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The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: the Macedonian Question—Resolved?
Nationalities Papers (2020), 48: 2, 205–214 doi:10.1017/nps.2020.10 ANALYSIS OF CURRENT EVENTS The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: The Macedonian Question—Resolved? Matthew Nimetz* Former Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and former Special Envoy of President Bill Clinton, New York, USA *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] Abstract The dispute between Greece and the newly formed state referred to as the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” that emerged out of the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 was a major source of instability in the Western Balkans for more than 25 years. It was resolved through negotiations between Athens and Skopje, mediated by the United Nations, resulting in the Prespa (or Prespes) Agreement, which was signed on June 17, 2018, and ratified by both parliaments amid controversy in their countries. The underlying issues involved deeply held and differing views relating to national identity, history, and the future of the region, which were resolved through a change in the name of the new state and various agreements as to identity issues. The author, the United Nations mediator in the dispute for 20 years and previously the United States presidential envoy with reference to the dispute, describes the basis of the dispute, the positions of the parties, and the factors that led to a successful resolution. Keywords: Macedonia; Greece; North Macedonia; “Name” dispute The Macedonian “name” dispute was, to most outsiders who somehow were faced with trying to understand it, certainly one of the more unusual international confrontations. When the dispute was resolved through the Prespa Agreement between Greece and (now) the Republic of North Macedonia in June 2018, most outsiders (as frequently expressed to me, the United Nations mediator for 20 years) responded, “Why did it take you so long?” And yet, as protracted conflicts go, the Macedonian “name” dispute is instructive as to the types of issues that go to the heart of a people’s identity and a nation’s sense of security. -
The Prespa Agreement One Year After Ratification: from Enthusiasm to Uncertainty?
The Prespa Agreement one year after ratification: from enthusiasm to uncertainty? Ioannis ARMAKOLAS Ljupcho PETKOVSKI Alexandra VOUDOURI The Prespa Agreement one year after ratification: from enthusiasm to uncertainty? 1 The Prespa Agreement one year after ratification: from enthusiasm to uncertainty? This report was produced as part of the project “Harmonization of Bilateral Relations between North Macedonia and Greece through Monitoring the Implementation of the Prespa Agreement”, funded by the Canadian Fund for Local Initiatives, supported by the Canadian Embassy in Belgrade and implemented by EUROTHINK. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect the views of the donor. 2 The Prespa Agreement one year after ratification: from enthusiasm to uncertainty? The Prespa Agreement one year after ratification: from enthusiasm to uncertainty? Contents 1 Introduction 4 2 North Macedonia – from Enthusiasm to Realpolitik 5 2.1 The Nascent Golden age: Time of Enthusiasm 5 2.2 It’s Is not About Personalities, It’s is about National Interests:Political realism 6 2.3 Mismanaging Expectations, Well Managing Political Damage – the Period of Disappointment 8 3 The implementation of the Prespa Agreement under New Democracy government in Greece: Progress, Challenges, Prospects 10 3.1 Fierce Opposition: New Democracy in opposition and the Prespa Agreement 10 3.2 Initial Reluctance: New Democracy in office and the ‘hot potato’ of the Prespa Agreement 11 3.3 Turning Point: Greece’s diplomatic reactivation 12 3.4 Foreign Policy Blues: Difficult re-adjustment and Greek policy dilemmas 13 3.5 Bumpy Road Ahead? Uncertain prospects at home and abroad 15 4 Conclusions and key takeaways 18 5 Appendix – List of Official Documents Signed 20 6 Endnotes 21 7 Biography of the Authors 24 The Prespa Agreement one year after ratification: from enthusiasm to uncertainty? 3 1 Introduction n February 2019, the name Macedonia was replaced from boards in border crossings, in the Government web- I site and the signs in various governmental buildings. -
The Future of NATO and European Defence
