DOCSLIB.ORG

The Legislative Process in the Italian Second Republic

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

VOLUME 7, NUMBER 1, JANUARY 2014 A PREMIER WITHOUT PARLIAMENT: THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS IN THE ITALIAN SECOND REPUBLIC Fortunato MUSELLA ....................................................................................................................... BRINGING THE ‘CENTRE’ CENTRE-STAGE: DEFINING THE CENTRE IN IDEOLOGICAL, ORGANISATIONAL AND POLICY TERMS Guy BURTON ....................................................................................................................... THE PROCESSES OF ECONOMIC CONSOLIDATION IN COUNTRIES OF FORMER YUGOSLAVIA Simona KUKOVIČ and Miro HAČEK ....................................................................................................................... TOWARDS THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE INSTITUTIONAL PROFILES OF MINISTRIES OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: THE CASE OF EUROPEAN UNION MEMBER STATES Boštjan UDOVIČ and Marko LOVEC ....................................................................................................................... STILL “EURO-PARTY SYSTEMS”? – REPRESENTATIVENESS OF POLITICAL PARTIES ON THE EU-DIMENSION IN DENMARK AND SWEDEN Tamás POLGÁR ....................................................................................................................... ABSTRACTS IN SLOVENIAN LANGUAGE - POVZETKI ČLANKOV V SLOVENSKEM JEZIKU ....................................................................................................................... JOURNAL OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS 2 EDITORIAL TEAM General Editor General Editor Miro Haček Peter Csányi ................................................................. ................................................................ University of Ljubljana Alexander Dubček University Trenčin Faculty of social sciences, CAAPPI Department of Political Science Kardeljeva ploščad 5 Študentská 2 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia 911 50 Trenčin, Slovakia [email protected] [email protected] Assistant Editor Simona Kukovič .................................................................. University of Ljubljana Faculty of social sciences, CAAPPI Kardeljeva ploščad 5 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia [email protected] ...................................................................................... JCP uses two-sided peer review process before publication. Those wishing to submit papers should send their e-version to either of the General Editors at one of the addresses above in compliance with the Submission Guidelines. The views expressed are neither those of either of co-publishers. Authors retain sole copyright. Articles appearing in JCP are abstracted and indexed in JournalSeek, EBSCO, ProQuest Political Science, International Bibliography of Social Sciences (IBSS), UlrichsWeb, International Political Science Abstracts (IPSA) and Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ). EDITORIAL BOARD Rastislav Tóth, ARC Kolin College, Czech Republic Gary Aguiar, South Dakota State University, USA Davor Boban, University of Zagreb, Croatia Marjan Brezovšek, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Victoria Graham, Monash University Johannesburg, South Africa Reuben Wong, National University of Singapore, Singapore Kenneth Ka-Lok Chan, Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, China Lars Johannsen, Aarhus University, Denmark Lisa McIntosh Sundstrom, University of British Columbia, Canada Arnaldo Gonçalves, Universidade Católica Portuguesa, Macau Taro Tsukimura, Doshisha University Kyoto, Japan Nebojša Vladislavljević, University of Belgrade, Serbia Meredith Redlin, South Dakota State University, USA Rudolf Kucharčík, University of Economics Bratislava, Slovakia Michael Tkacik, Stephen F. Austin State University, USA CO-PUBLISHERS Department of Political Science Alexander Dubček University Trenčin Študentská 2, 911 50 Trenčin, Slovakia Centre for analysis of administrative-political processes and institutions University of Ljubljana, Faculty of social sciences Kardeljeva ploščad 5, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia DESIGN CAAPPI, Ljubljana. Journal of Comparative Politics is published twice a year, in January and July. JOURNAL OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS 4 A PREMIER WITHOUT PARLIAMENT: THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS IN THE ITALIAN SECOND REPUBLIC Fortunato MUSELLA ............................................................................................................................ 18 BRINGING THE ‘CENTRE’ CENTRE- STAGE: DEFINING THE CENTRE IN IDEOLOGICAL, ORGANISATIONAL AND POLICY TERMS Guy BURTON ............................................................................................................................ 36 THE PROCESSES OF ECONOMIC CONSOLIDATION IN COUNTRIES OF FORMER YUGOSLAVIA Simona KUKOVIČ and Miro HAČEK ............................................................................................................................ 