaw 1969, p. 26; CHRZANOW- SKI, Tadeusz – KORNECKI, Marian: Sztuka Śląska Opolskiego. Od średniowiecza do końca w. XIX. Kraków 1974, p. 300. The pulpits of the Schiffkanzeln type, i.e. in the form of a ship, belong with its character to direct visual metaphors, with the help of which the Baroque imagination represented the transcendent world, the world of religious faith. The type of pulpit in the form of a ship comes from Luke‘s account of Jesus‘s activity on the bank of Lake Gennesaret , when he was addressing the crowds from one of the ships, which belonged to Simon (Peter) and his companions (see Luke 5,3). A related type of these pulpits is represented by pulpits whose riverbed has the form of a whale, referring to the whale which swallowed and vomited the Prophet Jonas, while the priest as Jonas proclaims the Word which wins over Death. Another sub-type of pulpits in the shape of a ship are the pulpits whose riverbed is furnished with nets as a symbol of the “fish- ers of men“ (L 5,11). One of the most famous pulpits of this sub-type in the Hapsburg monarchy can be found in the pilgrimage church of the Coronation of the Virgin Mary in Traunkirchen, Austria, where the pulpit in the form of a ship from 1753 is accompanied with a sculptural scene, referring also to the miraculous deep-sea fishing of Simon (Peter), see L 5, 4-7. As regards this, see, for example,BAZIN, Germain: Baroque. Styles, Modes, Themes. London, 1968, p. 44 and image 32. Hartmann‘s pulpit in Opavice is also an example of this sub-type.

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like the Oppersdorf family, who, in this respect, employed Johann Schubert and Frantz Antonin Sebastini, protagonists of Baroque Classicism and Rococo sentimentalism, Antonin Count Gaschin (the Strong, 1726-1796) led the family in an orientation to the Opavian sculptor Johann Nitsch (1742-1830), who was in his time the most important sculptor from the point of view of quality, who managed to make use of the styles of the current Classicism a part of his work, and at a high level. The Opavian sculptor Johann Nitsche worked in Prussian Upper Silesia several times, both for ecclesiastical and aristocratic commissions, and also for municipal commissioners. Unfortunately, not much remains of his work, which sur- prised the viewer with its quality within the framework of artistic events of the Silesian region at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries. For example, he made the altar and pulpit (1780, no longer exist) for the Dominicans in Racibórz in the local monastery church and in 1794 he created a fountain in the square in Hlivice with a statue of Neptune sitting on a dolphin, located in the centre of a square pond. This fountain, in which he repeated the scheme of Baroque fountains, was decorated with details in the Classicist style.14 However, the most and the highest quality of Nitsch’s exterior statues of saints in Prussian Upper Silesia were created on the basis of funding by the members of the Silesian family of Gaschin, Karel Frantz, Count of Gaschin (died 1733) and Antonin, Count Gaschin (the Strong, 1726-1796).15

14 For sculptor J. Nitsche and his activity in the Prussian Upper Silesia see OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Johann Nitsche, zapomenutý sochař z Opavy a jeho tvorba na Hoře Svaté Anny. (Johann Nitsche, a forgotten sculptor from Opava and his work on the Mountain of St. Anne.) In: Pielgr- zymowanie i sztuka. Góra świętej Anny i inne miejsca pielgrzymkowe na Śląsku. Eds. J. LUBOS–KOZIEŁ – J. GORZELIK – J. FILIPCZYK – A. LIPNICKI. Wrocław 2005, p. 91–102, which summarizes older literature. See also GORZELIK, Jerzy: Powolne wygasanie baroku 1740 – okolo 1800. In: Sztuka Górnego Śląska od średniowiecza do końca XX wieku. Ed. E. CHOJECKA. Katowice 2004, p. 163. 15 As regards these two members of the Gaschin family, Karel Frantz of Gaschin and Antonin, Count of Gaschin, compare the new edition of the work of Augustin Weltzel from 1877 (Gliwice), see WELTZEL, Augustin: Pomniki pobożności po ślachetnej rodzinie hrabiów z Gaszyna w Górnym Śląsku. Opole 2003, p. 59-65. As regards Gaschins, compare also SĘKOWSKI, Roman: Herbarz szlachty śląskiej: informator genealogiczno-heraldyczny, sv. II. Katowice 2002, p. 309-315. Antonin, Count Gaschin, called the Strong (1726 – 1796), who married Josefa Udricka (+ 1807), renewed 33 pilgrimage chapels and built 3 news on the Mountain of St. Anne near Opole. Karel Frantz (+ 1733), who married Tereza Guttenstein in 1708, was

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It is, for example, the set of saints’ statues in the Polish town of Cerekiew (Polska Cerekiew, powiat kędzierzyński), where there is a statue of St. John of Nepomuk in the square; this stuatue was funded by Karel Frantz, Count Gaschin, and Antonin, Count Gaschin probably had it made around 1780.16 There is also a statue of St. Barbara and St. Florian on the enclosing wall in front of the parish Church of the Ascension of the Virgin Mary, whose pedestals are fitted with the coats of arms of the Gaschin dynasty, devotional inscriptions and texts describing the funding of these statues by Antonin, Count Gaschin, in 1780.17

a brother of Antonin’s father, Karel Ludvík (+ 1754), i.e. he was Antonin’s uncle. Antonin’s father, Count Karel Ludvík (+ 1754) completed the building of the Franciscan monastery on the Mountain of St. Anne, whose construction had been begun as early as 1733 by his second brother Jan Josef (1681 – 1738). Jiří Adam Frantz of Gaschin (1643 – 1719), i.e. the grandfater of Antonin, Count of Gaschin, the Strong (1726 – 1796) began with the construction of 33 pilgrimage chapels on the Mountain of St. Anne in 1709. The construction of pilgrimage chapels on the Mountain of St. Anne near Opole thus preceded the construction of the local monastery. See the family tree of Gaschins, WELTZEL 2003, p. 40-41. Next to Nitsche‘s statues as mentioned above, among Nitsche‘s exterior statues of saints in Prussian Upper Silesia, there is also the statue of St. John of Nepomuk in Hlivice from 1796?, signed with a still legible monogram [J]N and poorly legible date of the statue origin (Ao 1796?). The statue is placed in front of the Church of the Holy Trinity in Mikolowska street. See SCHENKOVÁ, Marie – OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Barokní malířství a sochařství v zá- padní části českého Slezska (Baroque painting and sculpture in the Western part of Czech Silesia). Opava 2001, p. 2001, 152, note 19. 16 The statue of St. John of Nepomuk bears two inscriptions on the square pedestal. The first inscription with a chronogram referring to John’s beatification (1721) reads as follows: FRANCISCUS CAROLUS / S. R. I. COMES DE GASCHIN / NOBILIS DE ET IN ROSENBERG / HANC STATVAM / PIO FVNDAVERAT AFFECTV; the inscription is made in distinctively Classicist capital letters. The other inscrition, consecrated to the devotion of St. John the Nepomuk and containing a considerably damaged chronogram, reads: Anno / BeatI [?] C [nečit.] /VIDELI [?] / IoannIs NepoMVCenI). Even though it is possible that the statue is older and originated before 1733, i.e. before the death of Karel Frantz, Count Gaschin, who founded it according to the inscription, it seems that the statue is one of Nitsch’s statues, as indicates the form of the hands of St. John as well as the way of grasping the crucifix, very close to the Nepomuk statue in Hlivice, signed by Nitsch, as well as the statue of the same saint in Krowiarki. It is possible that the current statue replaced an older statue and the devotional inscription was recarved on the pedestal of the new statue. 17 According to the inscription with the date, both statues were ordered by Antonin, Count Gaschin (Statuis has / S. Floriani M / et S. Barbarae VM / Illmus Dnus / Antonius / S. R.

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Among the Nepomuk statues of J. Nitsch in Prussian Upper Silesia there are also separately standing statues of this saint in Żyrowa (Żyrowa u Krapkowic) and in Krowiarky (Krowiarky, powiat Racibórz). The facts that Johann Nitsch was entrusted in 1791 by Antonin, Count Gaschin, with the renovation of the statue of the Virgin Mary Immaculata, which culminates the column dedicated to the Virgin Mary in the square in Racibórz, which is a work by Johann Melchior Oesterreich from 1725-1726 also fits into this declarative acquisition of statues of Catholic saints by the members of the Gaschin dynasty and their placement on family estates.18 If Nitsch’s statues of saints in Prussian Upper Silesa were made mostly in the Baroque Classicist style, Nitsch gave way to his inclination to Classicism most distinctively in the funeral epitaph which he had made in the form of reliefs for Antonin, Count Gaschin. This funeral epitaph, which Antonin, Count Gaschin, had installed on the exterior wall of the pilgrimage chapel of St. Mary Magdalene before his death, forming a part of the set of pilgrimage chapels on the Moun- tain of St. Anne near Opole, a place known for its Franciscan monastery, in the foundation of which the family Gaschin also participated, can be understood both as a penitent gesture in the spirit of the movement of the newly inflamed Catholicism in Prussian Upper Silesia at the turn of 18th and 19th centuries, of which the Gaschin family was also an important part, and as a symbolic culmination of the family tradition and confirmation of the role of Antonin, Count Gaschin, as a renewer of the local site of pilgrimage chapels, to which he added

I. / Comes de Gaschin / 1780). The pedestals of both statues are fitted with the coats of arms of Gaschins and devotional inscriptions (S. Florian / tuere nos; S. Barbara / ora pro nobis). As regards these statues, compare also GORZELIK, Jerzy: Powolne wygasanie baroku 1740 – okolo 1800. In: Sztuka Górnego Śląska od średniowiecza do końca XX wieku. Ed. E. CHOJECKA. Katowice 2004, p. 163. The drapery of St. Florian from Polish Cerekva is close with its composition and modelling to the woodcuts of Roman martyrs John and Paul in the niches of the church in Velké Hoštice and also to the statues of the same martyrs in Lískovec. For these statues of Nitsch’s see SCHENKOVÁ, Marie – OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Barokní malířství a sochařství v západní části českého Slezska. (Baroque painting and sculpture in the Western part of Czech Silesia.). Opava 2001, p. 152-153; SCHENKOVÁ, Marie – OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Barokní malířství a sochařství ve východní části českého Slezska. (Baroque painting and sculpture in the Eastern part of Czech Silesia.) Opava 2004, p. 126-127. 18 For this detail see WELTZEL, Augustin Weltzel: Geschichte der Stadt und Herrschaft Ratibor. Ratibor 1881, p. 412; GRUNDMANN, Günther: Oberschlesische Werke des Troppauer Bildhau- ers Johannes Nitsche. Der Oberschlesier XX, 1938, Heft 11, p. 621.

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three new chapels. In spite of the relief portrayal of Antonin, Count Gaschin, as a penitent in a shroud, accompanied with symbols of death and transcience, the composition of this funeral epitaph, perceived in the Classicist manner, one of the more genuine manifestations of Classicism as part of sculpture in all of Prussian Upper Silesia. However, in Austrian Silesia we do not come across it in such a genuine form before 1800.19

II. 1800- 1900

If in the last decades of the 18th century we could trace a certain program, historising a return to forms and iconographic schemes which drew upon the high Baroque and at the same time, a certain ethos related to this return in the artistic creation in Prussian Silesia, which was connected with Catholic commissioners and artists from Austrian Silesia, then immediately after 1800 and during the first two decades of the 19th century we can observe only a mere grinding 19 The first sculptural piece of work made in the purely Classicist style within Austrian Sile- sia is only the monument of Johann Leopold Scherschnik (1747-1814), a known Cieszyn former Jesuit, scholar, collecter and founder of the museum boasting his name, which was built as a result of the attention of Counts Larisch-Mönnich in their municipal palace in Cieszyn and unveiled in 1824. It was the Viennese sculptor Franz Kaehsmann (Käss- mann, 1751 – 1837) who completed the monument according to the design of Johann Georg Lumnitzer (1783 – 1864). Besides the influence of the type of monuments with the motif of an urn and a portrain medallion we can look for the main source of inspiration of Scherschnik’s monument with its motif of a pyramid in the well-known funeral monument of Archduchess and Cieszyn Princess Kristina in the Augustinian church from 1805, which is a piece of work of Antoio Canova, the leading representative of Viennese Classicism. For Scherschnik’s Cieszyn monument see, for example, ŠOPÁK, Pavel: Opava – Těšín: paralely architektonického vývoje od konce 18. století do první světové války. (Opava-Cieszyn: the paralels of the architectonic development from the end of the 18th century till World War One.) Cieszyńskie Studia Muzealne – Těšínský muzejní sborník 3. Cieszyn 2007, p. 225 – 226; SCHENKOVÁ, Marie – OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Malířství a sochařství 19. století v západní části českého Slezska (Painting and sculpture of the 19th centruy in the Western part of the Czech Silesia). Opava 2008, p. 34, the older literature is summarized here. See also ŠOPÁK, Pavel: Johann Georg Lumnitzer. Šeršnikův památník v Těšíně (Scherschnik’s monument in Cieszyn. (cat. entry). In: ŠOPÁK, Pavel a kol.: Paměť Slezska. Památky a paměťové instituce českého Slezska v 16. až 19. století (The memory of Silesia. Monuments and memory institution of Czech Silesia in the 16th to 19th centuries).. Opava, Silesian Regional Museum 2011, p. 182.

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of these regional composition, tectonic and style patterns from the end of the 18th century. After certain half-hearted beginnings, however, even in the former Upper Silesia, both on the Austrian and the Prussian side, more topical artistic streams, headed with the topical Biedermeier and Nazarene painting on the field of painting up to Classicism, Neo-Gothic and Neo-Renaissance began to penetrate. Again some artists from Austrian Silesia asserted themselves significantly in the course of accepting and spreading more up-to-date artistic opinions in the field of furnishing ecclesiastical interiors during the “long” 19th century in the Prussian Silesia, or in its first two thirds, and thus influenced the form of the local Catholic ecclesiastical interiors. In this respect, it was the sculptural and carving family of Kutzer, which made its most distinctive mark and largely influenced in two generations the form of ecclesiastical interiors not only within Austrian Silesia, but also in Prus- sian Upper Silesia and, to a considerable extent, also central Moravia, and whose creation is still obscure in spite of partial regional studies and summaries, even though it exceeds regional significance in its extent and quality and is thus one of the important artistic phenomenon within the framework of the history of arts of the Czech lands.20

20 It is typical for permanent neglect of their work that in the basic compendium of the history of art in the Czech lands, which is a number of „academic“ histories of art, published by the Institute of the History of Art in Prague, the existence of the activity of this family is not even mentioned. In spite of an undeniable quality, which the work of the likes of Bernard Kutzer reach and in spite of the fact that they are represented in the fund of artistic monuments in Moravia, they did not find their way to expert evaluation even in the chapters, dealing with the sculpture of the 1st half of the 19th century in Moravia. As regards this, compare SEDLÁŘOVÁ, Jitka: Sochařství klasicismu (The sculpture of Classicism) (III/1) 1780/1890; Sochařství romantického historismu (The sculpture of Romantic historicism). Morava 1840 – 1860. In: Dějiny českého výtvarného umění (History of Czech Modern Art) (III/2) 1780/1890. Eds. T. PETRASOVÁ – H. LORENZOVÁ. Praha 2001, p. 209-214 (III/1), s. 28-32 (III/2). Not even the above-mentioned publication Sztuka Górnego Śląska od średniowiecza do końca XX wieku. Ed. E. CHOJECKA. Katowice 2004, the so-far latest most thorough monograph dealing with the history of art in the region of the former Upper Silesia (including both Austrian, or Czech, and the Prussian, or Polish part of Silesia, covering history until the end of the last century, did not change the absence of the general knowledge concerning the work of Kutzer’s family among the general public and academia has changed anyway, as it is not mentioned at all here, even though the members of this family fitted temple interiors with interior equipment in at twenty places in the then Prussian Silesia, today Poland. The basic literature thus remains the

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The founder of this very productive sculptural and carving workshop in the 19th century, Bernard Kutzer (1794-1864), was a very gifted autodidact, who did not succeed in receiving professional sculptural training due to unfavourable circumstances, even though he was supported by the members of ecclesiastical elites, such as the Wrocław bishop Jan Kristián Frantz, Prince Hohenlohe. In spite of this shortcoming, he managed to assert himself as a renowned sculptor and carver and established a successful sculptural workshop in Horní Údolí, close to his birthplace, where he employed both his stepbrothers, Cyril Metoděj Kutzer (1803-1856) and Patricius Kazimír Kutzer (1809-1844) and his sons, the oldest Severin Frantz (1826-1875), Raimund (1833-1919) and the youngest Rafael (1846-1919). After the death of Bernard Kutzer in 1864 his middle son Raimund (Reinold) became the upholder of the family tradition, who took the lead of the family workshop and continued with his activity into the first decades of the 20th century. Kutzer’s sculptural workshop, first under the leadership of Bernard Kutzer and later Raimund, successfully accommodated the rising demand for new furnishings of churches and chapels with altars, pulpits and attachments to baptismal fonts and managed to establish a near monopoly position in this respect in the area of the Jeseník region. As mentioned before, its fame and activity were not restricted to Austrian Silesia, but it was receiving a considerable number of ecclesiastical commissions also in the then Prussian Upper Silesia, where it carried out ecclesiastical commissions in at least twenty places.21 Kutzer’s workshop thus brought styles into the area of the Prussian Silesia which it naturally used also in the case of its commissions in Austrian Silesia, or in North-East Moravia and so it markedly contributed to the homogenisation of Catholic ecclesiastical interiors in terms of composition, style, contents and shape on both

monograph SCHENKOVÁ, Marie – OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Malířství a sochařství 19. století v západní části českého Slezska (Painting and sculpture of the 19th century in the Western part of the Czech Silesia). Opava 2008, which includes in the introductory study and corresponding catalogue entries (J. Olšovský) the so-far most complete list of the works of Kutzer’s family, which was made on the basis of detailed regional research. It also includes older regional literature including the studies by Marie Schenkové cornerning this themes. 21 Alphabetically, these places in the current Poland include: Baborów; Biskupice (now Zabrze-Biskupice); Blyszczyce; Braciszów; Gierałcice, Gliwice, Góra Św. Anny u Opole; Charbielin; Labędy (now Gliwice- Łabędy); Jarnołtów; Leśnica; Nowy Browieniec, Pacz- ków; Prudnik; Solniki Małe; Stary Paczków, Tarnów, Ujazd; Zakrzów; Zebrzydowice.

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sides of the then Prussian-Austrian border. It was especially in the Protestant Prussian Upper Silesia, where these interiors of Catholic churches and chapels formed a remarkable enclave. This huge engagement of Kutzer’s workshop on the Prussian side of the border was clearly related to the rising volume of the local commissions from the part of the Catholic Church after 1850, which, in the following years, faced a rising pressure on the part of Prussia, intensified especially in the times of Chancellor Bismarck in the period of the so-called Kulturkampf (1871-1887). These pressures resulted in an increasing popularity and activity of the local Catholic Church, which was accompanied by the increasing need to furnish the existing and newly established Catholic churches with new interior furnishings and mobiliary.

The popularity of the production of the Kutzers from the part of the Catholic ecclesiastical commissioners was a result also of the fact that their sculptural and carving workshop had the ability to carry out the given ecclesiastical interior in such a way that it complied with the requirements of the commissioners as well as the architecture of the given building, while it was able to apply a rather wide register of topical historising styles and formal schemes, from Baroque- Classicist to the formal speech of Neo-Gothic and Neo-Renaissance. The form of these style elements and innovations drew rather upon the domestic sculptural tradition than from the examples taken from current cultural centres (Vienna, Munich, Berlin), which also rather pleased the conservative taste of the Catholic ecclesiastical commissioners. When resolving the specific style orientation and the use of the morphology in the process of making the new interior furnishings, there are two different but interconnected modi operandi in Kutzer’s workshop: the first consists of a mixing and, in fact, additive linking of styles or morphological elements, taken over from close or related style systems, such as the surviving or renewed Ba- roque Classicism, Classicism and Neo-Baroque; in the other case, the dominant historising style is contaminated with the elements of a completely different historising style, or the style of the sculptural decoration is posted into juxtaposition with the total style orientation of the altar. This mostly happened in cases where the Neo-Gothic style was chosen for the altar architecture and the accompanying sculptural decoration and this style was in certain details contaminated with Neo-Baroque decorational elements and Neo-Baroque style or a style in the spirit of the academic realism was chosen for the accompanying sculptural decoration.

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These two methods, however, were not strictly separated in the event of specific commissions, but were combined, while one of them prevailed. An example of the first approach as part of the works of Bernard Kutzer’s workshop in Prussian Silesia is the manufacture of the interior furnishings in the parish Church of St. Andrew in Ujazd in the years 1826-1833, which was apparently the first engagement of Bernard Kutzer’s workshop in Prussian Upper Sile- sia. The style orientation of this commission, which included the construction and sculptural decoration of the main alter, the side altar of St. Joseph and the pulpit together with the architectural attachment to the baptismal font, classified the local interior furnishings of the church as those creations in which the style of Baroque Classicism was chosen in the architectural part and Neo-Baroque in the sculptural part. Otherwise, the style of Baroque Classic was, for altar archi- tectures, the style upon which Bernard Kutzer drew most often in his early phase. For the interior furnishings of the church in Ujazd, the architectonic and sculptural components of the altars and the pulpit with an architectonic attachment of the baptismal font forms an impressive unit, drawing upon the formal speech and morphology of Baroque Classicism, while the architecture of the local main altar represents a variety of the main alter, conceived in the form of an open tempietto, which was in 1782-1784 in the Opavian parish Church of the Ascension of the Virgin Mary according to the design of Maurizio Pedetti, the Eichstätt architect, built by Johann Schubert. The reredos of the main altar was then accompanied with an impressive woodcut of St.Andrew, titual saint of the church, accompanied with side statues of St.Peter and St.Paul, which are made in a style drawing upon the vocabulary of late Baroque and Rococo. The main altar is completed with a Classicist pulpit and architectonic attachment to the baptismal font with the reliefs of four evangelists on the sill of the rostrum of the pulpit and the sculptural group of Christ’s baptism on the pedestal of the architectonic attachment of the baptismal font, made also in the Baroque-Classicist style.22 22 See SCHENKOVÁ, Marie – OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Malířství a sochařství 19. století v západní části českého Slezska. (Painting and sculpture of the 19th century in the Western part of Czech Silesia.) Opava 2008, p. 120. As regards Schubert’s altar, compare, for example,SCHENKOVÁ, Marie – OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Barokní malířství a sochařství v západní části českého Slezska. (Baroque painting and sculpture in the Western part of Czech Silesia). Opava 2001, p. 160, cat. No. S. 15. 13 (J. Olšovský) and a catalogue entry written by Pavel Šopák in the recently published catalogue to the exhibition The Sign of Verticals, held in the Opavian Silesian Land Museum, which resumes in a concise and exhausting manner the contents and religious and political connotations, related to this significant work. See ŠOPÁK, Pavel a kol.:

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The combination of Baroque-Classicist architecture of the main altar and accompanying sculptural decoration in the Neo-Baroque style can be found also in Solniki Male in the local parish Church of the Ascension of the Virgin Mary, in which Bernard Kutzer’s workshop worked in 1858 and, as regards the interior fur- bishings, in the parish Church of St. Nicholas in Zakrzów (powiat kędzierzyńsko- kozielski, Województwo Opolskie).23 In 1852-1854 Kutzer’s workshop built here, under the leadership of Bernard Kutzer, a Classicist main altar with Neo-Baroque decorative elements and Neo-Baroque sculptural decoration (side statues of St.Peter and Paul), which was completed with a tabernacle in the shape of a Ba- roque-Classicist temple with Neo-Baroque angels adoring the apocalyptic lamb on the sealed book of the Testament, with which the roof of the tabernacle culminates and the whole set is completed with a pair of Classicist side altars of the Virgin Mary and St. Joseph, accompanied with Neo-Baroque sculptural decoration (side statues of St. Anne and St. Joachim; St. Ambrose and St. Augustine). Other varieties of these style schemes can be found in the parish Church of the Ascen- sion of the Virgin Mary in Łabędy (today Gliwice- Łabędy, Poland) from the 2nd third of the 19th century and in the parish Church of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Baborów from 1860-1864. In the first case, the Neo-Baroque main alter, conceived in the form of the already introduced tabernacle in the style of a small temple, accompanied with sculptural decoration in the style of academic realism (side statues of St. Peter and St. Paul), while the sculptural decoration of the tabernacle itself – the side figures of adoring angels and the central statue of the Victorious Christ – is in the Neo-Baroque and Neo-Rococo style. In the other case, in the parish church in Baborów, the main altar and its integration into the space of the presbytery is resolved in the form of Neo-Baroque morphology of the main altar reredos and accompanying sculptural decoration (side statues of King David

Znamení vertikál. Církevní a náboženský život českého Slezska od středověku po první světovou válku. (The sign of verticals. The ecclesiastical and religious life of Czech Silesia from Middle Ages until World War One.) Opava 2013, p. 261, cat. entry V/34 (P. Šopák). 23 In the parish Church of the Ascension of the Virgin Mary in Solniki, Male Kutzer’s workshop built a Baroque-Classicist main altar, which it accompanied with Neo-Baroque side statues of St. Antonio Padova and St. Francis of Assissi, and placed a relief of the Ascended Virgin Mary, hovering on clouds, which is accompanied with high reliefs of the Father and Jesus Christ. SCHENKOVÁ, Marie – OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Malířství a sochařství 19. století v západní části českého Slezska. (Painting and sculpture of the 19th century in the Western part of Czech Silesia.). Opava 2008, p. 120.

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and Abraham with Isaac, exterior corner figures of angels on the side parts of the altar beams, side statues of angels adoring the central sculpture of the apocalyptic lamb lying on the sealed book of the Testament), which is placed into juxtaposition to the style of Baroque Classicism, in which the statues of St. Peter and St. Paul, located on the individual consoles in the presbytery, are formed. Examples of another method, based on contaminating the prevailing historising style with decorative elements of a morphologically completely different style, can be found both in Biskupice (now Zabrze-Biskupice, the parish Church of St. John the Baptist), where Kutzer’s workshop operated in 1856 and where the combination of the Neo-Gothic altar architecture and accompanying sculptural decoration in the style of academic realism is applied, and in Paczków, where in the local Church of St. John the Evangelist in 1858-1859 it carried out the construction and sculptural decoration of the main altar. In this case, the uniformity of the Neo-Gothic style of the altar reredos and its accompanying sculptural decoration (side statues of St. Peter, St. Paul, St. John the Evangelist, St. Joachim, St. Anne and the sculptural group of the Coronation of the Virgin Mary with the Holy Trinity, was broken up by side figures of angels, adoring the central tabernacle, which are made in the contrasting Neo-Baroque style. Kutzer’s family workshop continued in the well-established working method and historising styles even in the period when the middle son Raimund Kutzer stood at the head of the family workshop. Under his leadership, the Kutzer’s family workshop created interior furnishings of the churches and cathedrals in at least ten places in Prussian Upper Silesia, both in the family well-established compositions of historising styles of the Neo-Baroque (Jarnołtów, the parish Church of the Ad- vancement of the Holy Cross, 1896), as opposed to the previous Bernardian period enriched with the style of the Neo-Renaissance (Charbielin, the affiliate Church of St. John the Baptist, 1863) and the style of academic realism (Nowy Browiniec, the parish Church of All Saints, 1864; Prudnik, the parish Church of the Archangel Michael, 1865). However, most of the works of Raimund Kutzer’s workshop done in the Neo-Gothic style (Gliwice, the parish Church of St. Peter and Paul, 1868; Stary Paczków, the parish Church of All Saints, 1869; Gierałcice, the parish Church of Archangel Michael, 1869; Blysczyce, the parish Church of St. Catherine of Al- exandria, the beginning of the 20th century) and its work in Prussian Upper Silesia thus reached the very beginning of the 20th century.24 24 As regards these works of the Kutzer workshop on individual places in Prussian Upper Silesia, see SCHENKOVÁ, Marie – OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Malířství a sochařství 19. století

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The most interesting thing about the successful artistic career of the Kutzers, both Bernard and his son and follower Raimund, is the fact that neither of them obtained formal academic education, which in the course of the 19th century was gradually becoming a necessity for an artist. We can, thus, only speculate, where would their steps for education be targeted in the event of more favourable life circumstances. Most probably it would be Vienna and the local academy, for which most artists from Austrian Silesia headed. As an example of artists coming, as well as the Kutzer family, from the Prussian-Austrian boundary, but on the Prussian side, whose life path went in a different direction, we can mention the academic sculptor and carver, Jan Balthasar Janda (1827-1875) and the academic painter Johann Bochenek (1831-1909).25 Their destinies show how great the influence was of the State boundary between Prussia and Austria, or Austrian Prus- sia, established from roughly the mid-18th century, on artistic careers. The fact that both were born in the Prussian region of Hlučín, the first one in Darkovičky u Hlučína and the latter one directly in Hlučín, i.e. several kilometres from the Prussian-Austrian border, fundamentally predestined them for an orientation towards Berlin, which in the 19th century, after Munich and Vienna, represented another significant cultural centre, important especially for the Prussian part of Upper Silesia. Jan Balthazar Janda, one generation younger than Bernard Kutzer, comparable in terms of generation with Bernard’s son Raimund, also came from a humble background. Thanks to the support of the then owner of the nearby Hlučín estate, Hubert Stücker, Knight of Weyersdorf, the young gifted carver, succeeded in obtaining an artistic education, first in Wrocław and later at the artistic academy in Dresden and in Berlin, and then, thanks to the recommendation of his patron he settled (1849) in the sculptural studio of Christian Daniel Rauch (1777-1857), the most significant representative of academic Classicism. After a two-year-long education in the Master’s Berlin studio (in the so-called Rauchswerkstatt), Janda was invited to work on the model of the monumental statue of Fridrich II the Great, on which Rauch was just beginning work. In

v západní části českého Slezska. (Painting and sculpture of the 19th century in the Western part of Czech Silesia.)Opava 2008, p. 118-120, 125-127 (J. Olšovský). 25 As regards these artists and their work, compare SCHENKOVÁ, Marie – OLŠOVSKÝ, Jaromír: Malířství a sochařství 19. století v západní části českého Slezska. (Painting and sculpture of the 19th century in the Western part of Czech Silesia.) Opava 2008, p. 50-51 (M. Schenková); 109-112 (J. Olšovský).

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1864 Jan Balthazar Janda became independent and established his own studio in Berlin. He also made an educational journey to Rome (1867). Even though Janda participated in Rauch’s studio in monumental commissions, and he did not lack the talent in this respect, he oriented his own work rather to miniature, detailed concepts, with which Rauch reproached him. J. B. Janda, admittedly, could cope to a considerable extent with the demands placed on a sculptor regarding period monumental commissions, but it is visible in his work that the inclined to a rather smaller scale and a number of his sculptural works makes an impression of enlarged small sculptures. Janda’s sculptural works were very popular, made from zinc casting, of which the most famous and representative is the sculptural group with St. Hubert, a deer and hunting dogs, created in 1864 for the Prince Hans Heinrich XI, the Prince of Hochberg and his hunting lodge in the Upper Silesian town of Promnice u Pštiny (Pleß). Probably his highest quality monument, which would otherwise be rather a marginal theme in his work, is the tombstone of the first Prague Archbishop, Arnošt of Pardubice. The tombstone with a figure of the standing ecclesiastical dignitary, made in the style of academic realism and formally representing the typical memorial tombstone, which is represented in Bohemia by the Classicist tombstone of the Passau Bishop Leopold Thun-Hohenstein in Prague in the Lesser Quarter cemetery by Václav Prachner from 1831, was made by Janda in 1870 for the parish church in Kladsko (today Klódzko, Poland), on the basis of the contest declared by Rudolf, Count von Stillfried-Rattonitz, the main master of cermonies of the Prussian court.26 In his work, J. B. Janda focused mostly on woodcuts of the saints’ statues and portrait busts of personalities from the ranks of the Prussian aristocracy and high aristocracy, while also making crucifixes and altar statues (mostly conceived in the historising style of Classicism or Neo-Ro- coco) to ecclesiastical interiors in the Upper Silesian part of Prussian Silesia and, above all, in the Hlučín region. In these areas, inhabited by the Catholic majority, he also built simple columns dedicated to the Virgin Mary with the high statue of the Virgin Mary Immaculate (Darkovičky u Hlučína, Rudy Wielkie, Szombierki u Bytomi), carried out in the spirit of serial attributeless academic realism, most of which have not survived.

26 As regards this, see CZECHOWICZ, Boguslaw: Nagrobek i historiografia. O niektórych treściach i funkcjach klodzkich pomników nagrobnych XIV – XIX wieku. In: O sztuce sepulkral- nej na Śląsku. Wrocław 1997, p. 191-195.