House of Commons Defence Committee The future of NATO and European defence Ninth Report of Session 2007–08 Report, together with formal minutes, oral and written evidence Ordered by The House of Commons to be printed 4 March 2008 HC 111 [Incorporating HC 707-i & ii] Published on 20 March 2008 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £0.00 The Defence Committee The Defence Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Ministry of Defence and its associated public bodies. Current membership Rt Hon James Arbuthnot MP (Conservative, North East Hampshire) (Chairman) Mr David S Borrow MP (Labour, South Ribble) Mr David Crausby MP (Labour, Bolton North East) Linda Gilroy MP (Labour, Plymouth Sutton) Mr David Hamilton MP (Labour, Midlothian) Mr Mike Hancock MP (Liberal Democrat, Portsmouth South) Mr Dai Havard MP (Labour, Merthyr Tydfil and Rhymney) Mr Adam Holloway MP (Conservative, Gravesham) Mr Bernard Jenkin MP (Conservative, North Essex) Mr Brian Jenkins MP (Labour, Tamworth) Mr Kevan Jones MP (Labour, Durham North) Robert Key MP (Conservative, Salisbury) John Smith MP (Labour, Vale of Glamorgan) Richard Younger-Ross MP (Liberal Democrat, Teignbridge) The following Members were also Members of the Committee during the Parliament. Mr Colin Breed MP (Liberal Democrat, South East Cornwall) Derek Conway MP (Conservative, Old Bexley and Sidcup) Mr Mark Lancaster MP (Conservative, North East Milton Keynes) Willie Rennie MP (Liberal Democrat, Dunfermline and West Fife) Mr Desmond Swayne MP (Conservative, New Forest West) Powers The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 152. -
Land Forces Modernisation Projects 8 2.1 Denmark’S Defence Agreement 2018-2023 9 2.2 Hungary’S Zrinyi 2026 10 2.3 the United Kingdom’S to the Future and Beyond
Food for thought 03-2021 Land Forces Modernisation Challenges of Transformation Written by Miguel Gonzalez Buitrago Lucia Santabarbara AN EXPERTISE FORUM CONTRIBUTING TO EUROPEAN CONTRIBUTING TO FORUM AN EXPERTISE SINCE 1953 ARMIES INTEROPERABILITY European Army Interoperability Center Simone Rinaldi This paper was drawn up by Miguel Gonzalez Buitrago, Lucia Santabarbara and Sim- one Rinaldi under the supervision and guidance of Mr Mario Blokken, Director of the Permanent Secretariat. This Food for Thought paper is a document that gives an initial reflection on the theme. The content is not reflecting the positions of the member states but consists of elements that can initiate and feed the discussions and analyses in the domain of the theme. All our studies are available on www.finabel.org TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 3 Chapter 1: Military Doctrine and Warfare Scenarios 3 1.1 Unconventional Warfare 4 1.2 Asymmetric Warfare 6 1.3 Hybrid Warfare 7 Chapter 2: Land Forces Modernisation Projects 8 2.1 Denmark’s Defence Agreement 2018-2023 9 2.2 Hungary’s Zrinyi 2026 10 2.3 The United Kingdom’s to the Future and Beyond. 11 2.4 Greece’s Future Force Structure 2013-2027 12 2.5 Finland’s Total Defence 14 Chapter 3: Cutting edge technology: “Looking at the near future.” 15 3.1 Drones and Jammers 17 3.2 Drone Swarms 19 3.3 Hypersonic Weaponry 19 Chapter 4: Modernisation of Military Training 20 Conclusions 22 Bibliography 23 2 INTRODUCTION Land Force Modernisation is a process that omous systems. These may shape the nature entails changes of military equipment and ca- of conflict and facilitate ground forces oper- pacities at the strategic, operational, and tac- ations in challenging contexts. -
Blueprint Prespa? Lessons Learned from the Greece-North Macedonia Agreement
Skopje Blueprint Prespa? Lessons learned from the Greece-North Macedonia agreement IOANNIS ARMAKOLAS/LJUPCHO PETKOVSKI June 2019 n In February 2019, Macedonia received new name boards on its border crossings, and a new logo on the Government website. The country is now officially known as the Republic of North Macedonia. The Prespa Agreement1 entered into force following the signature of the bilateral deal between the Governments of North Macedonia and Greece in June 2018, the changes in North Macedonia’s Constitution, and the ratification of the Agreement by the Greek Parliament,. The Greek Parliament was the first of its NATO member states’ counterparts to ratify North Macedonia’s NATO Accession Protocol. n The process getting to the Prespa Agreement was wearisome, politically exhausting and at times highly controversial; but ultimately it was a process that proved successful, despite encountering opposition or even hostility on both sides. The Prespa Agreement defies historical determinism in the Balkans. After almost three decades of mistrust, provocations, and international power games between two neighboring countries, the new agreement sends a positive message of compromise, cooperation and strong desire for European integration coming from the Western Balkans. Amidst usual bilateral disputes from the region, such as the Serbia-Kosovo relations or the constant ethno- political fragmentation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia and Greece demonstrated that core European values can prevail in the traditionally turbulent Balkans. n Could the Prespa Agreement be used as a blueprint for resolving other bilateral disputes in the region? What are its substantive elements? What are its key constituent components? 1 The official name of the agreement signed by the two sides is: ‘Final Agreement for the settlement of the differences as described in the United Nations Security Council Resolutions 817 (1993) and 845 (1993), the termination of the Interim Accord of 1995, and the establishment of a Strategic Partnership between the Parties’. -