52 TOWARDS THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE INSTITUTIONAL PROFILES OF MINISTRIES OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: THE CASE OF EUROPEAN UNION MEMBER STATES Boštjan UDOVIČ and Marko LOVEC ............................................................................................................................ 69 STILL “EURO-PARTY SYSTEMS?” – REPRESENTATIVENESS OF POLITICAL PARTIES ON THE EU-DIMENSION IN DENMARK AND SWEDEN Tamás POLGÁR ............................................................................................................................ 89 ABSTRACTS IN SLOVENIAN LANGUAGE – POVZETKI V SLOVENSKEM JEZIKU ............................................................................................................................ PARTICIPATE For further information on submissions, please consult the guidelines at http://www.jofcp.org. JOURNAL OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS 4 A PREMIER WITHOUT PARLIAMENT: THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS IN THE ITALIAN SECOND REPUBLIC Fortunato MUSELLA1 ………………………………………………………………………………… Italy is rightly considered as an ideal type case of the presidentialization process that is changing many parliamentary democracies, with the quasi-direct election of the Prime Minister and the strengthening of his hold on both the party and the government. Yet, a stronger, premier-centred government also means depriving Parliament of many of its long entrenched prerogatives. This article analyses how the executive has gained control of the legislative function, through the expansion of decree laws and delegated legislation. Executive predominance, however, has also alienated the loyalty of the Prime Minister's majority, thus resulting in a «divided Premier». As it is often the case with the American presidential system, strong leaders may become very weak if they lack parliamentary support. A lesson Silvio Berlusconi has had to learn at his own expenses. Key words: Italy, presidentialization, premier, parliament, legislative process. 1 INTRODUCTION On the 16th of November, the Italian Prime Minister walked up the stairs of the Quirinale to abruptly put an end to the cabinet he had been presiding over for the past three and a half years.2 Berlusconi's resignation came in the wake of a dramatic financial crisis, which had brought his popularity rate down to unprecedented lows. While already shaken by a sequel of scandals relating to the Cavaliere's turbulent sexual life, the government's credibility plummeted once it became clear that its leader had become the laughing stock of the international community. A disastrous public opinion rating was 1 Assistant Professor at the University of Naples Federico II, where he teaches Political Science and Political Systems. Phd in Political Science of the University of Florence, he is currently member of the Executive Committee of the Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica. His main research interests include the study of government, presidential politics, political parties, and concept analysis. Among his recent publications the volumes Governi monocratici. La svolta presidenziale nelle regioni italiane (Bologna, Il Mulino, 2009) and Il premier diviso. Italia tra presidenzialismo e parlamentarismo (Milano, Bocconi, 2012). 2 An early version of this article has been presented at the XVII Annual Conference of the Hungarian Political Science Association, Central European University, Budapest, May 20–21, 2011. JOURNAL OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS 5 thus one of the key factors in the downfall of Berlusconi, quite an ironic exit for the man who had ruled Italy for almost twenty years also thanks to his skills as a «great communicator». Another factor, which contributed to the Prime Minister's defeat, was the weakening of his control over his party. In the fall of 2007, in a bold effort to counteract the centre-left coalition's rising consensus, Berlusconi had disbanded his personal party, Forza Italia, only to found a larger party incorporating his former right wing allies. At first, this move seemed to be highly successful. Also thanks to the renewed appeal of Berlusconi's Popolo della libertà, the centre-right coalition managed to turn the spring 2006 national elections into a virtual tie. Prodi's government hardly lasted two years and, at the ensuing elections on 13-14 April of 2008, Berlusconi carried a landslide victory. However, it took only a few months to realize that the Prime Minister's hold on the new party was quite different than the one he had enjoyed over Forza Italia. After a bitter internal fight conducted from his influential institutional seat as the House Speaker, Gianfranco Fini left the party he had co-founded with Berlusconi and gave birth to a new political formation. The man who had deeply innovated Italian party politics by creating an
Recommended publications
  • POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES András Bozóki Professor, Dept. of Political

    POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES András Bozóki Professor, Dept. of Political

    Win POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES András Bozóki Professor, Dept. of Political Science, CEU, Vienna [email protected] MA course, 4 credits, Fall semester, 2020. #D318, Monday at 1.30pm and Wednesday at 3.30pm Description: The purpose of the course is to give a comprehensive overview to the modern political ideologies. The course starts off with the concept of ideology itself, in both historical and post-Cold War context, by paying attention to the linguistic turn in historiography in clarifying different approaches to ideology vs discourse.Then, we examine major ideologies such a way in which we shall discuss the theoretical considerations first, and then the impact of these ideas. The course aim to put these ideologies into the context of social and political practice. Beside some 'classic' ideologies (liberalism, conservatism, socialism, anarchism, fascism, nationalism etc.) which all had significant impact in the history of ideas, we will discuss some 'new' ideologies (feminism, ecologism, new left, new right) and issues in democratic political participation in the era of globalization) will be discussed. We will follow the main debates on ideology too. Learning outcome: Students will be able to understand and analyze different political arguments in their wider, ideological context and they will be more sophisticated in dealing with the cultural, ideological and social embeddedness of political actions, discourses, and rhetorics. The course will enhance the students’ critical thinking in revealing and uncovering one of the major components (i.e. ideology) has been present in the history of politics and political ideas. Grade components: Students are required to follow the readings before each meeting, to attend the seminars, participating actively in the class discussions, and, if asked, introducing the readings of the week (20%).
  • Political Ideologies

    Political Ideologies

    Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 23:48 30 May 2016 Political Ideologies Now in its fourth edition, Political Ideologies: An introduction continues to be the best introductory textbook for students of political ideologies. Completely revised and updated throughout, this edition features: • A comprehensive introduction to all of the most important ideologies • Brand new chapters on multiculturalism, anarchism, and the growing infl uence of religion on politics • More contemporary examples of twenty-fi rst-century iterations of liberalism, socialism, conservatism, fascism, green political theory, nationalism, and feminism • Enhanced discussion of the end-of-ideology debates and emerging theories of ideological formation • Six new contributors. Accessible and packed with both historical and contemporary examples, this is the most useful textbook for scholars and students of political ideologies. Vincent Geoghegan is Professor of Political Theory at Queen’s University Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 23:48 30 May 2016 Belfast, UK. Rick Wilford is Professor of Politics at Queen’s University Belfast, UK. The contributors to this volume have all taught or carried out research at the School of Politics, International Studies and Philosophy at Queen’s University Belfast, or have close research connections with the School. This page intentionally left blank Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 23:48 30 May 2016 Political Ideologies An introduction Fourth edition Edited by Vincent Geoghegan and Rick Wilford Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 23:48 30 May 2016 First edition published in 1984 Trademark notice: Product or corporate names by Unwin Hyman may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identifi cation and Third edition published in 2003 by Routledge explanation without intent to infringe.
  • The 'Regime-Model' of Fascism: a Typology