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Johann Bochenek from Hlučín was also oriented towards Berlin. He came, just as Janda, from a carpenter’s family. In spite of his humble background he managed to establish himself as a successful regional painter and develop a clientele from the ranks of local townspeople, clergy and aristocracy. Thanks to his diligence and talent he was able to save up a sufficient financial sum to enable him to go to Berlin and receive an education at the local academy of fine arts, which he began to study in 1849. He decided to take this fundamental step under the influence of Jan Balthasar Janda, who was beginning his academic studies in Berlin at that time. Bochenek did not only remain with artistic specialisations, but also added the study of philosophy, English and French. Bochenek’s study at the academy in Berlin was very successful, receiving several prizes, particularly the Great National Prize (1857), which gave him a three-year study residence in Italy. As well, he took several shorter study residences in Vienna and Munich. In the end, he settled in Rome for a rather long time, where he established contacts with the local community of German painters (P. Cornelius, L. Seitz, A. Feuer- bach, C. Overbeck, J. Führich) and the Polish painter J. Malinski. He remained in Rome until 1873, when he moved to Berlin, where he lived until his death in 1909. However, he often returned to Italy during his Berlin period. He dealt especially with portrait and religious painting, which floated about in the spirit of late Nazarenism. His interests in philosophy and theoretical issues of art led him to draft and publish three theoretical treatises from the area of aesthetics and artistic practice.27 Bochenek’s numerous works are preserved in the interiors of churches and chapels at dozens of places of Austrian (Alnultovice, Opava, Jelení) and Prussian Upper Silesia (e.g. Racibórz, Tarnowskie Góry, Orzesze, Baborów, etc.), i.e. on both sides of the Prussian-Austrian border, and he penetrated into Bohemia and Moravia, while he was mostly working for the Catholic clientele. However, we find also commissions for Protestant ecclesiastical circles (the Protestant Church in Mariánské Lázně). To conclude, we can summarise that even after the division of the historical region of Upper Silesia into an Austrian and Prussian part, mutual contacts continued to prevail for a long time, whether in the sphere of commissioners or artisans and a number of sculptors, carvers and painters considerably influenced

27 It concerned the following treatises: Die mannliche und weibliche Normalgestalt, Berlin 1875; Kanon aller menschlichen Getalten und Thiere, Berlin 1885 and Fünf Tafeln goldene Schnitt Normal- gestalten, Berlin s. d.

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the character and artistic complexion of church objects in Prussian Silesia. The solid line of artistic creation, which was, in spite of all the peripetia and disconti- nuity, anchored in the local domestic tradition which had confirmed the identity of the Upper Silesian region for several hundred years, in fact terminates in the sculptural creation of the Kutzer family, Jan Balthasar Janda and in the painting activity of Johann Bochenek. Through the creations of these artists, prolonging this domestic tradition to the very beginning to the 20th century, these mutual contacts terminated and the further artistic development of both of these regions more and more relied on the incorporation into the artistic development on the national and, in isolated cases, also on the international scale.

Resumé Umění a hranice. K otázce působení malířů, sochařů a řezbářů po obou stranách prusko-rakouské hranice od poloviny 18. století po konec 19. století Jaromír Olšovský

Studie se zabývá charakteristikou umělecké tvorby, určené do chrámových interiérů, která byla pořizována představiteli katolických církevních kruhů a příslušníky katolické aristokracie v období od rozdělení historického území Horního Slezska na rakouskou a pruskou část, tedy od roku 1742, až do konce 19. století. Uměleckou tvorbu hornoslezské- ho regionu do velké míry určovala hustá síť objednavatelských vazeb, především v oblasti církevních objednávek, mířících na výzdobu církevních interiérů, která do značné míry přetrvávala i po rozdělení Slezska a v některých případech byla jejich životnost prodlou- žena až do konce 18. století. Na příkladu objednavatelských aktivit opatů významných hornoslezských klášterů (Rudy Wielkie, Jemielnica) a dalších církevních objednavatelů, kteří zaměstnávali umělce z Rakouského Slezska, je ukázáno, že Rakouské Slezsko pro ně představovalo významný zdroj umělců schopných tvořit v pozdně barokním a rokoko- vém stylu a vytvářet specifické ikonografické koncepty, které pro tyto objednavatele nesly specifické významy, od zahledění do velkolepé katolické minulosti tohoto regionu až po aktuální politické konotace, vyjadřující vědomí přetrvávající příslušnosti k habsburskému domu. Tuto objednavatelskou strategii v rovině stylu i ikonografických schémat sledova- li i příslušníci slezských katolických rodů (Oppersdorffové, Sedlničtí, Gašínové), jejichž majetky se ocitly na pruské straně nové vzniklé prusko-rakouské hranice, která region

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historického Horního Slezska rozdělila po prohraných válkách habsburské monarchie s pruským královstvím. Prodloužení této tradice, kdy pro církevní zakázky v pruském Slezsku byli vyhledáváni umělci z Rakouského Slezska, můžeme sledovat i v 19. století, především v tvorbě umělců, jako jsou Bernard a Raimund Kutzer, Jan Balthasar Janda anebo Johann Bochenek.

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Topography of Humour Several Issues Concerning the Organisational and Social Structure of the Schlaraffia Clubs 1914

Martin Pelc

Abstract: Allschlaraffia was an association of humorist clubs, Schlaraffia, which had expanded to several countries in Europe, North America and Asia by the beginning of WWI. Prior to WWI there were 175 of them. This paper focuses on the topography and social profile of the organisation.

Keywords: cultural Clubs, Humour, Allschlaraffia, Schlaraffia, associations, 19th century, social networks

“What was Schlaraffia?” The first humorist association named Schlaraffia was founded in Prague in 1859. Its aim was to promote art, humour and friendship. By the beginning of WWI approximately two hundred local clubs had been founded. Together, they formed a strongly integrated association which, as of the 2nd council of 1883, was named Allschlaraffia. By 1941 it had spread over several continents but historians have not been taking it seriously and only a handful of shorter or topical texts have been written about this association. A thorough analysis of the significance of Schlaraffia should be based on a detailed analysis of its organisational and social structure. The latter is the subject of this paper. Even though Schlaraffia has survived to this day, our topography ofhu- mour will include its development until the year 1914 when the world started to crumble down in which the organisation had been created (both in terms of geopolitical issues and values). We shall begin by stating at least the basic specific of behaviour in Schlaraffia. The term itself is based on the German word Schlar- affenland, a utopian world of plenty. And if Schlaraffenland is utopia, Schlaraffia

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is a parody. The parody addresses the 19th century society with its social hierarchy, performance focus, substance and subordination to the divine authority and adherence to the external symbols of power and respect. The association’s highest authority is an eagle owl as a symbol of wisdom. It used its own vernacular with numerous words based on the old German, counting of years (originally it was minus 300 and eventually the year of the foundation of the first Schlaraffia, i.e. 1859/60, was determined as “year one”, anno Uhui), currency, hierarchy, uniform and medals. Knighthood names were bestowed upon the members which were often humorous puns related to their professions, origin or qualities. The official language was German. That said, foreign nationals could become members if they spoke German. We shall focus on the phenomenon of Schlaraffia since the foundation of the Prague club in 1859 until the beginning of WWI. We need to pay attention to the expansion of this organisation but also to the individuals who “exported the thought”. “Where was Schlaraffia?” Looking at a map showing the locations of the clubs as of 1914, we realize that this Austrian-born idea had expanded in many countries, even outside Europe. As of 28 July 1914 there were 175 active Schlaraf- fia clubs. Of this number, 158 had their headquarters in Europe, 16 in North America (all of which in the United States) and one in Asia (Shanghai). Former locations which had since ceased to exist included New Zealand (Auckland) and Africa (Alexandria). Austria, as the founding country, was no longer the country having most of these clubs (65), having been surpassed by Germany (86). For example, all Schlaraffia clubs with serial numbers 42 to 55 were founded in Ger- many, with one exception (Budapest, number 49). The boom of the Schlaraffia clubs in Austria came as late as in the 1890’s. Other countries that embraced the idea of humorist clubs included Switzerland, the Netherlands, Belgium, United Kingdom and Russia (one each). After WWI the network expanded even more. On the other hand, it was also affected by totalitarian regimes and their repres- sions in Germany and Austria. Even though Schlaraffia still exists today, let’s focus on the period prior to 1914.1 “Who led Schlaraffia?” The first Schlaraffia was founded by German-speaking actors in Prague in 1859. Members of this profession were largely responsible for the foundation of the first local chapters. The expansion of the network was a painful process at the beginning. The second Schlaraffia was Berolina (Berlin) 1 Unless otherwise stated, all data was taken from annual reports Allschlaraffia’s Stammrolle for the given year.

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in 1865. The Prusso-Austrian War began one year later, in 1866, and the expansion in this direction was halted for several years. In 1872 a third Schlaraffia was founded in Leipzig (Lipsia). It took the members fifteen years since the foundation of the Prague chapter to establish a second Schlaraffia in its homeland, in Graz (Grazia, 1873). The existence of a Schlaraffia club in the Hungarian city of Nagykanisza (Gross-Kanisza) is unclear. In chronological order, the fifth Schlaraffia was, in 1876, the then-German Wratislavia (Wrocław), followed by Nordhusia (Nordhausen, 1877), Bruna (Brno, 1878), Colonia Agrippina (Köln, 1878) and Sempronia (Sopron, Hun- gary). The tenth Schlaraffia was founded outside the German-speaking lands, in the Netherlands (Amstelodamia, Amsterdam). It is worth noting that the impetus for the foundation of the second and third Schlaraffia in Austria came from Ber- lin (Grazia) and Leipzig (Bruna), not from Prague. It proves that intensive mobility existed among Austrian and German towns before 1914. Schlaraffia kept expanding to Germany, where 61 of the first 100 were headquartered. Members of Schlaraffia did not need to be German nationals, but they had to speak the language. Although members of various ethnic groups can be founded among the members, the association was de facto German. Similarly, the members of the London, Antwerp and Amsterdam chapters, as well as the members of many US chapters, were almost exclusively Germans with permanent resident (immigrants to the U.S.) or temporary resident (employment mobility) status. Initially, the most prominent promoters of Schlaraffia in German and Austrian lands were members of theatre companies. A typical example of the foundation of a new local club is Vindobona (Vienna). The capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was notorious for, and had a long tradition of, humorist associations (Ludlamshöhle during the first and Grüne Insel during the second half of the 19th century). This is probably why Schlaraffia was founded as late as in 1880, as the 24th local chapter, by actor Konrad Hallenstein (Wendelin von Höllenstein). Between 1858 and 1871 he was in the Estates Theatre in Prague, before he moved to Vienna’s Hoftheater. He was one of the founding members of the very first Schlaraffia (Praga). After several years in the capital he managed to achieve the foundation of a chapter in Vienna where numerous humorist clubs already existed. “So was Schlaraffia an association of stage actors?” Only at the very beginning. Eventually many people started to express their interest to join who were not affiliated with theatre. That said, stage actors retained their privileged status within the association. It was mainly due to the fact that they had come up with the idea

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in the first place, but also due to the nature of its activities. Again, it was not all about humour but also the promotion of camaraderie and art. It included musical performances, theatre, concerts, humorous poem readings and parodies of scientific and literary genres. Since the association published annual lists of members, we can prove the statement regarding the high proportion of individuals affiliated with theatres. Lt us take a look at the lost of members from the season 1886/87. At that time Schlaraffia had chapters in more than 80 cities, mostly in Germany and Austria. To prove our point regarding the professions of the members, we shall work with a reference sample2 containing 337 persons whose profession, or at least social status, is analysed. Counting all members affiliated with theatre (which in itself is a socially variable but still coherent group) we get almost one hundred people (98), which is almost 30 % of all members. They include actors, directors, singers, ballet soloists, band leaders, musicians, secretar- ies and directors, but also hairstylists and costume designers. This specific group can also include individuals affiliated with art as their main source of income: painters, photographers, music teachers, writers, reporters, composers, architects or sculptors. That would make 42 % of all members. This number can increase further if we decide to include owners of publishing houses, lithographers or art dealers. Therefore, more than 4 out of 10 members of Schlaraffia were professional artists or professionals doing business in this area. However, this still leaves some 50 to 60 % of members who had nothing in common with professional art. As we shall find out below, most members came from non-artistic middle-class environment. The Schlaraffia in Opava O( ppavia) is a good example showing how non-professional sympathisers found their way to, and mingled with, artists, since the club’s archives are preserved to this day.3 A database of their members reveals that on the date of foundation, i.e. 2 October 1886, six prospective members ap- 2 The analysed sample contained twelve local chapters: seven from Germany, four from Austria-Hungary and one from Switzerland. The selection reflected the representation of some of the oldest Schlaraffias as well as younger ones. The size of the city was also a key factor: in addition to large cities and regional capitals, cultural or church centres, there were regional mid-sized or small towns, spa towns, towns with military garrisons and without them, towns with and without permanent theatres: 3. Leipzig, 4. Graz, 9. Sopron, 13. Linz, 15. Munich, 19. Zürich, 36. Hamburg, 46. Königsberg/East Prussia, 64. Ulm, 66. Prostějov, 73. Brzeg, 86. Baden-Baden. Only permanent members having the status of seßhafter Ritter, Knappe, Junker are counted. 3 Unless otherwise stated, the data about Opava’s Schlaraffia was retrieved from: Regional State Archive [SOkA] Opava, Schlaraffia Opava, sign. II Ca 65.

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plied: two stage actors, two opera singers, one theatre secretary and one photog- rapher. Twenty days later three more men joined, two of which were actors and the third was a clerk, i.e. the first non-artist. Several years had passed before this category of new members became dominant. “What about the professions of non-artistic members?” More than one-fourth of the members of Schlaraffia were traders, factory owners and owners of all kinds of establishments and businesses (printing house, brickyard). Furthermore, there were hoteliers, restaurateurs and owners of cafés, some of whom were the owners of the establishments were the Schlaraffia clubs held their meetings. Upper- class members included bankers and rentiers. On the other hand, there is one profession whose members were rarely seen in this club: attorneys. The serious nature of their profession was probably inconsistent with the promotion of humour, no matter how intelligent. There were a considerably higher number of doctors and also secondary school teachers deserve to be mentioned. Other professions were rare. Members of lower middle classes were rarely represented (in 19th century, they included craftsmen). Lower classes are not seen at all since they did not have the time and money to partake. In addition to the member fees, they needed to bear the costs of spectacular decorations, uniforms, medals and restaurant checks. Schlaraffia was prepared for everything and basically eliminated unwelcome, lower-status individuals, via its rules. Only men could become members; this rule had its roots in the traditions of pub-going men’s societies. All prospective members had to have a clear moral record. Furthermore, based on the interpretation of the 3rd council (Munich, 1888) meant further restrictions: only middle-aged men of respected status were allowed.4 The purpose of this measure was to ensure social exclusiveness of this organisation, plus a certain level of education enabling the understanding the club’s humour based on parody. Furthermore, similar ages and social statuses of the members were supposed to ensure the relaxed atmosphere in mutual communication. Individual clubs could adopt their own implementing regulations reflecting the respective social environment. While some of them rephrased the general terms and conditions, some, such as Schlaraffia Tridentina (Trento), rejected students and military personnel below the rank of Lieutenant.5

4 SOkA Opava, Schlaraffia Opava, sign. II Ca 143, Das Ceremoniale Allschlaraffia’s, 1888, pg. 12. 5 Hausgesetze der Schlaraffia Tridentina, Trient 1906, pg. 4.

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“Did the membership change before WWI?” Yes. There were more representatives of typical middle-class professions and fewer artists. However, this was regarded as a natural consequence of the expansion of Schlaraffia. The number of artists was limited, while the phenomenon appealed to more and more people. Short- ly before WWI, all chapters may have had seven to eight thousand members. Adding to the aforementioned sample another eight clubs founded in the meantime, the change in the social profile is easily demonstrable.6 During the season 1913/14 the proportion of members affiliated with theatres was much smaller compared to the situation twenty-five years earlier: it was 13 % compared with 30 % in 1886/87. If we take into consideration all art-related professions, we get 25 % of all members (compare with 42 % twenty-five years earlier). Comparing the absolute numbers, we find out that they did not change: the ratio was 98:90 for persons affiliated with theatre, and 143:174 for all artistic professions. The change consisted in the unbalanced representation: whereas there were 61 actors, singers and directors in the ten older clubs in our 20-piece sample, there were only four of these persons in the ten newer clubs. It does make sense. Artists had not been losing interest in Schlaraffia but the association kept attracting more and more middle-class members and, more importantly, chapters were being established in smaller cities with no permanent theatre ensembles and fewer professional opportunities for other artists. Most members in towns like Chomutov, Potsdam or Plauen had nothing to do with art-related professions. However, it does not mean that Schlaraffia was giving up on its rules regarding the social statuses of the prospective members and it remained rather exclusive. The most important change was the increasing number of military personnel among the members, as they chose Schlaraffia as a place for socialising and entertainment. Their membership (similarly to that of clergy and state officials) had some problems and was subject to supervision by their superiors. However, since the situation was becoming more relaxed generally, there were clubs which, shortly before WWI, had more military members than any other profession. For example, Gortia’s (Gorizia) members included twenty soldiers of the Austro-Hungarian army and only nine civilian members. Furthermore, Schlaraffia clubs that used to have zero such members now had

6 In addition to the ten aforementioned cities, the remaining were: 96. Plzeň, 106. Chomu- tov, 111. Potsdam, 116. Gorizia, 118. Trieste, 129. London, 149. Cleveland, 172. Plauen. Nine were from Germany, seven from Austria and one in Hungary, Switzerland, UK and USA, which roughly corresponds to the network of the organisation around that time.

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many (for example, the difference between the two seasons is as follows: 1886/87 v. 1913/14: Grazia 0:19, Sempronia 0:9). Moreover, the example mentioned below (Oppavia) was the same case due to the increasing number of members who were stationed at the local garrison. The club was founded in 1886 and the first officer to become a member was, in 1888 as the 42th member, Lt. Hans Kohl- bacher. His involvement with the club was short-lived, but he was followed by other officers of the same rank. Oppavia saw an influx of military personnel in 1890’s, while attorneys seemed to have stayed out (less than 3 %) and the number of doctors was increasing (just under 9 %). “What was the correlation between the change of the social profile and further expansion of Schlaraffia?” To answer this question, we can once again take Oppavia as an example, as it was founded by actors and played a key role in the foundation of six chapters. Each Schlaraffia had its mother, i.e. a club it came from. The mother of Oppavia was Linzia/Linz whose members included one of the founders, Gustav Nordeck (Zartmund der Zauderer). Besides, three actors-founders were members of Schlaraffia prior to their arrival in the capital of Austrian Silesia: they were Louis Windhopp (Casanova der Saftige, formerly in Sempronia/Sopron), opera singer Felix Lebrecht (Evangelista von der Aeolsharfe, formerly in Ulma/ Ulm) and opera singer Franz Hoffmann (Anredl der Melodramatische, formerly in Oenipontana/Innsbruck). Due to their professional mobility, actors weren’t really long-term members but they were most prominent due to their founder status. The fact that Oppavia was founded by actors is just as symptomatic within the context of the entire Allschlaraffia as the fact that none of its six “daughters” was founded by members of this profession.7 The first “daughter” of Oppavia was Temesia (Timişoara) in 1889. It was the first chapter in what later became Romania and also Schlaraffia’s 100th chapter. It was founded by the director of Opava brewery Eduard von Vest (Siegfried der überall gern Aufgenommene) whose team included several former members of the Posonie/Bratislava chapter. The model of expansion through non-artistic structures can be seen in the case of Austrian journalist Raimund Pribil (sometimes referred to as Přibil, Lu- cifer der Fürchterliche). He used to work as a reporter in Opava where he co-founded the local Schlaraffia. Around the turn of the century he moved to Varnsdorf in northern Bohemia where he worked for a local catholic paper Die

7 Oppavia was one of the most active promoters of the expansion of Schlaraffia.

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Abwehr and co-founded the local SchlaraffiaM andovia (1899). Many clerks, state officials and self-employed businesspersons also took part in the expansion of the network. Oppavia’s third daughter was founded in 1901 in Bielsko (Bilitia) by attorney Hans Deutsch (Knickebein der Cholerische), the fourth was founded in Krnov (Carnovia) in 1906 by tax collector Arsenius Winkler (Renatus der Geigladorf); the fifth in Moravská Ostrava O( stravia) in 1912 by secondary school teacher Alois Schwarz (Fürchtdinit der Universalmensch) and contractor Johann Koschani (Fresco der Genussmensch). After WWI, in 1923, another Schlaraffia was founded in Nový Jičín in northern Moravia N( eoticinia) by deputy bank director Adolf Berger (Bar der Lumpensammler). This analysis proves that although Opava had a permanent theatre and local actors were the founders of the local chapter, the expansion of the network was largely in the hands of non-artists. The Schlaraffia clubs formed a network of sorts whose reach was consistent with that of the German culture. Although, from the legal point of view, all clubs were independent associations, they all acknowledged their “birth mother” Praga and maintained contact mostly with their related chapters. The existence of a Schlaraffia club in a particular city may suggest its relation to the great pre- war central Europe characterised mostly by shared values and cultural and social practices. At that time, the reach of the German culture was manifested through the location of Friedrich Schiller’s statues and monuments located from Mainz to Wroclaw and from Opava to Königsberg, East Prussia (present-day Kaliningrad). It would be hard to find an analogy to Schlaraffia. Various humorist clubs existed elsewhere in Europe (and Czechs even copied Schlaraffia when they founded similar associations with their headquarters in Chrudim) but their size and significance was inferior to that of Schlaraffia. As we show above, the Schlaraffia clubs represented a geographically large and socially and culturally homogenous communication paradigm which needs a lot of attention within the framework of further research of the fin de siècle Central Europe. This text has outlined the basic topography of Schlaraffia to be used as the basis for further research.

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Schlaraffia clubs founded prior to WWI (28 July 1914)

Data structure: serial number (by date of foundation) / name / current original name of city (stricken: clubs that ceased to exist before WWI)

1. Praga (Praha), 2. Berolina (Berlin), 3. Lipsia (Leipzig), 4. Grazia (Graz), 4a. Groß-Kanisza (Nagykanisza),8 5. Wratislavia (Wrocław), 6. Nordhusia (Nor- dhausen), 7. Bruna (Brno), 8. Colonia Agrippina (Köln), 9. Sempronia (Sopron), 10. Amstelodamia (Amsterdam), 11. Stutgardia (Stuttgart), 12. Ratisbona (Re- gensburg), 13. Linzia (Linz), 14. Teplitia (Teplice), 15. Monachia (München), 16. Revalia (Tallinn), 17. Norimberga (Nürnberg), 18. Emona (Ljubljana), 19. Turi- censis (Zürich), 20. Hannovera (Hannover), 21. Fryburgia Brisgaviae (Freiburg), 22. Sedina (Szczecin), 23. Augusta Vindelicorum (Augsburg), 24. Vindobona (Wien), 25. Basilea (Basel), 26. Kilia (Kiel), 27. Kyborgia (Coburg), 28. Gotaha (Gotha), 29. Asciburgia (Aschaffenburg), 30. Oenipontana (Innsbruck), 31. On- oldia (Ansbach), 32. Styria (Steyr), 33. Dresdensia (Dresden), 34. Elberfeldensis (Elberfeld), 35. Olomucia (Olomouc), 36. Hammonia (Hamburg), 37. Colonie Lignitia (Legnica), 38. Strasseburgia (Strasbourg), 39. Wormatia (Worms), 40. Maninheimbia (Mannheim), 41. Budovicia (České Budějovice), 42. Wiesbadensia (Wiesbaden), 43. Dessavia (Dessau), 44. Hildburgia (Hildburgshausen), 45. Mo- guntia (Mainz), 46. Regismontana (Kaliningrad), 47. Magdeburgia (Magdeburg), 48. Budapestia (Budapest), 49. Carolsuhu (Karlsruhe), 50. Assindia (Essen), 51. Chassala (Kassel), 52. Brema (Bremen), 53. Haidelberga (Heidelberg), 54. Dus- seldorpia (Düsseldorf), 55. Brunsviga (Braunschweig), 56. Tarpatum (Tartu), 57. Lubeca (Lübeck), 58. Petovia (Ptuj), 59. Franciscana California (San Fran- cisco), 60. Francovadia (Frankfurt an der Oder), 61. Rotterdamia (Rotterdam), 62. Glauchavia (Glauchau), 63. Meinungia (Meiningen), 64. Ulma (Ulm), 65. Reichenbergia (Liberec), 66. Prostana (Prostějov), 67. Milwaukia (Milwaukee), 68. Colonie Erfordia (Erfurt), 69. Nova Yorkia (New York), 70. Berna (Bern), 71. Gedania (Gdańsk), 72. Novum Strelitium (Neustrelitz), 73. Alta Ripa/Brega (Brzeg), 74. Colonie Londinia (London), 75. Colonie Theotmaltia (Detmold), 76. Francofurta (Frankfurt am Main), 77. Neostadia (Wiener Neustadt), 78. Strelasundia (Stralsund), 79. Suerina (Schwerin), 80. Aquae Thermae (Baden bei Wien), 81. Ostia (Ústí nad Labem), 82. Colonie Altonavia (Altona), 83. Metis (Metz), 84. Herbipolis (Würzburg), 85. Vimaria (Weimar), 86. Aurelia Acquensis 8 Eventually dropped.

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(Baden Baden), 87. Oppavia (Opava), 88. Kemnitzia (Chemnitz), 89. Colonie Claudium Forum (Klagenfurt), 90. Iglavia (Jihlava), 91. Posonium (Bratislava), 92. Gorlitia (Görlitz), 93. Hala Saxonum (Halle an der Saale), 94. Aquisgranum (Aachen), 95. Chicagoana (Chicago), 96. Pilsenia (Plzeň), 97. Colonie Alexandria (Alexandria), 98. Hanavia (Hanau), 99. Saazia (Žatec), 100. Temesia (Timişoara), 101. Colonie Aucklandia (Auckland), 102. Posnania (Poznań), 103. Pietas Ju- lia (Pula), 104. Thayana (Znojmo), 105. Newarka (Newark), 106. Komotovia (Chomutov), 107. Ludovica Missouria (St. Louis), 108. Tataensis (Tata), 109. Erforda (Erfurt), 110. Oldenburgia (Oldenburg), 111. Potsdamia (Potsdam), 112. Antverpia (Antwerpen), 113. Castra Batava (Passau), 114. Veltcuria (Feldkirch), 115. Krummavia (Český Krumlov), 116. Gortia (Gorizia), 117. Colonie Knit- telfeldia (Knittelfeld), 118. Tergeste (Trieste), 119. Cincinnatia (Cincinnati), 120. Ravensbergia (Bielefeld), 121. Tarimundis (Darmstadt), 122. Iuvavia (Salzburg), 123. Brooklynia (Brooklyn), 124. Hippolytana (St. Pölten), 125. Pons Drusi (Bolzano), 126. Claudim Forum (Klagenfurt), 127. Athenae Jenenses (Jena), 128. Filadelfia (Philadelphia), 129. Londinium (London), 130. Salsungia (Salzungen), 131. Castellum Albiense (Litoměřice), 132. Ovilabis (Wels), 133. Mursa (Osijek), 134. Rostochiensis (Rostock), 135. Flensburgia (Flensburg), 136. Budissa (Bau- tzen), 137. Prachatitia (Prachatice), 138. Spreaberga (Spremberg), 139. Castrum Majense (Merano), 140. Mandovia (Varnsdorf), 141. Vitopolis (Rijeka), 142. Tri- dentina (Trento), 143. Marpurghia (Maribor), 144. Augusta Trevirorum (Trier), 145. Colonie Pasingia (Pasing), 146. Caesarea (Jersey City), 147. Bilitia (Bielsko), 148. Egra (Cheb), 149. Silvana (Cleveland), 150. Brennaburga (Brandenburg an der Havel), 151. Zagrabia (Zagreb), 152. Novus Portus (New Haven), 153. Gallia Helvetica (Sankt Gallen), 154. Aemona (Ljubljana), 155. Gotaha (Gotha), 156. Bostonia (Boston), 157. Pontana (Most), 158. Sarebrucca (Saarbrücken), 159. Carnovia (Krnov), 160. Bosna Saraj (Sarajevo), 161. Totowa (Paterson, New Jersey), 162. Barmenia (Barmen/Rheinland), 163. Perla Palatina (Neustadt an der Weinstraße) 164. Teschenia (Cieszyn), 165. Kremisia Wachaviae (Krems), 166. Bochumensis (Bochum), 167. Landeshuota (Landshut), 168. Dornbirna (Dornbirn), 169. Pruthana (Černivci) 170. Villa Hermanni (Sibiu), 171. Libavia (Liepāja), 172. Castrum Plaviense (Plauen), 173. Porta Hercyniae (Pforzheim), 174. Villa ad aquas (Villach), 175. Lietzowia (Charlottenburg), 176. Preciosa Ise- rina (Jablonec nad Nisou), 177. Truymannia (Dortmund), 178. Cygnea (Zwick- au), 179. Gigantea (Trutnov), 180. Caprae Collum (Głuchołazy), 181. Castel- lum Cornoviae (Korneuburg), 182. Bisonia (Buffalo), 183. Cracovia (Kraków),

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184. Colonie Belmontia (Šumperk), 185. Colonie Jadera (Zadar), 186. Colonie Castellum Sanense (Przemyśl), 187. Colonie Ostravia (Moravská Ostrava), 188. Colonie Baruthia (Bayreuth), 189. Colonie Hagena (Hagen in Westfalen), 190. Colonie Hildesia (Hildesheim), 191. Colonie Crefeldensis (Krefeld), 192. Castel- lum Misniense (Meißen), 193. Castrum Bonnense (Bonn), 194. Leopolis (Lviv), 195. Ossenbrugga (Osnabrück), 196. Shanghai-Tse (Shanghai), 197. Washingto- nia (Washington)

1. Schlaraffia in Austria-Hungary

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2. Schlaraffia in Germany

3. Schlaraffia in other European countries

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4. Schlaraffia in the United States of America

5. Lists of members, either as handwritten databases of clubs or centrally printed lists, representing the entire Allschlaraffia (pictured), are a proof of social homogeneity and exclusivity of the Schlaraffia phenomenon. Pictured below is Allschlaraffia’s Stammrolle for the season 53/54 (i.e. 1913/14).

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Resumé TOPOGRAFIE HUMORU Několik otázek k organizační a sociální struktuře spolků Schlaraffia do roku 1914 Martin Pelc

Allschlaraffia byla svazem recesistických spolků Schlaraffia, který se už před první světovou válkou rozšířil do několika zemí Evropy, Severní Ameriky a Asie. V době vy- puknutí 1. světové války působilo globálně 175 těchto spolků. Studie sleduje topografii a sociální profil organizace. První Schlaraffia sice vznikla roku 1859 v Praze, ale nejdříve se intenzivně šířila do Německa, teprve od devadesátých let 19. století se výrazněji uplatnila i v domovském Rakousku. Řada z rakouských spolků přitom byla založena z Německa. Na prahu první světové války existovalo nejvíce Schlaraffií v Německu (86), následova- lo Rakousko-Uhersko (65), USA (16), Švýcarsko (4), Nizozemsko (1), Belgie (1), Velká Británie (1) a Rusko (1). Výsadní postavení si po celou dobu uchovala profesní skupina divadelníků coby zakladatelů Schlaraffie. K nim se řadili příslušníci dalších profesí spjatých s uměním, kteří tvořili ve druhé polovině osmdesátých let 19. století přes 40 % členstva, v roce 1913/14 stále ještě kolem 25 %. Dále byly zastoupeny především středostavov- ské elity (lékaři, obchodníci, továrníci). Ve sledovaném období některé Schlaraffie ovládli příslušníci armády. Svaz zůstával elitní společností kultivující humor, umění a přátelství. Schlaraffia je jedním z typickým fenoménů, vymezujících dosah německé kultury před rokem 1914.

