The Slave Teade Question in Anglo

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The Slave Teade Question in Anglo THE SLAVE TEADE QUESTION IN ANGLO- AMERICAN RELATIONS, 1840-1862 APPROVED: Major Professor 2 Minor of History Deab of the Graduate School 1 •' 1 s* £ vi / Sfcanglin, Gerald M,, The Slave Trade Question In Aoglo- Amerlcan Relations, 18^-0-.1.862. Master of Arts (His lory), May, 1971, 130 pp., bibliography, 86 titles. Not since 1933, when Hugh G. Soulsby published The Bight of Search and the Slave Trade in Angl o - Am eric an Rela- tions , 1.81^4—18621 has anyone undertaken a study of the role and significance of the Slave Trade Question In British- American diplomacy. But this scholarly work focuses on the right-of-search issue, which lay dormant between 1843 and 1857» and does not devote adequate space to the Slave Trade Question, The aim of the present study, therefore, is threefold: (1) to give a balanced treatment to both issues, (2) show ijheir relationship to other foreign and domestic problems of the early Victorian Era, and. (3) to present nevi material and views. The major primary sources for the study of the Slave Trade Question are the House and Senate Executive Documents, the a,3. Department of State "Despatches from United States Ministers to Great Britain," British and Foreign state Papers, A. Taylor MiIres 1 "Documents: The Lyons-Seward Treaty of 1862," American Historical Review, XXXVIII, No. 3 (April 1933), and the correspondence, memoirs, and diaries of contemporary statesmen. The most useful secondary accounts are Hugh G. Soulsby8s The Right of Search and the Slave Trade in Anglo- American Relations . 1814--18621 William Lat? Mathieson's Great Britain and the Slave Trade, 1639-166$, and Philip D. Curtin's The Atlantic Slave Trade, A Census. This study concludes that (1) Anglo-American policy in 18^0 concerning the right of visit differed more in prac- tice than in theory; (2) the ascendancy of Aberdeen in London and Webster in Washington in l84l paved the way for a rap- prochement on the Slave Trade Question; (3) Lewis Cass1s actions had little influence on Louis Philippe1s refusal to ratify the Quintuple Treaty; {>+) Prance1 s rejection of this convention undermined Britain's policy on the right-of-search issue and strengthened America's position; (5) the Treaty of Washington (August 9, 18^2) did not resolve Anglo-American differences on the right of visit and search but did help to create a mood of conciliation which, in turn, led Aberdeen to accept Webster's contention that the right of visit and the right of search were identical and thus illegal in time of peacc without a relevant treaty; (6) joint cruising failed to stem the black tide, but the experiment gave each power almost two decades in which to reexamine her slave trade 1 JU policies; (7) the renewal of the sispute in 1858 combined with Southern opposition to stronger anti-slave trade legis- lation and judicial indulgence of slavers to vsx Anglo-Amer- ican relations until they had returned to their strained state of 18;40; (8) the Lincoln administration for a variety of re a s ons —humanifcarianf military, and diplomatic—reversed traditional American foreign policy on this issue and agreed to sign a right-of-visit (search) treaty which the London cabinet had proposed; and (9) the Seward-Lyons treaty (April 7* 1862), resulted in the immediate and rapid decline of the Mack traffic across the Atlantic and ended at last the Anglo- American controversy over the Slave Trade Question. THE SLAVE TRADE QUESTION IN ANGLO- AMERICAN RELATIONS, 18^-0-1862 THESIS Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS By Gerald Minor Stariglin, B. A, Denton, Texas May, 1971 - PREFACE Not since 1933> when Hugh G. Soulsby published The Right of Search and the Slave Trade in Anglo-American Relations . 181^-1862, has anyone undertaken a study of the role and significance of the Slave Trade Question in British-American diplomacy. But this scholarly work focuses on the right-of- search issue, which lay dormant between 18^3 and- 1857, and. does not devote adequate space to the Slave Trade Question. The aim of the present study, therefore, is threefold: (l) to give a balanced treatment to both issues, (2) show their re- lationship to other foreign and domestic problems of the early Victorian Era, and (3) to present new material and views. For more than a century after the Seward-Lyons Treaty had ended the Anglo-American controversy on the right of visitation (search), the Slave Trade Question has remained an enigma, evoking such questions as these: After an impasse on this issue for more than two decades, why did the United States and Britain suddenly do an about-face in 18^1 and effect a rapprochement the next year? Did Lewis Cass play a significant role in France's refusal to ratify the Quintuple Treaty? What influence did Louis Philippe's action have on Anglo-American relations? Since the Webster-Ashburton Treaty failed to suppress the slave trade, of