    The 'Regime-Model' of Fascism: a Typology

    02_Articles 30/1 19/11/99 11:10 am Page 77 Aristotle A. Kallis The ‘Regime-Model’ of Fascism: A Typology Introduction In recent years there has been a revival of interest in the nature of generic fascism. This renewed search for a paradigmatic model of fascism originated as a reaction to the trend of overstating specificity, of studying fascist phenomena in the longue durée and of using their individual differences to underscore the futility of grand theories of fascism. A large part of the blame for the dis- crediting of comparative approaches is borne by the erratic and often mystifying sample of the studies themselves. Lack of clarity about the nature and content of fascism resulted in a number of comparative studies, whose insufficiently justified sample of case studies left the concept of ‘fascism’ in disarray. The ‘totalitarian’ approach focused on the political features of fascism as regime (i.e. Italy and Germany), but then subjected it to a broader definition which dovetailed with aspects of such a disparate socio-political phenomenon as communism.1 Nolte’s Three Faces of Fascism provided an insightful account of the ideological similarities between the Italian and German regimes, only to obfuscate his paradigm by including Action Française in his analysis.2 The ideological affinities notwithstanding, the weak- nesses of his generic definition are obvious. If ‘fascism’ is a broad ideological phenomenon, then why are other case-studies ex- cluded (Austria, Britain, etc.)? If, on the other hand, ‘fascism’ is both ideology and action, movement and regime, then why is Action Française comparable to the Italian and German regimes? Even the recent account by Roger Eatwell has focused on a curious combination of two major interwar regimes (Italy, Germany) and a plethora of disparate movements (most of which achieved limited, short-lived appeal and none of which ever European History Quarterly Copyright © 2000 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol.
  • Populism and Collective Memory; Comparing Fascist Legacies In

    Populism and Collective Memory; Comparing Fascist Legacies In

    Populism and Collective Memory Right-wing populism is a global phenomenon that challenges several pillars of liberal democracy, and it is often described as a dangerous political ideology because it resonates with the fascist idea of power in terms of anti-pluralism and lack of minorities’ protection. In Western Europe, many political actors are exploiting the fears and insecurities linked to globalization, economic crisis, and mass migrations to attract voters. However, while right-wing populist discourses are mainstream in certain countries, they are almost completely taboo in others. Why is right-wing populism so successful in Italy, Austria, and France while in Germany it is marginal and socially unacceptable? It is because each country developed a certain collective memory of the fascist past, which stigmatizes that past to different levels. For this reason, right-wing populism can find favorable conditions to thrive in certain countries, while in others it is considered as an illegitimate and dangerous idea of power. Through a comparative study of eight European countries, this book shows that short-term factors linked to levels of corruption, economic situation, and quality of democracy interact with long-term cultural elements and collective memories in determining the social acceptability of right-wing populist discourses. Luca Manucci is a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Lisbon, Portugal. He obtained his PhD at the University of Zurich, where he worked at the Department of Political Science. Routledge Studies in Extremism and Democracy Series Editors: Roger Eatwell, University of Bath, and Matthew Goodwin, University of Kent. Founding Series Editors: Roger Eatwell, University of Bath and Cas Mudde, University of Antwerp-UFSIA.
  • The Specter of Fascism: Defining the “F-Word”

    The Specter of Fascism: Defining the “F-Word”

    Trevor Erlacher Te Specter of Fascism: Defning the “F-Word” In one sense—a moral sense—there could hardly be more agreement today on the subject of fascism as a general, interwar European political phenomenon.1 Liberals, conservatives, and socialists all concur on the immorality of fascism. Of all its conventional varieties, German National Socialism in particular has come to epitomize our notion of malevolence, serving as a guidepost to righteous certitude in an otherwise postmodern world of doubt, ambiguity, and fruitless debate. American theologian Reinhold Niebuhr, for example, used Nazism as the cornerstone of his infuential postwar doctrine of Christian Realism. Nazism has also provided a common point of reference for the most hackneyed arguments against ethical relativism. traces Indeed, Nazism’s present-day status as evil par excellence has led to an unfortunate proliferation of the so-called reductio ad Hitlerum in daily conversation, political rhetoric, and Internet forums.2 All of the other putative varieties of 1 Fascism, that is, with a little ‘f,’ to distinguish it from its Italian namesake. 2 This phenomenon is summed up in Godwin’s Law, formulated by American attorney Mike Godwin, partly in jest, to state that as a given “online discussion grows longer, the probability of a comparison involving Hitler or the Nazis approaches 1.” The result, Godwin argues, is a trivialization of the Holocaust. See Andrew McFarlane, (2010-07-14). “Is it ever OK to call someone a Nazi?”. BBC News Magazine. http://www.bbc.co.uk/ news/10618638. Retrieved 2011-05-01. 244 Trevor Erlacher fascism—including the original, Italian Fascism (which we typically regard, despite its chronological priority and extreme brutality, as an entirely more benign, even humorous, junior partner)3—derive the better part of their historical guilt from association with the apogee (or nadir) of fascism in the Tird Reich.
  • Seminario De Historia