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Czech Silesia – Cultural Identity and Museum Work

Pavel Šopák

Abstrakt: Cultural identity of Czech Silesia is one of the key research topics of regional cultural history of the present, which also applies to historical museology. This paper follows the new role of memory institutions in its formation, which, especially in the region of Czech Silesia, characterized by the absence of historical anchoring the local population as a source of natural regulatory mechanisms, it is not only research-productive, but also very important. Keywords: Museum, Silesian Museum, Cultural Identity, regional History

Cultural identity of the Czech Silesia and its changes and articulation during the 19th and 20th century represent one of the key topics in regional cultural history research. The relation between the topic and present-day memory institutions gives the topic exceptional urgency and currency at the same time: the identity of present-day inhabitants of Silesia is repeatedly studies mostly as a sociological and political issue. The approach is based on the identification of the links between the chronic social and economic problems of the region and the absence of historic roots of the local populace as the source of natural regulation mechanisms. The aforementioned absence of values was caused by the almost total resettlement of the area after 1945 following the expulsion of Germans after World War II, as well as by massive demographic changes due to industrialisation which had started around the 1850’s in various forms, including

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the concentration of inhabitants in industrial satellites of the city of Ostrava or the relocation of the local populace from their traditional towns and villages, e.g. due to the construction of dams or mining or the loss of economic potential of mountain towns and the etc.). Archives and museums were sort of pushed out to the periphery of these processes. The goal is to allow them to get back into the game and allow them to become institutions which constitute and articulate historical identity using new means, instead of focusing on scientific and research activities aimed at the reconstruction of retrospective or leisure time activities. A museum (let’s focus on this particular institutions for the purpose of our discourse) will always be a place sought by individuals with special intellectual needs and demands for intellectual services in terms of the depth and extent of knowledge. At the same time, museums of the 21st century must serve as centres of community work and meeting point for people with certain political, social, medical or intellectual handicaps. In spite of dramas and historical turns museums have managed to retain a special status of purity; unlike many other (mostly educational) institutions museums did not humiliate themselves so much it would make the general public perceive them negatively. Besides, they are known to demonstrate qualities which are no longer associated with, and demonstrated by, other types of present-day institutions (such as many educational institutions which find themselves in a deep crisis). Therefore, museums can lead by example: the activities of a museum demonstrate very well the special continuity which appears as a specific value resistant to trends of the modern days. They express a social value, especially intergenerational continuity of human work as creative activities. Another value is represented by the continuity of private intellectual activity where one leaves their quiet workroom and begins to interact with their audience. Selflessness is yet another key value which has always been associated with museum work. Spiri- tual essence and moral ethos of museum work lose nothing of their meaning while face to face to dominating materialism and consumerism which are literally omnipresent in regions with developed industrialisation and formation of social structures based on individual profit. The important thing is that these values remain resistant face to face with managerial approaches to the running of museums, as we can see in the deterrent case of the Silesian Museum whose director attempts to degrade the institution by bureaucratic decision-making processes and the through the application of the approach described by Michel Foucault as discipline and punish.

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Positive values generally associated with museums are particularly important for the region of the Czech Silesia which, since the 19th century, has been settled by people motivated by economic factors (i.e. profit). It did not change during the 20th century, especially after 1950. Since the 1850’s the majority of the society has been motivated by nothing else than profit. It became the defining value of the region. Figuratively speaking, it is the main thing manual workers and mining entrepreneurs had in common at the very beginning. The same thing contributed to the escalation of social movements during the 20th century and the rise of radical far-left parties. The region became the stronghold of the latter shortly after 1948. Due to the coal mining reduction that has taken place since the end of the 20th century, combined with the global economic crisis during the first decade of the 21st century due to which the region no longer offers its former financial securi- ties, the local populace is naturally frustrated and unable to relocate to find work elsewhere. The people found themselves tied to the region, albeit involuntarily, after decades of solely pragmatic relationship based on money. The settlement of the border region after 1945 and increase in the number of manual workers in the industrial area of Ostrava can be perceived as historical events. They are far less significant today but they still determine the behaviour of the local populace and the thinking of the young generation. Can culture and art play a positive role in this process, despite the fact that they are not associated with the issues of financial security that the society ex- pects from political elite? Hardly. After all, museums (if we were to remain focused on this type of institutions) have never been, and never will be, intended for the entire society, since the enjoyment of museums requires specific state of mind which only a limited category of people is capable of. However, at least this minority can re-identify itself with the region as its homeland through museums. And not just homeland, but also the source of security the enjoyment of which activates individual potential which can eventually be materialized in a pragmatic way. At the same time, a museum is one of the means of the fulfilment of the survival strategy, a key way to survive the present. It is no longer religion or ideology, just like it was in the 19th or 20th century, or political saviours – instead, only one’s individual choice will determine the fulfilment and enjoyment of one’s life. Among the prerequisites of the functioning of a typical, conventional museum in the 19th century and the first third of the 20th century was close cooperation of the spiritual agens of the museum and political and economic elites who served as the sources of financial resources. Two examples (analysed below)

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from the history of the Silesian Museums are known which can be interpreted as perfect example of individual involvement of present-day elites in the forming and demonstration of profile of a museum institution. Of course, back then they were real elites. Today, it is almost impossible to convince present-day political and economic elites to become partners of museums. The present-day sponsorship is a typical example: while around 1900 financial contributions to museums were widely regarded as a sign of social prestige, today museums have to become sorry beggars, only to receive a fraction of the amount donated by benefactors and donators at the beginning of the 20th century. We all know that the social role of museums has changed dramatically. It still has its Neo-Renaissance façade with the dome and statues, but it no longer is the showcase of elites because it has become (perhaps) a public service institution. That said, its mission has not changed: it still takes care of spiritual values and it still builds a wall to keep materialism and consumerism away by accentuating the real-life examples of intellectual needs. It helps develop qualities every human being has: the sense of beauty and the lust for knowledge, i.e. timeless values that beat the primitive utilitarianism. These values determined the museum work in the two cases described in this article – in the case of the Gymnasium museum and the museum of decorative art, i.e. the predecessors of the present-day Sile- sian Museum around the year 1814 and one hundred years later. They should be defining today as well. By the way, it is the reason why we even pay attention to the history of two Opava-based museums which were given the name zemské (regional). The museums (and their activities) were two individual journeys of resources and creation of cultural identity of Silesia. This identity has maintained a certain level of resistance in spite of the fact that Silesia, as a self-governing unit, ceased to exist in 19281 but the region still exists. It has different inhabitants and different problems but the same museum. And the same museum is associated with the search of the survival strategy as a tool for the resistance against social crises and political turnovers.

1 I would like to acknowledge the help from Mgr. Markéta Kouřilová from the Silesian Museum and PhDr. Karel Müller from the Regional Archive in Opava.

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II.

Every detailed analysis of the history of museums in Czech lands begins with the Gymnasium museum in Opava. However, the situation is not as simple as many publications may suggest. Uncovering the complicated history of museums has its purpose. The complications associated with the foundation of the institution are related to the identity of the region as such, albeit articulated via various instruments used by the museum, as well as the estates which have remained to counterbalance the etatism of Viennese governments and the emperor, and the civic society which is far from being established (and the journey to the establishment of the civic society is evidently going to be long and arduous). After one of the founders, historian, geographer and secondary school teacher Faustin Ens promoted, in 1835, the foundation and initial form of the museum, a long period of time followed between his time and our present during which there have been numerous opportunities for identification with this work. The museum’s story begins on 1 May 1814 because it is mentioned as such in Ens’ work. Let’s stick to his description and look back at the events prior to this date. “Three men,” Ens writes (referring to the Lord Mayor of Opava Johann Joseph Schößler, retired military marshal Franz Mückusch von Buchberg and himself), “unified by their common lust for knowledge and even bigger wish to utilise this knowledge, decided in 1814 to establish a museum in Opava.” The premises for the museum were offered by the local gymnasium (secondary school) where Ens worked. Its students were supposed to be the principal visitors of the museum. Ens and his colleagues were convinced that “it is never too early to be introduced to the noble cathedral of nature; it is never early to start reading in the Bible of nature written by the Lord himself and to find, respect and follow its principles of order, love, modesty, harmony, diligence and quiet friendship, and to learn from the unknown author how to love, respect and adore the greatness, wisdom and goodness“. Being aware of this common centre of perspective, they engaged in a “friendly competition” and proceeded to bring into one empty classroom of the gymnasium books from their own private libraries, minerals and rocks from their collections and plants from their herbaria, naturally “at their own cost”. Therefore, on 1 May 1814, “they gave their first blessing to this institution”.2 The purity of Ens’ idealism, or even the innocence of his actions unaffected by personal ambitions, politics or political trickery, lust for money, power or fame and the whole personal involvement for the benefit of high ideas was fascinat- 2 ENS, F.:, Das Oppaland oder der Troppauer Kreis 1, Wien: Carl Gerold 1835, pg. 157–158.

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ing back then and it still is today. More importantly, this founder’s gesture was and still is perceived neutrally (in terms of values) and Ens’ contemporaries and fol- lowers have had no problem identifying with it, especially after 1860, i.e. after the reinstating of the constitutional order when the full development of civic activities occurred (one of the streets in Opava was named after Ens). It was acceptable enough for the first Czechoslovak Republic and the years of the Nazi regime in the border regions. It resonated during the period of post-war reconstruction of Silesia and Opava and it was also acceptable enough for the long period of the communist regime between 1948 and 1989. In other words, this gesture was acceptable for the monarchy, the new republic, Germans and Czechs. On the contrary, the more evident the absence of power elites and their involvement in the foundation of the museum, the easier it was much later for local elites to identify themselves with the story told as a founder’s myth of the oldest museum in Czechoslovakia (or the Czech Republic, with regard to the current situation). In the second half of the 20th century this founder’s myth was reminded on two significant occasions: first, with regard to the celebration of the 150th anniversary of the Gymnasium museum (1964) via a special edition of a journal and a commemorative plaque on the wall of the former gymnasium; second, with regard to the celebration of the 175th anniversary of said institution (1989) which included an exhibition. In both cases, these events were held under tense political circumstances: the celebrations in 1964 were affected by the relaxed atmosphere ultimately leading to the Prague Spring events, while the opening of the exhibition in 1989 came shortly before the Velvet Revolution events in November 1989. It was almost as if the legacy of the Gymnasium museum was to become a leading example when the going gets tough. This was the case of one of the authors who did not use Ens’ date – unlike Erasmus Kreuzinger, author of Kronika města Opavy (1862)3 or the retrospective chronicle of the town, just citing Ens’ data:4 Anton Madlé and his “liberal-civic” topography of Silesia. Madlé was satisfied with the mere data of foundation (6 February 1819), which was the date of the official approval of the organisational directive.5 Similarly, it would have been hard in the spring of 1914 to read anywhere

3 KREUZINGER,E.:, Chronik der alten und neuern Zeit Troppau’s oder Troppau und seine Merk- würdigkeiten. Troppau 1862, pg. 226. 4 State Regional Archives Opava, Archives of the City of Opava, inv. no. 479, vol. 83; inv. no. 481, vol. 235; inv. no. 483, vol. 90. 5 MADLÉ,A.: Das Herzogthum Schlesien, unser Heinmatland. Mitteilungen aus der Heimatskunde. Troppau, Otto Schüler’s Buchhandlung 1858, pg. 90.

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about the 100th anniversary of the institution: an Opava-based German science association, whose mission was to develop the scientific mission of the Gymnasium museum, celebrated the 80th birthday of Erst Haeckel by sending a congratula- tory telegram to him6, instead of commemorating the oldest museum in Opava. The city museum and the museum of decorative arts had a media outlet named Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kulturgeschiche Österreichisch-Schlesien; it would be impossible to find any reference to the 100th anniversary on the pages of this paper. It was the dissolution of the Gymnasium museum on 1 May 1939 (when it became a natural history department of Říšské župní muzeum in Opava – the present-day Silesian Museum) that motivated the last curator Norbert Piffl (1868–1945) to draw up a typewritten anthology of documents including old articles, documents and profiles of former curators and librarians, to commemorate the “good old times” of the Austrian Empire.7 Furthermore, the term oldest museum in Czechoslovakia was first used by the German museum administration after the self-governing Silesia (Země slezská) was dissolved in 1928 and the administration needed material resources and new premises for the museum’s collections during the economic crisis. The reference to the antiquity of the museum turned into pragmatic and painstaking efforts consisting in the begging for material support and premises. The latter applies to the situation after 1945. However, after 1989 the 200th anniversary only became a part of a complex marketing strategy where no ethos (which every myth must have) was present. Important and certainly not obsolete texts from the period of time between 1964 and 1989 painted a picture for Czech readers of the history of the Gym- nasium museum until 1850.8 On the other hand, foreign experts still have to make do with Ens’ characteristic today.9 The purpose of this study is to open

6 KURZ, J.:, Kurzgefaßte Geschichte des Vereines in den Jahren 1895–1925. Troppau 1925, pg. 24. 7 PIFFL, N.:, Wissenswertes über das Gymnasialmuseum in Troppau. Troppau 1940. Typewritten, kept in the library of the Silesian Museum, book number C9103M and S17003. – A note on the front page asking the reader to be extra cautious while handling the typewritten copy proves that the work was published in several copies and it was to be available to museum library clients. 8 ORLÍK, J.: Počátky Gymnasijního muzea v Opavě. In: Bohumil Sobotík (ed.), 150 let Slezského muzea 1814–1964. Ostrava, Krajské nakladatelství, pg. 19–38. 9 RAFFLER, M.: Museum – Spiegel der Nation? Zugänge zur Historischen Museologie am Beispiel der Genese von Landes- und Nationalmuseen in der Habsburgermonarchie. Böhlau: Wien – Köln – Weimar 2007, pg. 170–173.

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new research perspectives. It shall be based on a critical review of the founder’s myth which, in 1964, was summarised by Josef Orlík in one sentence: “on the first of May this year, it has been 150 years since the opening of a museum in the building of the gymnasium in Opava. And not just in Opava, it was the first museum on the territory of our republic.”10 The story of the museum was formulated by Erich Šefčík who used similar expressions when he wrote that “on the first of May [1814] (…) collections were made accessible for the first time which became the cornerstones of the Gymnasium museum in Opava”11 or that the “Gymnasium museum was founded on 1 May 1814.”12 This simple but interesting story of the birth of a museum – the first and oldest museum on our territory – must be rejected at first as a mere myth, so that the research work about the Opava museum (and not just the museum) could begin in the first place. It needs revisions from various points of view without another myth being created instead. Therefore, the text below is going to offer unverifiable hypotheses, not firm truths. This demystification shall be based on quotes used by the creators of these myths themselves. We can easily agree with the statement that, in 1814, the museum in Opava was “brought to life”, as Gottlieb Biermann writes13 or that the “donation of several books represented the laying of the foundations [of the museum]” as Karl Berthold writes14. That said we cannot agree with the overstatement offered by Milan Myška who asserts that “on 1 May, with no pompous celebrations, the collections were made accessible to the general public in the Gym- nasium museum in Opava.”15 It is not about technicalities, but an exact formulation and its analysis. Let’s see what really happened in 1814.

10 ORLÍK, J.: K dědictví opavského Gymnasijního muzea. In: Opavsko. Vlastivěda Ostravského kraje Vol. 9. Opava 1964, pg. 21–22. 11 Š EFČÍK, E.: Franz Mückusch z Buchbergu, Johann Josef Schössler a Faustin Ens, zakladatelé opavského gymnazijního muzea r. 1814, in: Cieszyńskie Studia Muzealne – Těšínský muzejní sborník 1, Cieszyn 2003, pg. 43. 12 KALUS, J.: (ed.), 175 let Slezského muzea v Opavě 1814–1989. Opava: Slezské muzeum 1989, [pg. 10]. 13 BIERMANN, G.: Geschichte der Herzogthümer Troppau und Jägerndorf. Teschen 1874, pg. 658– 659. 14 BERTOLD, K.: Schlesiens Landesvertretung und Landeshaushalt von ihren Anfängen bis zur neuesten Zeit. Aus Anlaß des 60-jährigen Regierungs-Jubiläum vom 2. Dezember 198 Cf. Majestät des Kaisers Franz Josef I., II. Teil Landeshaushalt. Troppau: Verlag des schlesischen Landesausschußes 1909, pg. 97. 15 MYŠKA, M.: První přírodovědné muzeum v českých zemích. Ke 175. výročí vzniku Slezského muzea

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Let’s start with an analysis of several seemingly basic terms, such as the noun public and the same word used as an adjective. The supremacy of the museum in Opava as the oldest museum in the Czech Republic was based on the fact that it allegedly was a public museum, as if its predecessors had not been regarded as such. At this point we shall emphasise the difference between a private and public collection or library as it was perceived in the 18th century. A succinct explanation was offered by Johann David Köhler: private collections are related to individual lifestyles of elites, while public collections and libraries are created thanks to the efforts of towns, estates or schools (i.e. universities, lyceums or gymnasia).16 With regard to the situation in Central Europe around the year 1800, a “public museum” is any museum founded under the aforementioned circumstances. As far as Moravia is concerned, this definition applies to the science room of the Olomouc lyceum and especially the math and physics museum of the department of philosophy in Brno (1808).17 The term public must be considered with regard to estates and the resulting social hierarchy of the society, not within the meaning of the civic society which came much later. If we were to claim that the museum in Opava was public, we would assume it was accessible to anyone because of what we think is public today. However, the situation during the aforementioned time period was much different. The perception of the public during the time when the estates of the realm existed included a relatively large category of people which included current political, social and intellectual elite, as compared with even larger category known as commoners who were totally passive and uninvolved and uninformed – i.e. they played no role in the definition of the term public. The journey from the interpretation of the term during the existence of estates to the present-day situation, when the term public refers to the entire populace may consist in the “publication” of the public interest via dailies, i.e. continuous increase of familiarisation with the issue. Therefore, the economic

v Opavě. Vesmír 1989, Vol. 68, No. 12, pg. 695–696. 16 KOHLER, J. D.: Anweisung für Reisende Gelehrte, Bibliothecen, Münz–Cabinette, Antiquitäten– Zimmer, Bilder–Säle, Naturalien und Kunstkammern u. d. m. mit Nutzen zu besehen, Frankfurt – Leipzig: Knoch- und Eßlingerische Buchhandlung 1762, passim.; which include defini- tions such as: “Die Bibliothecken werden in publicas und privatas abgetheilen”. 17 [HALLASCHKA, C.], Historisches Umriß des Entstehens und Fortganges des matematisch-physikalischen Musäums an der k. k. philosophischen Lehranstalt in Brünn vom Jahre 1808 bis 1814. Vaterländische Blätter für den österreichischen Kaiserstaat No. 56, 13 July 1814, pg. 329–333.

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aspect was not an issue (i.e. whether or not a visitor can even afford to buy a ticket, since the Gymnasium museum started to charge an entry fee in 1914). Let us notice that the press wrote on a regular basis about the bringing to life of the idea to establish a regional museum in Brno by the local Society for the Pro- motion of Cultivation or about the math and physics museum of the department of philosophy. On the other hand, the first reference to the Opava museum can be found in newspapers printed in Vienna, Prague or Brno in March 1918. Not a word before that, with one innocuous exception. Therefore, it would be naive to expect that the opening of the museum for the public on 1 May would take place without media interest, e.g. the local Troppauer Zeitung. The idea was not revealed to the readers and subscribes of local newspapers who were members of the elite and not the general public according to the civic society interpretation of the term. In other words, almost nobody knew anything about a museum on 1 May 1814. As we will explain later, that is not entirely true either. The situation is further complicated by the fact that even contemporaries were not entirely sure as to what the difference was between a public and private museum or between the old type and the new type of public museums. As we know from bibliography sources, physician Kajetán Nenning (1769–1845) from Vrchlabí asked in the Hesperus magazine in 1812 how long people in Bohemia would have to wait for a museum just like the one in Graz named Joanneum.18 This text is well-known19 – but only the text that followed is quoted. Writing for Hesperus, an anonymous author (possibly its publisher Christian Carl André) ac- cused Nenning of being ignorant and not knowing the Prague collections, as he had asked when Bohemia will have its own natural history museum. It did have one.20 A second term that needs to be analysed is the term society meaning “a formally formed group of people who share interest in a certain issue”. Establish- ing an official society in Opava (i.e. a sophisticated educational institution)21 was

18 Hesperus 1812, pg. 630. 19 As mentioned, for example, in: Karel Sklenář, Obraz vlasti. Příběh Národního muzea. Praha: Paseka 2001, pg. 58–59. 20 [Anon.], Vorschlag über Natur-Studium in Böhmen überhaupt und botanisches insbesondere bei Gelegenheit des Aufsaßes über die Schminkbeere. Hesperus no. 37, May 1813, pg. 294–296. 21 It would be possible to refer to the Civil Code from 1811 (adopted as act number 946/1811) but it only acknowledges the term profit-making company as a capitalist entity,

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unthinkable, as the only permitted society of this kind in the whole of Moravia and Silesia was the Brno-based Society for the Promotion of Cultivation. The ap- plicants, i.e. Faustin Ens (1782–1858), Johann Joseph Schößler (1761–1834) and Franz Mückusch von Buchberg (1749–1837) could not even think that anything like that would ever be possible. That said, a society like that (as we know from other cases) represents the necessary conditio sine qua non for the birth of a proper public museum. However, they needed to approach the public after all – let’s reiterate that, for the purpose of this article, public is referred to with regard to estates, not the civic society as we know it – to make sure their museum would eventually become public property and retain this status even within the meaning of the growing pains of the civic society. They had to make sure their means and measures do not violate the applicable law and that they do not arouse any suspicion. During the second decade of the 19th century during the reign of Francis I and the rise of the political star that was the minister (1809) and chancellor (1821) Clemens von Metternich, the words like club or association fell into disuse due to the atmosphere of fear of political conspiracies which were claimed to be planned by real-life or fictitious clubs or associations. It was widely believed that such actions represented a clear and present danger for the state and individuals associated with these associations faced the risk of prosecution and imprison- ment. Therefore, the museum founders had to be as cautious as possible. And indeed they were. However, due to certain indiscretion demonstrated by the Hes- perus magazine, mainly one of its authors Christian Carl André, people could still read what happened some time in spring of 1814. In a short article about the museum, dated 23 April 1818, he writes that in 1814 a draft status was approved with a request for approval addressed to the regional office in Opava (…die im Jahr 1814 entworfenen Statuten sammt deren Einbegleitung an das k. k. Kreisamt…). Isn’t it a typo? Shouldn’t it be “1815” when this request is known to have officially been sent?22 We shall admit that it is not in fact a typo. In fact, in 1814 some first request was sent to the Opava regional office. This document has not been identified and it is not quoted anywhere. Nevertheless, certain negotiations with the regional office undoubtedly took place. One can see it from the museum’s ledger.

pursuant to sections 1175–1216 of said act, but not terms like club, society, corporation in the area of edification or culture. 22 [ANDRÉ, CH. C.], Troppauer Museum. Hesperus 1818, pg. 129.

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This source of information has been ignored in terms of a serious analysis, even though some information about the operation of the museum used to be mechanically retrieved from it.23 As a consequence, the term museum gets two meanings with causal relations between each other. First, it is a physically existing entity, i.e. a collection with certain structure and dynamics created with certain intentions. Second, it is an administrative and legal framework of the process of collection and the out- come of these efforts, coincident with the terms club or society. The ledger reflects both meanings of the term, but initially it is related to the second meaning, i.e. the legal substance of the matter. The issue is relatively complicated due to the fact that the society is still organised in accordance with estate principles and, at the same time, it is affected by the provisions of the penal code which, in 1803, outlawed secret societies. To explain the events of 1814, we can use an analogy with the situation which is going to occur much later, after the adoption of a federal law (1852) and the reinstatement of the constitutional order in 1860’s. Around that time, the attempt to establish a museum would look as follows: ap- plicants – in our case, the trio Ens, Mückusch and Schößler – would have to draw up a draft of articles of association and submit the document for approval by an executive body, so that they could bring the society to life via a foundation meeting. According to the articles, the club has clearly non-political goals and measures are defined for the reaching of its goals. The articles also stipulate the obligation to keep records of the assets of the club and its members. In our case, the club is called Gymnazijní museum (Gymnasium museum) and its non- political goals are evident (the foundation of a museum), as are the resources to be used: financial donations and organisation of musical and theatre performances, the proceeds of which are used for the operation of the club. It is no coincidence that the first income entry in the ledger (dated 10 April 1814) is related to the organisation of a music academy, the proceeds of which became the initial investment; while the first expenditure entry in the ledger was made on the same day; it was related to the transport and tuning of a piano used for a matinee that was probably held in a classroom, i.e. the future premises of the museum. From the point of view of the relevant law, we can see that the purpose

23 Regional Archive in Opava, fund Gymnazijní muzeum Opava, unprocessed, book no. 4, contains entries from 1814–1925. I would like to acknowledge the help of PhDr. Karel Müller, director of the Regional Archive in Opava, with all documents related to the museum.

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is proved, ledger is maintained and the origin of financial resources is known. The only undocumented thing (which in fact cannot even be documented in advance) is the membership base since the second income entry in the ledger says “dr. Werner – 1 gulden” – it can be interpreted as the payment of a membership fee by a new member. The trio of founders served as the preparatory committee. The real six-member committee was to be appointed only after the approval of the museum in 1819. We shall add that this activity was indeed public only within the meaning referred to (with regard to libraries and collections) by authors such as Johann David Köhler. From today’s perspective, it looked like a semi-private activity of a secret smaller group of friends. Sharing the name with the museum itself, Gymnazijní museum, the imaginary club carried out its activities on the premises of the state-run secondary school. It was possible since its goals were consistent with the intentions of the government in the area of secondary education and the reforms of educational pro- grammes at gymnasia, as introduced by Anton Heinrich Friedrich von Stadion (1806) or the new study plan for gymnasia (1808) which emphasised natural sciences, practical courses and the importance of libraries and equipment. How- ever, it meant that the activities of the museum had to be intended primary for students. In exchange for that, the “club” was relieved from the obligation to pay rent. Other than that, he had to be completely independent in terms of economic issues. This is why the ledger contains entries regarding the costs of cleaning, purchase of office supplies etc. Each page of the ledger was initialled, at the end of the fiscal year, by Schößler and Mückusch von Buchberg, i.e. not by Faustino Ens who was an employee of the school. The signatures of the two members of the preparatory committee served as the approval of the accuracy of the financial statement. The entries are related to the purchase of numerous practical items or books, as well as to the transport of donated or purchased collections to Opava or the museum, as well as the costs associated with the sending of applications to the local self-government in Brno where the imaginary club sought the official acknowledgement of its legal activities. Who were the members of this imaginary club named Gymnazijní muzeum? Aside from the aforementioned trio, the most important (and most ignored by official sources) member was Ernst Mückusch von Buchberg (1740–1814), brother of Franz Mückusch and then-governor of the Opava region and, at the same time, principal (sic!) of the Opava gymnasium. It was clearly him who gave advice to the trio of the applicant, as to how to proceed. He made sure not to

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get involved. First of all, it was necessary to give Faustin Ens (a private teacher) a job at the school. Shortly after being hired as a substitute teacher, he was offered a full-time job of history and geography teacher (January 1814), following the death of another teacher, Irenäus Huber. The job went to Ens after a series of issues which revealed that he did not really have what it takes to become a teacher.24 One year later, Franz Mückusch was also hired … as the deputy principal of the school. The foundations for the creation of the museum and its further development in cooperation with the gymnasium have been laid. Several members of the faculty may have contributed to the fruition of the idea (which is thought to have occurred as early as in 1812–1814). Several remarkable personalities can be identified in this regard: such as Rochus Schüch (1788– 1844), math and science teacher who left Opava in 1813 and became a curator of a science room in Vienna and, following a series of misadventures, went to Brazil where the co-founded the present-day National Museum in Rio de Janeiro (1818). Schüch’s successor Martin Filser had surely been in contact with the trio of founders prior to the aforementioned events mainly due to his knowledge in the fields the three men were unfamiliar with.25 Furthermore, there were several men identified by Faustin Ens as donators of particular items for the museum. They were, in alphabetical order: Karel(?) Czeike, Joseph Herink, Augustin Mayer, Josef and Karel Pohl, Johann Rauch, Johann Richtarský, Anton Saliger, Joseph Weiss, Franz Joseph Werner and J. Zebe.26 As for the men’s professions, they were factory owners (Czeike, Pohl brothers, Weiss), clergymen (Herink, Richtar- ský), top-level officials working for notable Silesian aristocrats (Mayer, Zebe), one handyman (Rauch was a master watchmaker), teacher (Saliger) and lawyer (Wer- ner was an attorney and notary public). Anton Saliger is the most remarkable of them all. Despite working as a school groundskeeper in a relatively distant town of Leskovec, he was brother-in-law of a private scholar named Karel Josef Jurende (1780–1842). Well-educated Jurende, a publisher from Brno, was interested in as- tronomy and meteorology. Thanks to his studies of caves in the Moravian Karst

24 MYŠKA, M., END, F.: Životní příběh slezského intelektuála doby předbřeznové. Opava: Matice slezská 2003, pg. 35–38. 25 The importance of this position can be proved by the mention, in 1814, of the hiring of Martin Filser in Intelligenzblatt der Jenaischen Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung No. 19, April 1814, pg. 146. Personnel changes at universities, lyceums and gymnasiums in Austria are mentioned there. 26 ENS, F.: (1835), pg. 158-159.

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he is regarded as a pioneer of speleology in Moravia. He represents a unique link between the museum in Opava and the Brno-based Society for the Promotion of Cultivation. Other inhabitants of Silesia with some relations to the museum were among the members. Let’s go back to 1814. After the music academy on 12 April nothing exceptional happened – if we don’t count the mysterious first of May which is not reflected in the ledger and which can only be associated with one thing (should we once again use the analogy with the social life of the civic society: the imaginary founding general meeting of our imaginary club named Gymnazijní muzeum. The creation of the museum within the second meaning of the word (i.e. as the physical entity) continued during August: seven bookcases were purchased for 21 guldens and one case for the display of minerals. New books were acquired as well: the “museum club” paid for the delivery of books from the property of Franz Mückusch von Buchberg and it also bought 27 books from the auction of the property of Baron Skrbenský. It also paid for the delivery of minerals which are thought to have belonged to Mückusch’s private collections. Let us picture the situation: during 1814 the aforementioned furniture was installed in the gymnasium’s room and it was filled with items, mostly books and mineral samples. The same applies to entomology, which is why the museum purchased insect pins and installation material such as cartons and cotton. Other items kept flowing in, such as stuffed birds. In the summer of the same year, the first ancient coins were added, namely an Ancient Rome coin and one Dutch ducat bought from Johann Gottfried Beidtel. Beidtel (1785–1823) was formerly a chaplain in Linhartovy and than in Dolní Václavov. He made history of the Moravian numismatics when he created a catalogue of coins kept by the University library in Olomouc in 1814.27 He too can be counted as a member of this imaginary museum club. We could go on and on, listing the incoming collections and new members or personalities associated with the museum. It evidently existed as a society and it kept growing in terms of its material essence (collection of artefacts and materials of natural origin), as proved by the application for the official acknowledgement of the Gymnasium museum sent to the regional office on 4 July 1815. The document is interesting in at least two ways: first, it is stated at the beginning that the efforts to establish the museum “were not preceded by any public statement”; second, the application was eventually signed by Johann Joseph Schößler and Faustin Ens. The 27 E.g. ČERNOHORSKÝ, K.: K počátkům numismatického zájmu v opavském Slezsku. Slezský nu- mismatik Johann Beidtel. Časopis Slezského muzea, series B 1971, Vol. 20, No. 2, pg. 97–110.