The Cost-Benefit Analysis of the Two Neighbourly Agreements with Bulgaria and Greece: the Linguistic Perspective
Securitydialogues 341.24(497.7:497.2)”2017”:811.163.3 341.24(497.7:495)”2018”:811.163.3 THE COST-BENEFIT ANALYSIS OF THE TWO NEIGHBOURLY AGREEMENTS WITH BULGARIA AND GREECE: THE LINGUISTIC PERSPECTIVE Elka JACHEVA-ULCHAR1, Institute for Macedonian Language “Krste Misirkov” Abstract: In this article we refer to the agreement/treaty of the Republic of Macedonia with the Republic of Greece (signed in June 2018) and the Republic of Bulgaria (August 2017), with special emphasis on the treatment of the Macedonian minority whose recognition or non-recog- nition in these two neighboring countries depends on recognition of the Macedonian language, the Macedonian toponyms, as well as when and in what way the adjective Macedonian will be used. In this sense, both the agreement and the treaty are unfavorable for Macedonia because both of them strike at the basic identity and national features: the name of the country and the Macedonian language. While both neighboring countries in the negotiating platform for the agreements have included all their available capacities and professional staff (we have in mind lawyers, historians, linguists, diplomats, etc.) in Macedonia both the agreement/treaty are the result of a closed circle of politicians, without the involvement to the scientific and professional public, which ultimately contributed to the signing of such asymmetric agreements to the det- riment of the Republic of Macedonia. Keywords: Macedonia, Greece, Bulgaria, agreement, Macedonian language, toponyms Introduction As the time distance from the signing of the two bilateral agreements increases, it becomes clearer to even the most inexperienced and least familiar observers that the documents signed by the Republic of Macedonia, first with the Republic of Bulgaria and then with the Republic of Greece, have brought much more damage to the Macedonians and the Macedonian state than benefits. -
Albania: Military Review 2012
TRAINING AND DOCTRINE COMMAND MILITARY REVIEW Security and Defence Review Training and Doctrine Command Third Edition, June 2012 Tirana, June 2012 ‐ 1 ‐ Board of Military Review Publication Approved by the Order of the Minister of Defense No. 1538, dated 18/08/2010 Board Chair B.G. Prof. Asc. Dr. Agim Lala Members Col.(R) Thimi Hudhra Col. Perikli Koliçi M.G. (R) Prof. Dr. Ruzhdi Gjatoja M.G. (R) Prof. Dr. Kostaq Karoli Editor in chief Pano Hallko Editor Silvana Markgjonaj Operator Lindita Kuçana Art design Teuta Mullisi ISSN 2227-8133 (Print), ISSN 2227-8141 (Online) Copyright © 2012 All rights reserved. The Center for Defence Analyses (CDA) of the Albanian Training and Doctrine Command. The views and opinions expressed in this Military Review are of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policies or positions of the Ministry of Defence, General Staff and Training and Doctrine Command. The authors of Military Review articles will not be subject to punishment for free expression of individual views and positions even if they are not in line with the official positions of the defence institution. The authors are also responsible for any slander actions, distortions of facts, offense and plagiarism aspects to the creativity and thoughts of other authors. This edition of Military Review is found on the website http://www.tradoc.mil.al/ In case you can not get the information you need on the Internet, please apply for a copy at the electronic address: e-mail: [email protected] or [email protected] Training and Doctrine Command Center for Defence Analyses Research Publications Branch Printed: June 2012 ‐ 2 ‐ TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION_____________________________________________________________5 On the Process Strategy of “Smart Defence”________________________________________6 Address by Albanian Minister of Defence Mr. -
Prospettive Della Sicurezza in Europa
Ricerca CeMiSS 2008 Prospettive della sicurezza in Europa Direttore Dottor Andrea Grazioso I INDICE Sintesi I Executive Summary IV Introduzione 1 I Trattati e gli Accordi di limitazione degli armamenti e di disarmo 7 Le formazioni multinazionali euro-atlantiche 22 Scenari di confronto 31 Conclusioni 57 Annessi Evoluzione degli apparati militari 65 Spesa militare 120 II Sintesi In questo studio si tenta di individuare alcuni dei più probabili elementi di minaccia alla sicurezza dei Paesi del Continente europeo, sulla base dei trend in atto. Per questo esercizio si è necessariamente dovuto restringere il campo dell’analisi, ed in particolare si è deciso di far riferimento ad un concetto di sicurezza “forte”, quella “ hard security ” che viene convenzionalmente associata