    Seminario De Historia

    SEMINARIO DE HISTORIA Dpto. de Hª Social y del Pensamiento Político, UNED Dpto. de Hª del Pensamiento y de los Movimientos Sociales y Políticos, UCM Fundación José Ortega y Gasset-Gregorio Marañón Curso 2013-2014 Documento de trabajo 2014/03 SOME THOUGHTS ON FASCISM AND THE NATION Xosé Manoel Núñez Seixas (Ludwig-Maximilians Universität, Munich) SESIÓN: JUEVES, 13 DE MARZO DE 2014, 19 H. Lugar: Biblioteca Instituto Universitario de Investigación Ortega y Gasset c/ Fortuny 53, 28010 Madrid Contacto: [email protected] Some Thoughts on Fascism and the Nation Xosé-Manoel Núñez Ludwig-Maximilians Universität, Munich A broad and more or less enduring scholarly agreement on a general definition of fascism as a historical phenomenon has proven to be an extremely challenging endeavour. The variegated definitions of the fascist phenomenon as a coherent and revolutionary corpus of ideas include such concepts as ‘generic fascism’, the ‘fascist minimum’ or the ‘fascist matrix’. However, the constitutive element rarely omitted in any attempt to define fascism relates to its ideological, cultural and symbolic emphasis on the nation: more specifically, on the relevance of nationalism as a central element of the fascist worldview and culture.1 Fascism is often regarded as the almost unavoidable consequence of the radicalization of European nationalisms; or simply as a twentiethcentury outcome of a nineteenth-century form of ethnic nationalism that became increasingly chauvinistic and xenophobic. Historians of fascism were not the first to point this out. Some of the first historians of nationalism in the 1930s, and particularly during the 1940s, established a typology of the idea of nation and the development of nationalism in Europe that was strongly influenced by what they had observed in the evolution of contemporary fascist movements on the Old Continent.
  • 1 When Anti-Islamic Protest Comes to Town: Political Responses to The

    1 When Anti-Islamic Protest Comes to Town: Political Responses to The

    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by White Rose E-theses Online When Anti-Islamic Protest Comes to Town: Political Responses to the English Defence League William Edward Charles Allchorn Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Leeds School of Politics and International Studies September 2016 1 Declaration The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his/her own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. The right of William Edward Charles Allchorn to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. © 2016 The University of Leeds and William Edward Charles Allchorn. 2 Contents List of Abbreviations and Acronyms List of Tables and Figures Acknowledgements Abstract Chapter 1: Introduction and Thesis Structure P.11 1.1 Background: Anti-Islamic Activism and the UK Far-right 1.2 Lacuna: EDL Studies and Political Responses 1.3 Thesis’ Contribution: Main Empirical and Theoretical Aims 1.4 Thesis Structure and Chapterisation Chapter 2: Literature Review - Understanding the English Defence League and Responses to it P.21 2.1: Introduction 2.2: Interpreting the EDL - Far-right, Football Hooligan or Sui Generis? 2.3: From Causes to Consequences - The EDL ‘Response’
  • As Populism Peaked? Author Hby Matthew Goodwin Matthew Goodwin