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signature of Franz Mückusch von Buchberg is missing. Regardless of the result of the application, the most important thing was to turn the museum into a truly public matter, not within the meaning of the reserve of the estates or the contemporary term “educated estates” (gebildete Stände) but also within the meaning of open, pro-civic society. The following event played a key role. During his long “state visit” around Moravia and Galicia, on 27–29 June 1819, Emperor Francis I visited Opava. He arrived at night on 27 June from Bruntál, while Empress Caroline Augusta arrived from Olomouc. They stayed in Opava until Sunday morning. After the mass, they went to Těšín and, from there, to Lvov. On Friday afternoon they visited selected Opava-based institutions. For the very first time, the Gymnasium museum is becoming a public institutions because it is mentioned in the press (albeit very briefly). The local newspaper wrote that the royal visitors paid extra attention to the local regional office, museum, gymnasium, main school, military academy for boys and other state, church and municipal institutions. And so, on Monday 30 June 1817, the word museum was mentioned in newspaper articles about Opava for the very first time.28 The Emperor’s visit was planned on diplomatic levels. Naturally, the local estates expected a lot from it, both the nobility and the representation of the town of Opava. Let’s reiterate that Opava was only an unofficial administrative centre of the Austrian part of Silesia. From the point of view of administrative division, it was a centre of the regional office, just like another Silesian town (Těšín). However, it was much more from the point of view of the estates: the seat of the Silesian public convention, as the remnant of self-government of the estates that had survived the impact of absolutism in the 17th century and the etatism applied by Joseph II. Although members of local nobility held public offices (such as Josef Sedlnický, who was governor of the region between 1815 and 1816) they had not completely rejected the idea of the exclusivity of the estates. The estates had purchased a former Jesuit college (zemský dům) but they could not afford any other form of external representation, since the political representation of the Austrian part of Silesia (the Royal office founded by Maria Theresa for the remaining part of Silesia) had merged with the regional office in Brno in 1783 and the economic representation of the Silesian estates (the Royal Silesian Agricultural Society founded in 1770) was ordered to merge, in 1808, with the Brno-based Society for the Promotion of Cultivation. Therefore, it is very likely

28 Troppauer Zeitung No. 52, 30 June 1817, pg. 447.

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that some members of the nobility and bourgeoisie saw the opportunity for representation through the museum. However, it was a part of a state-run institution (gymnasium). The intervention could not be direct and declaratory. It was concealed, just like the birth of the museum as such. This effort required a substantial amount of diplomacy on the part of the persons involved so that the interests of the intellectual elite (the aforementioned gebildete Stände) were consistent with the interests of the nobility and bourgeoisie. In his book, Milan Myška writes in detail about Ens’ visits to castles around Opava and his penchant for socialising with aristocrats. The Mückusch brothers were tied to their positions in state (not estate) institutions but they belonged to nobility through their origin. The financial donations to the museum must be looked at from this perspective, specially the donations from the nobility and the donations from the bourgeoisie, particularly Schößler, who did not want to look cheap. Regional councillor Ludwig von Könnigsbrunn (8 November 1815, 200 guldens), Count Sedlnický (10 January 1816, 30 guldens) Eugen von Vrbno (30 June 1816, 100 guldens), Bedřich Haugwitz (12 November 1816, 50 guldens), Franz von Badenfeld, Jan Larisch-Mönnich and Karl baron Gastheimb (all 1 April 1817, 200 guldens each) – these names and these amounts can be found in the ledger during a relatively short period of time following the appointment of Josef Sedlnický as the regional governor and in anticipation of the emperor’s visit. The nobility and bourgeoisie were not just a source of financial resources; they were also a key element of the local social structure which we have been referring to as museum club. The fact that the local nobility had complex, often family-based, relations goes without saying; the important thing is that other members of the imaginary museum clubs had close relations with them: clergymen worked at rectories where the Silesian nobility enjoyed the right of patronage and [the clergymen] also worked as private teachers (e.g. clergyman and scientist Kajetán Koschatzský lived at the castle in Štemplovec belonging to the House of Sedlnický von Choltice); technical personnel worked at manors owned by the nobility (e.g. Augustin Mayer was a technical custodian working for the earls of Vrbno in Velké Heraltice). And boys from local noble families attended the gymnasium. These two factors (i.e. the need to be represented within the estate system on the part of the nobility and the need to have a place for meetings on the part of the intellectuals) facilitated the formation of social ties and the resulting increase in the amounts of financial contributions to the museum. Thanks to the money,

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the necessary supplies were purchased and collections were enlarged, including completely new sets of artefacts. A breakthrough came in the spring of 1816 when the governor of the region and principal of the gymnasium Josef Sedlnický recommended to the regional government that it agree with the relocation of the collections to the former sacellum, i.e. the chapel of the former Jesuit gymnasium used by its students, which was no longer used. The government agreed and very complex and costly renovation ensued of the premises that already had built-in cabinets alongside all walls. The chapel had two storeys, with a gallery on the upper storey, which enabled the installation of cabinets on the gallery as well. Since the premises of the former sacellum eventually fell into disrepair and the original interior is not documented, we have to work with analogies and add that “the premises of the museum in Opava may have looked like that”. The aforementioned analogy is represented by the present-day hall of the museum of natural history in Bamberg that was founded around the 1750’s and renovated at the end of the century. The Bamberg museum found its seat in a former Jesuit college as well. Going back to Opava, four busts were purchased, evidently of Austrian monarchs, making the interior complete and ready for the June 1817 inspection by Emperor Francis I and his wife. To sum up the aforementioned facts, the spring of 1817 marked the actual birth of something that we can call museum instead of the word room which describes exhibition premises of somewhat lower quality. According to the then-contemporary terminology, a museum of the pre- March period represents a complex of several collections arranged into specific rooms. In the case of the museum in Opava, they were a mineralogy room, or- nithology collection and entomology collection and a herbarium. A library was a key, if not the most important, aspect of the museum, at least according to the structure described in the application from July 1815, i.e. prior to the final installation of the sacellum.29 In another document, dated 1817 and signed by Mückusch, Ens and Schößler, we can read about a different structure: the three undersigned founders, supported by more than 50 members of the bourgeoisie who granted smaller financial contributions between 5–20 guldens, undertake to establish a museum containing 1) a collection of books, 2) natural history room and 3) ökonomisch-mechanisches Kunstkabinett. In a draft instrument received at the

29 Regional Archive in Opava, fund Silesian Regional Government Opava, inv. no. 1948, carton no. 3604. This key document was found by Zdeněk Kravar whose help with the finding this information is appreciated.

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end of 1818 and approved by the regional government in Brno in February 1819 further corrections were made, especially with regard to the topics of the books and their usefulness (e.g. “something must be done about the unhealthy consumption of fiction which the youth seems to be enjoying more and more”). There is, however, a new element: a request that documents and papers be collected as materials for a book on the history of the country. In other words, for the first time the museum is mentioned with regard to its role as an archive institution. In this document, dated 1818, the Joanneum museum in Graz is mentioned for the first time as the source of inspiration for the Opava-based institution. However, this reference should not be taken very seriously. It is assumed that it was supposed to be a smart move for the sake of implementation of a long-term strategy to have the project approved by authorities. In other words, it was not public admission of direct copying of the institution.30 It took the museum approximately 20 years to achieve the status described by Faustin Ens. During the 1830’s the museum included 1) library, 2) natural history room dedicated to the Jeseníky mountains (insects and vertebrate, especially birds), the so-called herbarium vivum, collection of samples of tree species from Silesia and a geognostic room, and 3) collection of antiques from Silesia. These three basic sections represented regional material, while the less important collection sets included the following: 1) collection of Brazilian butterflies and birds (the origin suggests relations to Rochus Schüch); 2) collection of ocean fauna; 3) collection of minerals; 4) collection of models; 5) Ancient Rome antiques; 6) collection of maps, plans, copperplates and litho- graphs; 7) collection of classical music works; 8) collection of documents, coins and maps.31 The differences among individual collections in terms of the level of processing of artefacts of natural origin (in the case of mineralogy material, the favourite Werner’s system was used; in the case of plants, Carl von Linné’s) and the chaos in the naming of artefacts, documents and art objects is typical for that time period. That said, the board spectre of the collections and sub-collections shows that the museum in Opava was way ahead of the obsolete system from the 18th century when the main focus was on collections of curiosities and items of natural origin. An evident difference existed much later between the social sciences sector and the natural history section, at least according to the museum’s

30 Document from 1817 and Ens’ draft instrument from 1818, cf. Regional Archive in Opa- va, Gymnazijní muzeum Opava fund, carton no. 1. 31 ENS (1835), pg. 175-216.

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statistics where the structure appeared modern and more balanced. For example, in 1872 the structure of the collections was as follows: 1) library (back then it held 34,572 volumes), 2) collection of antiques, ethnographic items and models (i.e. 320 pieces of unspecified material, 2,560 coins and 265 plaster casts of An- cient Rome cameos and gem), 3) zoology collection, 4) botanical collection, 5) mineralogy collection, whereas the last three were arranged in accordance with the applicable taxonomy.32 The dominance of natural sciences in terms of quantity and quality, i.e. the arrangement of the collections, contributed to the fact that the Gymnasium museum was perceived as a de facto museum of natural history. It is widely known that the official request for the acknowledgement of the museum by the Moravian-Silesian regional office was ignored since the summer of 1815. A key change occurred in 1817 – the year of renovations and the visit by the emperor – and October 1818 when the deed of foundation of the museum was finally approved by the regional office in Brno. Now it was finally possible to promote the museum in the press. Newspapers published the full wording of both main documents, i.e. the letter sent in the summer of 1815 and the instrument from 1818.33 Between December 1817 and August 1826 several musical and theatre performances took place in support of the museum. Since 1818 articles about the museum started to appear in Hesperus, Moravia (Brno) and Troppauer Zeitung and other media. Between 1817 and 1818 the museum became a public institution in line with the pro-civic understanding of the concept and all administrative aspects, such as the instrument of the museum within the meaning of the foundation deed approved on 6 February 1819 and its acknowledgement by the regional office on 18 January 1820 supported this fact. Officially represented by its founders, members of the local estates and nobility, the museum became a public issue and a source of prestige for the individuals involved.34 During the Congress of Troppau (20 October – 20 December 1820) the museum was once again presented to notable guests as the town’s attraction, this time with a new room. Shortly after, on 24 January 1821, the Silesian public convention finally approved the annual wage for the custodian in the amount

32 NEUMANN, J., BEIERLE, A.: Gymnasial-Museum. In: Programm des k. k. Obergymnasiums zu Troppau für das Schuljahr 1872. Troppau 1871, pg. 38–39. 33 Kreismuseum in Troppau, Hesperus No. 17, 1818, pg. 129–132. 34 For example, Faustin Ens was referred to in the media as a gymnasium teacher as well as museum custodian. Cf. [Anon.], Schlesiens Schriftsteller in den Jahren 1827–1829. Monatschrift von und für Schlesien 1829, Vol 1, pg. 284.

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of 200 guldens. The job went to Faustin Ens. A note about the grand opening on 27 May 1821 can be found in an entry in the ledger dated 25 May 1821. The copying of sheets and musical production of oboe players during this event cost 15 guldens. The museum overcame a limited group of the persons involved and new perspectives were opening up in front of it. Ironically, the ledger does not reflect this situation in any way. The entries start in 1825 after the foundation of the foundation of Karel von Gastheimb in support of the hiring of an assistant to the museum’s custodian. Therefore the firm and permanent foundations of the museum were laid. A new trend can be identified during the 1830’s in terms of communication between the museum and professionals in the field, as we can see from the correspondence between Faustin Ens and scientist and archive keeper from Mikulov, Karl Wenzelides. Contacts with scholars were probably the defining factor, such as Musea Francisco-Carolinum in Linz whose members included Austrian archdukes, including the founder of Joanneum, Archduke John of Austria (1782–1859), aristocrats and scholars from all Austrian lands, including Faustin Ens.35 This brief overview of events (each of which would require a deeper analysis and more detailed commentary) would not be complete without one aspect of the Gymnasium museum which is often ignored: regional identification. The name of the museum, Opavské gymnazijní muzeum (Opava Gymnasium Museum) specified by the foundation need replaced some earlier suggestions as “c. k. Pro- vinciální muzeum” (Imperial provincial museum). It would also make sense to use the name which often appears in some official documents, which isMuzeum slezských stavů (Museum of Silesian Estates) since it corresponds to the tireless efforts of the estates to identify themselves with this cultural institution. The relevant documents have so far been ignored. They include, inter alia, a request for financial support written by Ens, Schößler and Mückusch von Buchberg to count Anton Sedlnický von Choltice (1827), namely tables of payments of patronages of the Opava and Těšín regions “auf Unterhaltung des Troppauer Museums”.36 The amounts 2510.12 guldens for the Opava region and 743.33 guldens for the Těšín region cannot be found in the ledger. These amounts did not represent income within the framework of the museum’s budget. Instead, they were collected by the es-

35 E.g. 66. Jahres-Bericht des Museum Francisco-Carolinum nebst der 60. Lieferung der Beiträge zur Landeskunde von Österreich ob der Enns. Linz 1908, pg. 24. 36 Státní okresní archiv Opava, fond Archiv města Opava, inv. no. 818, sign. XIX/2, carton 37.

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tates which in turn covered the wages of the custodian and other operating expenditures, especially the necessary renovations. In this aspect, the museum was an estate-run enterprise, not a state-run institution, since the state only provided the building. It was also a club, since a certain part of the financial resources for the operation of the museum and the purchase of collections was granted to the “museum as the club”. Let’s not forget financial donations granted by the nobility which allowed the existence of this club. These donations constituted financial income of the museum within the framework of its budget. The money donated by mayor Schößer and other members of the bourgeoisie were a big help as well. On the other hand, financial support by Faustin Ens represented a certain portion of the money he earned as the custodian. Therefore, the “overpaid” custodian was helping the museum financially as necessary. It can be perceived as yet another, albeit bizarre from today’s perspective, source of financial income. Just like the actual (date of) foundation is unclear, so is the identification of the museum with the region (Země slezská) in terms of legal, material and content issues. First of all, it was de iure nonexistent, even though some institutions of the estates anticipated it. Secondly, no overall regional identity existed because the contemporaries had varied attitudes towards the Austrian part of Silesia, based on their different social statuses, intellectual experience and knowledge. Not only that; it would seem that local intellectuals thought that the Austrian part of Silesia had in fact two museums: the provincial museum in Brno, as the official institution representing both regions (after all, Mückusch cooperated with the Brno museum as well and donated some items of natural origin) and the museum in Opava that was viewed as a “piece of private experience with Silesia”. As far as nobility was concerned, the museum embodies the dignity of the estates, which is why they did not hesitate in invest a log of money. Romantic souls like Ens or Mückusch had the museum associated with their beloved Jeseníky mountains, not Silesia. This is why Ens used, on a number of occasions, the name Museum montis demersorii (Gesenke in German), i.e. the Latin name of the Jeseníky mountains, made popular in the German-speaking environments by encyclopaedias written by Krünitz or Büsching, and he insisted that it be used. However, both encyclopaedias referred to Jeseníky as the area of the entire western Silesia. The names “Imperial Regional Museum” and “Silesian Provincial Museums” were unacceptable, while the term Gymnasium museum was somewhat degrading. A different name was used unofficially and in various prestigious contexts: Muzeum

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Rakouského Slezska37 (Museum of Austrian Silesia) and, after 1860, Zemské muzeum (Regional Museum). The confusion regarding the name of the museum only cover up the more important and more serious complications with the establishing and operation of the museum. These problems existed and kept negatively affecting the institution until its demise in 1939. We shall conclude this part by answering the question asked at the beginning “what actually happened on 1 May 1814?” The answer is: we don’t know. Maybe the supporters of the idea to open a museum secretly gathered in one of the classrooms of the gymnasium and came up with the idea which ultimately became more public. Maybe Faustin Ens made a mistake as he was writing about the topography of the Opava region and mentioned the history of museums in the region. Be it as it may, one thing is for sure: the spring of the year 2014 represents the 200th anniversary of the first reference to the gymnasium museum as an association of people sharing similar values (i.e. not an institution focusing on collecting items) we gave been calling a museum club. In the spring of 1815 the trio of founders said explicitly that it was way too early to talk about a museum. Several dates of foundation of the museum as an institution can be considered due to the events that occurred between 1815 and 1825. It could have been 27 June 1817 based on the completion of the installation and public (sic!) presentation of the completed and systematically arranged collections. Or it could have been the date of the approval of the instrument, i.e. 6 February 1819, as the real official acknowledgement of the museum which no longer was a semi-official initiative of three enthusiasts and their friends. Or it could have been 27 May 1821 since it is associated with an event that can be characterised as the opening of the museum. In other words, several events are mentioned in the records of the Gym- nasium museum which may qualify as the “founding of the museum”. By the way, the same applies to the history of museums in Prague or Brno. This, in fact, is the only thing these modern institutions had in common with a provincial and secluded town of Opava and its museum. There is one thing that the three aforementioned museums have in common: the creation or demise was not a single event, they embody a constant and neverending process of maturing and crystal- lisation and the defence of its spiritual existence and mission.

37 Cf. Neues Rheinisches Conversations-Lexicon oder encyklopädisches Handwörterbuch für gebildete Stände. Köln am Rheim 1836, pg. 678, entry “Opava”.

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III.

The Museum of Decorative Art in Opava (Uměleckoprůmyslové muzeum v Opavě) represents yet another opportunity to analyse the topic of museum work and regional identity. Austrian Silesia, as a self-governing land of the Habsburg Empire, was searching for its cultural identity in a very specific way: beyond the scope of the Czech-German rivalry which influenced the history of Central Europe at least from the third quarter of the 19th century until WWI, this modern Silesian identity was not related only to the national status of the local populace based on the Czech-German polarity (besides, the Polish minority was becoming increasingly loud in the eastern part of the region); it was also about the forming of a new regional identity and about the articulation of specific qualities which the entire Austrian Silesia had in common and which unified the society in terms of its values. At the same times, they made it different from societies in other regions of the empire, including Bohemian lands, because the region sought identification in comparison with Bohemia as well. Being a loyal Austrian citizen was not enough; Czech and German inhabitants of Silesia wanted to formulate and articulate via various forms of cultural activities the local identity and its specific qualities and values. Whereas the local Czech populace was missing strong stimuli (references to the Silesian rural areas and social problems covered in Slezské písně were pointed out), the German populace, thanks to its language, was able to find them much more easily and in various spheres, within the historic turns and within the heritage of famous forefathers. The two national groups had one thing in common: the trauma stemming from the annexation of a larger part of Silesia by Prussia (1742). It is really necessary to remind that the year 1742 represented negative connotations for both the German and Czech populace, as a part of the Opava and Krnov regions (which naturally inclined to the city centres on the Austrian part of the border) suddenly became on the other. The economic, social and cultural consequences for the society were enormous. This complicated “identity search” process which is largely unknown to, and hardly studied by, modern-day historiography was affected by the Silesian Mu- seum that had played a key role until long after the end of WWI (i.e. the fall of the monarchy which is the key element of our article). The name for the museum was, at the same time, an unofficial name of another museumMuzeum ( císaře Františka Josefa pro umění a živnosti v Opavě). It was founded in 1883 and moved into its own building in 1895. The close ties between the House of Liechtenstein

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and the museum in Opava, as a symbol of Silesia, existed on various levels: the building was built on the site of a local chateau belonging to the House of Liech- tenstein, i.e. a historical landmark (although it was not big enough a landmark for modern-day conservationists because, at the end of the 19th century, it was razed) which represented a traditional symbol of the landlord and his presence in the area [fig. 1]. Therefore it was still painted in 1815 by Ferdinand Runk (1764– 1834) and included in a series of paintings of Liechtenstein-owned buildings for Johann I, Prince of Liechtenstein.38 The collections of the municipal museum in Opava, founded in 1896, the chateau is commemorated via a plastic (sic!) layout plan of the chateau and its vicinity, dating to the 1650’s39 which the museum had received as a gift in 1905 from Johann II, Prince of Liechtenstein. The prince expressed his interest in conservationism (in line with the trends present in Aus- trian conservationism at that time) with regard to a chateau in the second of Liechtenstein-owed towns, Krnov. To this day, an inconspicuous exists in Krnov whose facade is decorated with Renaissance sgrafitti were found. They date to the period of Jan Jiří Krnovský but the attention paid to them was legitimately reminded in the context of the Liechtenstein patronage during the second half of the 18th century.40 As much as the chateau in Krnov had been abandoned for residential purposes by that time, the reminder of it being one of the Liechten- stein-owned chateaux in the Opava region (which, just like the Krnov region, had been owned by the House of Liechtenstein since 1613) becomes clearer in relation to the act of donation of the plot of the former chateau for the construction of the regional museum. Johann II, Price of Liechtenstein became the protector of the museum and the central area of the museum building (the hall used between 1895–1910 for the meetings of the trade and commercial chamber which founded and operated the museum) was named in his honour, as Sál lichtenštejnský (Liechtenstein Hall). These temporal and local relations suggest that the attitude of Johann II, Price of Liechtenstein towards cultural heritage must be understood

38 KRAFTNER, J.: Liechtenstein Museum Wien. Biedermeier im Haus Liechtenstein. Die Epoche im Licht der Fürstlichen Sammlungen, München, Prestel 2005, pg. 126-127. 39 Silesian Museum, department of art history, inv. no. U4059A. Most recently ŠOPÁK, P.:, Epilog opavského zámku v ohnisku urbanistických a monumentických snah přelomu 19. a 20. století., In: MIKETOVÁ, H., – MULLER, K. et al.: Opavský zámek, Opava, OKO – Zemský archiv 2012, pg. 19, including colour reproduction. 40 HOSS, K.. Fürst Johann II. von Liechtenstein und die bildende Kunst, Wien, Anton Schroll & Co. 1908, pg. 260-261.

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differently, not only as simple sponsorship arising from the love of art on the part of the patron. The attitude of the House of Liechtenstein towards Silesia was fulfilled in the museum building. It was symptomatic that the cultural identity of the region was articulated simultaneously with the process of constitution of regional art history. The lowest level of this relationship, within the meaning of the traditional patronage on the part of Johann II, Prince of Liechtenstein towards numerous museum institutions and art academies, was his contribution to three more or less self-sufficient exhibition sets held by the museum - its gallery of paintings, exhibition of decorative crafts and library.41 We must emphasise his contribution to the appearance of the gallery.42 Although it may have been inferior to its Brno counterpart in terms of quantity and quality, it fulfilled its role of “regional gallery” very well. It represented the current trends in art that were presented to all people interested in them – prospective art students. As far as the relation between the House of Liechtenstein and museums is concerned, the difference between Opava and Brno and other institutions consists in more variable utilisation of the donations from the House of Liechten- stein and in the use of the donations in several forms and positions of the museum work, i.e. research, popularisation and representation, i.e. as an instrument of regional representation and a unique opportunity for the development of art history. It definitely was not a passive, one-way or unilateral relationship based on the superiority of the patron over the institution as the recipient. Art historian, conservationist and museum director Edmund Wilhelm Braun (1870–1857) became a key personality. This alumnus of the universities in Heidelberg, Leipzig and Freiburg im Breisgau where he majored in art history and archaeology found numerous life-changing topics for research in Austrian Silesia. His intrinsic sense of quality of art and the ability to look at things from an intellectual point of

41 HOSS, K.:, c. d., s. 183, reference to valuable works donated to the museum library, 24 graphics of old masters, 33 oil paintings and more than 350 sculptures and hand- crafted items. Most recently on medieval sculptures CHAMONIKOLA, K. (ed.): Zdaleka i zblízka. Středověké importy v moravských a slezských sbírkách, Brno, Moravská galerie 2009, passim. 42 Referred to as the central point of the patronage by Edmund Wilhelm Braun, viz Ed- mund Wilhelm Braun Das Kaiser Franz Josef-Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe in Trop- pau (Schlesisches Landesmuseum) und seine Sammlungen 1883–1908, Troppau 1908, pg. 29.

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view, thereby ignoring the superficial provincial environment of the small town of Opava, resulted in creative relationships even in the case of issues related to the House of Liechtenstein. It is evident that his counterpart – i.e. Johann II, Prince of Liechtenstein and the Liechtenstein administration – was well aware of Braun’s qualities and allowed him to study Liechtenstein landmarks in detail. Unfortunately, this work was not documented and published (with some minor exceptions). In other words, Braun virtually added “Liechtensteiniana” studied at various places in Central and Western Europe to the items kept in the municipal and regional museums (which in itself is a topic worth processing in a separate analysis whose length and scope would be beyond the scope of this summary). One direction is represented by the attention paid to the Liechtenstein dominions in Silesia (e.g. Krnov), while Braun’s interest in Liechtenstein-owned chateaux and their collections outside Silesia (Vienna, Lednice) something completely different. At least he managed to suggest relations, most important of which include the discovery of a drawing by Friedrich Bernard Werner, depicting a palace or chateau designed by Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt (1668–1745) for the House of Liechtenstein which was supposed to be built somewhere in the Opava principality (probably just outside the walls of Opava). It is evident that it was a predeces- sor of the Lower Belvedere in Vienna (1714–1716) or a corps-de-logis of the entire Barque ensemble with terraces and outer walls. The sketch discovered by Braun was eventually, along with all relations, published by Bruno Grimschitz.43 The centre point of these research activities was supposed to be represented (and it ultimately was) by the annual exhibition organised by the House of Liechtenstein in 1914 whose aim was to present numerous discoveries. The new knowledge and facts were to form a puzzle of the relation between the owner of the land and the land itself. It was eventually updated to include a modern shooting range in Krnov designed by Viennese Art Nouveau architect Leopold Bauer, which documents the interest in art on the part of Johann II, Prince of Liechtenstein.

43 WILHELM, F.: Notizen zur schlesischen Kunsttopographie. Aus Aktenstücken des fürstlich Liech- tensteinschen Hausarchives, Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kulturgeschichte Österreichisch- Schlesiens (ZGKÖSch) 9, 1914, pg. 117, including a note by E. W. Braun about the discovery of a sketch in Wroclav and its analysis in the relevant context. Separately Bruno Grimschitz, Ein Projekt für ein Residenzschloss der Fürsten Liechtenstein in Troppau von Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt, in: Jahrbuch des Verbandes der deutschen Museen in der Tschechoslowakischen Republik 1, Prag 1931, pg. 40-44.

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With regard to the preparation of the exhibition, the House of Liechten- stein (and the historical and cultural aspects of their activities in Silesia) became an exceptionally attractive object of research activities in cooperation with Ger- man and Czech experts in regional history (Edmund Wilhelm Braun, Gottlieb Kürschner, Josef Morr, Josef Zukal) and in cooperation between Braun and Liechtensteiner archivist Franz Wilhelm. In accordance with the title of this article, it is symptomatic that the presentation of the outcomes of these research activities took place on the pages of a history and cultural history journal focusing on Austrian Silesia which was published from the spring of 1905 by the municipal museum in Opava and edited by Braun. The aim of the founders was to introduce it as the basis for the learning about the history of the homeland (unsere engere Heimat),44 including the relations to the House of Liechtenstein. It is symptomatic that Braun’s announcement of cooperation with Franz Wilhelm includes a list of historical documents worth studying about our land and the first item is conclusion that the duchy of Opava belongs to Silesia, not Bohemia.45 Another update is deduced from an article written by the regional archivist, Gottlieb Kürschner, who was concerned with the governance status of the House of Liechtenstein in the Opava and Krnov regions around the 1650’s. This topic is closely related to another topic from the area of culture and history, namely the issue of the patronage of the nobility which was in the service relationship with the House of Liechtenstein as the owners of the land. This is particularly the case of the families (houses) Trach von Březí and especially Jiří Štěpán von Vrbno; numerous other art history topics and research directions are based on them. The study of Liechtenstein landmarks, culminating within the framework of the preparation of the exhibition, enabled Braun to come up with the layout of the upcoming announced (and unwritten) synthesis of the history of art of Aus- trian Silesia, the hints of which have been seen from the first decade of the 20th century46 and the development during the interwar period. The focus points are represented by several key works associated with the era of the House of Liech- tenstein, dating to the period between the 16th century and present. They include

44 KNAFTLITSCH, K.: Österreichisch-schlesische Geschichtsbestrebungen und das historische Zeitschriftwesen, ZGKÖSch 5, 1909–1910, No. 1, pg. 8. 45 BRAUN, E. W.: Über bisher unbekannte Archivalien für die Geschichte der beiden Fürstenthümer Troppau und Jägerndorf, ZGKÖSch 6, 1910–1911, No. 1, pg. 30. 46 BRAUN, E. W.: Die historische Abteilung der schlesischen Handwerkausstellung zu Troppau 1909, ZGKÖSch 5, 1909–1910, No. 2, pg. 71-76, on Lehner’s epitaph pg. 74.

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the chateau in Krnov whose value was increased due to the renovation of the sgraffiti in 1888. The beginning of the Baroque period is associated with the enforcement of Catholicism with the help from Jesuits. The monumental architecture of the Church of St. Jiří and Vojtěch in Opava, with a Liechtenstein coat of arms, is a prominent proof of the representation of the House of Liechtenstein in the town, i.e. it fulfils the role which a rather invisible chateau could not have fulfilled (if, of course, it wasn’t replaced by Hildebrandt’s work). Braun got back to the Jesuit church several times, especially its interior whose dominant element was the main alter. The altar was mentioned by Faustin Ens who claimed that it was procured thanks to financial resources granted by Hans-Adam I, Prince of Liechtenstein in 1699.47 The axis of the Baroque art culture is determined by two key works: the project of a Liechtenstein residence from Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt and the later Baroque epitaph of Karl I, Prince of Liechtenstein from Jan Jiří Lehner. Edmund Wilhelm Braun mentioned him several times and created an edition of archival documents.48 Both works represent the key supra- regional anchoring of the Silesian issues; they will not get lost in the context of Central European art history. Aside from that there are various types of iconographic items, especially a graphic album by Johann Adam Delsenbach with a veduta of Opava [fig. 5]. The collections of Silesian Museums still hold a sketch of the same. The comparison of the sketch and the graphics reveal yet another concept of the unbuilt residence for the prince.49 Lehner’s epitaph [fig. 6], which was presented in literature on a number of occasions, is undoubtedly a remarkable work of art that embodies the aspect of international cultural exchange that took place in the first half of the 18th century – analogies of the above can be found in Parisian churches Saint-Nicolas-du-Chardonnet and Saint-Germain-

47 ENS, F.: Das Oppaland oder der Troppauer Kreis 3, Wien 1836, pg. 132. The remains of mother and three sisters of Karla Eusebius, Prince of Liechtenstein, were placed in the church. 48 BRAUN, E.W.: Ein Epitaph des Fürsten Karl Liechtenstein in der Troppauer Pfarrkirche und sein Meister, Bildhauer Johannes Georg Lehnert, ZGKÖSch 5, 1909–1910, No. 1, pg. 25-39; Ibid., Die Restaurierung des Epitaphs des Fürsten Karl Liechtenstein in der Troppauer Pfarrkirche und sein Meister, Bildhauer Johann Georg Lehnert, Mitteilungen der k. k. Zentralkomission für Denkmalpflege, III Folge, Band 14, Wien 1915, pg. 162-164. 49 Comparison of the sketch and graphics with regard to the non-existent chateau, cf. ŠOPÁK, P.:, Opava jako barokní rezidenční město. Příspěvek k tématu. In: Opava. Sborník k dějinám města 1. Opava 1998, pg. 148-153.

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des-Prés50 – and an element of manifestation of local and political correlations: the landlord is reminded shortly after the failure in the Prusso-Austrian Wars and his face appears to stick out as a guarantee of the integrity of a divided land – behind a curtain symbolising great past. These imaginary high points served as the basis for culture manifested by several works of smaller importance, such as the drawing of an altar by Dominik Klein for the church in Kružberk from 1744 [fig. 7] and works that have since been destroyed, such as Lehner’s pulpit for the church in Moravice (1755–1758).51 Even here we can see numerous desiderata within the meaning of the appreciation of the relation between the investor (cli- ent) and the contractor, with an emphasis on the quality of the work and its non-regional aspect. This is the case of the involvement of Viennese painter Jan František Greipel (1720–1798) in the procurement of altar paintings for churches in Liechtenstein dominions. This is the case of the Church of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary in Brumovice where one of two original altar paintings is preserved and especially Široká Niva whose Church of St. Martin was built (1718–1821) thanks to the initiative of Anton Florian, Prince of Liechtenstein and the three paintings for the altar were provided by the “court painter of the House of Liechten- stein, Greipel”.52 World War I put an end to the promising start of the Liechtenstein-led research activities associated with the Silesian Regional Museum. It established a new status quo with seemingly no room for these topics. They resurfaced but the danger to the regional identity was back as well with the dissolution of the self-governing Země slezská (1928) and the resulting need for the revision of cultural traditions of the region. It is a text by E. W. Braun offering a synthesis of the history of art of Austrian Silesia. It is included in a prominent publication which introduces Silesia as a land of specific qualities. Within the panoramic picture of the art history of the region we shall find works of art associated with the House

50 BRAUN, E. W.:, Ein Epitaph des Fürsten Karl Liechtenstein in der Troppauer Pfarrkirche und sein Meister, Bildhauer Johannes Georg Lehnert, pg. 31. 51 Small group of allodia belonging to the chateau office in Opava (Moravice, Staré Lublice, Nové Lublice and Kružberk) represents a uniform investment into buildings and works, but the quality is provincial. Local churches were built in the following order: Kružberk (gothic, rebuilt in Baroque style), Moravice (1735), Nové Lublice (1786), Staré Lublice (1810–1811). 52 WOLNÝ, G.: Kirchliche Topographie von Mähren, meist nach Urkunden und Handschriften, I. Abtheilung Olmützer Erzdiöcese IV, Brünn 1862, pg. 367.

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of Liechtenstein as the climaxes of regional art history. This is the case of the Je- suit church in Opava representing “the beginning of a new architectural period of Silesia in the second half of the 17th century” or the aforementioned epitaph of Karl I, Price of Liechtenstein which is “the main work of plastic art in Opava of the 1850’s”.53 This concludes the relation between the museum and the House of Liechtenstein and it was not publicly discussed after 1938, let alone after 1945.

IV.

Two excursion introduced to us two aspects of museum work in Opava and Silesia in the 19th and 20th century. The cultural identity is manifested through them in a very specific way whose beauty and qualities were eliminated by the post-1945 events: the “bohemisation” of the museum programme throughout the 20-year interwar period and the enforcement the Marxist-Leninist doctrine after 1948 (or 1955 to be exact) subjected the Silesian Museum to the effects ideology which were not eliminated after 1989. The present-day Silesian Museum can go back to the declaration of cultural identity, free from ideology, but it has to face new risks, especially bureaucracy and the transformation of the institution into a shop window of the current management. Profit and prestige, i.e. the values sought by people in the region during the 19th and 20th century in the first place, se muzealizují through the behaviour of the current director. It may sound cynical but it is an accurate description of the current situation. Museology as a series of theoretical tools used to analyse museums, and its sub-branch historical museology, cannot blossom in the museum itself but only in relation to an academic institution with a tradition of teaching museology, just like Silesian Uni- versity in Opava. This is the reason why the analysis of the Silesian Museum, its traditions, history and potential comes from the university and not from within the museum itself.

53 BRAUN, E.W.: Bilder aus der kunstgeschichtlichen Entwicklung Schlesien., In: Die sudetendeutschen Selbstverwaltungskörper 8 – Schlesien, Berlin–Friedenau, Deutscher Kommunal Verlag G. m. b. H. 1930, pg. 149-164, on Krnov chateau pg. 155-156, on Jesuit church pg. 138-139, on epitaph pg. 162-163.

