When Law Doesn't Rule- State Capture of the Judiciary, Prosecution, Police in Serbia

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

When Law Doesn't Rule- State Capture of the Judiciary, Prosecution, Police in Serbia WHEN LAW DOESN’T RULE: STATE CAPTURE OF THE JUDICIARY, PROSECUTION, POLICE IN SERBIA WHEN LAW DOESN’T RULE STATE CAPTURE OF THE JUDICIARY, PROSECUTION, POLICE IN SERBIA Belgrade, Brussels, October 2017 updated in June 2018 1 Written by: Transparency Serbia Center for Investigative Journalism, Serbia Authors1: Branko Čečen, Nemanja Nenadic, Dino Jahić, Ivana Jeremić, Milica Stojanović, Dina Đorđević, Vladimir Kostić, Milica Šarić, Anđela Milivojević, Zlatko Minić, Srđan Cvijić. Open Society European Policy Institute - OSEPI, Brussels, EU Center for Investigative Journalism of Serbia Transparency Serbia Design: www.beelzepub.com 1 Branko Čečen, Dino Jahić, Ivana Jeremić, Milica Stojanović, Dina Đorđević, Vladimir Kostić, Milica Šarić, Anđela Milivojević, from CINS, are authors of the case studies. For each individual case study, the author in question is mentioned under that specific section. The author of an individual case study takes full responsibility for observing the duties and responsibilities related to ethical journalism and the application of a factual and objective methodology in conducting his or her research and writing of the case study. Nemanja Nenadić, Zlatko Minić, from Transparency Serbia, and Srđan Cvijić, from OSEPI, wrote the analysis of the legal and institutional framework. Remove justice, and what are kingdoms but gangs of criminals on a large scale? – St Augustine WHEN LAW DOESN’T RULE: STATE CAPTURE OF THE JUDICIARY, PROSECUTION, POLICE IN SERBIA CONTENTS Executive Summary ....................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................5 Introduction .............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 10 Case Studies CS 1: Media repression – leaking of information ..................................................................................................................................... 12 CS 2: Manipulation of Trials and Flaws in the Prosecution System ......................................................................................................................................................................................................18 CS 3: Arbitrary Decisions - the Dinkić case ........................................................................................................................................................23 CS 4: The Politicisation of the Judiciary, Poor Accountability, and an Unsatisfactory Relationship with the Media.............................................................................................................................................................................................28 CS 5: Dysfunctional System of Accountability (SP 1) ...................................................................................................................33 CS 6: Failures of the Prosecutor’s Office (SP 3 and 7) ............................................................................................................. 38 CS 7: Procedure for Protection of Politicians (SP 7).......................................................................................................................44 CS 8: Appointing Judges and Prosecutors (SP 2) .................................................................................................................................. 48 CS 9: Prescription of Offences due to Political Influence (SP 7,5 and 6) ..............................................................................................................................................56 CS 10: Inappropriate Relationships: Media in Court (SP 4 and 3) ...................................................................... 61 CS 11: What is Known About the Work of the Police Internal Control Department? (SP 2, 6 and 7) ............................................................................ 67 CS 12: Non-Transparency and Abuse of Statistical Data (SP 5) ............................................................................. 73 3 WHEN LAW DOESN’T RULE: STATE CAPTURE OF THE JUDICIARY, PROSECUTION, POLICE IN SERBIA Institutional Framework ..............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................77 European Integration Documents .......................................................................................................................................................................................................82 Strategic Acts ..................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 86 Reference List .................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 88 Legal Framework ......................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 89 Conclusions ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................90 4 WHEN LAW DOESN’T RULE: STATE CAPTURE OF THE JUDICIARY, PROSECUTION, POLICE IN SERBIA EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Politicians in Serbia exert a great deal of infuence over its judiciary and police. The country is currently ruled by the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) and its leader Aleksandar Vučić, who is the President of the Republic. This infuence manifests itself through many and varied cases of institutional abuse. For example, police have exerted pressure on leaders of independent bodies, the opposition, and people who have criticised the authorities. Moreover, the police practice of disseminating information and misinformation to discredit critical individuals or groups is widespread. The independence of the institutions is further compromised by the police being prevented from carrying out their work in