    As Populism Peaked? Author Hby Matthew Goodwin Matthew Goodwin

    COVER STORY • The World Trade System with the Covid-19 • 4 as Populism Peaked? Author HBy Matthew Goodwin Matthew Goodwin Introduction which populists argue must ultimately be defended from an array of wider threats: immigration and rising ethnic diversity, Islam and In recent years, the rise of populism has been one of the most growing Muslim communities, and social liberalism. striking aspects of contemporary politics. The arrival of figures such In more recent years, many national populists have also modified as Donald Trump in the United States, Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, their position on the economy. During the 1980s and 1990s, many of Matteo Salvini in Italy, Marine Le Pen in France and Nigel Farage in these parties were broadly comfortable with free market capitalism, the United Kingdom has triggered global debates about the health of which was partly linked to their strong opposition to communism. liberal democracy, thrown light on the “losers of globalization” and But since then many have become more critical of capitalism and the questioned the long-term survival of mainstream political parties and role of the market. Today, many national populists have shifted more ideologies. closely to an economically nationalist position. Marine Le Pen, Steve Despite variations in support from one country to another, at a Bannon and others argue that free-market capitalism has been broad level this “family” of political parties has put down deep roots. detrimental to the interests of workers and undermines the culture of It has prospered from social and economic divides that were a long the nation. It is often argued that national governments should now time coming and which may be exacerbated by the unfolding Covid- prioritize the rights and interests of the working-class over large- 19 crisis.
  • The Primacy of Politics Social Democracy and the Making of Europe’S Twentieth Century

    The Primacy of Politics Social Democracy and the Making of Europe’S Twentieth Century

    The Primacy of Politics Social Democracy and the Making of Europe’s Twentieth Century Political history in the advanced industrial world has indeed ended, argues this pioneering study, but the winner has been social democracy – an ide- ology and political movement that has been as influential as it has been misunderstood. Sheri Berman looks at the history of social democracy from its origins in the late nineteenth century to today and shows how it beat out competitors such as classical liberalism, orthodox Marxism, and its cousins, fascism and National Socialism, by solving the central chal- lenge of modern politics: reconciling the competing needs of capitalism and democracy. Bursting onto the scene in the interwar years, the social democratic model spread across Europe after the Second World War and formed the basis of the postwar settlement commonly but misleadingly labeled “embedded liberalism.” This is a study of European social democ- racy that rewrites the intellectual and political history of the modern era while putting contemporary debates about globalization in their proper intellectual and historical context. Sheri Berman is an associate professor of political science at Barnard College, Columbia University. She was previously an assistant professor of politics at Princeton University. Berman is the author of The Social Demo- cratic Moment (1987). She has written articles for top political science journals including Perspectives on Politics, World Politics, and Compara- tive Politics, as well as publications such as Foreign Affairs, Dissent, and World Policy Journal. The Primacy of Politics Social Democracy and the Making of Europe’s Twentieth Century SHERI BERMAN Barnard College, Columbia University Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge ,UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521817998 © Sheri Berman 2006 This publication is in copyright.
  • The Nature of Fascism Revisited

    The Nature of Fascism Revisited

    THE NATURE OF FASCISM REVISITED ANTÓNIO COSTA PINTO THE NATURE OF FASCISM REVISITED SOCIAL SCIENCE MONOGRAPHS, BOULDER DISTRIBUTED BY COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, NEW YORK 2012 © 2012 António Costa Pinto ISBN 978-0-88033-666-6 Library of Congress Control Number: 2009939128 Printed in the United States of America For my son Filipe Contents !. List of Figures and Tables vii 2. Preface and acknowledgements ix 1. Fascists: A ‘revolutionary right’ in interwar Europe ! 2. The origins of fascist ideology: The Sternhell debate "# 3. New interpretations (I): The constituencies of fascism $% 4. New interpretations (II): Conceptual problems &' 5. Fascism, dictators, and charisma %# 6. Ruling elites, political institutions, and decision- making in fascist-era dictatorships: Comparative perspectives (# 7. Fascism, corporatism, and authoritarian institutions in interwar European dictatorships !!# 8. Index !)! List of Figures and Tables Figures 5.1 *e charismatic triangle 82 Tables 5.1 Forms of political legitimation 85 6.1 Ministers’ occupational background (%) 108 6.2 Political o+ces held by ministers (%) 109 7.1 Dictatorship and corporatism in Europe (1918–45) 125 New interpretations (I): 3 The constituencies of fascism European fascism continues to attract a considerable degree of attention, as witnessed by the publication of many works over the past few years.1 Recently the comparative study of fascism has increasingly centered on its ideologi- cal and cultural dimensions, at times becoming ideology-centered. We could even say that, at least on a superficial level, the analysis of so-called generic fascism has moved from a sociological to a more political perspective, giving both ideology and culture much more importance than previously.
  • The Northampton Electronic Collection of Theses and Research