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Resumé České Slezsko – kulturní identita a muzejní práce Pavel Šopák

Kulturní identita českého Slezska představuje jedno z klíčových témat výzkumu regi- onálních kulturních dějin současnosti, které se týká rovněž historické muzeologie. Je totiž třeba nově sledovat roli paměťových institucí na jejím formování, což zejména u regionu českého Slezska, vyznačujícího se absencí historického zakotvení zdejšího obyvatelstva jako zdroje přirozených regulačních mechanismů, je nejen badatelsky produktivní, ale také velmi důležité. Bohužel, archivy a muzea jsou v dnešní české společnosti jakoby vytěsňo- vány na periférii sebereflexe; bohužel jim není dnes již přiznáván status intelektuálně ná- ročné aktivity, která přináší závažné poselství, jak tomu bylo ještě před padesáti lety. Cílem studie je ukázat na historické peripetie hledání identity jako dominantní funkce zdejších muzeí ještě dříve než se staly prostředkem zábavy. Tak tomu bylo již u Gymnazijního muzea, které se formovalo v letech 1814–1818, aby reagovalo na soudobé intelektuální podněty, spojující končící osvícenství a počínající romantismus. Už s tím, jak se složitě hledal jeho název (krajské, provinciální, muzejním slezských stavů, slezské), souvisí široké spektrum sociálních interakcí, rozvíjených na bázi tohoto muzea v rámci tehdejší principi- álně protoobčanské společnosti. Gymnazijní muzeum bylo vždy něco více než jen muzeum vlastivědné, které je obvykle definováno jako bašta myšlenkového regresu, lokálního patriotismu, neřkuli sentimentu; doceňujeme je jako instituci, vyznačující rezistenci vůči překotnostem, s nimiž moderní doba řeší sociální a politické krize, vůči pomíjivosti mód včetně módních ideologických konceptů a vizionářství, jež není prosto utopismu, aniž by nedestruovaly pozitivní hodnoty, jež stmelují společnost. Odlišný pohled na problematiku vztahu identity českého Slezska a muzejní instituce skýtá opavské uměleckoprůmyslové muzeum. Ani to nenaplňuje daný typ bezezbytku, aniž by nepřidalo něco navíc – konkrétně to, co se právě týká regionální identity jako kulturního zakotvení společnosti v dané době a v daném čase. Zvláště v době kolem roku 1900, poznamenané polaritou češství – němectví, prezentovalo univerzální hodnoty výtvarného umění ve vazbě ke Slezsku jako zemi, která je domovem pro všechny lidi bez rozdílu národnosti a konfese. Zemská identita, tedy artikulace specifik, společných celému (Rakouskému) Slezsku a zdejší společnost hodnotově stmelujících – a současně odlišu- jících od společností jiných regionů soustátí včetně českých zemí, nalezla v muzeu své skvělé vyjádření i ve 20. století a byla násilně přervána až v polovině 20. století.

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The Czechoslovak – Hungarian Disputes over the Cultural Heritage and the Article 11 of the Peace Treaty with Hungary from 1947

Štefan Šutaj

Abstrakt: The present study aims to familiarize researchers with a previously unexplored area of the Czechoslovak-Hungarian disputes about cultural heritage after the Vienna Arbitration and also the subsequent negotiations, complications and personalities that shaped the situation, which affects not only the ownership of these monuments, but also partly cultural tensions still . Keywords: Czechoslovak-Hungarian Disputes, Cultural heritage, Piece conference, Restitucion

The disputes over the “shared” (Czecho)slovak-Hungarian cultural heritage, the organizational and administrative measures taken by the Czechoslovak authorities to provide for this administration, the negotiation of the 1946 Peace Conference in Paris, the anchoring of the issues of the “cultural heritage” into the Peace Treaty entered into with Hungary on February 1947 constitute the subject of this study. The subject of the dispute consisted in the cultural monuments of various characters and coming from various periods. Documents and historical relics remained in the Hungarian archives and museums that originated during the Ottoman era in the 16th and the 17th century, during the Josephine reforms when the headquarters of the central Hungarian government and church institutions were located on the territory of the today´s Slovakia, but there are also the archives of the cities, the monasteries having been liquidated and the artistic masterpieces transferred to Hungary on occasion of the millennium celebrations at the end of the 19th century. The second group consisted of the articles that

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had arrived to Hungary from the territory of the southern Slovakia in years 1938 to 1945, i.e. following the Arbitration of Vienna. When solving the issue of the return of the historical monuments from Hun- gary, committees and professional groups were formed during the post-war years, the task of which was to prepare suitable conditions to enforce the Czechoslovak requirements. In terms of competencies, these were the structures operating in Slovakia but were competent for the Czechoslovakia, despite the fact that this issue fell under the nationwide department of international relations. Such structures were established to prepare documents for the restitutions based on the Peace Conference, through the compliance with the articles of the Peace Treaty (Article 11 of the Peace Treaty entered into with Hungary), the documents for the preparation of the Friendship and Cooperation Treaty between Czechoslovakia (Czechoslovak Republic) and Hungary and through the compliance with the articles of the supplementary confidential protocol (the Protocol of Štrba) of 1949 and the preparation of the Cultural Treaty between the two countries of 1951. The preparation of the Peace Conference following the World War Two and the conclusion of the Peace Treaties with the allies of Germany formed an important agenda of the European diplomacy and also the out-of-Europe diplomacy in years 1945 to 1947. For the Czechoslovak Republic and Hungary, the 1946 Conference on Peace Treaties in Paris was the venue of confrontation but also of the completion of the basic outlines of the post-war orientation and international and political position of both countries. The conflict between the Czechoslovak Republic and Hungary was based mainly on the different view of the ethnic development in the Central Europe in the 19th and the 20th century, the formation of the borders of the national countries, the principles of the building of the Central-European state, the methods of solving the ethnical problems, the elements of the post-war policy related to the minorities and to the human rights and rights of the minorities. Czechoslovakia had been preparing for the Peace Conference as early as during the war (similarly as Hungary did). In the London exile, attention was paid in particular to the relations with Germany, even though extensive analyses were dedicated to the Hungarian associations. In 1943, the Conference of the Allied Ministers of Education was held and was intended to pay attention to the destiny of the cultural materials taken away by the Germans. A similar commission was

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operating also in the Czechoslovak London exile in 1944. Mr. Jan Opočenský1, a historian and archivist, played an important role in this commission. After the end of the war, the preparation of the peace negotiations with Germany and its allies on the domestic territory was coordinated by the Min- istry of Foreign Affairs (also referred to as “MZV”). Within the scope of the 6th section of the MZV, managed during this period by Mr. Zdeněk Procházka, special sections were established. The section for the preparation of the peace negotiations – the so-called section “M” – was managed by Vavro Hajdu and the section “Š“ for restitution was managed by Michael Hanák.2 It was presumed in this period that agreements with Germany, Austria and their allies should be prepared at the same time. The preparation of the documents related to the peace negotiations occurred in the sub-commissions chaired by persons suggested by the MZV from among its officers. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs nominated the state secretary Vladimír Clementis to head the preparation for the peace negotiations. Mr. Vladimír Clementis was coordinating and was responsible for the agenda of the Peace Treaty entered into with Hungary for the whole period and he also dedicated himself to the issue of the Czechoslovak-Hungarian relations in association with the international politics.3 From the aspect of the peace negotiations that were coming closer, the dominant question to be solved between the two countries was the issue of the borders, the position of the people with the Hungarian nationality in Slovakia, the exchange of the population between the Czechoslovak Republic and Hungary, the Czechoslovak proposal for the transfer of two hundred thousand Hungar- ians from Czechoslovakia, but also the reparations that Hungary was supposed to pay to the winning countries, including the Czechoslovak Republic.4 Among

1 The chairman of the group at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was Mr. Jan Opočenský, the advisor to ministers and the Director of the Department B/1 of the Ministry of For- eign Affairs and the Secretary of the Group was the senior ministry commissioner, Mr. Bohuslav Matouš AMZV ČR Praha, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 14. Statute of the Group at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, August 31, 1945. 2 DEJMEK, J.: Diplomacie Československa (Diplomacy of Czechoslovakia), volume 1. Praha 2012, p. 124-125. 3 The Slovak National Archive Bratislava (SNA), f. The Office of the Chairman Board of the Slovak National Council (ÚP SNR), cart. 283. The minutes from the meeting of the intra-ministry commission for the preparation of the peace negotiations of July 19, 1945. 4 In recent times, inspiring Works dedicated to various aspects of the 1946 Conference in

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the disputable issues, however, there were also the unsolved issues of the cultural heritage between the Czechoslovak Republic and Hungary from the period between the two wars and the new disputes established following the Arbitration of Vienna of December 2, 1938 were added to these problems. The nature of the issue of the cultural monuments belonged to the field of reparations and restitutions. The Group for the Issues Associated with the Resti- tution of the Cultural Material existed at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as early as 1945 and it was a subsidiary body of the restitution committee operating at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that was doing the preparatory works in particular with respect to the solving of the requirements against Germany and Austria.5 However, the Ministry was interested that also the Slovak representative would deal with the issues of the Slovak cultural heritage in Hungary. On September

Paris were published: MICHÁLEK, S.: Parížska mierová konferencia 1946 a Československo (východiská, postoje, výsledky) (The 1946 Peace Conference in Paris and Czechoslovakia (solutions, attitudes, results), in: Jozef Klimko – Slavomír Michálek (edd.), Mierové zmluvy v kontexte geopolitiky, (The Peace Treaties in the Context of Geopolitics) Bratislava 2013, p. 192- 203; KUKLÍK, J.: Britská diplomacie a československé požadavky na mírovou smlouvu s Maďarskem (The British Diplomacy and the Czechoslovak requirements for the Treaty with Hungary) in: The same source, p. 204 to 220; PETRÁŠ, R.: Mezinárodněprávni postavení menšin a Pařížská mírové konference v roce 1946 (The International Position of Minorities and the 1946 Peace Conference in Paris), in: The same source, p. 244 to 254; IRMANOVÁ, E.: Jednání o mír s Maďarskem, 1945-1947 (The Peace Negotiations with Hungary, 1945 to 1947), in: Jindřich Dejmek – Marek Loužek (eds.), Trianonská smlouva . Devadesát let poté. (The Trianon Agreement, Ninety Years Afterwards), Praha 2010, p. 139 to 163. 5 Based on the Statute, there were four sections and the following persons participated in the operation: The Archive Section: Jan Morávek, the Ministry of Education and Public Education, Josef Borovička, Director of the Archive attached to the Ministry of Interior, Karel Kazbunda, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Library Section: Jan Emler, Director of the University Library, František Roubik, the Ministry of Education and Public Education. The Section of Artistic Monuments: univ. prof. Antonín Matějček and Zdeněk Wirth from the Ministry of Education and Public Education. The Section for the Equipment of the Scientific Institutes and Laboratories: Josef Mareš from the Minis- try of Education and Public Education, Josef Veselý, Director of the Technical Museum, Karel Polák from the Ministry of Agriculture and R. Chaloupka and Miroslav Žaloudek as the representatives of the Ministry of Health. The record-keeper and secretary of the group was Mr. Bohuslav Matouš from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic Praha (AMZV), Reparations and restitution, cart. 90. The Statute of the Group for the Issues Associated with the Restitu- tion of the Cultural Material.

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7, 1945, the Ministry sent a letter to the Chairman Board of the Slovak National Council in which the Ministry invited the Council to establish a Group for the Issues Associated with the Restitution of the Cultural Material in Slovakia. At the same time, the Ministry informed that a similar group had been also established at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.6 The Ministry also sent the Statute of the Commission of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and assumed that an analogical statute would be adopted also by the Slovak Commission. As far as the competencies are concerned, they should have been defined in such a way that the Slo- vak Commission would pay attention to the “restitution of the cultural material taken away to Hungary“, of the Commission attached to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would pay attention to the relations related to Germany. The Ministry suggested that both Groups would proceed identically ”hand in hand“, and therefore, in addition to the similar statute, they should also use ”the same legal arguments“ and the Ministry suggested that both Commissions could be interconnected personally.7 The first task of the group was to identify the damages occurred on the Slovak cultural assets and to “evaluate them in material form“. The second task was to find out which items of the Slovak cultural heritage had been taken away, when they had been taken away, where these items were located and who was responsible for “robbing the cultural assets in Slovakia“. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs informed at the same time the representatives of the education and public education to have charged the archivist, Mrs. Mária Jeršová8, to hold the negotiations on the composition of the Group.

6 AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 14. A letter by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of September 7, 1945. 7 The Archive of SNM Bratislava (SNM), f. Restituce (Restitutions), cart. 1. A letter by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of September 7, 1945, addressed to the Chairman Board of the Slovak National Council. 8 AMZV, f. Reparace a restituce, (Reparation and restitutions), cart. 14. A letter by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of September 17, 1945.

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Mária Jeršová9 accepted the charge and as early as September 20 to 21, 1945,10 she was discussing with the significant Slovak historians, Danielem Ra- pant and Branislav Varsík on their participation in the activities of the Slovak Group and submitted a prepared Statute, a list of the professionals charged by the Education System and Public Education to Ladislav Novomeský.11 The Group was intended to perform two main tasks: to make a list of the monuments that were taken away to Hungary and Germany in years 1938 to 1945 which should have been performed immediately, and to make a list of the historical and cultural monuments from the Slovak territory in Hungary before the year 1938. This task intended for the Peace Conference should have been completed by May 1946.12 The negotiations dealing with the competences and focus of the Group was finished with the official establishment of this Group. Based on the resolution of the Chairman Board of the Slovak National Council of Novem- ber 8, 1945, the representatives for the Education System and Public Education established the Group to Deal with the Issues of Restitutions of the Cultural Assets from Slovakia that had been taken away by the Germans and Hungarians beyond the borders of Slovakia.13 The task of the Group was to “prepare the principles and guide-

9 Mária Jeršová was the sister of J. Opočenský. She was a historian and archivist and had been working in the Slovak National Museum since 1929. She had a significant impact on the development of the Slovak archival science. She was dealing with the issues of the archive monuments that remained in Hungary after the split of the Hungarian empire during the period between the two wars. For more information about her life, and life story, see: BARANOVIČ, Š.: Mária Jeršová-Opočenská. Život a dielo 1899-1978, Martin 1989; KRÁLIKOVÁ, E.: K 100. výročiu narodenia PhDr. Márie Jeršovej-Opočenskej, Slovenská archi- vistika 34, 1999, n. 2, p. 193 to 196. 10 The Statute of the Group for the Issues Associated with the Restitution of the Cultural Materials is accessible in AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 14. Štatút Zboru pri MZV, August 31, 1945. 11 AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, kart. 14. A report by M. Jeršová of October 30, 1945. The authorizations in Slovakia were constituted during the time of the Slovak National Resurrection in 1944 and they were a government body in Slovakia. The name was selected in such a way to be differentiated from the name „vláda“(the government) that was used by the Central Executive Government Body in the Czechoslovak Republic. 12 AMZV Praha, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 90. A letter by Mária Jeršová of January 10, 1946 to Karol Kiszely, Director of the Museum in Banská Bystrica. 13 AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 90. A letter by the representatives of the Education System and Public Education of November 24, 1945.

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lines for restitution of such monuments“. The Group consisted of the most significant Slovak specialists: of the specialists in archiving 14 in books,15 in the artistic and historical monuments,16in the scientific institutes.17 Michal Chorváth, the Head of the Section of the Ministry of Education, was the Chairman of the Group and Mária Jeršová was the Secretary of the Group.18 A significant problem in the activities of the Slovak Group consisted in the communication with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that took place through the Ministry of Education and the Office of the Chairman board of the Slovak National Council. The individual structures at the Ministry did not communicate with one another and they did not even give any information to the Slovak Group. The Ministry saw the problem in the fact that the restitution of all the Slovak cultural monuments that were taken away from Slovakia in the previous period, did not belong under the restitutions to which the Czechoslovak Republic was entitled as the winning state, but they fell under the preparatory negotiations to conclude the Peace Treaty with Hungary. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs welcomed this effort but required the issue of restitutions and preparation of the Peace Treaty to be conducted separately.19

14 Daniel Rapant and Branislav Varsík of the Slovak University, Mária Jeršová, the archivist at the Slovak National Museum, Vendelín Jankovič, commissioner of the archive service of the Ministry of Interior. 15 Igor Hrušovský, Head of the Library attached to the Slovak University, Anton Baník, librarian of the Matice slovenská union, Alexander Hirner, secretary of the Matice slov- enská union, Lét Danišovič, professor, Klášter milosrdných sester (The Monastery of the Sisters of Charity), Ernest Sýkora, chairman of the Slovak Youth Union. 16 Vladimír Wagner, head of the section of the Ministry of Education; Jaroslav Dubnický, head of the section of the Ministry of Education, Alžbeta Gütherová-Mayerová, custodian of the Slovak museum, Juraj Hodál, professor, Karol Kiszely, librarian of the city of Banská Bystrica. 17 Rudolf Lukáč, professor at the Slovak Technical University, prof. Karol Koch of the Slovak University, František Bokes, head of the section of the Ministry of Education and Public Education, Ján Futák of the Botanical Institute of the Slovak University, prof. Dionýz Ilkovič of the Slovak University, Emil Philadelphy, head of the Institute of Im- provements of Martin. 18 AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 14. Establishing the Group for the Restitution of the Cultural Monuments. 19 AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 14. A letter by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of December 10, 1945.

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Materially, the subject of the task of the Slovak Group and the concept of the Slovak representations on the requirements towards Hungary in this field were characterized in the material prepared at the Ministry of Education titled The Commemorative File in the Matter of Claim of the Artistic and Historical Monuments.20 It is stated in this file, that even though the Treaty of Trianon had ordered the state of Hungary in Sect. 175 to 177 to give up the monuments of historical, artistic, archaeological and archive character, such monuments were never returned. Therefore, it is the primary requirement of the Czechoslovak delegation established to discuss the peace issues with Hungary, to submit the requirements of the Czechoslovak Republic for the restitution of the cultural monuments which did not take place after 1918. Based on their nature, the articles were divided into: a/ the artistic-historical and museum monuments, b/ the monuments of the prehistoric archaeology, c/ the archival monuments, d/ the book monuments. As far as the way how such articles were taken away from the territory of Slova- kia is concerned, these were the articles taken away during the times of the war from the public collections – in this case, the Commemorative File considered the restitution of such monuments to be trouble-free and evident. Next, there were the articles that were taken by the military authorities (such as the copper articles and bronze articles) and they arrived to the Hungarian public collections. A part of these monuments were the articles and subjects purchased and/or redeemed by the Hungarian public institutions. They recommended arguing that even the inhabitants of Slovakia paid the taxes expended on the purchase of the articles for the public collections. Therefore, they considered it a legitimate, fair and justifiable requirement to claim such purchased articles that originated on the territory of Slovakia. A number of the articles were donated by the institutions, the church, and the cities and/or by the rich nobility. Even in this case, the writers of the Commemorative File were of the opinion that this was a donation in the public interest and there was the opportunity to locate these collections in the state institutions on the territory where they had originated. It was recommended that the Peace Treaty would anchor the possibility to search for these artistic and historical articles, books and files in the Hungarian institutions. “If we had relied upon the good will of the Hungarian without having a clearly defined peace terms and conditions, it is probable that the same situation would be repeated as there was during the

20 SNM, f. Restitution, cart. 3, A letter by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of October 11, 1945 to the Representatives for the Education and Public Education.

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performance of and compliance with the terms and conditions of the Treaty of Trianon. “21 They also recommended to insert into the Peace Treaty the exact characterization of the artistic, museum, archaeological, archive and book monuments to avoid the situation of the Treaty of Trianon in which the monuments were defined only in general (monuments historiques) which made the non-fulfillment of the Treaty possible. The Peace Treaty should have described the conditions under which the monuments were taken away, and the possibility for the Czechoslovak professionals to review the monuments on the territory of the Hungarian state and to make a list of such monument, to set the lower time limit for the removal of the monuments with the year 1773 (the cancellation of the Jesuit Order), to suggest the possibility of compensation against certain Hungarian monuments located in Slovakia.22 The other structure having a significantly different focus than the assign- ments of the Group was the Commission for the Research of the National His- tory and Geography Issues23 (Vlastivědná komise - The National History and Geography Committee) established as attached to the Chairman Board of the Slovak National Council. The activities of the Commission were focused on the preparation of the arguments for the Peace Conference in a broader context. The Commission was working as an inter-ministry commission for the preparation of the peace negotiations. It was established upon the incentive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and based on the resolution adopted by the Chairman Board of the Slovak National Council. The first meeting of the Commission took place on December 18, 1945.24 The individual Commission experts were expected to prepare the materials for the Czechoslovak delegation at the Peace Conference.25

21 SNM, f. Restitutions, cart. 3. The Commemorative File in the Matter of Claim of the Artistic and Historical Monuments. 22 The same source. 23 Komise pro výzkum vlastivědných otázek (The Commission for the Research of the Na- tional History and Geography Issues) was the official name, but the documentation gives various options of denomination. Most frequently, it was referred to as the Vlastivědná komise (The National History and Geography Committee). 24 SNA, f. ÚP SNR, inv,. n. 247, cart. 283. Minutes from the 1st meeting of the National His- tory and Geography Committee of December 18, 1945. 25 SNA, f. ÚP SNR, inv,. n. 247, cart. 283. Minutes from the meeting of the Committee for the Re- search of the National History and Geography, January 4, 1946.

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The chairman of the Commission was Milan Polák, the vice-president of the Slovak National Council, and the head of the Commission was Peregrín Fíša and his deputy was Jan Svetoň. The competencies of the National History and Geography Commission were not clarified also because the Commission was working “secretly” as an external body, but also because the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was preparing the documents for the peace negotiations in cooperation with the other institutions.26 The matters associated with the Commission were handled and signed by the official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Mr. P. Fíša, (on behalf of the Commission or as the head of the Commission), who “moved” to Bratislava for three months. In May 1946, the correspondence of the Com- mission was administered by the employee of the Ministry, Mr. Juraj Palkovič, the archivist. The reports and information on the activities of the National History and Geography Commission were sent to the hands of “J. Slávik, the Minister”, and the “M Department“. The National History and Geography Commission had a specific position. Not only M. Polák, but also P. Fíša should have had a direct approach “in the issues of the basic character ….. with the Chairman of the Slovak National Council, dr. Lettrich, and the chairman of the Group of Representatives, Mr. Šmidke“. In addition to the head, the secretary and the auxiliary staff, only the “Department for atrocity was working in the rooms of the Commission, until the other members of the Section work in their offices and the Commission only holds the regular working meetings of the individual departments in which the results of the works are being discussed and additional tasks are being assigned.“27.

26 SNA, f. ÚP SNR, inv,. n. 247, cart. 284. A letter by P. Fíša to The Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Not dated. P. Fíša stated in one of the letters addressed to the Ministry: “This name was selected as code name so that it would not be immediately evident what the agenda of the Commission is.“ 27 The same source. The Chairman of the Commission was P. Fíša, legation counsellor; Deputy Chairman: dr. Svetoň, The State Statistical Office in Bratislava; Secretary of the Commission: JUC. Janšák; 1st border section: Dr. Chorvát – the Chairman of the Slovak Statistical Office, dr. Svetoň, director of the Slovak Statistical Office, A. Granatier, secretary of the Slovak league, dr. Rapant, University Professor, dr. Varsík, University Profes- sor, dr. Stanislav, University Professor; 2nd geographic section: dr. Hromádka, University Professor; 3rd economic section: dr. Zaťko, Chairman of the Slovak Planning Authority; dr. Košud, The National Czechoslovak Bank; 4th transportation section: railway – the General Manager of the State Railways ing. I. Viest; transportation and routes – the Sec- tion Manager of the Ministry for Public Works Ing. Janšák; 5th print section: J. Palkovič, archivist; 6th section for atrocities committed by the Hungarians against the Slovak inhabitants: dr. Böhm; 7th section for the processing of the Jewish issue: prof. I. Rosa,

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The Commission was paid considerable attention by the Slovak political representations as well as by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The paper titled “Evalua- tion of the Monuments Surrendered to Hungary in 1938” was, among others, submitted for the needs of the Commission“.28 Within the scope of the preparations for the peace negotiations with Hun- gary, the Czechoslovak government accepted, based on the proposal by the Min- istry of Foreign Affairs of April 27, 1946, the resolution of July 12, 1946, on the Czechoslovak requirements for the Peace Conference. In this resolution, the issues of the cultural heritage were mentioned only in a general way. Before the government negotiations on the issue of the restitution of the cultural values by Hungary took place, P. Fíša had had correspondence with the Ministry of Education. In reply to the letter from the Ministry of Education, P. Fíša sent on July 9, 1946 a proposal for two articles of the Peace Treaty concerning the issue of the cultural values which the Czechoslovak Republic should have submitted at the Peace Conference and we may evaluate them as the results of the discussions held within the Commission. The first article said that Hungary was obligated to surrender the cultural values that it had not surrendered based on the Articles 175 to 177 of the Treaty of Trianon,29 while the second article said that the cultural materials taken away after the Arbitration of Vienna should be surrendered.30

employee of the Ministry of Education. Prof. Luby was the counsellor for all sections in the international legal issues. 28 SNA, f. ÚP SNR, inv,. n. 247, cart. 283. A confidential protocol by the Commission for the Research of the National History and Geography Issues. 29 SNM, f. Restitutions, cart. 3, A letter by P. Fíša of July 9, 1946 to the Ministry of Educa- tion and Public Education. Article I „Hungary is obligated to 1) Surrender to the Czechoslovak Republic without any hesitation those artistic and historic monuments, archaeological monuments and book monuments that it is expected to surrender in terms of the Articles 175 to 177 of the Treaty of Trianon and that it had not surrendered so far and, if it is impossible to surrender such them, to give a substitution in form of articles of the same type and value. 2) Surrender the archives and other monuments that belonged to monasteries and monastic rules in Slovakia, cancelled by Joseph II and Marie Terezie. 3) Enable the Czechoslovak specialists to access the archives, museums, galleries, libraries and other institutions and give them financial means to search for and identify such subjects and articles.“ 30 The same source. Article II. “Hungary is obligated to issue without any hesitation to Czechoslovakia those historical, archaeological, artistic, book and antique monuments of other kinds that were taken away from the territory of the Czechoslovak Republic as a result of the Arbitration of Vienna to Hungary and/or to another place subject to the orders from Hungary. If this is impossible, Hungary is obligated to give a substitution in form of an article of the same kind and value.“

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The resolution itself of the Czechoslovak government of July 12, 1946 stated in the letter D that Hungary was obligated to return any and all assets taken away from the territory of Czechoslovakia in contradiction with the law and the letter F said that the resolution contained in the Treaty of Trianon remains valid, unless changed by the international legal acts.31 However, the letter F was corrected following the discussions between the Czechoslovak representatives and the representatives of the allied countries, stating that”the World powers are anxiously avoiding the memory of the Treaty of Trianon and the explicit quotation thereof. At the same time, they do not want to bind Hungary with the old articles of the Treaty of Trianon“. In addition, the Czechoslovak Republic extended the restitution requirements also to the articles that arrived to the territory of Hungary wrongfully and relate to the territory of Slovakia since 1868 and requested that Hungary would be obligated to replace also the stolen unidentifiable articles of cultural need.32 The negotiations of the Conference of Paris took place since July 29, 1946 till October 15, 1946. The negotiations with on the Treaty with Hungary ended on October 12, 1946. After that, the Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs prepared at the meeting held in New York from October 4 till December 13, 1946, the definite texts of the Peace Treaties. The Treaty with Hungary was signed on February 10, 1947 in Paris. In terms of the solution of the issues of the cultural heritage at the Peace Conference, three important aspects needed to be taken into account: 1 – the prepared drafts of the articles of the Peace Treaties approved by the allied countries could have been changed only in exceptional cases, if there were any important reasons therefore, 2 – the delegations were recommended not to base on the Peace Treaties entered into after the World War One when arguing (not even on the Treaty of Trianon), 3 – the executive representatives of the Czechoslovak delegation did not recommend using the historical argumentation. The draft of the peace treaty was the basis for the negotiations of the Peace Conference. The bodies of the Peace Commission, the plenum, the political and territorial commissions, the economic commission, the print commission and the military commission discussed this proposal. The winner states and the co-

31 AMZV, f. The General Secretariat of Jan Masaryk and Vladimír Clementis. (GS-A), cart. 167. The Government Resolution of July 12, 1946, on the Czechoslovak Requirements for the Peace Conference. 32 AMZV, f. GS-A, cart. 167. The correction of the government´s resolution of July 12, 1946 on the Czechoslovak requirements of the Peace Conference.

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operating states were allowed to submit their own suggestions for the change of the proposed articles of the Peace Treaty (amendements).33 The losing countries could be invited to the session of the Commission bodies only subject to an approval within the particular commission and the suggestions of such countries could have been submitted only if any of the allied countries adopted them. The essential matters related to the Peace Treaty entered into with Hungary were solved at the meeting of the Political and Territorial Commission for Hungary (the political commission for Hungary) that was allowed to establish sub-commissions to solve the partial issues at its meeting. The issue of the cultural heritage appeared in the draft for the Peace Treaty in general form only and the proposal for the change of this issue was submitted by the delegation of Yugoslavia that was closely cooperating with the Czechoslovak representatives at the Peace Conference.34 Based on this draft, Hungary was obligated to return within two years following the efficiency date of the Treaty the cultural assets (the artistic, literary, historical assets, etc.), the archives and documents having originated during the time of the Hungarian Empire and the Hab- sburg Monarchy before 1918. The General Secretariat of the Peace Conference submitted this draft for the discussion of the Political and Territorial Commis- sion for Hungary (Commission politigues et territoriales IV – Hongrie; Political and Territorial Commission IV – Hungary). The Chairman of the Commission was Siniša Stankovič from Yugoslavia and his deputy was Alfred T. Stirling from Australia. The Czechoslovak Republic had an abundant representation in this Commission that had the utmost importance for it. The members were: Vladimír Clementis, Juraj Slávik, Vavro Hajdu and Dalibor Krno. The Commission correspondent was M. Vojna, a representative of Ukraine. It needs to be reminded that the activities of the Commission had the character of giving recommenda- tions, similarly as the conclusions of the 1946 Conference in Paris in general. The Council of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, consisting of the representatives of the world powers, had the decisive role at the final editing of the Peace Treaties.

33 More detailed description of the Peace Conference procedure and the negotiations during the preparation of the Peace Treaty is contained in Jan KUKLÍK, Britská diplomacie..., (The British Diplomacy...), p. 204-220. 34 AMZ, f. The 1946 Conference in Paris 1946 (PMK), cart. 3. C.P. Gen. Doc 1.U.32. Amen- dement présenté par la délégation de Yugoslavie Projet de Traité de Paix avec la Hongrie (article 9a et 9b).

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Before the negotiations on the restitution of the cultural heritage at the Peace Conference were opened, Hungary, aware of the unfavourable initial position, which was clearly shown based on the negotiations with the winning powers in the East and in the West,35 indicated some helpful steps concerning the cultural values and the writing materials that arrived to the territory of Hungary following the Arbitration of Vienna. In the note of August 2, 1946, the authorized representative for the protection of the interests of the Hungarian citizens in Czechoslovakia,36 confirmed based on the orders of his government that the written materials belonging to the”evacuated regions“. Based on the note, the Hun- garian government considered it important to solve the issue before the Peace Treaty was concluded.37

35 The issue of the negotiations related to the 1946 Conference in Paris is dealt with in detail in more studies: ŠUTAJ, S.: Rokovania medzi Československem a Maďarskem o výmene obyvateľstva v období od ukončenia mierovej konferencie v Paríži do podpisu mierovej zmluvy (The Negotiations between Czechoslovakia and Hungary on the Exchange of the Population Following the Termination of the Peace Conference in Paris till the Signing of the Peace Treaty), in: Pavol Petruf et al. Slovensko a Československo v XX. storočí : vybrané kapitoly z dejín vnútornej i zahraničnej politiky, Bratislava 2010, p. 203-225; ŠUTAJ, S.: Obnovenie rokovaní o výmene obyvateľstva medzi Československem a Maďarskem po podpísaní mierovej zmluvy v roku 1947, (The Restoration of the Discussions on the Exchange of the Population between Czechoslovakia and Hun- gary Following the Signing of the Peace Treaty in 1947), in: Edita Ivaničková et al. Kapitoly z histórie stredoeurópskeho priestoru v 19. a 20.st., Bratislava 2011, p. 378-400; ŠUTAJ,S.: A maďar külpolitika lépései a párizsi békekonferencia előtt – a csehszlovák diplomácia szemszögéből. in: Csilla Fedinec – Zoltán Ilyés – Attila Simon – Vizi Balázs (szerk.), A Közép-Euró- paiság dicsérete és kritikám. Pozsony 2013, p.613-634; ŠUTAJ,S.: Výmena obyvateľstva medzi Československem a Maďarskem a Parížska mierová konferencia (The Exchange of the Population between Czechoslovakia and Hungary and the Peace Conference of Paris), in: Jozef Klimko – Sla- vomír Michálek a kol. Mierové zmluvy v kontexte geopolitiky 20. a 21. storočia. (The Peace Treaties in the Context of the Geopolitics of the 20th and 21st century). Bratislava 2013, p. 220 to 243.ŠUTAJ, S.: Rokovania o mieri s Maďarskem a ich vplyv na postavenie maďarske menšiny na Slovensku, (The Peace Negotiations with Hungary and the Impact of such Negotiations to the Position of the Hungarian Minority in Slovakia), in: Acta Universitatis Carolinae. Iuridica,1, 2013, p. 277 to 299. 36 His mission was based on the signed Agreement on the Exchange of the Population Between the Czechoslovak Republic and Hungary of February 27, 1946 and he replaced also the diplomatic mission in the Czechoslovak Republic because no official diplomatic relations had been established. The Czechoslovak interests in Hungary were represented by the delegate at the Alliance Supervisory Commission in Budapest. 37 AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 14. Verbal note of August 2, 1946.