certain “politically sensitive” cases, including the infamous Savamala demolition case and by its farcical epilogue in court. While the police are politicised, the prosecution has sometimes refused to investigate cases in which suspects belonged to, or were close to, the authorities and government. Finally, unlawful decisions by the courts – some almost certainly motived by political considerations - remain a serious problem. Political infuence over law enforcement bodies and courts is exerted through the violation of regulations, poor enforcement, the abuse of legal loopholes, ambiguous rulings that can be interpreted in diferent ways, and the fact that some laws still contain norms that allow direct political infuence over the judiciary and police. This research, commissioned by the Open Society European Policy Institute (OSEPI) and Open Society Foundations Serbia, and conducted by Transparency Serbia and the Center for Investigative Journalism Serbia, identifies seven ways in which political control is exerted over Serbian’s independent institutions, or in which systemic weaknesses in the rule of law are exploited. In some instances, the inefficiencies and abuses of the system enable politicians to gain sway over the judiciary, prosecutors, and police. 1. Limited accountability: the system for holding judges and public prosecutors accountable is inefective and inconsistent; a lack of proactive disciplinary bodies and insufcient transparency helps hide political pressure. (Illustrated in case studies 4, 5) 2. Political appointments: Political bodies are involved in appointing public prosecutors and court presidents. Similarly, the criteria and selection process for police ofcials are not transparent. Political infuence is further exercised through a reluctance to appoint certain key positions in the police on a permanent basis with a full mandate. (Illustrated in case studies 2, 11) 3. Too much discretion: Law enforcement bodies have signifcant discretionary powers when they decide whether to investigate and prosecute a given case. Similarly, they do not provide adequate explanations of why they have decided to abandon an investigation. This means possible political motivation can be hidden behind apparently routine police and prosecutorial decisions. (Illustrated in case studies 3, 6, 10) 4. Media manipulation and discrimination: Inappropriate relationships between the media and law enforcement agencies, judiciary and politicians take several forms: leaking information, using the media for defamation, violation of the presumption of innocence in criminal matters,
Recommended publications
  • Freedom in the World - Serbia (2010)
    Page 1 of 5 Print Freedom in the World - Serbia (2010) Political Rights Score: 2 * Capital: Belgrade Civil Liberties Score: 2 * Status: Free Population: 7,322,000 Explanatory Note The ratings through 2002 are for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, of which Serbia was a part, and those from 2003 through 2005 are for the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro. Kosovo is examined in a separate report. Ratings Change Serbia’s political rights rating improved from 3 to 2 due to the consolidation of a stable multiparty system after several rounds of elections in the post-Milosevic period. Overview The parliament in November approved a new statute regulating the autonomy of the northern province of Vojvodina, ending a long political debate over the issue and demonstrating the effectiveness of the Democratic Party–led government elected in 2008. The country also made progress in its relations with the European Union, securing visa-free travel rights and the implementation of a trade agreement in December. However, press freedom groups criticized a media law adopted in August, and tensions involving the ethnic Albanian population in the Presevo Valley remained a problem. Serbia was recognized as an independent state in 1878 after several centuries under Ottoman rule. It formed the core of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes proclaimed in 1918. After World War II, Serbia became a constituent republic of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, under the communist rule of Josip Broz Tito. Within the boundaries of the Serbian republic as drawn at that time were two autonomous provinces: the largely Albanian-populated Kosovo in the south, and Vojvodina, with a significant Hungarian minority, in the north.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections in Serbia: 2017 Presidential Elections Frequently Asked Questions
    Elections in Serbia 2017 Presidential Elections Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Eurasia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org March 28, 2017 Frequently Asked Questions Who are citizens voting for on Election Day? ............................................................................................... 1 What election system will be used? ............................................................................................................. 1 Who administers elections in Serbia? ........................................................................................................... 1 What is the structure of the Serbian government? ...................................................................................... 2 How are voters registered? .......................................................................................................................... 2 How will out-of-country voting be managed? .............................................................................................. 2 Who will be observing on Election Day? ....................................................................................................... 3 What is the political climate and why is this election important?................................................................ 3 Disclosure: These FAQs reflect decisions made by the Serbian elections authorities as of March 28, 2017, to the best of our knowledge. This document does not represent