    The Northampton Electronic Collection of Theses and Research

    This work has been submitted to NECTAR, the Northampton Electronic Collection of Theses and Research. Monograph Title: The EDL: Britain’s ‘New Far Right’ social movement Creators: Jackson, P. and Feldman, M. Example citation: Jackson, P. and Feldman, M. (2011) The EDL:R Britain’s ‘New Far Right’ social movement. Northampton: The UniversiAty of Northampton. Version: Published version http://nectarC.northampTton.ac.uk/6015/ NE RNM Publications www.radicalism-new-media.org TTHHEE EDEDLL BRITAIN’S ‘NEW FAR RIGHT’ SOCIAL MOVEMENT The University of Northampton’s Radicalism and New Media Research Group Dr Paul Jackson, lead author Foreword by Michael Ellis, MP About The Radicalism and New Media Research Group Harnessing expertise in the University of Northampton’s School of Social Sciences, the Radicalism and New Media Research Group is an initiative that generates practitioner-focused research projects. Linking academia with the wider world, these partnership activities coalesce around the understudied connection between radical and extremist political movements and their use of new media technologies. From the English Defence League’s use of Facebook for directing activities to Islamist jihadi beheadings filmed for the purposes propaganda and global dissemination, this connection is both striking and increasingly relevant. There has been, as yet, no coordinated network to systematically undertake research in the crucial connection between new media and new forms of radicalism. In taking on this role, the Radicalism and New Media Research Group invites academic researchers, practitioners and civil servants (particularly the police and others concerned with community cohesion) to compare experiences and develop collaborative enterprises in the analysis of this wide-ranging phenomenon, particularly as it relates to the contemporary UK.
  • “Faces” of the Radical Right

    “Faces” of the Radical Right

    August 02, 2020 CARR Report “Faces” of the Radical Right Produced by The Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right “Definitions of the Radical Right” compiled by Dr Archie Henderson, Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right Edited by Professor Matthew Feldman & Dr David Tucker, Academic Consulting Services Ltd. This work has been supported by Facebook. 2 Table of Contents Introduction…………………………....….………….…...5 1.0 Faces of the Radical Right…..….….…...................9 2.0 Radical and Extreme Right Organisations……...19 3.0 Radical and Extreme Right Ideologues……..…...25 Conclusion……………………………………….….……33 References………………………………………….…….35 Definitions of the Radical Right……………….….…...39 3 Introduction 4 Introduction Following the election of Donald Trump to the US Presidency in 2016, concern over a rising and emboldened radical right extremism has grown significantly. The strong electoral performance of radical right parties in Europe, the continued prevalence of anti-Muslim street demonstrations and rising hate crimes, as well as deadly terror attacks in Pittsburgh, Christchurch and El Paso, have all brought the issue of radical right politics to the close attention of the media, government, not to mention millions of concerned citizens. Indeed, we are living in an age where radical right politics is becoming increasingly ‘mainstreamed’, impacting more people’s lives than at any point since the Second World War. This survey will attempt to disentangle the radical right and its various forms. By highlighting the drivers which both bind and divide the radical right, it will analyse key radical right groups as well as significant individual ideologues. Traditionally, the radical right operated in almost exclusively offline spaces but it is now defined by its online interconnectedness, entering a ‘post- digital age’.1 Offline activism includes political parties seeking public office, street-based marches and protests (which often have significant public- order implications) and, in the most extreme cases, hate crime and terrorism.