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The negotiations on the issue of the cultural heritage in the political commission for Hungary started relatively late, only on October 23, 1946, when the Peace Conference was coming to an end. The main problems of the Commission were the issue of the borders, the area in front of the bridge in Bratislava and the Czechoslovak proposal for the transfer of 200 thousand Hungarian people from the Czechoslovak Republic. When submitting the draft, the Yugoslavian representative first presented the view of the Central-European development in association with the position of Hungary. After that, he submitted the proposal for the incorporation of the new Article to Article 9, on the restitution of the historical monuments. J. Masaryk, the Czechoslovak Minister of Foreign Affairs, supported this proposal and he suggested extending this proposal by adding the territory of Czechoslovakia.38 Different opinions of the western delegates and the Slavic delegates on the issue appeared in the discussion.39 A response to the negotiation came in form of a letter by the General Sec- retary of the Hungarian delegation, István Kertész, of September 24, 1946, addressed to the Chairman of the Commission, S. Stankovič.40 I. Kertész considered the issue of the cultural, literary, artistic and historical articles pursuant to Art. 77, 175 to 177 of the Treaty of Trianon to be terminated upon conclusion of a special agreement between Hungary and Yugoslavia in 1925 and in 1930. A similar agreement was entered into with the Czechoslovak Republic in 1927. He reminded that Hungary was not obligated to return all these assets, but was only obligated to negotiate with the countries involved. The next meeting of the political commission took place on September 27, 1946. V. Clementis, the State Secretary, had a speech on this issue.41 He talked in his speech about the removal of the cultural monuments created in Slovakia to Vienna and then to Budapest which resulted into irreparable harm for Slovakia. Hungary did not meet the obligations resulting from the Art. 175 to 177 of the

38 AMZV, f. PMK, cart. 20. Minutes from the meeting of the Political and Territorial Commission for Hungary of September 23, 1946. 39 Extract from the meeting of the Political and Territorial Commission for Hungary of September 23, 1946 AMZV, f. GS-A, cart. 163. 40 AMZV, f. PMK, cart. 6. A letter by I. Kertész of September 24, 1946 to S. Stankovič. I. Kertész wrote the following publication about his participation in the Peace Conference : KERTESZ, S.: The last European peace conference, Paris, 1946--conflict of values. Landham 1985. 41 The speech by Vladimír Clementis held at the 17th meeting of the Political and Territorial Commission for Hungary of September 27, 1946. AMZV ČR Praha, f. GS-A, cart. 163.

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Treaty of Trianon and concerning the restitution of the monuments that were created after January 1, 1868, and it made it impossible to enter into a bilateral agreement. He said the statement by I. Kertész (the Hungarian delegation) that Hungary entered into with the Czechoslovak Republic into a similar agreement in 1927 as it did with Yugoslavia in 1925, was a committing statement, because “Hungary is only pretending to have complied with the obligations resulting from the Treaty of Trianon“. The agreement of June 3, 1927 was entered into to Exchange the administrative files only. Hungary refused the restitution of the artistic and historical articles and the Czechoslovak Republic signed the agreement with the reservation that this agreement does not fulfil the Articles of the Treaty of Trianon.42 Follow- ing the confrontation between the representatives of the U.S.A. and Yugoslavia, the representative of France suggested forming a sub-commission consisting of the representatives of Yugoslavia, South-African Union and India.43 The sub-commission for archives was working on September 28 and 30, 1946. The representative of the South-African Union was elected chairman of the Commission and the delegate of India was elected correspondent. The Yu- goslavian representative, professor Jovanovič, submitted a list of the articles prepared by the Yugoslavian and Czechoslovak delegation.44 A problematic item in the discussion was the effort of the Indian delegate to include in the report by the sub-commission the expression of the letter by the Hungarian delegation of September 24, 1946,45 based on which Hungary tried to prove to have complied with the Articles n. 77 and 175 to 177 of the Treaty of Trianon and there is no reason to assign further obligations to Hungary in this matter. The Yugoslavian delegate tried to convince the other two representatives in the Commission that these duties were not complied with, that the negotiations between Yugoslavia and Hungary and Czechoslovakia and Hungary that took place in years 1925 to 1927, were related only to the Article 77 of the Treaty of Trianon and the “live” administration files. Hungary did not comply with the obligations to return the

42 The same source. 43 AMZV, f. PMK, cart. 20. Minutes from the meeting of the Political and Territorial Commission for Hungary of September 28, 1946. 44 AMZV, f. GS-A, cart. 163. Minutes from the meeting of the Hungarian sub-commission for the archives of September 28 and 30, 1946. 45 The text of the letter by I. Kertész to the Chairman of the Commission, S. Stankovič, of September 24, 1946 on the issue of the restitution of historical monuments is deposited in AMZV, f. Legal section 1945-1954, cart. 96.

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historical articles and archives. The subject of the discussion was also the limiting year starting from which the restitution of the files was required. Professor Jovanovič emphasized in response to the objections raised by the representatives of the western countries as well as to the question of the Indian member of the sub-commission that the Czechoslovak Republic and Yugoslavia required the restitution of the archive documents and articles from state institutions only and not from private entities.46 Following the whole-night negotiations between the Czechoslovak and Yu- goslavian representatives, prof. Jovanovič submitted a new version of the Yugo- slavian proposal for the sub-commission. As far as the time limit decisive for the restitution of the historical archives is concerned, the Czechoslovak side suggested the year 1715 and, later on, the year 1740, as the year of formation of the Courtyard Offices and Centralistic Measures of Vienna, while the Yugoslavian side suggested the year 1780 when Joseph the II ascended the throne. The negotiations on September 30 were terminated when the principles of the report had been determined. The thesis was confirmed that Hungary had failed to meet the stipulations contained in the Treaty of Trianon, Art. 175 to 177. The Part Five stated that the Czechoslovak Republic and Yugoslavia would not claim the articles that were evidently Hungarian articles. The Part Six of the report stated that the submitted lists are preliminary only. The Part Seven of the report stated clearly that in this case, it is not possible to consider the reciprocity among the countries involved.47 The report by the sub-commission concerning the issue of archives and cultural monuments and the Yugoslavian amendment was given by the correspondent R. Mani at the negotiations of the Political Commission for Hungary on Oc- tober 1, 1946.48 However, the text was not definitely approved in this case, either. The last “combat” conflict of the Political Commission for Hungary was the meeting held on October 3, 1946. This Commission dealt with three important problems: the restitution of the cultural values, the issue of transfer and the recti- fication of the Czechoslovak-Hungarian borders. The item one was the proposal for the Article on the restitution of the cultural and historical values. Upon re- 46 AMZV ČR Praha, f. PMK, cart. 20. Minutes from the meeting of the Hungarian sub-commission for archives of September 28 and 30, 1946. 47 The same source. 48 AMZV, f. PMK, cart. 20. Minutes from the meeting of the Political and Territorial Commission for Hungary, October 1, 1946.

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quest of the U.S.A., the negotiations were interrupted to modify the text with the participation of the Yugoslavian, Czechoslovak, American, British and French delegations.49 The agreed modifications were presented by V. Clementis. He reminded that also the Hungarian comments had been taken into account which he saw to be the demonstration of good will and, at the same time, he appreciated the willingness of the Hungarian delegation to cooperate in the modification of the text. The year 1740 was changed to year 1848, the word “Austria” was deleted from the text and, instead of the general characteristics, the methods of acquisition of the cultural monuments by purchase, gift and/or heritage were précised.50 The agenda of the Commission for the Research of the National Geography and History Issues was exhausted with the termination of the Peace Conference in the autumn 1946. The originals of the documents should have been deposited in the “M” section of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Juraj Palkovič, the Secre- tary, should submit also the files collected with respect to the atrocities committed by the Hungarians and the materials collected from the 1946 Conference of Paris.51 The Peace Treaty with Hungary was signed on February 10, 1947. Between the termination of the Conference and the signing of the Treaty, the Czecho- slovak side was preparing the plans on how to provide for the fulfilment of the Articles of the Peace Treaty that had been known, even though not in final form, as the final text of the Peace Treaties entered into with Bulgaria, Romania, Italy, Finland and Hungary were approved by the Council of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs. The activities of the Slovak Group for the Restitution of the Cultural Monu- ments obtained a new assignment upon the termination of the Peace Confer- ence. In the course of the Conference, it was thought over how to obtain the most trustworthy information on the Slovak cultural monuments and archives in Hungary. Contacts were established with the archives in the Hungarian National Archive and the coordination among Romania, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovak Re- public was considered to prevent from the concealment of the files,”so that all the works on the non-Hungarian archive funds would be stopped and such funds were subject to the 49 AMZV, f. PMK, cart. 20. Minutes of the Meeting of the Political and Territorial Commis- sion for Hungary of October 3, 1946. 50 The same source. 51 SNA, f. ÚP SNR, inv,. n. 247, cart. 283. A confidential protocol by the Commission for the Research of the National Geography and History Issues.

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administration of an International Commission“. This was considered the basis of the future international historical institute in Budapest that would make the separa- tions of the archives.52 Professor Daniel Rapant, a significant Slovak historian of this period, emphasized that the”Restoration of the Versailles Treaty“should be stated. He suggested that the stipulation on the “claim unlimited in time on the restitution of the articles related to this Treaty53” should be inserted in this Treaty. However, all that were the conditions that were not claimable based on the articles of the Peace Treaty. The Slovak members of the Group were not satisfied with the agreed version of the Peace Treaty on the cultural heritage. They protested that the articles acquired by purchase, donation and/or last will testament did not fall under the Peace Treaty. In the end, this formulation proved to be decisive when the cultural monuments were surrendered because the Hungarian side refused in major part the Czechoslovak claims for the restitution of the cultural heritage, giving the above mentioned justification. The members of the Group decided to immediately visit the Minister of Education, Mr. Novomeský, to inform him on the reservations they had in respect to the Peace Treaty and they required the said stipulation to be deleted and/or moderated. D. Rapant suggested the limit year 1723 for the restitution of the historical articles, being the year of supremacy of the Hungarian language.54 Based on the resolution adopted by the Group on November 12, 1946, Branislav Varsik prepared a draft of the archive agreement with Hungary. Hungary was expected to surrender all the archives, files, artistic items and monuments that had been taken away from the Slovak territory after September 29, 1938, regardless of to whom they had belonged. Hungary was also expected to returned such historical and artistic items that were created on the territory of Slovakia since 1848 (1723) and those articles that were related to the Slovak territory and returned to Hungary from Austria based on the agreements of 1926 from Baden and 1932 from Venice.55

52 AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 14. A letter by M. Jeršová to J. Opočenský of Sep- tember 3, 1946. 53 AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 17. A letter by M. Jeršová to J. Opočenský of October 10, 1946. 54 AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 14. Minutes from the meeting of the Group.... of November 12, 1946. 55 AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 14. Branislav Varsik Návrh archívní úmluvy s Maďarskem. (A draft of the archive agreement with Hungary).

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It must have been evident at that time that it would be extremely difficult or even impossible to modify the conditions agreed in Paris, which L. Novomeský and the Slovak historians B. Varsik, D. Rapant and the museum curator and the archivist M. Jeršová did not realize. Nobody of the Ministry could have participated at the meeting of the Group of December 1ě, 1946 who would notify the members of the Group of the results of the negotiations in Paris. Based on the newspaper article dealing with the negotiations in Paris published in the Národní obroda paper on November 11, 1946, the Group adopted the position which supported the fact that what was happening at the Conference in Paris was very distant to the regional Slovak view. The statement “condemned the procedure taken by the Czechoslovak delegates in Paris who failed to invite any of the Slovak specialists to the negotiations with the Hungarians on the cultural claims of Slovakia. The opinion prevails that the cultural claims were sacrificed to the political requirements (the expulsion of the Hungar- ians). It points out to the lively Hungarian propaganda in the Hungarian-Soviet Society for the rapprochement with the U.S.S.R. in which almost all the Hungarian intellectuals were the members...“56 The members of the Group asked the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to inform them on the negotiations with Hungary held in Paris. “We require an interpretation of every single point of the Treaty to be sure which claims Czechoslovakia has from this Treaty. “57 The Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not have any realistic opportunities to efficiently enter into the process of the final editing of the Peace Treaty. It was confirmed that the formulations agreed upon in Paris were not changed in any essential way and this also applied to the article of the Treaty on the restitution of the cultural heritage that was marked as the Article 11 in the Peace Treaty with Hungary following the final modifications made by the Council of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs. Following the signing of the Peace Treaty with Hungary on February 10, 1947, the work of the Group was stagnating. M. Jeršová decided to terminate her activities in the position of the Secretary.58 The reason for such decision of hers was the bad contact with the Ministry. In her opinion, the Group was not informed on the stages and the needs for the negotiations and she thought that the

56 AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 14. Minutes from the meeting of the Group of De- cember 12, 1946. 57 The same source. 58 AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 14. A letter by M. Jeršová of December 22, 1946.

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position of the Secretary should have been exercised by a person from Prague. The agenda should have been taken over by Želmíra Gašparíková, the employee of the National Library in Prague, a Slovak lady living in Prague. However, she suddenly refused to exercise this position for health reasons in March 1947.59 After the termination of the Peace Conference, but still during the period when the signing of the Peace Treaties was under preparation, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was preparing to fulfil the articles on restitution of the Peace Treaty with Hungary. Upon the signing of the Peace Treaty with Hungary, a new situation originated. Attention was paid to the archive, file, and artistic, historical and similar material pursuant to the Article 11 (and, in part. Also the Article 24) of the Peace Treaty and the Peace Treaty defined the exact time limits till when it was possible to enforce the requirements.60 It was suggested at the meeting of the

59 AMZV, f. Reparations and restitution, cart. 14. A letter by Želmíra Gašparíková of March 3, 1947. 60 Article 11. „1. Hungary shall surrender to Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia within a period not longer than 18 months following the efficiency date of this Treaty the articles hereinafter specified that constitute the cultural heritage of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia and which come from these territories and which had come to the possession of the Hungarian state and/or the Hungarian public institutions after 1848 as a result of the Hungarian supremacy over these territories before the year 1919: a) the historical archives that originated as single entities on the Yugoslavian and/or Czechoslovak territory; b) the libraries, historical documents, antiquities and other articles of cultural value which belonged to the institutions on the Yugoslavian and/or Czechoslovak territory and/or to the historical personalities of the Yugoslavian and Czechoslovak nations; c) the original artistic, literary and scientific articles which are the work of the Yugoslavian and/or Czechoslovak artists, writers and scientists. 2. The articles acquired by purchase, as a donation, based on a last-will testament and the original works by the Hungarians excluded from the provision of the item 1. 3. Hungary shall also surrender to Yugoslavia the archives that belonged to Illyrian deputation, Illyrian Commission and Illyrian Office and are related to the 18th century. 4. After this Treaty enters into force, the Hungarian government shall provide to the authorized representatives of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia any and all assistance required to find these articles and to enable them to be examined. Afterwards, but no later than one year following the date when this Treaty enters into force, the Yugoslavian Government and the Czechoslovak Government shall delivery to the Hungarian Government a list of the articles it claims based on this Article. If the Hungarian Government raises any objections within three months following the receipt of the list against the inclusion of certain articles in this list and if no agreement is reached among the Governments involved within the next month, the dispute shall be settled pursuant to the provision of Article 40 of this Treaty.“ The Article 24 made it possible for all the powers to claim certain artistic and his-

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Ministry Commission that the lists of the materials of cultural nature that were taken away from this territory after 1848 should be collected by the Ministry of Education and Public Education and/or by the Representatives of the Educa- tion and Public Education who would appoint the experts for these issues if it would be necessary to explain a number of the issues through the studies and research directly in Hungary. As far as the material of “administrative” nature is concerned, such material should have been claimed based on the Art. 24 of the Peace Treaty and the professional suggested an analogical procedure to that one that was applied in the execution of the “modification” of the surrendering of the files of the Czechoslovak Republic by Hungary of June 3, 1927 when it was agreed at the intra-Ministry meeting on January 5, 1928, that this shall be execut- ed in a”simple, fast and immediate way“. It was therefore refrained from the establishment of a special commission in Budapest and in Prague and it was agreed that this should take place by direct contact between the central offices in Budapest and in Prague. The mediator of the activities should have been the Czechoslovak Representative Office in Budapest. At the meeting held in Prague on January 31, 1947, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs decided to ask the Slovak Group to appoint the respective Slovak experts who should prepare the corresponding lists, giving the reasons for the provenience and the way how this material arrived to Hun- gary, taking into account the provision of the par. 2 (reservation to the method of restitution) and should carry out the examination pursuant to par. 4, Article 11 of the Peace Treaty (in the cultural institutions in Hungary).61 This procedure, however, proved to be problematic. The activities of the Slovak Group were suppressed and the Group finally came to an end. Only on January 29, 1948, the newly appointed “Commission for the Ac- complishment of the Article 11 of the Peace Treaty with Hungary” started its activities at the Ministry of Education and Public Education. The Chairman of the Commission was B. Varsik, the Vice-Chairmen were V. Wagner, the Head of the Department of the Ministry of Education and Public Education, A. Baník,

torical articles that were taken to the territory of Hungary. The Hungarian Govern- ment was expected to return these assets and to bear all the expenses on work, material and transportation associated with these activities. Requests should have been submitted within six months following the date this Treaty became efficient. Collection of Laws, 192/1947 Coll. – (The Peace Treaty with Hungary. (Part 91/1947) 61 SNM, f. Restitutions, cart. 3, A letter by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of February 1, 1947 to M. Opočenská-Jeršová.

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the librarian at the National Library in Martin and the Secretary was J. Dubnický, Director of the SAVU Institution.62 The task of the Commission was to create “a list of the artistic, historical, archive, book and ethnographic articles that were taken away to Hungary after 1848“ and which were claimed by the Czechoslovak Republic based on the Article 11 of the Peace Treaty, and to document the origin of such articles. The political changes in the Czechoslovak Republic and in Hungary essentially influenced the agenda of the restitution of the cultural and historical assets. Following the political change, both countries set out to the way towards the „socialism“. The allied popular democracies, under the supervision of the Soviet Union, were searching for a way to reach an agreement. The Commission was very active. The members of the Commission undertook a number of business journeys to Hungary at which they collected the information on the Slavic and Bohemia materials in the Hungarian institutions, and created extensive lists of articles. On June 16, 1948, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a circular that was sent to all the central organizations in which it informed on the activities of the Commission for the Accomplishment of the Article 11 of the Peace Treaty with Hungary. The task of the “nationwide” commission conducted by B. Var- sik and the Vice-chairman V. Wagner was to prepare and, ”by the end of August“, to submit the list of the items pursuant to Article 11 of the Peace Treaty with Hungary. ”The Bratislava Commission is a nationwide Commission and takes also the interests of the Czech lands into account“63. The letter informed that the experts from the Commission completed the first part of the works in Hungary, as well as the recommendation that the print should not inform about the work performed by the Commission. In August 1948, the work of the Commission should have been terminated and the lists of the historical and artistic items should have been submitted because based on the Peace Treaty, the works should have been completed by September 15, 1948, and it was impossible to prolong them.64 The Czechoslo- vak Ministry of Foreign Affairs delivered the list of the articles it claimed based on the Art. 11 of the Peace Treaty with Hungary in form of a Verbal Note to the Hungarian Embassy in Prague on September 10, 1948, divided into three

62 SNM Bratislava, f. Restitutions, cart. 3, A letter by the Ministry of Education of January 31, 1948 to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Minutes from the meeting of the Commission of January 29, 1948. 63 SNM Bratislava, f. Restitutions, cart. 3. A letter by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of June 16, 1948. 64 The same source.

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groups. 1 artistic, historical and archaeological requirements, 2 archive requirements 3 book requirements.65 It turned up that, in addition to the unwillingness of Hungary to surrender the cultural monuments, the largest problem consisted in the fact that a major part of the articles arrived to Hungary as a donation, purchase and/or a reference in the last will testament and the Article 11 of the Peace Treaty should only relate to those articles that were dragged to Hungary. Despite the statement that the artistic, cultural, archive and historical monuments could not have been submitted and/or donated abroad pursuant to the Czechoslovak law because they form a part of the Czechoslovak cultural heritage and originated on the territory of Slovakia and were paid by the state institutions and/or other institutions and from the taxes and contributions paid by its inhabitants, the negotiations were not successful for the Czechoslovak Republic in confrontation of the Czechoslo- vak and Hungarian standpoints. The Commission was ready for the next negotiations, even though the Hungarian side requested the postponement of the deadline in response to the Czechoslovak requirements to January 15, 1949.66 By March 15, 1949, not only the interstate negotiations should have been terminated, but also the “cultural material” should have been taken over and transferred. With respect to the Czechoslovak requirements, Hungary sent a note of January 14, 1949, including the Annex – “Reply to the Czechoslovak List of the Claimed Items Pursuant to Article 11”, having 24 pages. Based on the letter written by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, further procedure should have been agreed, namely the recommendation when to deal with the Hungarians, and the structure of the delegation. The letter ended with the following sentence:”The Ministry of Foreign Affairs asks the Commission to immediately send this time the previously requested true description of the Czechoslovak requirements pursuant to Article 11.67 V. Wagner informed that in the Verbal Note, the Hungarian side ”took a negative stand to almost all the Czechoslovak requirements... the Hungarian side denies the illegal – unauthorized sale, i.e. the sale when the

65 AMZV Praha, f. Territorial Sections, Hungary, cart. 15. A brief summary of reparations and restitutions. The record for the Minister V. Clementis of April 20, 1949. The material itself, including the pictures, is deposited in the AMZV in Prague, f, Restitutions and reparations, cart. 16. 66 SNM Bratislava, f. Restitutions, cart. 3. Minutes from the Meeting of the Commission of December 29, 1948. 67 SNM Bratislava, f. Restitutions, cart. 3. A letter by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of January 18, 1949 to the Ministry of Education.

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seller was not the owner of the article and was not even entitled to dispose of the article. The reply from the Hungary denies the legal basis of our requirements for the return of the donations that became the ownership of the Hungarian cultural institutions without authorization. The denial of the Czechoslovak claims to a part of the articles returned by Austria to Hungary in 1928 is another standpoint of the Hungarian Government, even though such articles became the possession of the Hungarian government illegally, because the Czechoslovak Republic as the successor state is entitled to claim such articles that originated on the territory of Slovakia.68 When the materials claimed by the Czechoslovak Government should have been returned based on the Peace Treaty by March 15, 1949 and ain accordance with the list having been submitted to the Hungarian Government on September 10, 1948, the Hungarian Government refused to continue in the entire matter and did not even return those articles marked by the Hungarian experts in the lists as the articles that may be surrendered to Czechoslovakia. Based on the Verbal Note of March 14, 1949, the Hungarian Government prevented the articles from being returned and required further negotiations concerning the return of such articles.69 Not even the intervention of the Czechoslovak ambassador at the Minister of Foreign Affairs Rajko, who promised to intervene at the respective officers, was helpful. In this situation, the Friendship Agreement between Czechoslovakia and Hungary was signed and, next, the Protocol of Štrba was signed in July 1949 on the final adjustment of certain financial and economic issues, and the issue of the cultural heritage became a part thereof. However, the mutual new negotiations did not take place as a result of the political changes. When searching for the ways to reach the Friendship and Co- operation Agreement that was signed on April 16, 1949, both parties came up to the solution using the zero alternatives.70 On July 25, 1949, a protocol was signed in Štrbské Pleso on the final adjustment of certain financial and economic issues between the Czechoslovak Republic and the Hungarian Republic. Based on the agreement of both Governments, the Protocol of Štrba was not published and had to be implemented in an administrative way. The Protocol of Štrba be-

68 SNM Bratislava, f. Restitutions, cart. 3. Minutes from the Meeting of the Commission of January 19, 1949. 69 AMZV Praha, The Secretariat of the Minister – the Files of the Safety Box (SM-TS), cart. 3. Pro memoria in the matter of par. 3, Art. XIII of the supplementary confidential protocol from Štrbské Pleso of July 25, 1949. 70 The Agreement is published in the work: ČIERNA-LANTAYOVÁ, D.: Podoby..., p. 196- 197.

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came efficient on August 23, 1949. Based on the Article 13 of the Confidential Amendment to the Protocol of Štrba, the contracting parties excused their mutual receivables and the issue of the cultural heritage should have been solved in the Cultural Agreement that was under preparation between both the countries. „The Peace Treaty was supplemented with the Protocol of Štrba which stated in the Article 13 that the Hungarian Government had to return the articles of artistic, historical, archaeological value that were taken away from the Czechoslovak Republic after November 3, 1938 and are in possession of the Hungarian Government 2 The Czechoslovak Government declares that it does not require any compensation for the said articles unless such articles are in possession of the Hungarian Government 3 Both Governments express their intention to surrender to each other the significant artistic, historical and/or archaeological values that belong to the spiritual heritage of the nations of the other country. The issue of the return of the articles shall be agreed in the Cultural Agreement. “71 Certain substantial facts have to be emphasized. The Peace Treaty with Hun- gary, an international legal document, was supplemented with the agreement of two countries. The Protocol of Štrba was not published anywhere and even various tactics were used if this Protocol was discussed so that no information on its existence could be disclosed to the public, through the print and the sources accessible to public. The Agreement was not submitted by the Parliament on any of the two sides and was not ratified in any way. The Protocol of Štrba was based on the new political situation and established the idea of settlement resulting from the ignoring of the “bourgeois” past and the building of the new relations between the allied socialist countries. Only the period following the Arbitration of Vienna from November 3, 1938, is considered the “incriminated” period. Following the adoption of the Protocol of Štrba, a new Commission was established. Czechoslovakia abandoned its intention to acquire the cultural material that arrived to Hungary in the previous centuries. Ambitions were cumulating to acquire at least the articles that were taken away to Hungary following the Arbi- tration of Vienna, and the articles that were marked by the Hungarian Govern- ment as the articles that can be that can be returned, in reply to the Czechoslovak list of September 1948, in the note of January 14, 1949. In addition to the restitution of some of the named articles, they considered it acceptable to enable the Slovak institutions to get at least the photocopies (copies) of the written materials and artistic articles and to enable the Czechoslovak researchers to perform their 71 SNM Bratislava, f. Restitutions, cart. 3. A letter by Longauer of December 12, 1949 to L. Novo- meský.

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research work in the Hungarian institutions. As the final consequence, the Peace Treaty made possible the solution required by the Hungarian party which was shown in the supplementary Confidential Protocol from Štrbské Pleso. Despite the promise given in the note of March 14, 1949, the manager of the Hungarian delegation declared at the meeting of July 20, 1949, that they would not discuss the issues of the cultural heritage and that this will be the subject of the negotiations on the Cultural Agreement.72 Not even the Protocol of Štrba, however, solved the mutual problems. In terms of the dispute over the cultural heritage, a list of only 12 “articles” was the result of the further negotiations that is mentioned as the meritory resolution n. 13 to the Confidential Supplementary Pro- tocol.73 The Hungarian side also rejected the attempts to discuss the historical archives in the Commission for the Separation of Files pursuant to Art. XIV of the Protocol of Štrba, conducted on the Czechoslovak side by Július Viktory, and the Hungarian part insisted that these shall be the subject of the negotiations on the Cultural Agreement.74 Even though the Czechoslovak delegation refused that in the final document of the Mixed Commission on the File Separation of October 16, 1949 and so plenty of the archive and file materials falling under the par. 3, Art. XIII of the Supplementary Confidential Protocol remained in Hun- gary. The competent persons realized that ”this is the last possible attempt that should be made before the whole affair would come to nothing during the negotiations with Hungary on the Cultural Agreement pursuant to the directives of the Government Decision of September 29, 1949. In addition to irreplaceable moral value, this is also a considerable value that can be expressed financially with an extensive amount. Besides, this is also a nation-wide interest as well as a delicate Slovak interest. “75 The Czechoslovak preparatory work for the draft of the Cultural Agreement formulated the claims for the cultural monuments in a personalized amendment. Neither this amendment was supposed to be published so that the existence of the Protocol of Štrba would not be disclosed, the amendment was intended to 72 AMZV Praha, SM-TS, kart. 3. Pro memoria in the matter of par. 3, n. XIII of the Supplementary Confidential Protocol from Štrbské Pleso of July 25, 25. 7. 1949. 73 SNM, f. Restituce, cart. 3. Enclosure to the Meritory Resolution No. 13 pursuant to Art. XIII., par. 1 of the Protocol of Štrba. 74 AMZV Praha, SM-TS, cart. 3. Pro memoria of December 5, 1949, in the matter of par. 3, Art. XIII... 75 The same source.

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obligate both“ parties to return to each other “the significant articles of artistic, historical and/or archaeological values that belong to the spiritual heritage of the other party to the Agreement“.76 The Czechoslovak formulation was based on the provision of Art. 11 of the Peace Treaty, considered the year 1848 to be the starting point, and three groups of monuments (artistic, archaeological and historical), that had originated on the territory of Slovakia, the restitution of the libraries and documents that belonged to the personalities and/or public institutions in Slovakia, and the original artistic, literary and scientific articles that were the work of the “Czechoslovak“artists, writers and scientists. The Mixed Commission was supposed to decide which articles should be excluded from the list because they arrived to Hungary as a result of a donation, purchase and/or a reference in the last-will testament. The Commission should decide on the articles from the period before 1848 on the basis of the “principle of mutuality”. Within six months, the Commission were expected to exchange their lists and within twelve months, they were expected to return the articles.77 However, the Agreement in this form was never accepted. V. Clementis, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, was recalled from his office in March 1950 and L. Novomeský was recalled in April. Soon afterwards, they ended up in a prison and Mr. Clementis at the execution ground. The new Cultural Agreement was signed on November 13, 1951, only when, as stated in the Pravda newspaper of November 14, 1951”the bourgeois nationalism was revealed and its impact on the political and public life was removed“.78 The new Cultural Agreement did not mention the return of the cultural monuments. The Agreement on the Cultural Cooperation between the Czechoslovak republic and the Hungarian People´s Republic was signed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Viliam Široký, and the Minister Jószef Révai. The meritory resolution n. 13 was fulfilled only in part in 1959 and the negotiations continued in the following years but were never completed. It needs to be stated that this complicated, endless and unfinished solution of the Articles of the Peace Treaty with Hungary constituted and so far constitutes an endless story of the mutual (Czecho)Slovak - Hungarian relations.

76 AMZV, SM-TS, cart. 3. Amendment to the Draft of the Cultural Agreement... 77 The same source. 78 LANTAYOVÁ-ČIERNA, D.: Podoby..., p . 177 to 178.

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Resumé Československo-maďarské spory o kulturní dědictví a 11. článek mírové smlouvy s Maďarskem z roku 1947 Štefan Šutaj

Spory o „společné“ (česko) slovensko-maďarské kulturní dědictví, organizační a ad- ministrativní opatření československých úřadů k zajištění této agendy, jednání mírové konference v Paříži v roce 1946 a zakotvení otázek „kulturního dědictví“ do mírové smlouvy s Maďarskem z února 1947 tvoří rámec předkládané studie. Předmětem sporu byly kul- turní památky, které zůstaly v maďarských archivech a muzeích, které vznikly na území dnešního Slovenska v době Uherska nebo se dostali do Maďarska v letech 1938-1945, tedy po Vídeňské arbitráži. Studie se věnuje přípravě na jednání v Paříži o problematice kulturního dědictví a čin- ností komisí, jejichž úkolem bylo sumarizovat československé požadavky vůči Maďarsku v oblasti kulturního dědictví (Sbor pro otázky spojené s restitucí kulturního materiálu při ministerstvu zahraničních věcí a Komise pro výzkum vlastivědných otázek při předsed- nictvu Slovenské národní rady). Výsledkem jednání v Paříži byl čl. 11 schválen v mírové smlouvě s Maďarskem. Na- plňování tohoto článku bylo problematické a bylo revidováno dodatkovým protokolem přijatým komunistickými reprezentacemi v roce 1949 tajnou dohodou na Štrbském plese, která nikdy nebyla ratifikována parlamenty obou zemí. Složité a nedokončené nacházení řešení článků mírové smlouvy s Maďarskem, tvořilo a tvoří dodnes nekonečný příběh vzájemných (česko) slovensko-maďarských vztahů.