    [Show full text]
  • RESOLVING DISPUTES and BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization Between Kosovo and Serbia
    Council CIG for Inclusive Governance RESOLVING DISPUTES AND BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization between Kosovo and Serbia Contents 2 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 5 SUPPORTING THE BRUSSELS DIALOGUE 16 ESTABLISHING THE ASSOCIATION / COMMUNITY OF SERB-MAJORITY MUNICIPALITIES 24 KOSOVO’S NORTH INTEGRATION AND SERB POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 32 PARLIAMENTARY COOPERATION 39 COOPERATION ON EU INTEGRATION 41 PARTICIPANTS Albanian and Serbian translations of this publication are available on CIG’s website at cigonline.net. CIG Resolving Disputes anD BuilDing Relations Challenges of normalization between Kosovo and serbia Council for Inclusive Governance New York, 2015 PrefaCe anD AcknowleDgments Relations between Kosovo and Serbia are difficult. Since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in February 2008, all contacts between officials of Kosovo and Serbia ceased. Belgrade rejected any direct interaction with Pristina preferring to deal through the EU Rule of Law Mission and the UN Mission in Kosovo. However, encouraged by the EU and the US, senior officials of both governments met in March 2011 for direct talks in Brussels. These talks were followed in Brussels in October 2012 by a meeting between the prime ministers of Kosovo and Serbia. These EU-mediated dialogues resulted in a number of agreements between Serbia and Kosovo including the April 2013 Brussels Agreement. The Agreement’s main goal is to conclude the integration of the Serb-majority municipalities in Kosovo’s north into Kosovo’s system of laws and governance, including the establishment of the Association/Community of the Serb-Majority Municipalities in Kosovo. The sides also pledged not to block each other’s accession processes into the EU.
    [Show full text]
  • Let the Talks Begin the EU Formally Opens Association Talks with Serbia and Montenegro
    Let the Talks Begin The EU formally opens association talks with Serbia and Montenegro. But will one country or two be doing the talking? Transitions Online by Igor Jovanovic 13 October 2005 BELGRADE, Serbia and Montenegro The European Union has formally opened talks on strengthening ties with Serbia and Montenegro. The way is now clear for Belgrade to move toward completing a Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) with the EU. "The agreement will deepen relations and create contractual relations between the EU and Serbia-Montenegro. It is a crucial step forward on Serbia-Montenegro's path to the EU," EU enlargement commissioner Olli Rehn told top officials gathered for the ceremonial opening on 10 October. Technical talks are expected to begin in late October or early November. The visit to Belgrade capped a week of frantic diplomatic activity in the Balkans: on 3 October, EU foreign ministers decided to open full membership talks with Croatia; on 5 October, the parliament of one of Bosnia's two constituent parts, Republika Srpska, caved in to international pressure and passed a controversial police reform package that now makes Bosnia's SAA talks possible; and two days after that, UN special envoy Kai Eide recommended early negotiations to settle the final status of Kosovo, nominally still a province of Serbia. A unique feature of the EU's integration process with Serbia and Montenegro is the constitutional makeup of the uneasy state union of the two republics of Serbia and Montenegro, which gives most authority to the republics. A year ago, EU foreign ministers decided to deal separately with the republics on economic issues while talking with state union leaders on overall political integration.
    [Show full text]
  • UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
    UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11.
    [Show full text]
  • All Victims Matter. Reconciliation of the Balkan Faiths and Peoples: an Assessment of Recent Progress
    Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe Volume 40 Issue 10 Article 2 12-2020 All Victims Matter. Reconciliation of the Balkan Faiths and Peoples: An Assessment of Recent Progress Vjekoslav Perica University of Rijeka, Croatia Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree Part of the Christianity Commons, and the Eastern European Studies Commons Recommended Citation Perica, Vjekoslav (2020) "All Victims Matter. Reconciliation of the Balkan Faiths and Peoples: An Assessment of Recent Progress," Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Vol. 40 : Iss. 10 , Article 2. Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree/vol40/iss10/2 This Article, Exploration, or Report is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ALL VICTIMS MATTER RECONCILIATION OF BALKAN FAITHS AND PEOPLES: AN ASSESSMENT OF RECENT PROGRESS By Vjekoslav Perica Vjekoslav Perica is a Croatian-American historian, author of, among other things, Balkan Idols: Religion and Nationalism in Yugoslav States (Oxford University Press, 2002; Belgrade, 2006). His most recent publication is “Serbian Jerusalem: Inventing a Holy Land in Europe’s Periphery, 1982- 2019,” Chapter IX, in Nadim N. Rouhana and Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, eds. When Politics Are Sacralized: Comparative Perspectives on Religious Claims and Nationalism (Cambridge University Press, 2020). Perica holds a Ph.D. in history from the University of Minnesota Twin Cities, USA. In the 1970s in former Yugoslavia he was a basketball player, and before the war, a jurist and journalist until coming to America in 1991.