alla sicurezza “militare”. Si tratta di una scelta consapevolmente “contro-corrente”, giacché da molti anni ormai sembra essere prediletta l’analisi di un più largo spettro di minacce, e quindi un concetto più allargato di sicurezza. Si è invece ritenuto opportuno tornare a ragionare attorno al problema della “ hard security ”, o della “difesa” in senso tradizionale, perché negli ultimi anni si sono sostanzialmente modificate alcune delle condizioni che avevano permesso di “mettere in naftalina” le idee più tradizionali, associate al periodo della Guerra Fredda. La NATO, e parallelamente la dimensione di sicurezza e difesa dell’Unione Europea, sono cambiate sostanzialmente negli ultimi quindici anni, riorientando la loro finalità sempre più verso la proiezione di stabilità al di fuori del Continente europeo, o dell’area euro-atlantica. La postura militare dei Paesi europei è sostanzialmente cambiata, soprattutto attraverso la riduzione degli apparati militari e la costituzione di un crescente numero di Forze multinazionali. -
The Republic of North Macedonia - a 'New' Country in the Western Balkans
87 | RSC Volume 11, Issue 3, September 2019 THE REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA - A 'NEW' COUNTRY IN THE WESTERN BALKANS Mira Šorović University of Montenegro, Montenegro E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: The article tries to explain and define political processes and changes trhough history of the 'new' Western Balkans country - the Republic of North Macedonia. It is word about analysis of the political dispute between Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and Greece, from its biginnings until the present day. This paper will try to give the real picture of political area in the Balkans and explore deeper roots of the 'Macedonian Question' controversy. Also, it will give the explinations of the resolution of 27-year dispute, (between the two neighbor countries), by signing the Prespa Agreement. Hence, leaving by side national identity and history, the North Macedonia will be able to join the European Union and NATO. Thus, in short period of time, a 'new' country in the Western Balkans has putted in the center of the regional politics, with clear purpose: promoting ethnic and cultural heritance in the edge of the European continent. Key-words: North Macedonia, Greece, the 'Macedonian Question', the name issue, the Prespa Agreement, identity, the Western Balkans, the European and Euro-Atlantic integration. 1. Introduction In recent time, North Macedonia has hold attention on the regional political scene of the Balkans, as a 'geopolitical fault line' (Armakolas et al. 2019, 1). Nearly three decades, the 'Macedonian Question' has been subject of many round-table discussions, descriptive articles and many analyses from diverse perspectives. -
Globsec Nato Adaptation Initiative
GLOBSEC NATO ADAPTATION INITIATIVE ONE ALLIANCE The Future Tasks of the Adapted Alliance www.globsec.org 2 GLOBSEC NATO ADAPTATION INITIATIVE GLOBSEC NATO ADAPTATION INITIATIVE ONE ALLIANCE The Future Tasks of the Adapted Alliance PRESENTATION FOLDER: COLLECTION OF PAPERS ONE ALLIANCE THE FUTURE TASKS OF THE ADAPTED ALLIANCE The GLOBSEC NATO Adaptation Initiative, led by General (Retd.) John R. Allen, is GLOBSEC’s foremost contribution to debates about the future of the Alliance. Given the substantial changes within the global security environment, GLOBSEC has undertaken a year-long project, following its annual Spring conference and the July NATO Summit in Warsaw, to explore challenges faced by the Alliance in adapting to a very different strategic environment than that of any time since the end of the Cold War. The Initiative integrates policy expertise, institutional knowledge, intellectual rigour and industrial perspectives. It ultimately seeks to provide innovative and thoughtful solutions for the leaders of the Alliance to make NATO more a resilient, responsive and efficient anchor of transatlantic stability. The policy papers published within the GLOBSEC NATO Adaptation Initiative are authored by the Initiative’s Steering Committee members: General (Retd.) John R. Allen, Admiral (Retd.) Giampaolo di Paola, General (Retd.) Wolf Langheld, Professor Julian Lindley-French, Ambassador (Retd.) Tomáš Valášek, Ambassador (Retd.) Alexander Vershbow and other acclaimed authorities from the field of global security and strategy. 4 GLOBSEC NATO ADAPTATION INITIATIVE CREDITS CREDITS GLOBSEC NATO Adaptation Initiative Steering Committee General (Retd.) John R. Allen1, Professor Dr Julian Lindley-French, Admiral (Retd.) Giampaolo Di Paola, General (Retd.) Wolf Langheld, Ambassador (Retd.) Tomáš Valášek, Ambassador (Retd.) Alexander Vershbow Observers and Advisors General (Retd.) Knud Bartels, James Townsend, Dr Michael E. -
THE “MACEDONIAN” SAGA What Does the Future Hold for the “Macedonian” Products of Greece and North Macedonia After the Prespa Agreement?