what significance is it relative to this problem? What caused the revival of the right-of-search (visit) controversy in 1858? What factors motivated Lincoln and Seward to sign a right-of-visitation treaty with Britain? Why does the curse of slavery still plague the world? These and other questions have never been satisfactorily answered. The major primary sources for this study are the House and Senate Executive Documents, British and Foreign State Papers. Parliamentary Papers. the Department of State "Des- patches from United States Ministers to Great Britain," A. Taylor Milnes1s "Documents: The Lyons-Seward Treaty of 1862," American Historical Review, XXXVIII, No. 3 (April 1933), and the correspondence, memoirs, and diaries of con- temporary statesmen. The most important of these collections is the House and Senate executive documents which contain a wealth of information on the slave trade and relevant Anglo- American correspondence. The British and Foreign State Papers and the Pariianientary Papers document the British side of the dispute, while the documents published in Milnes's article, "The Lyons-Seward Treaty of .1862, " make a signifi- cant contribution to our understanding of the origin of this convention. The most valuable correspondence, memoirs, and diaries are the Life and Correspondence of Henry John Temple. Viscount Palmerston. George M. Dallas's Diary. Guizot's Memoirs (which sheds light to France's rejection of the Quintuple Treaty), and the Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster* the American Secretary of State from March 5, 18M, to Hay 8, 18^3- Useful secondary accounts, other than Soulsby1s study, include William Law Mathieson's Great Britain and the Slave Tradet 1839-186.5. Warren S. Howard's American Slavers and the Federal Law. 1837-1862» Philip D. Curtin1s The Atlantic Slave Trade. A Census, Peter Duignan and Clarence Clendenen's The United States and the African Slave Trade, 1619-1862. Samuel Plagg Bemis's American Secretaries of State and Their Diplomacy, and Beckles Willson's America's Ambassadors to England, 1785-1929* Despite its lack of focus and other defects, Soulsby's monograph remains the standard work in its field. Great Britain and the Slave Trade ably presents the British position, while American Slavers and the Federal Law criticizes America's inadequate efforts to suppress the black traffic. The Atlantic Slave Trade. A Censust is valuable for its revision of the commonly accepted volume of slaves imported into the Americas in the nineteenth century. All of these books contain good bibliographies, but The United States and the African Slave Trade has the best. Of special interest are the American Secretaries of State and Their Diplomacy and America's Ambassadors to England, which describe the character and foibles of the personalities involved. Gerald Minor Stanglln Denton, Texas May, 1971 TABLE OP CONTENTS Page PREFACE Hi PROLOGUE: THE SLAVE TRADE QUESTION IN 1840 1 Chapter I. THE QUINTUPLE TREATY AND THE TREATY OP WASHINGTON, 1841-1842 20 II. CONTROVERSY AND FAILURE, i843-1857 ^9 III. RENEWED CONFLICT AND FINAL SOLUTION, 1858-1862 71 IV* THE SLAVE TRADE QUESTION: A RETROSPECT 94 EPILOGUE: THE SLAVE TRADE: A CONTINUING CURSE 99 APPENDIX * *. * 104 BIBLIOGRAPHY 123 PROLOGUE THE SLAVE TRADE QUESTION IN 184-0 No issue disturbed Anglo-American relations as long as the Slave Trade Question, a dispute which involved not only the suppression of the infamous traffic, but also the right claimed by Britain to "visit" a suspected slaver on the high seas to determine by its papers the legality of its colors. This controversy continued until the American Civil War, when the Lincoln administration signed a treaty with the London government granting the mutual right of search and settling at last a vexatious question which had caused friction between the two nations for more than twenty- two years and had at times brought them to the brink of war. The Atlantic slave trade was a problem which had plagued the British cabinet since 1807, when it became illegal for Englishmen to engage in the black commerce. Urged on by abol- itionist groups, the London government attempted to make its interdiction effective. The United States, too, was faced with the same problem, after its abolition of the slave trade became official on January 1, 1808.1 But persuading other • For a good general account of British efforts to de- clare the slave trade illegal, see Daniel P. Mannix, Black Cargoes: A History of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1518-1865 (New York, 19§"2), pp." 171-90. nations bo adopt similar measures against flesh merchants was a difficult task, as the British Foreign Office and Admiralty soon learned, After Napoleon's first surrender (April 1814), Robert Steward, Viscount Castlereagh and second Marquess of London- derry, lost no time in obtaining a general declaration against the slave trade at the Congress of Vienna.
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