    [Show full text]
  • Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
    Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Serbia Date of Election: May 6, 2012 (Parliamentary and first round presidential); May 20, 2012 - second round presidential Prepared by: Bojan Todosijević Date of Preparation: 05. 08. 2013. NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: ° The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. ° Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. ° Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] ° If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative [X] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ X] Upper House [ ] Lower House [ ] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Democratic Party (Demokratska stranka, DS) 2b.
    [Show full text]
  • POLICE FORCES to the BORDER! HUNGARY COMES FULL CIRCLE on OPEN BORDERS by John R
    JUNE 2015 POLICE FORCES TO THE BORDER! HUNGARY COMES FULL CIRCLE ON OPEN BORDERS By John R. Haines John R. Haines is a Senior Fellow of the Foreign Policy Research Institute and Executive Director of FPRI's Princeton Committee. Much of his current research is focused on Russia and its near abroad, with a special interest in nationalist and separatist movements. As a private investor and entrepreneur, he is currently focused on the question of nuclear smuggling and terrorism, and the development of technologies to discover, detect, and characterize concealed fissile material. He is also a Trustee of FPRI. For other nations, their land has fixed boundaries. For Rome, its boundaries are the boundaries of the Roman world.1 So, too, it seems, for the nations of the European Community, and for the Community itself. And that is the basis of the immigration crisis now raging in Hungary. When the Berlin Wall fell on 9 November 1989—Der Mauerfall to Germans—it set the two Germanys on a course to reunification eleven months later. It was in Hungary, however, where “the first stone was knocked out of the wall,” declared Helmut Kohl. In June 1989 Hungarian foreign minister Gyula Horn and his Austrian counterpart, Alois Mock used wire cutters to cut a symbolic section of the barbed wire fence separating their two countries. The next month, a small group of Hungarian dissidents and Austrian politicians organized what they intended would be a symbolic border opening outside the Hungarian border village of Sopronpuszta. The opening became more than symbolic: within a few hours, some 600 East Germans passed through a simple wooden gate into Austria.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil-Military Features of the FRY
    Civil-Military Features of the FRY 18. november 2002. - Dr Miroslav Hadzic Dr Miroslav Hadžić Faculty of Political Science Belgrade / Centre for Civil-Military Relations Occasional paper No.4 The direction of the profiling of civilian military relations in Serbia/FR Yugoslavia1 is determined by the situational circumstances and policies of the participants of different backgrounds and uneven strength. The present processes however, are the direct product of consequence of the disparate action of parties from the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) coalition, which have ruled the local political scene since the ousting of Milošević. It was their mediation that introduced the war and authoritarian heritage to the political scene, making it an obstacle for changing the encountered civil-military relations. The ongoing disputes within the DOS decrease, but also conceal the fundamental reasons for the lack of pro-democratic intervention of the new authorities in the civil-military domain. Numerous military and police incidents and affairs that have marked the post-October period in Serbia testify to this account.2 The incidents were used for political confrontation within the DOS instead as reasons for reform. This is why disputes regarding the statues of the military, police and secret services, as well as control of them have been reduced to the personal and/or political conflict between FRY President Vojislav Koštunica and Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjić.3 However, the analysis of the "personal equation" of the most powerful DOS leaders may reveal only differences in their political shade and intonation, but cannot reveal the fundamental reasons why Serbia has remained on the foundations of Milošević’s system.