ISSN 2003-2382 THE “MACEDONIAN” SAGA What does the future hold for the “Macedonian” products of Greece and North Macedonia after the Prespa Agreement? By Anna Sfetsiou ABSTRACT During the 28 years of this ongoing dispute, various issues Rights about the commercial use of the name have arisen concerning the use of the name “Macedonia”. “Macedonia” have been the object of an ongoing The ratification of the Agreement as well as the upcoming entry of The Republic of North Macedonia into the European dispute between Greece and North Macedonia for Union (EU) brought forward serious concerns regarding almost three decades. The issue was partially sett- the use and the registration of the name “Macedonia” as a led on 12 June 2018, when both countries agreed geographical indication (GI) and as a trade mark (TM) for upon the terms of the Prespa Agreement. However, several products and companies from both countries. The despite representing a long-awaited improvement, greatest concern for the entrepreneurs and producers of core aspects of the commercial use of the name the two countries has been the confusion caused by the “Macedonia” as trade mark and geographical use of the same name “Macedonia” as an indication of indication are yet to be discussed. Even though the their goods and services.3 Article 1(3) of the Prespa Agre- Agreement states that North Macedonia is required ement states that as far as TMs and brand names are con- to change the name of all the official government cerned, the two sides agree to support and encourage and government related institutions, there is still their business communities in institutionalizing a struc- uncertainty about how private companies may explore tured and in good faith dialogue, in the context of which [they] will seek to reach mutually acceptable solutions on the name and its association with their products. -
The Prospects of the Prespa Agreement Public Perceptions in North Macedonia and Greece
THE PROSPECTS OF THE PRESPA AGREEMENT PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS IN NORTH MACEDONIA AND GREECE Authors: Ioannis Armakolas1, Ivan Damjanovski2 and George Siakas3 Skopje and Athens, June 20214 1 Ioannis Armakolas is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Balkan, Slav ic & Oriental Studies, Univ ersity of Macedonia Thessaloniki; Senior Research Fellow & Head of the South-East Europe Programme at ELIAMEP, Athens; Europe’s Futures Fellow, Institute for Human Sciences, Vienna 2 Iv an Damjanov ski is an Associate Professor at the Political Science Department, Faculty of Law, Ss. Cyril and Methodius Univ ersity in Skopje; Affiliated Researcher at the Institute for Democracy “Societas Civ ilis” - Skopje. 3 George Siakas is the Research Director at the Public Opinion Research Unit, Univ ersity of Macedonia Research Institute, Thessaloniki; Adjunct Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Democritus Univ ersity of Thrace. 4 This study was made possible through funding from the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung EXECUTIVE SUMMARY After three years since its signing, the Prespa agreement is still a sensitive topic for many Macedonians. The implementation of the Agreement is touching upon delicate issues related to ethnic and national identities which are perceived as key factors for resentment of the Prespa agreement. However, a significant number of Macedonian citizens have a more pragmatic outlook on the resolution of the name dispute and the significance of the Prespa agreement as a compromise that benefits both countries. The Prespa agreement is still seen as a way forward for North Macedonia’s EU accession aspirations, despite the recent unfavorable outcomes in that regard. On the other hand, the Prespa agreement still generates significant divisions among the Macedonian public.