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284 Processes of Cultural Exchange in Central Europe 1800 - 2000

Allerlei Pioniere: Wie der Fußball um und nach 1890 nach Prag kam.

Stefan Zwicker:

Abstrakt: Der folgende Artikel befasst sich mit der Etablierung des „englischen “ Sports Fußball um die Jahrhundertwende in der böhmischen Hauptstadt Prag.1 Deren öffentliches Leben wurde zu jener Zeit von einem nationalen Antagonismus beherr- scht, der auch in der Sphäre des Sports eine Rolle spielte, Sportvereine waren nach nationalen Kategorien getrennt organisiert. Allerdings gab es im Fußball keineswegs einen durchgängigen „Boykott“ zwischen tschechischen und deutschen Klubs, wie nicht selten behauptet wird. Der vorliegende Artikel legt den Schwerpunkt auf die deutschen Klubs, da er zur Etablierung des Fußballs in diesem Milieu verschiedene neue Forschungserkenntnisse besteuern dürfte.

Keywords: Sportsgeschichte, Fussballgeschichte, Prag

1 Zum Begriff der „English Sports “ und ihrer Etablierung auf dem Kontinent am Beispiel Deutschlands EISENBERG, Christiane: „English Sports“ und deutsche Bürger. Eine Gesells- chaftsgeschichte 1800-1939. Paderborn u.a. 1999; Übersichtsdarstellungen zur Entwick- lung des Sports in den böhmischne Ländern im 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhundert etwa PACINA, Václav: Sport v království českém. Praha 1986; NINGER, Michal, KOLIŠ, Jiří: Ceský sport 1862 - 1914. Kladno 2003. neuere Aufsätze zur Entwicklung des modernen Sports im östlichen Mitteleuropa bzw. der ehemaligen Tschechoslowakei in englischer Sprache: WAIC, Marek, ZWICKER, Stefan: Central and Eastern Europe. In: POPE, S.W., NAURIGHT, John (Hrsg.): Routledge Companion to Sports History. London, New York 2010, S. 391-404; ZWICKER, Stefan: Sport in the Czech and Slovak Republics and the Former Czechos- lovakia and the Challenge of Its Recent Historiography. In: Journal of Sport History 38 (2011), S. 373-385.

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Die Anfänge des Fußballs und die (angeblichen) „Spielboykotts“ in Prag vor 1914

In Europa kam es Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts eine Ausbreitung des Fuß- ballsports vom ‚Mutterland’ England und den weiteren Ländern des Vereinigten Königreichs Großbritanniens nach Osten und Süden. In Deutschland gewann er Ende der 1880er Jahre weitere Verbreitung. Eine Pionierrolle für sein Aufkom- men in Prag nahm der Kaufmann Ludwig Stiassny ein, der, auf der Eliteschule Eton erzogen, schon in England Fußball gespielt hatte und 1884 von Frankfurt a. M. beruflich nach Prag umzog. Der begeisterte und erfolgreiche Ruderer Sti- assny trat hier in den deutschen Eislauf- und Ruderklub Regatta ein und machte hier den neuen Sport bekannt und interessant, so dass sich nach ersten eher unor- ganisierten Versuchen in diesem 1891 eine Fußballabteilung bildete,2 aus der fünf Jahre später der DFC (Deutscher Fußballclub) Prag entstehen sollte. Der 1876 geborene Dr. Rudolf Thierfeld, zu jener Zeit einer der jungen Leute, die in Stiassnys Gefolge das Ballspiel erlerntem, dachte einige Jahrzehnte später daran zurück: Die Regatta, deren Mitglieder nebenbei auch Fußball betrieben, war unser Ideal und so mancher ergraute Fußballer denkt mit mir gewiß mit Stolz daran, wie der lange Stiaßny, aus England kommend, uns das Wesen des flachen Spiels erklärte und mit uns Jungen und Alten die Kaiserwiese ab und auf stürmte.3 Bis es soweit gekommen war, hatte Stiassny allerdings beträchtliche Überzeu- gungsarbeit zu leisten:

2 KANTOR, Rudolf: Geschichte des sudetendeutschen Fußballsports in Böhmen und Mähren. (Ty- poskript) Aalen 1960, S. 10; KRÁL, Lubomír: Historie německé kopané v Čechách. Praha 2006, S. 25f. Ludwig Stiassny (1864 Frankfurt a.M.- Todesjahr unbekannt), wird gelegentlich auch als Stasny oder Stiasny genannt war wohl selbst böhmischer Herkunft, er dürfte der Sohn eines gleichnamigen in Prag geborenen Kapellmeisters und Komponisten gewesen sein, der langjährig in Frankfurt engagiert war. Er wanderte Ende der 1890er Jahre nach Mexiko aus und gründete auch dort einen DFC. 3 Wie schön wars früher. Prager Erinnerungen. Allgemeines Sportblatt Nr. 42, 16.10. 1929, S. 715. Dr. Rudolf Thierfeld (1876–1933), Frauen- und Kinderarzt, ein „Pionier des Fußball- sportes in Böhmen“, war nach der Zeit bei der Regatta und der Fußballmannschaft der Lese- und Redehalle während seiner Tätigkeit als Assistenzarzt noch beim DFC Prag aktiv, 1906 zog er beruflich nach Warnsdorf (Varnsdorf), wo er im folgenden Jahr zu den Gründern des DFC Warnsdorf und bis zu seinem Tod weiter als Funktionär wirkte. Vgl. Dr. Rudolf Thierfeld gestorben. Allgemeines Sportblatt Nr. 37, 13.9.1933, S. 661.

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Kam im Anfang meiner Mitgliedschaft bei der Regatta die Sprache aufs Fuß- ballspiel, so begegnete man nur ironischem Lächeln, ganz vereinzelte Ausnahmen ausgenommen. Man hielt es für unvereinbar mit dem guten Ton, es schickte sich nicht! Durch die Erfolge im Rudern gewann mein Wort wesentlich an Gewicht, ich konnte eine Schlußfeier im Herbste 1885 durchsetzen, die meines Wissens das erste Sportfest in Prag war. (...) Ich ließ mir aber versprechen, daß nach der Feier zumindest ein ernster Versuch gemacht werde mit Fußballspielen; (...) Man fürchtete aber das Erlahmen meines Interesses für die Regatta im nächsten Som- mer und ließ sich auf die Kaiserwiese schleppen, hielt sogar dem Gespött der Spaziergänger stand. Darüber wäre viel zur Erheiterung zu sagen, obgleich es damals für uns gewiß gar nicht heiter war, denn sogar polizeilicher Schutz konnte uns nicht sichern.4 Wem das „Primat“ gebührte, in Prag bzw. den böhmischen Ländern als erster Fußball gespielt zu haben, Deutsche oder Tschechen, war zeitweise eine mit In- teresse diskutierte Frage. Die tschechische Zeitschrift Cyklista („Der Radfahrer“) hatte 1885 gemeldet, dass der Klub der Prager „Velozipedisten“ wieder in den Park des Grafen Buquoi übergesiedelt sei, wo neben dem Radfahren auch Fuß- ball gespielt werde5 - bei diesem „football“ könnte es sich aber auch um Rugby gehandelt haben. In Raudnitz an der Elbe (Roudnice nad Labem) brachte in der zweiten Hälfte der 1880er Jahre ein tschechischer Gymnasiallehrer namens Jan Sommer, der zuvor als Erzieher im Ausland tätig gewesen war, seinen Schülern das neue Spiel nahe.6 Möglicherweise wurde aber bereits 1882 von der Prager Lese- und Redehalle der deutschen Studenten ein Fußballspiel mit englischen Gästen veranstaltet.7 Ein Zentrum des Fußballsports, der in diesen frühen Jahren noch das Vergnügen einer sehr kleinen Minderheit war, stellte zweifellos der erwähnte deutsche Klub Regatta dar. In ihm waren anfangs neben Deutschen und Englän- dern auch Tschechen Mitglieder, von denen 28 nach der „Deutscherklärung“

4 STASNY, (sic!) Ludwig: Vorgeschichte und Entstehung des DFC Prag. In: 25 jährig. Jubiläum des D.F.C. Prag 1921. Prag 1921, S.79f. 5 Cyklista Nr. 8, 15.5. 1885, S. 107f., zit. nach KOLÁŘ, František: Nesmiřitelná rivalita Sla- vie a Sparty (Kapitola z počátků českého fotbalu). In: DEJMEK, Jindřich, HANZAL, Josef (Hrsg.): České země a Československo v Evropě XIX. a XX. století. Sborník praci k 65. narozeninám prof. dr. Roberta Kvačka. Praha 1997, S. 165-190, hier S. 168. 6 PETRŮ, Karel: Dějiny československé kopané. Praha 1946, S. 43; KOLÁŘ, F.: Nesmiřitelná rivalita Slavie a Sparty, S. 168; Jelínek/ Jenšík: Atlas českého fotbalu, S. 6. 7 KRÁL, L.: Historie německé kopané v Čechách, S. 25.

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des Vereins im Jahre 1885 austraten und den International Rowing Club gründeten, in dem zeitweise auch Fußball gespielt wurde.8 Als erste Prager Fußballplätze dienten militärische Übungsplätze: der Invalidenplatz (Invalidovná) in Karolinent- hal (Karlín) und die Kaiserwiese (Císařská louka), die dem Kloster Wyschehrad (Vyšehrad) gehörte, gelegen auf einer Moldauinsel unterhalb des Vyšehrad-Fel- sens.9 Verbürgt und häufig als erstes offizielles „Wettspiel“ nach den Regeln der englischen Football Association auf böhmischem Boden genannt ist das von 1893 zwischen der Fußball-Abteilung der Regatta und einer vom Fürsten Thurn und Taxis zusammengestellten Elf.10 Auf der Kaiserwiese fand drei Jahre später das erste Prager derby zwischen dem Klubs Slavia und Sparta statt. Die großen Klubs errichteten bald besser erreichbare, zentrumsnahe Plätze, vor allem auf der Let- ná-Ebene, der Platz auf der Kaiserwiese blieb aber mit Unterbrechungen bestehen, genutzt von unterklassigen Klubs, bis er 2011 einem driving range für Golf weichen musste, weil dessen Betreiber eine viel höhere Miete zu zahlen bereit war.11 Zum historischen Hintergrund sei angemerkt, dass die Anfänge des Fußballs in Prag in eine Zeit fielen, in die deutsch-tschechischen Gegensätze eine neue Eskalationsstufe erreichten. Am 11. November 1891 beschloss der (von tschechischen Parteien dominierte) Prager Gemeinderat, alle deutschen Aufschriften in der Hauptstadt zu entfernen, um deren tschechischen Charakter zu betonen. Vertreter der deutschsprachigen Bevölkerung sahen dies als weiteres demütigen- des Symptom des Verlusts ihrer einst führenden Stellung.12 8 STASNY, L.: Vorgeschichte und Entstehung des DFC Prag, S. 79; KOLÁŘ, F.: Nesmiřitelná rivalita Slavie a Sparty, S. 168. 9 Auf den Spuren der Vergangenheit - Nordostgaubriefe, Nr. 210, April 1988 (Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv München, Sudetendeutsches Archiv, Bestand Kameradschaft des Deutschen Fußballverbandes, Karton 35). Dieser interessante Bestand, auf Betreiben des Verfassers erstmals verzeichnet und von ihm erstmals ausgewertet, stammt aus dem „Nachlass“ einer Gemeinschaft ehemaliger sudetendeutscher Fußballspieler- und Funktionäre, die von den 1950er Jahren bis Anfang der 1990er Jahre existierte. 10 KANTOR, R.: Geschichte des sudetendeutschen Fußballsports, S. 12; KRÁL, L.: Historie německé kopané v Čechách, L.: Historie německé kopané v Čechách, S. 27. 11 Kolébka českého fotbalu zanikne. Z mapy ji vymaže golfové odpaliště. Idnes.cz, 12.6.2012 http://fotbal.idnes.cz/cisarska-louka-meni-fotbal-za-golf-dre-/fot_dsouteze. aspx?c=A120623_1796200_sport-golf_ten (18.7.2014) 12 HASLINGER, Peter: Sprachenpolitik, Sprachendynamik und imperiale Herrschaft in

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Auch im nationaltschechischen Turnverband Sokol wurde in dieser Zeit - an- ders als später, als man sich (ähnlich wie sowohl die reichs- als auch die sudetendeutschen Turner) von den Fußballern scharf abgrenzte - in einigen Gemeinden der Ballsport gepflegt. So fand eines der ersten Matches in Böhmen im August 1892 in Raudnitz zwischen dem Český Athletic Club Roudnice und einer Mannschaft des dortigen Sokol statt und im gleichen Jahr veröffentlichte der Sokol-Funktionär und Turnlehrer eines Gymnasiums Josef Klenka auf der Prager Kleinseite die Regeln für einen „einfachen Fußball“ (Kopana jednoduchá).13 Die nun entstehenden Fußballklubs gingen zumeist aus bereits bestehenden Sport- und gesellschaftlichen Vereinen hervor bzw. spalteten sich von diesen ab, so 1896 der DFC, wie auch die beiden künftigen ewigen tschechischen Rivalen AC Sparta (so 1894 umbenannt aus dem ein Jahr zuvor gegründeten Athletic Club Královské Vinohrady – „Königliche Weinberge“ und SK Slavia (1895 aus dem 1892 entstandenen SK ACOS – Akademický Cyklistický Sbor – „Akademisches Rad- fahr-Korps“ des 1869 gegründeten, panslawistisch orientierten literarischen und Rede-Zirkels Slavia hervorgegangen, eine Fußballabteilung des SK Slavia entstand offiziell im Januar 1896). Aus politischen Gründen wurde die Gesellschaft Sla- via durch die österreichische Obrigkeit im Oktober 1894 zwangsaufgelöst, die in Verbindung mit dem vorangegangen Prozess gegen die Omladina, eine sozialis- tisch-anarchistisch eingestellte tschechische Oppositionsgruppe stand. Durch die Auflösung der Slavia hörte auch der SK ACOS formell auf zu bestehen14 und es wurde im Mai 1895 der S.K. (Sportovní Klub) Slavia gegründet. Die treibende Kraft bei der Vereinsgründung war der Student der Medizin Jaroslav Hausmann, der seinen Verein knapp dreißig Jahre später verlassen sollte – aus Empörung über die Versöhnung der Slavia mit dem „Erzfeind“ DFC Prag 15

der Habsburgermonarchie 1740-1914. In: Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung 57 (2008), S. 81-111, hier S. 105; COHEN, Gary B.: The Politics of Ethnic Survival. Germans in Prague 1861-1914. Princeton 1981, S. 3, 18. 13 KOLÁŘ, F.: Nesmiřitelná rivalita Slavie a Sparty, S. 168; JELÍNEK, Radovan, JENŠÍK, Mi- loslav et al.: Atlas českého fotbalu od roku 1890. Praha 2005, S. 6. 14 Sportovní obzor, Nr. 10, 15.11. 1894, S. 91, zit. nach KOLÁŘ, F.: Nesmiřitelná rivalita Slavie a Sparty, S. 170. 15 PETRŮ, K.: Dějiny československé kopané, S. 80; Malá encyklopedie fotbalu, S. 319, 327; Horák/ Král, Encyklopedie, S. 13; KOLÁŘ, F.: Nesmiřitelná rivalita Slavie a Sparty, S. 169-172. Zur Omladina vgl. PERNES, Jiří: Spiklenci proti Jeho Veličenstvu. Historie tzv. spiknutí Omladiny v Čechách. Praha 1988.

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Die Verbindung von literarisch-schöngeistigen (durch die Trennung nach der Muttersprache immer auch ‚national’ konnotierten) und sportlichen Aktivitäten war kein Einzelfall, auch bei der Lese- und Redehalle der deutschen Studenten, diese schon seit 1848 bestehende sehr renommierte akademische Institution gründete 1899 eine Abteilung für Fußball. Den Kern der Mannschaft bildeten studentische Mitglieder der Regatta-Fußballabteilung, die nicht zum DFC hinübergewechselt waren. Dieses akademische Team gehörte für kurze Zeit zu den besten in Prag, aber schon nach zwei Jahren verschwand es wieder.16 1929 erinnerte sich der schon erwähnte Rudolf Thierfeld, einer seiner Gründer: Die Regatta löste ihre Fußballabteilung auf, ein Teil fand den Weg zum DFC, ein anderer Teil vereinigte sich zur Fußballmannschaft der Lese- und Redehalle der deutschen Studenten. Ich errichtete mit Hallegeldern in Holleschowitz den ersten Sportplatz und nach einem kurzen Siegeslauf, wir konnten sogar einmal den DFC auf seiner damaligen Höhe einmal besiegen, nachdem wir zuvor in Wien und Berlin gut abgeschnitten hatten, ging auch diese Neugründung ein.17 Ohnehin war in jenen Anfangsjahren die Lebensdauer mancher Prager Fuß- ballvereine kurz, es kam häufig zu Auflösungen und Neugründungen: 1897 entstand der deutsche Klub Columbia, zu deren Mitgliedern Hugo Lebenhart gezählt haben soll, später ein hoher Funktionär des deutsch-böhmischen Verbandes DFV. Die Columbia löste sich schon zwei Jahre später auf, ein Teil der Aktiven gründete später den DBC Sturm. Ferner gab es „unregistrierte“ (also nicht ins Vereinskataster der Behörden eingetragene) Vereine wie Urania“ und Unitas, aus den genannten ging 1898 der FC Germania hervor, in deren Mannschaft u.a. einer der berühmtesten Prager Spieler der Vorkriegszeit, Ladislaus Kurpiel (später eine der Stützen des DFC), stand. War der DFC ein Klub der Oberschicht, waren die Mitglieder der Germania in der sozialen Hierarchie etwas tiefer gestellt: erster Obmann war der „Postoberkommissär Dr. Streit“, sein Stellvertreter der „Postoffizial Heinrich Walenta“, dieser gründete nach seiner Versetzung nach Nordböhmen 1900 den DFK Aussig.18 Dies weist auch daraufhin, wie der Fußball von den Metropolen Prag und Wien in die böhmische und mährische Provinz „ausstrahlte“, häufig waren es Sportler, die aus beruflichen Gründen Prag verlie- 16 KRÁL, L.: Historie německé kopané v Čechách, S. 229. 17 Wie schön wars früher. Prager Erinnerungen. Allgemeines Sportblatt Nr. 42, 16.10. 1929, S. 715. 18 Nordostgaubriefe Nr. 211, Juni 1988, S. 9f. (Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv München, Su- detendeutsches Archiv, Bestand Kameradschaft des Deutschen Fußballverbandes, Karton 36); KRÁL, L.: Historie německé kopané v Čechách, S. 154.

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ßen und um auch außerhalb der Hauptstadt ihrem Hobby nachgehen zu können, einen Fußballverein ins Leben riefen, wie der Postbeamte Walenta in Aussig (Ústí nad Labem) oder der genannte Dr. Thierfeld ins Warnsdorf. Eine weitere Mög- lichkeit war, dass ein Sohn der Provinz den Fußball (was wortwörtlich zu verste- hen ist, den auch das Sportgerät an sich musste erst einmal beschafft werden) aus der „großen weiten Welt mitbrachte: So soll der älteste deutschböhmische Provinzklub, der Reichenberger SK, entstanden sein: Rudolf Turnwald, Sohn eines Reichenberger Reichsratsabgeordneten, studierte in Wien Jura und brachte in den Ferien 1898 einen Fußball und sein Engagement für den Sport mit in seine Hei- matstadt, noch im gleichen Jahr entstand der RSK.19 In anderen Städten abseits der Metropole dauerte es zehn Jahre länger bis der Fußball vereinsmäßig betrieben wurde, in Gablonz (Jablonec nad Nisou) gründeten 1908 Studenten, die während des Semesters bei den Deutschen Sportbrüdern Prag spielten, den dortigen Deutschen Sport-Klub (DSK).20 Um noch einmal auf den sozialen Hintergrund zurückzukommen: Auch wenn sich Klischees vom Fußball als traditionellem Arbeiter-oder „Malocher- sport“ weiter halten, so war der mitteleuropäische Fußball in seinen Anfängen, zumindest bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg, eine weitgehend bürgerliche, in den böhmi- schen Ländern gelegentlich sogar aristokratische Angelegenheit, keineswegs eine Sache der Arbeiterschaft.21

19 Auf den Spuren der Vergangenheit. Nordostgaubriefe Nr. 213, Oktober 1988, S. 9f. (Bay- erisches Hauptstaatsarchiv München, Sudetendeutsches Archiv, Bestand Kameradschaft des Deutschen Fußballverbandes,Karton 36; zum Verein auch KRÁL, L.: Historie německé kopané v Čechách, S. 239. 20 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv München, Sudetendeutsches Archiv, Bestand Kamer- adschaft des Deutschen Fußballverbandes, Karton 5: Karteiblatt Otto Mohr, Beiblatt „Meine Sportliche Laufbahn“; zum Verein KRÁL, L.: Historie německé kopané v Čechách, S. 182f. 21 Zur sozialen Schichtung der Fußballer in Deutschland vor 1914 vgl. EISENBERG, C.: „English Sports“ und deutsche Bürger, S. 154, 180-185. Zur Legende vom „Arbeitersport“ Fußball auch die Einleitung bei DAHLMANN, Dittmar, HILBRENNER, Anke, LENZ, Britta (Hrsg.): Überall ist der Ball rund. Geschichte und Gegenwart des Fußballs in Ost- und Südosteuropa. Die zweite Halbzeit. Essen 2008 S. 8. Zu den Verhältnissen in Österreich ein- schließlich Böhmens vgl. SCHIDROWITZ, Leo: Geschichte des Fußballsportes in Ös- terreich. Wien 1951, S. 35; speziell zu den böhmischen Ländern WAIC, Marek, ZWI- CKER, Stefan: Verwandlungen der deutsch-tschechischen Fußballbeziehungen in den böhmischen Ländern und der Tschechoslowakei. In: WAIC, Marek (Hrsg.): Německé tělovýchovné a sportovní

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Während der wichtigste sportliche Rivale des DFC unter den deutschen Klubs, der TFK (Teplitzer Fußballklub) 03 aus dem nordböhmischen Teplitz-Schö- nau (Teplice-Šanov) für sein eher unproblematisches Verhältnis zu tschechischen Klubs bekannt war,22 wurde der DFC in der Überlieferung immer wieder mit den damals virulenten Nationalitätskonflikten in Verbindung gebracht. Hier mag allerdings auch eine Rolle spielen, dass eine Passage aus einem 1942 von Egon Erwin Kisch im mexikanischen Exil verfassten Text, die die 1897 im Zusam- menhang mit der Badeni-Krise ausgebrochenen Unruhen schildert, bei denen sich Mitglieder tschechischer und deutscher Sportvereine an den Ausschreitun- gen auf den Straßen beteiligten.23 Hier ist von einem daraus resultierenden 25 Jahre andauernden Boykott die Rede, den der DFC und die anderen deutschen Fußballvereine (mit Ausnahme von Kischs Verein Sturm) gegen die tschechischen Klub verhängt hätten, eine Darstellung, die zwar eingängig ist und gern zitiert wird, aber zumindest falsch oder zumindest verzerrend ist.24 Tatsächlich gab es

spolky v českých zemích a Československu. Deutsche Turn- und Sportvereine in den tschechischen Län- dern und der Tschechoslowakei. Praha 2008, S. 347-372, hier S. 348; ZWICKER, Stefan: 100 Jahre Spitzensport in der böhmischen Provinz. Der Fußball in Teplitz-Schönau/ Teplice-Šanov im Spannungsfeld gesellschaftlicher Transformation. [Teil 1:] Fußball und Gesellschaft in Teplitz-Schö- nau bis 1945. In: DAHLMANN, Dittmar, HILBRENNER, Anke/ LENZ, Britta Dittmar Dahlmann/ Anke Hilbrenner/ Britta Lenz (Hrsg.): Überall ist der Ball rund. Geschichte und Gegenwart des Fußballs in Ost- und Südosteuropa – Die Nachspielzeit. Essen 2011:, S. 319-362. hier S. 322. Einige aristokratische Grundbesitzer in Böhmen „sponsorten“ Vereine, so der Fürst Lobkowitz den DFK im nahe bei Teplitz gelegenen Bilin (Bilína), vgl. SMETANA, Friedl: 70 Jahre DFK 1907 Bilin. Gedenkvortrag. Hanau 1978. S. 12; KRÁL, L.: Historie německé kopané v Čechách, S. 27. 22 Vgl. dazu ausführlich ZWICKER, S.: 100 Jahre Spitzensport in der böhmischen Provinz. 23 KISCH, Egon Erwin: Deutsche und Tschechen. In: Marktplatz der Sensationen. Berlin und Wei- mar 1974, S. 82-91, hier S. 88f. PETRŮ, K.: Dějiny československé kopané, S. 118 weist daraufhin, dass die Badeni-Unruhen keineswegs der Auslöser für die Spannungen zwischen den Klubs gewesen seien. 24 Auch der Verfasser ist dieser als allgemein tradierten- zwar scheinbar plausiblen, aber eben falschen Darstellung in einer früheren Veröffentlichung gefolgt, vgl. ZWICKER, Stefan: Fußball in der deutschen und tschechischen Gesellschaft, Literatur und Publizistik. Ansätze zu einer ver- gleichenden Studie. In: Brücken. Germanistisches Jahrbuch Tschechien und Slowakei. 2000, S. 247-286, hier S. 261; ebenso KÜPPER, René: Volkssport und deutsch-tschechischer Volks- tumskampf. Die Politisierung des Fußballsports in der Tschechoslowakischen Republik und im Protekto- rat Böhmen und Mähren. In: DAHLMANN, Dittmar, HILBRENNER, Anke, LENZ, Britta (Hrsg.): Überall ist der Ball rund. Geschichte und Gegenwart des Fußballs in Ost- und Südosteuropa.

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einen dauerhaften gegenseitigen Boykott nur zwischen den Klubs DFC und Sla- via, auch waren diese Spannungen teilweise in wirtschaftlichen Dingen und im Vereins-Prestige begründet, was durchaus zusammenhing. Es ging vereinfacht gesagt auch dabei darum, wer als Erster in Prag ausländische (vor allem englische) Mannschaften zu Gastspielen einladen konnte und so auch neben dem sportlichen Primat zuerst gegen den renommierten Gegner angetreten zu sein, auch höhere Eintrittsgelder, von denen die Vereine damals fast ausschließlich lebten, kassieren konnte. Hinzu kommt noch, dass es nicht nur Auseinandersetzungen zwischen den Vereinen, sondern auch zwischen den untereinander konkurrieren- den, teilweise parallel bestehenden Verbänden gab, deren Auseinandersetzungen sich auch nicht auf schlicht „nationale“ Beweggründe reduzieren lassen. Kurz gesagt: Es gab Konflikte und Boykotts zwischen den Vereinen und Verbänden deutscher und tschechischer Nationalität, aber alles auf die Nationalitätenfrage zurückzuführen, ist zu einfach und verkürzend. Ein Problem der Anfangsjahre war der Mangel an Fußballplätzen, so beende- te die Germania ähnlich wie die Fußballabteilung der Lese- und Redehalle nach wenigen Jahren ihre Aktivitäten, einer der Gründe war der Verlust der Trainings- und Spielflächen im Kanalgarten Kanálská( zahrada), der der wachsenden Bebauung in den „Königlichen Weinbergen“ zum Opfer fiel.25 Der Kanalgarten diente der tschechischen wie der deutschen bürgerlichen Jugend als Sportplatz. In seinen Essen 2006, S. 141-154, hier S. 241. Eine „Klarstellung“ der tatsächlichen Verhältnisse in der wissenschaftlichen Literatur gedruckt wohl zuerst bei ZWICKER, Stefan: Aspekte der Memorialkultur des Fußballs in den böhmischen Ländern, der Tschechoslowakei und der Tschechischen Republik. In: HERZOG, Markwart (Hrsg.): Memorialkultur im Fußballsport. Medien, Rituale und Praktiken des Erinnerns, Gedenkens und Vergessens. Stuttgart 2013, S. 387-408, hier S. 388f. (mit Hinweisen auf frühere Vorträge, wo dies thematisiert wurde, aber keine Tagungs- bände erschienen). 25 25 jährig. Jubiläum des D.F.C. Prag 1921, S. 28f.; KANTOR, R.: Geschichte des sudetendeutschen Fußballsports, S. 18, schreibt, dass sowohl die Fußballabteilung der Regatta als auch die Ger- mania aus finanziellen Gründen ihre Tätigkeit 1901 eingestellt und ihre Spieler fortan die Deutsche Sport-Brüder verstärkt hätten. Diese Jahresangaben stimmen wohl nicht, vermutlich liegt eine Verwechslung zwischen der Regatta und der Fußballabteilung der Lese- und Redehalle vor. Der Kanalgarten, nicht etwa nach einem dort befindlichen Kanal, sondern nach dem Besitzer Josef Emanuel Graf Canal, der ihn 1782 hatte anlegen lassen, benannt, war das 19. Jahrhundert hindurch ein beliebter Prager Ausflugs- und Erholungsort. 1895 begann man ihn in Parzellen für Mietshäuser aufzuteilen. Als Restgrünfläche blieben die heutigen Riegrovy sady erhalten - vgl. http://pamatky.praha-mesto.cz/76885_Vinohrady (19.8.2009).

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Memoiren schreibt der Journalist, Rundfunkpionier und langjährige Funktionär des SK Slavia, Josef Laufer: Tedy, domovinou mého nejranějšího sportování byla Kanálská zahrada ve Vinohradech. Pokud nás učitel nevodil na hřiště proti vinohradsému pivovaru, běhaval jsem s nekolika kluky z obecné školy (...) v každé volné chvili do Kanálské zahrady. V zimě tam bývalo i „divoke“ klužistě, (...). V těchto místěch jsem se po prvé seznámil s kopanou a hokejem.26 Anschließend führt Laufer noch aus, er habe das Glück gehabt, sowohl in der Gemeindeschule als auch später auf dem Realgymnasium auf einzelne „fort- schrittliche“ Lehrer getroffen zu sein, die ihn und seine Kameraden bei den Be- mühungen, Sport zu treiben, unterstützt hätten,27 im damaligen Schulwesen alles andere als eine Selbstverständlichkeit. Daher wurden in der Erinnerungsliteratur – ob deutsch oder tschechisch – auch Pädagogen besonders hervorgehoben, die das neue Spiel nicht nur tolerierten, sondern es unterstützen oder sogar dabei mittaten, so bei dem „unregistrierten“ Verein Urania noch vor der Jahrhundert- wende ein Professor Nowotny, ein „unerschrockener Förderer und Freund des damals, insbesondere von den Schulen so stark bekämpften Fußballsports“.28 (Als „Professor“ bezeichnet(e) man im österreichisch-tschechischen Sprachge- brauch nicht nur Hochschullehrer, sondern auch Gymnasiallehrer.) Universitätsprofessoren standen aber in den ersten Jahren des großbürger- lichen DFC kontinuierlich an dessen Spitze. Noch heute bekannt, wenn auch umstritten, ist der dritte Präsident des Klubs (in den Jahren 1900 bis 1904), der Reichsdeutsche Ferdinand Hueppe. Er erhielt 1889 er einen Ruf als Professor für Hygieneforschung an die Prager Deutsche Universität, wo er bis zu seiner Pensionierung 1912 blieb. Die ‚English sports’ hatte er in seiner rheinischen Hei- mat im Kontakt mit den damals zahlreichen britischen Touristen und Stuenten kennen gelernt und war ab den 1880er Jahren auch einer der ersten Protagonisten der olympischen Bewegung in Deutschland. Aufgrund entsprechender Publika- tionen gilt er heute als Antisemit und „Biologist “, weswehen vor einigen Jahren auch das nach ihm benannte Stadion in seiner Heimatstadt umbenannt wurde. Anzumerken ist dazu allerdings, dass im DFC, dessen Präsident Hueppe war, das 26 LAUFER, Josef: Padesát let v našem sportu. Praha 1957, S. 7. 27 EBENDA, S. 7. 28 Auf den Spuren der Vergangenheit. Nordostgaubriefe Nr. 211, Juni 1988 (Bayerisches Haupt- staatsarchiv München, Sudetendeutsches Archiv, Bestand Kameradschaft des Deutschen Fußballverbandes, Karton 36).