    [Show full text]
  • On 16 September 2004 the European Parliament Adopted A
    BACKGROUND - on 16 September 2004 the European Parliament adopted a resolution on harassment of minorities in Vojvodina where it, amongst others, "expressed deep concern at the repeated breaches of human rights in the province" and asked the delegation for relations with the countries of South East Europe to be authorised to conduct a fact-finding mission in that province; - the fact-finding mission took place from 28 to 31 January 2005 and the report was made available on 2 March 2005 (original in FR) and 31 March 2005 (translations); its main results were: 1. Vojvodina should remain a model region, because its multiculturalism goes hand in hand with a fairly harmonious cohabitation between the different nationalities living there. In order to preserve this, it is vital to combat attacks of any kind on the roots of each and every one of the region's traditional cultures. 2. It is essential that the province's multi-ethnic character be preserved, particularly in view of any future EU accession of Serbia and Montenegro, since the place of Voïvodina would then be a very special one, both geo-strategically and sociologically. For that reason, all existing forms of rapprochement need to actively supported (Interreg III/a, cooperation with European border regions). 3. The inter-ethnic incidents which plagued Voïvodina over a period of thirteen months appear to be the result of a conjunction of unfavourable factors, which was itself the outcome both of older situations and of more recent, and even highly specific circumstances: changes to the province's demographic make-up, influx of refugees in very difficult economic circumstances, the March 2004 Kosovo crisis, and tense election campaigns.
    [Show full text]
  • SERBIA Jovanka Matić and Dubravka Valić Nedeljković
    SERBIA Jovanka Matić and Dubravka Valić Nedeljković porocilo.indb 327 20.5.2014 9:04:47 INTRODUCTION Serbia’s transition to democratic governance started in 2000. Reconstruction of the media system – aimed at developing free, independent and pluralistic media – was an important part of reform processes. After 13 years of democratisation eff orts, no one can argue that a new media system has not been put in place. Th e system is pluralistic; the media are predominantly in private ownership; the legal framework includes European democratic standards; broadcasting is regulated by bodies separated from executive state power; public service broadcasters have evolved from the former state-run radio and tel- evision company which acted as a pillar of the fallen autocratic regime. However, there is no public consensus that the changes have produced more positive than negative results. Th e media sector is liberalized but this has not brought a better-in- formed public. Media freedom has been expanded but it has endangered the concept of socially responsible journalism. Among about 1200 media outlets many have neither po- litical nor economic independence. Th e only industrial segments on the rise are the enter- tainment press and cable channels featuring reality shows and entertainment. Th e level of professionalism and reputation of journalists have been drastically reduced. Th e current media system suff ers from many weaknesses. Media legislation is incom- plete, inconsistent and outdated. Privatisation of state-owned media, stipulated as mandato- ry 10 years ago, is uncompleted. Th e media market is very poorly regulated resulting in dras- tically unequal conditions for state-owned and private media.
    [Show full text]
  • Memorial of the Republic of Croatia
    INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE CASE CONCERNING THE APPLICATION OF THE CONVENTION ON THE PREVENTION AND PUNISHMENT OF THE CRIME OF GENOCIDE (CROATIA v. YUGOSLAVIA) MEMORIAL OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA APPENDICES VOLUME 5 1 MARCH 2001 II III Contents Page Appendix 1 Chronology of Events, 1980-2000 1 Appendix 2 Video Tape Transcript 37 Appendix 3 Hate Speech: The Stimulation of Serbian Discontent and Eventual Incitement to Commit Genocide 45 Appendix 4 Testimonies of the Actors (Books and Memoirs) 73 4.1 Veljko Kadijević: “As I see the disintegration – An Army without a State” 4.2 Stipe Mesić: “How Yugoslavia was Brought Down” 4.3 Borisav Jović: “Last Days of the SFRY (Excerpts from a Diary)” Appendix 5a Serb Paramilitary Groups Active in Croatia (1991-95) 119 5b The “21st Volunteer Commando Task Force” of the “RSK Army” 129 Appendix 6 Prison Camps 141 Appendix 7 Damage to Cultural Monuments on Croatian Territory 163 Appendix 8 Personal Continuity, 1991-2001 363 IV APPENDIX 1 CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS1 ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE CHRONOLOGY BH Bosnia and Herzegovina CSCE Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe CK SKJ Centralni komitet Saveza komunista Jugoslavije (Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia) EC European Community EU European Union FRY Federal Republic of Yugoslavia HDZ Hrvatska demokratska zajednica (Croatian Democratic Union) HV Hrvatska vojska (Croatian Army) IMF International Monetary Fund JNA Jugoslavenska narodna armija (Yugoslav People’s Army) NAM Non-Aligned Movement NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
    [Show full text]