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Prager deutschjüdische (zu einem beträchtlichen Teil stark assimilierte) jüdische Bürgertum eine große Rolle spielte.29 Der DFC, vertreten durch Hueppe sowie den Funktionären Dr. Arnold Brandeis30 und Emanuel Fiedler und die Germania, vertreten durch Heinrich Nonner, waren die einzigen deutschböhmischen Vereine unter knapp hundert, die am 28. Januar 1900 in Leipzig den Deutschen Fußballbund (DFB) ins Leben riefen. Hueppe wurde, auch weil er der älteste Anwesende war, aber sicher auch wegen seines Renommees als Universitätsprofessor zum ersten Vorsitzenden des neuen Verbandes gewählt.31 Laut der – nicht immer zuverlässigen - Darstellung Rudolf Kantors soll die Anregung zur Gründungsversammlung des DFB ein halbes Jahr zuvor (am 30. Juli 1899) in Leipzig anlässlich „nationaler Wettkämpfe zum Besten des deutschen Patriotenbundes, welche eine helle Begeisterung für den deutschen Fußballsport erweckten“, durch den DFC-Funktionär Professor Ritter von Lendenfeld gegeben worden seien. Jener Robert Lendlmayer, Ritter von Lendenfeld, ein international hoch renommierter Zoologe und Bergsteiger,

29 Zu Hueppe (1852 Neuwied-1938 Dresden) vgl. HEINRICH, Arthur: Der Deutsche Fuß- ballbund. Eine politische Geschichte. Berlin 2000, S. 30f; SCHNITZLER, Thomas: Fußball und Rassenhygiene. Der DFB-Gründungspräsident Ferdinand Hueppe. In: BOUVIER, Beatrix (Hrsg.): Zur Sozial- und Kulturgeschichte des Fußballs. Trier 2006, S. 78-119; ferner der Artikel von Ralf SCHÄFER in: BENZ, Wolfgang (Hrsg.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Judenfeind- schaft in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Bd. 2: Personen. Berlin 2010, S. 385f. Wenig kritisch und hauptsächlich auf seine Tätigkeit als Sportfunktionär bezogen ist die Darstellung auf der Homepage des DFB: Professor Dr. Ferdinand Hueppe. Der Wissenschaftler aus Prag (1900-1904) http://www.dfb.de/index.php?id=11005 (18.7.2014). Zu Hueppe (ohne Bezug auf seine Tätigkeit als Sportfunktionär) ein Artikel in der Personenenzyklopädie Neue Deutsche Bio- graphie, Bd. 9, Berlin 1972, S. 742f. von Georg B. GRUBER. 30 Dr. Arnold Brandeis (1872-Todesjahr unbekannt), war ein in der Prager deutschen Ge- sellschaft sehr angesehener Mediziner und Sportler, war Klubarzt des DFC und ein Pio- nier des Eishockeys. laut der Tageszeitung Bohemia (anlässlich seines 60. Geburtstags) vom 16.2.1932 war er ein „hervorragender Förderer des deutschen Sports in der ČSR“ und Mitglied in zahlreichen medizinischen und sportmedizinischen Ausschüssen, zit. nach Biographische Sammlung des Collegium Carolinum München, Akte Arnold Brandeis; ferner 25 jährig. Jubiläum des D.F.C. Prag 1921, S. 39f.; KRÁL, L.: Historie německé kopané v Čechách, S. 219. 31 KANTOR, R.: Geschichte des sudetendeutschen Fußballsports, S. 18; HEINRICH, A.: Der Deut- sche Fußballbund, S. 30f.

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ist ein weiteres Beispiel dafür, welche hohen sozialen Schichten zu jener Zeit in der Führung des DFC vertreten waren. 32 Dass man den DFC als dem reichsdeutschen Fußball zugehörig verstand, zeigen auch die beiden letzten der sogenannten Ur-Länderspiele, die im Septem- ber 1901 von einer deutschen, allerdings nicht direkt vom DFB organisierten Mannschaft in London und Manchester gegen eine Amateur- bzw. Profi-Auswahl der Football Association (FA) bestritten und „standesgemäß“ mit 0:12 bzw. 0:10 verloren wurden. Bei dieser trotz der Ergebnisse prestigeträchtigen Reise in das ‚Mutterland des Fußballs’ wirkten von insgesamt zwölf Spielern neben Berlinern und Karlsruhern auch zwei Prager aus dem DFC mit, Hüttl und Friedl, letzterer nur im zweiten Spiel.33 Kapitän der Deutschen war wie bei den vorangegangen „Ur-Länderspielen“ der spätere FIFA-Generalsekretär Dr. Ivo Schricker.34 Or-

32 KANTOR, R.: Geschichte des sudetendeutschen Fußballsports, S. 18 (er nennt diesenfälschlich „Langenfeld“). Prof. Dr. Robert Ignaz Lendlmayer, Ritter von Lendenfeld (1858 Graz- 1913 Prag) war einer der der bedeutendsten Zoologen seiner Zeit, außerdem ein erfolgreicher Bergsteiger. Von 1881-1886 lebte und lehrte er in Australien und Neuseeland. Ab 1882 Professor, ab 1897 an der deutschen Karl-Ferdinands-Universität in Prag, deren Rektor er 1912/13 war, er starb während dieser Amtszeit. Nach Lendenfeld ist der Mount Lendenfeld, der sechsthöchste Berg Neuseelands, benannt, vgl. Biographische Sammlung des Collegium Carolinum München, Akte Robert Ignaz Lendlmayer, Ritter von Lend- enfeld; http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Lendlmayer_von_Lendenfeld (16.1.2011). Laut der Festschrift 25 jährig. Jubiläum des D.F.C. Prag 1921, S. 31 soll Lendenfeld, noch mit „über fünfzig Jahre(n) durch seine „krampfhafte(n) Versuche, Fußball zu spielen“ seinen Vereinskameraden „unbändiges Vergnügen“ bereitet haben (hier wird er fälschlich als Professor für Botanik bezeichnet). 33 Vgl. KANTOR, R.: Geschichte des sudetendeutschen Fußballsports Kantor, S. 18, der allerdings keine Namen nennt; 100 Jahre deutsche Länderspiele, Nürnberg 2008; S. 124; http:// de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ur-L%C3%A4nderspiel (10.9.2009), in diesen beiden Veröffentli- chungen werden die Vereine der Spieler nicht genannt. 34 Dr. Ivo Schricker (1877 Straßburg-1962 Zürich), ein enger Freund Walther Bensemanns, aktiv u.a. beim Straßburger FV, Akademischen S.C. Berlin und Karlsruher FV, Jurist, war 1923- 1925 Vorsitzender des Süddeutschen Fußballverbandes, 1932-1950 erster Generalsekretär der Fußball-Weltorganisation FIFA. Hier trat er während des Zweiten Weltkriegs Bestre- bungen der NS-Sportpolitik entgegen, die FIFA unter ihre Kontrolle zu bringen, vgl. WAHLIG, Henry: Dr. Ivo Schricker. Ein Deutscher in Diensten des Weltfußballs. In: PEIFFER Lorenz, SCHULZE-MARMELING, Dietrich (Hrsg.): Hakenkreuz und rundes Leder. Fußball im Nationalsozialismus. Göttingen 2008, S. 197–206.

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ganisiator dieser Spiele war der herausragende deutsche Fußballpionier Walther Bensemann.35 Die Englandreise mit ihren Spielen war sozusagen der Gegenbesuch für die in November 1899 von Bensemann nach langwierigen Verhandlungen mit dem Vorsitzenden der englischen Football Association (FA) Sir Frederick Wall und vermutlich unter Entstehung beträchtlicher persönlicher Unkosten organisierten Gastspiele einer englischen Amateur-Auswahl.36 Allgemein werden dabei in der Publizistik nur die zwei Spiele in Berlin (23. und 24. November, 2:13 und 2:10) und das eine in Karlsruhe (28. November, 0:7) genannt, unter den Tisch fällt das dazwischen durchgeführte Spiel in Prag (25. November, Ergebnis 0:8), das neben dem Karlsruher Match (5.000 – anderen Angaben zufolge 2.000) bei weitem die meisten Zuschauer angezogen haben soll.37 In Prag trat gegen die englischen Amateure nämlich eine Deutsch-österreichische Auswahl, die de facto eine verstärkte DFC-Mannschaft war: Acht Spieler vom DFC, einer von der Lesehalle und zwei von dem Wiener Team Cricketer.38 Das Spiel war ein gesellschaftliches Ereignis ersten Ranges mit einem reichen Rahmenprogramm: Auf das „Wettspiel“ um 2 Uhr am Belvedere folgte um halb 7 Uhr das Bankett im Spiegelsaale des Deutschen Hauses und später der Festcommers (ausschließlich Herren zugäng- lich) im Adlersaale des Deutschen Studentenheims.39 Für die Abendveranstaltungen wurden öffentlich Eintrittskarten verkauft. Laut dem Prager Tagblatt waren bei dem Spiel „4-5000 Köpfe“ anwesend, eine 35 Walther Bensemann (1873 Berlin-1934 Montreux) hatte den Fußball auf einem Schweizer Internat durch britische Lehrer und Mitschüler kennengelernt. Er war einer der wichtigsten Pionier des Fußballs vor allem in Süddeutschland, wo er an der Gründung zahlrei- cher, darunter auch mancher später sehr berühmter Vereine beteiligt war. 1920 gründete er die Fachzeitschrift „Kicker“, er war einer der wichtigsten Sportpublizisten der Zwi- schenkriegszeit. Wegen seiner jüdischen Herkunft musste er 1933 die Herausgeberschaft des „Kicker“ aufgeben, vgl. BEYER, Bernd-M.: Der Mann, der den Fußball nach Deutschland brachte : das Leben des Walther Bensemann. Ein biografischer Roman. Göttingen 2003, der faktog- raphisch weitgehend zutrifft. 36 Zu den „Ur-Ländespielen“ BEYER, B-M.: Der Mann, der den Fußball nach Deutschland brachte, S. 99-129, hier allerdings fälschlich, S. 126f., dass bei dem Spiel in Prag Bense- mann persönlich nicht anwesend gewesen sei. 37 Vgl. 100 Jahre deutsche Länderspiele, S. 124: Die Spiele in der Reichshauptstadt sollen 1.500 bzw. 512 Zuschauer verfolgt haben. 38 Aufstellung der Mannschaften. Prager Tagblatt, 25.11.1899, S. 12. 39 Dr. JENKINS: Die Engländer auf der Fahrt nach Prag. Prager Tagblatt, 25.11.1899, S. 12.

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für Fußball in Mitteleuropa damals immens hohe und möglicherweise auch etwas übertriebene Zahl, jedenfalls gehörten zwei der anwesenden Köpfe dem kaiserlichen Statthalter Graf Coudenhouve, der mit seiner Gemahlin dem Spiel „beiwohnte“.40 Hauptredner beim Bankett waren Ferdinand Hueppe und Walther Bensemann Vergleichbar mit der Rolle Ludwig Stiassnys für den ‚deutschen’ Pra- ger Fußball dürfte die Josef Rössler-Ořovskýs, der darüber hinaus ein Pionier des tschechischen Sports im weitesten Rahmen war, für den Fußball der entstehenden Prag tschechischen Vereine gewesen sein. Er war nach dem Abitur in Paris und London als Drogist und Apotheker ausgebildetworden, wo er den Fußball kennen lernte. In den folgenden Jahrzehnten war er der wohl einflussreichste Propagator und Organsators des modernen Sports für die tschechische Bevölke- rung und neben Jiří Guth-Jarkovský einer der wichtigsten Funktionäre, vor allem in der olympischen Bewegung. 41 Ein Beispiel für die zunehmende Beachtung, die der Fußball in der Gesell- schaft fand, war der vom 1901 gegründeten Český svaz footballový (ČSF) im Som- mer 1904 Leben gerufene Pohár dobročinnosti („Wohltätigkeitspokal“, nach engli- schem Vorbild auch „Charity Cup“ genannt), allerdings erst 1906 zum ersten Mal ausgespielt, der der „Tschechischen Hilfsgemeinschaft für an Lungenkrankhei- ten Leidende im böhmischen Königreich“ zugute kam. Die Initiative war vom Sparta-Präsidenten Dr. Petrík, dem Chefredakteur der Zeitschrift Sportovní Svět („Sportwelt“) ausgegangen, der das Vorhaben dann im mit hohen Persönlichkei- ten des tschechischen öffentliches Lebens besetzten Ausschuss der Hilfsgemein- schaft organisiert hatte. Neben den beachtlichen Einkünften für den wohltätigen Zweck wurde der „Charity Cup“ zum bedeutendsten Wettbewerb im tschechi-

40 Die Engländer schlagen die combinirte Deutsch-österreichische Mannschaft 8:0. Prager Tagblatt, 26.11.1899, S. 9f. 41 Josef Rössler (1869-1933), Sohn eines Drogisten-Großhändlers aus der Prager Altstadt, gab sich den slawischen Beinamen Ořovský (hergeleitet von tschechisch oř – „Ross“), um seinen Patriotismus zu betonen, eine damals in den böhmischen Ländern bei tschechischen wie deutschen ‚national’ eingestellten Zeitgenossen beliebte Sitte – man slawisier- te bzw. germanisierte seinen deutschen oder tschechischen Familiennamen oder hängte diesem zumindest einen der empfundenen Nationalität entsprechenden Beinamen an. Rössler-Ořovský, schon in der Schulzeit ein begeisterter Sportler, soll Erster in den böh- mischen Ländern Ski gelaufen soll - am 5. Januar 1887 auf dem verschneiten Prager Wen- zelsplatz (!) vgl. den Artikel von Jiří KÖSSL in: KOLÁŘ, František u.a.: Kdo byl Kdo – Naši olympionici]. Praha 1999, S. 267-269; KOLÁŘ, F.: Nesmiřitelná rivalita Slavie a Sparty, S. 172f.

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schen Fußball in jener Zeit, da es in den meisten Jahren keine reguläre Meister- schaft gab.42 Neben den bereits genannten Persönlichkeiten des Prager Fußballs der „Pi- onierjahre“ wie Stiassny, Rössler-Ořovský und Hueppe, muss noch Dr. Siegfried Raabe-Jenkins erwähnt werden, der mit dem DFC eng verbundene war langjähri- ge Sportredakteur des Prager Tagblatts, eigentlich Rosenbaum der ebenso den Fuß- ball „an der Wiege“ kennen gelernt hatte, Er hatte sich vor der Jahrhundertwende in England aufgehalten, brachte sich „seinen englischen Namen von drüben“ mit und propagierte den Fußballsport ihn nach seiner Rückkehr in Prag.43 Er soll laut dem Anekdoten-Spezialisten Friedrich Torberg, der ihn als „riesenhaften, in jeder Hinsicht ungefügten Chef (...), der nicht zuletzt für die chaotische Unordnung in seinem Zimmer berühmt war“ schildert,44 selbst die grundlegende Regel für eine gute Anekdote formuliert haben: „Wahr is egal – gut muß sie sein“.45

Herausbildung der nächsten Generation

Die genannten „Pioniere“ bereiteten den Boden für eine neue Generation von „autochthonen“ Fußballer, die den Sport kurz oder nach der Jahrhundert- wende schon in ihrer Heimatstadt kennen gelernt hatten. Von diesen, die sich hier im Sport, aber auch in anderen gesellschaftlichen Bereichen hervortun sollten, lassen sich manche aufzählen: Zu den Stützen des DFC Prag vor 1914 ge-

42 PETRŮ, K.: Dějiny československé kopané, S. 270f.; JELÍNEK, R., JENŠÍK, M.: Atlas českého fotbalu, S. 8f., dort eine Aufstellung der durch den Pokal in den einzelnen Jahren erzielten Erlöse. Vgl. auch ebd., S. 196-235 die Statistiken zu den nationalen Wettbewerben 1906- 2004, hier S. 196f. Meisterschaften des ČSF wurden vor 1919 nur in den Jahren 1912, 1913 und 1915 ausgetragen. 43 Zum 25 jährig. Jubiläum des D.F.C. Prag 1921, S. 27. Raabe-Jenkins, genaue Lebensdaten unbekannt, war verheiratet mit der ebenfalls aus Prag stammenden Hedwig Rosenbaum, geborene Oesterreicher, die 1900 bei den Olympischen Spielen zweimal den dritten Platz im Tennis belegte (Einzel und Doppel) später schriftstellerisch tätig war, zu dieser vgl. Biographische Sammlung Collegium Carolinum München, Akte Hedwig Rosenbaum; KOLÁŘ, F.: Kdo byl Kdo – Naši olympionici P S. 267. 44 TORBERG, Friedrich: Die Tante Jolesch oder der Untergang des Abendlands in Anekdoten. München 1980; S. 115f. 45 TORBERG, Friedrich: Die Erben der Tante Jolesch. München 1981, S. 215.

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hörte Dr. Paul Fischel, der sich später als Verleger einen Namen machen sollte. Fischel entstammte dem wohlhabenden jüdischen Bürgertum, seine Eltern be- saßen ein „bekanntes“ Delikatessengeschäft in der Jungmannstraße (Jungmannova ulice) in unmittelbarer Nähe des Wenzelsplatzes. Wie der junge Franz Kafka – an dessen Erscheinung seine Fotos äußerlich etwas erinnern (auch wenn Fischel mit der robusteren Gesundheit gesegnet war) und den er möglicherweise auch persönlich kannte, studierte er Jura an der deutschen Universität und schloss dies mit der Promotion ab.46 Ebenfalls durch seine Arbeit in den Medien, die im Gegensatz zu Fischel vorwiegend dem Sport gewidmet war, aber auch als Funktionär spielte Josef Lau- fer im Prager und tschechoslowakischen Sport eine wichtige Rolle.47 Wie bereits erwähnt, erhielt er seine erste sportliche Sozialisierung im Prager Kanalgarten und als Fünfzehnjähriger begann er mit seinen Freunden regelmäßig die Trai- nings und Spiele der SK Slavia zu besuchen, freilich vorerst nur als Zuschauer und nicht als Aktiver, denn Gymnasiasten war dies ja von schulischer Seite verboten.

46 Dr. Paul Fischel (häufig auch „Fischl“, geschrieben, Prag 1886-London 1960), Stürmer und Mittelfeldspieler (Läufer, „Halfback“) beim DFC, dort und beim ÖFV auch Funk- tionär, 1908-1910 drei Länderspiele für Österreich, „durch seine starke Kurzsichtigkeit gehandicapt war, er trug auch beim Fußballspiel einen eigens für ihn mit Schutzvorrich- tung hergestellte starke Brille.“ – Biographische Sammlung Collegium Carolinum Mün- chen, Akte Paul Fischel; weiter Torberg, : Die Erben der Tante Jolesch, S. 130f. (der allerdings irrt, wenn er Fischel eine Teilnahme an den Olympischen Spielen 1912 zuschreibt); KRÁL, L.: Historie německé kopané v Čechách, S. 141. 47 Josef Laufer (1891 Prag-1966 ebenda, nach dem Abitur beruflich als Journalist tätig und als Funktionär in seinem Klub, dem SK Slavia, wo er im Fußball, Eishockey und Leichtath- letik führende organisatorische Aufgaben übernahm; 1913/14 und 1921-26 Geschäfts- führer und Sekretär für internationale Beziehungen, ab 1921 ausschließlich Sportjournal- ist, Tätigkeit für den Tschechoslowakischen Rundfunk, Pionier bei Sportübertragungen im Radio, vgl. Kulturní Adresář ČSR. Biografický slovník žijících kulturních pracovníků a pracovnic. I. ročník. Praha 1934, S. 243; Malá encyklopedie fotbalu. Praha 1984; S. 181; JEŘÁBEK, Luboš: Český a čekoslovenský fotbal. Lexikon osobností a klubů. Praha 2007 , S. 109.

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Verstärkungen von „auswärts“ - Prag im Netz der mitteleuropäischen Fußballmetropolen

Es gab, was Spielerwechsel, betraf einen konstanten Austausch zwischen den Metropolen der Monarchie: Prag, obwohl es vor 1914 nicht über die wirtschaft- liche Potenz der beiden Hauptstädte Wien und Budapest verfügte, war doch ein attraktiver Arbeitsplatz, vor allem galt das für die dort ansässigen Banken,48 zu denen die Funktionäre der Klubs, ob deutsch oder tschechisch, oft gute Kontakte hatten: 1906 siedelte der junge „Bankbeamte“ Robert Merz49 von Wien nach Prag über, nachdem ihm der DFC dort „einen Posten verschafft hatte“50: Dort wurde er zu einem der besten Fußballer Österreichs vor 1914. Die Jubiläumsschrift des DFC von 1921 feierte ihn als.51 Sein hoffnungsvolles Leben fand gleich zum An- fang des Ersten Weltkriegs ein jähes Ende, als er als einer der ersten bekannten Sportler der Monarchie Ende August 1914 fiel. Ein ähnlich grausames Schicksal traf auch den Spieler Hermann Gasse, der 1911 mit dem Berliner Verein Victoria 1889 als Stürmer Deutscher Meister geworden war und dann im gleichen Jahr zum Prager DFC wechselte.52 Aber die wichtigsten Impulse kamen aus der Wiege des modernen Fußballs, von den britischen Inseln. Neben „Pionieren“ wie Stiasny, Rössler-Ořovsky oder

48 „Bankbeamter“: (der Begriff „Beamter“, bezeichnete (wie auch im Tschechischen das Äquivalent úředník) nicht nur Staatsbedienstete, sondern auch Angestellte, sogenannte „Privatbeamte“, also nicht manuell Arbeitende - der Begriff des „Angestellten“ kam ja verstärkt erst nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg auf (man denke an Siegfried Kracauers berüh- mte soziologische Studie Die Angestellten von 1930) - Viele Spitzenfußballer der damaligen Zeit arbeiteten in solchen Positionen. 49 Robert Merz (1887 Wien-gefallen 1914 an der galizischen Front) Stürmer, aktiv bei Vor- läufervereinen des Wiener Sportclubs, ab Herbst 1906 beim DFC Prag, später (1911) noch einmal für wenige Monate beim Wiener SC 13 Länderspiele für Österreich, Olympiateil- nehmer 1912, vgl. 25 jährig. Jubiläum des D.F.C. Prag 1921, S. 51, 62; SCHIDROWITZ, L.: Geschichte des Fußballsportes in Österreich, S. 60; KRÁL, L.: Historie německé kopané v Čechách, S. 142. Der DFC richtete ihm zu Ehren und Gedenken in den zwanziger Jahren das Robert Merz-Memorial, ein Turnier für Jugendmannschaften aus, vgl. Allgemeines Sportblatt Nr. 20, 19.5.1921, S. 227f; 25 jährig. Jubiläum des D.F.C. Prag 1921, S. 51. 50 SCHIDROWITZ, L.: Geschichte des Fußballsportes in Österreich 51 25 jährig. Jubiläum des D.F.C. Prag 1921, S. 51. 52 25 jährig. Jubiläum des D.F.C. Prag 1921, S. 62; http://www.viktoria-berlin.de/de/geschichte/1889_1913.html (1.2.2011).

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Raabe-Jenkins, die den Sport in dessen Mutterland kennen gelernt hatten und ihn nun in Prag propagierten und den Gastspiel gebenden britischen Teams, waren es einzelne Spieler, aber vor allem Trainer, die eine bedeutende Rolle spielen sollten, und zwar sowohl für die deutschen Mannschaften wie den DFC als auch für die tschechischen. An erster Stelle ist sicherlich John William Madden zu nennen,53 ein ehemaliger Spieler des Celtic FC aus Glasgow, der 1905 nach Prag kam und das Traine- ramt bei Slavia übernahm: Er sollte es fast ein Vierteljahrhundert, bis zur Saison 1929/30 ausüben und bis zu seinem Tod im Jahre 1948 in Prag bleiben! Madden gilt allgemein als erster wirklicher Fußballtrainer, der überhaupt in den böhmischen Ländern aktiv war, durch sein know-how, was Trainingsmethoden und Spielsystem, aber auch die Vorbeugung und Vorhandlungen fußballspezifi- scher Verletzungen anging, sicherte er der Slavia lange einen beträchtlichen Vor- sprung vor der Konkurrenz.54 Vermutlich war er in manchem auch ein Vorbild für den grandiosen Trainer, Masseur und Organisator Vater Klapzuba in Eduard Bass’ 1922 erschienen grandiosem Fußballmärchen Klapzubova jedenáctka („Klap- perzahns Wunderelf“). Zwar kam er nicht wie dieser fiktive Wundertrainer aus der böhmischen Provinz, aber Maddens immer gegenwärtige Tabakspfeife und seine ihm zugeschriebenen großen psychologischen und physiotherapeutischen Fähigkeiten finden sich beim Vater der Klapperzahn-Elf wieder.55 Madden be- treute auch erfolgreich die ČSF-Auswahl bei ihrem Sieg in der Amateur-Euro- pameisterschaft 1911 und die „Armee“-Auswahl beim Gewinn bei der „Pers- hing-Olypiade“ 1919. Als Trainer der tschechoslowakischen Nationalmannschaft

53 John William Madden (1865 Dumbarton, Schottland-1948 Prag), 1889-1987 bei Celtic FC (dreimal schottischer Meister, zwei Länderspiele für Schottland), danach noch kurz bei Dundee FC und bis 1898 in London bei Tottenham Hotspur FC. Als Trainer der Slavia zwischen 1910 und 1914 dreifacher Sieger des Charity Cups, Meister des ČSF 1913 und Ligameister 1925, 1929 und 1930. Auch nach dem Ausscheiden aus dem Traineramt noch als Berater des Vereins tätig und als solcher am Mitropacupsieg 1938 beteiligt. Er war mit einer Tschechin verheiratet und wurde auf dem Prager Friedhof Olšany bestattet, vgl. Malá encyklopedie fotbalu, S. 194; JEŘÁBEK, L.: Lexikon osobností a klubů, S. 116; http:// de.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Madden_(Fu%C3%9Fballspieler) (1.2.2011) 54 JEŘÁBEK, L.: Lexikon osobností a klubů, S. 116; JELÍNEK R., JENŠÍK, M: Atlas českého fotbalu, S. 19. 55 Vgl. dazu auch die vom Verfasser hrsg. und mit einem Nachwort versehene deutsche Ausgabe: BASS, Eduard: Klapperzahns Wunderelf. Eine Geschichte für kleine und große Jungen. Wuppertal 2007.

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in der ersten Jahren Republik, wofür er der ideale Kandidat gewesen wäre, konnte er nicht wirken, da der im ČSF bestimmende Mittelböhmische Gau für seine Vorsitzenden die Rolle des „Assoziationskapitäns“, der auch die Mannschafts- aufstellung bestimmte, einforderte.56 Ein weiterer später sehr erfolgreicher Trainer, der nur kurz in Prag aktiv war, aber den Fußball in Deutschland lange Jahre mitbestimmen sollte, war der Engländer William Townley, der für allem für die Blackburn Rovers aktiv gewesen war.57 Als Trainer führte er 1908/09 den DFC Prag, wechselte im Januar 1909 zum Karlsruher FV, mit dem er 1910 deutscher Meister wurde, diesen Titelgewinn wiederholte er noch 1914 und 1926 mit der Spvgg. Fürth. Viel länger als Townley war in Böhmen der nächste britische Trainer des DFC aktiv, John Dick, der nicht nur dort ab 1912 acht Jahre den Spielbetrieb leitete („er verstand es vor allem Disziplin beizubringen und junge Kräfte an sich zu fesseln und dem Vereine nutzbar zu machen“58), sondern danach mit Sparta die damals höchsten Weihen des europäischen Fußballs, den Sieg im Mitropacup, errang.59 Beim DFC war zeitweise, gerade in den Jahren des Ersten Weltkriegs,

56 JELÍNEK R., JENŠÍK, M: Atlas českého fotbalu S. 19 sowie die Aufstellung der „Assozi- ationskapitäne“ und Trainer, EBD., S. 163. 57 William James Townley (1866 Blackburn-1950 Blackpool), als linker Flügelstürmer mit kurzer Unterbrechung aktiv 1886-1894 bei den Blackburn Rovers, für die er 1890 als erster Spieler im FA-Cupfinale drei Tore erzielte, zwei Länderspiele für England, danach noch u.a. zuletzt bis 1897 bei Manchester City FC, wo er aber nach wenigen Spielen wegen einen Kopfverletzung seine Spielerkarriere beenden musste. Nach dem oben erwähnten En- gagements war er noch u.a. Trainer beim FC Bayern München, dem FSV Frankfurt und bei der Nationalmannschaft der Niederlande (Halbfinale bei den Olympischen Spielen 1924), vgl. GRÜNE, Hardy: William J. Townley. Der Engländer, der den „süddeutschen Stil“ prägte. In: SCHULZE-MARMELING, Dietrich (Hrsg.): Strategen des Spiels. Die legendären Fußballtrai- ner. Göttingen 2005, S. 46-53 58 25 jährig. Jubiläum des D.F.C. Prag 1921, S. 63. 59 John Dick (1876 Eaglesham, Schottland, Todesjahr unbekannt), Stürmer, 1898 1912 bei Woolwich Arsenal (dem späteren Arsenal FC um), absolvierte als erster für diesen Klubüber 250 Spiele, ab 1912 Trainer beim DFC, 1920-23 und 1928-33 bei Sparta, 1923- 1928 in Belgien beim Antwerpener Klub KVAC Beerschoot, vgl. http://de.wikipedia.org/ wiki/John_Dick_(Fu%C3%9Fballspieler,_1876), http://www.blog.woolwicharsenal. co.uk/2010/12/27/john-dick-our-first-250-game-player-who-helped-develop-sparta- prague (3.2.2011)

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als es aufgrund der Einberufungen an Aktiven mangelte auch noch Spielertrainer gewesen, ob wohl er damals bereits über 40 Jahre alt war.60 Auffallend ist, dass weder Madden noch Dick, obwohl sie „feindliche Ausländer waren“, während des Ersten Weltkriegs keineswegs interniert wurden, in Prag unbehelligt leben und ihrer sportlichen Tätigkeit nachgehen konnten. In Wien hatte zu jener Zeit ein anderer prominenter Vertreter des britischen Fußballs und „Entwicklungshelfer“ dieses Sports in Mitteleuropa, der Trainer Jimmy Hogan, größere Probleme: Er musste aus der Hauptstadt Cisleithaniens nach Budapest ausweichen, um einer Internierung zu entgehen. 61 Ebenfalls in Prag keine Probleme während des Kriegs hatte offenbar der englische Stürmer L.A. Calder-Less, der 1913 aus London, wo er bei Woolwich Arsenal spielte, seinem früheren Mannschaftskameraden Johnny Dick, dem jetzigen Trainer, zum DFC folgte, zu dessen Stützen er ein Jahrzehnt lang gehörte.62

60 25 jährig. Jubiläum des D.F.C. Prag 1921, S. 73. Als Beispiel wird seine herausragende Leis- tung beim 8:1 über Rapid in Wien im Oktober 1917 genannt. 61 James „Jimmy“ Hogan (1882 Nelson, Lancashire-1974 Burnley), Parallel zu seinen letzten Jahren als Profi in England war er ab 1910 als Trainer-Berater in den Niederlanden und ab 1912 in Österreich tätig (auf Vermittlung Hugo Meisls) 1916-1918 sehr erfolgreich bei MTK Budapest, in den zwanziger Jahren Trainer in der Schweiz (u.a. Silbermedaille bei den Olympischen Spielen 1924), in Deutschland, Österreich (erneute Zusammenarbeit mit Meisl in der Zeit des „Wunderteams“ und in England, vgl. FOX, Norman: Prophet or Traitor? The Jimmy Hogan Story. Manchester 2003; HAFER, Andreas, HAFER, Wolfgang: Hugo Meisl oder Die Erfindung des modernen Fußballs. Göttingen 2007; http://de.wikipedia. org/wiki/Jimmy_Hogan (18.7.2014). 62 Vgl. Allgemeines Sportblatt 4 (1921), Nr. 48 (1.12.), S. 675.

304 Processes of Cultural Exchange in Central Europe 1800 - 2000

Resumé Průkopníci: Jak kopaná kolem a po roce 1890 přišla do Prahy Stefan Zwicker

V poslední třetině 19. století se kopaná rozšiřuje z Anglie do dalších evropských zemí. Do Prahy její znalost přinesl Němec Ruderer Stiassny, velmi brzy se ale utkání hrá- la v jinde v Čechách. V roce 1896 vznikl v Praze první fotbalový klub DFC (Deutsche Fussballclub), následován dalšími. Oddíl kopané založila i česká tělovýchovná organizace Sokol. Kopanou hráli Češi i Němci, o tom, kdo z nich ji v Praze hrál jako první, se ale vedou diskuse. Prvními hřišti byla vojenská cvičiště (u Invalidovny, na Císařské louce), která později v 90. letech byla nahrazena hřišti budovanými velkými kluby. Mezi jednotli- vými kluby panovalo i určité napětí, podněcované nejen rostoucím napětím mezi českým a německým obyvatelstvem, ale i vzájemnou konkurencí klubů, snahou o zapojení zahra- ničních soupeřů atd.

305 Processes of Cultural Exchange in Central Europe in 1800-2000

Ed. PhDr. Karla Vymětalová doc. PhDr. Jiří Knapík, PhD.

Slezská univerzita v Opavě, Filozoficko-přírodovědecká fakulta, Ústav historických věd

Redakční úprava: Mgr. Denisa Řezníčková Jazyková korektura textů: PhDr. K. Vymětalová Překlad: jazyková škola ABECEDA. s.r.o. Sazba a obálka: Aleš Orlík, Opava Tisk: Z+M Partner, spol. s r.o., Ostrava

Snímek na obálce: budova rektorátu Slezské univerzity v Opavě, foto archiv univerzity.

ISBN: 978-80-7510-100-6