Anurupa Roy Phd Dissertation
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THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE NEW URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN INDIA Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anurupa Roy, M. A. Graduate Program in Geography The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Kevin R. Cox, Advisor Cathy A. Rakowski Max Woodworth © Copyright by Anurupa Roy 2014 Abstract In the wake of the neoliberal turn in India, urban development is increasingly gaining importance. This is not only because of the significant rise in urban population in recent years but also because urban areas are seen as the main “engines of growth”. The creation of new urban spaces and the development of the existing ones are deemed as the means towards greater progress of the economy. Therefore, in the current context, the issue of developmental dynamics is not divorced from the urban question. Taking an historical-geographical-materialist approach, I seek to examine the political economy of the new urban development in India. I assert that urban-space making and restructuring processes in India are primarily guided by the necessity for unrestrained accumulation on a global scale mainly through dispossession, intensification of the commodification process and redistribution of surpluses. In this regard, the state—at multiple geographical scales— plays a crucial role in the formation and reproduction of the urban spaces. This, however, is a matter of contestation and is largely conditioned by the nature and course of class struggle. I further argue that accumulation by dispossession is crucial to understanding the city-making politics, however, it is not necessarily characterized by extra-economic coercion, as often claimed in the current literature. In fact, the mechanisms and strategies used for attaining accumulation by dispossession are contingent rather than necessary. Further, in the existing literature, the new middle class in India is presented as the main ii motivating force for the urban-space (re)making politics. It is also seen as the greatest beneficiary of neoliberal urban politics. I contend that the ascendancy of the new Indian middle class is largely a socio-economic construction that is also politically motivated. I argue that middle class politics too is much more contingent in nature than it is generally considered to be. Thus I call for a more nuanced look at the middle class politics based on spatio-temporal specificities. Additionally, this study asserts that the new urban development is not aimed at the betterment of the poor majority, as often gloriously portrayed in the mainstream arena. I demonstrate that the impacts on the poor working class are socio-spatially marginalizing, thus exacerbating the existing uneven (urban) geographies. iii Dedication Dedicated to my parents, husband and my little princess iv Acknowledgements I owe this work to many people, without whom this dissertation would not have been possible. First of all I am immensely grateful to all my respondents, including Government officials of Kolkata, who despite their busy schedules cooperated with me and willingly participated in the interviews. The interviewees came mostly from poor backgrounds and for them expending time on interviews often implied missing out on valuable time to earn a daily wage, yet they readily shared their problems and life experiences with me, my heartfelt gratitude to them. In this regard, my heartfelt thanks to my initial contacts and key informants, Dr. Partho Sarathi Ray and Mrinal Bhattacharya. I am extremely thankful to Nilotpal Dutta, who shared his invaluable experiences as an activist in Rajarhat area and helped me immensely in the interview process in the New Town. I would also like to thank Pramod Gupta, Pratip Nag, Tarit Bhattacharya, Ranajit Kanungo, Kamal Ghosh, Ela Ghosh and Shovon as they too provided useful information and helped in recruiting some of my interviewees. Most importantly, I would like to thank my advisor, Prof. Kevin Cox, for his guidance, encouragement and patience over the years. I owe this work to his unwavering support throughout my research. His perceptive inputs during my fieldwork helped me to explore newer areas that have proved quite useful. I cannot thank him enough for his help with my doctoral degree. v I express my gratitude to all my teachers and professors throughout my academic life who have contributed in their own ways to my journey thus far. I would like to thank the Mershon Center for International Security Studies (Ohio State) for partly funding my research fieldwork. Finally, it is the love and support of my family that kept me motivated during the time of my doctoral research. In this regard, my grandmothers, Santikana Dutta and Renuka Roy, have inspired me with their indomitable spirit and positive outlook towards life. I thank my brother, Abhirup Roy, for being the dearest friend and guide. My gratitude towards my parents, Bithi and Tapan Roy cannot be expressed in words. It is their sacrifices and unconditional love that have helped me sail through the entire academic journey. Also, thanks to my husband, Soumya, for being with me and helping me immensely in every possible way. In this process of completing my degree, I have constantly drawn strength and inspiration from my bundle of joy—my daughter, Aishani. vi Vita March, 1998…………........G.D. Birla Center for Education. 2001…………………….........B. Sc. Geography, Lady Brabourne College, University of Calcutta, West Bengal, India. 2003…………………………..M.Sc. Geography, University of Calcutta, West Bengal, India. 2006…………………………..M.A. Geography, York University, Toronto, ON, Canada. 2006 - present……...........Graduate Student, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA. Field of Study Major: Geography vii Table of Contents Page Abstract…………………………………………………………………………….………………………….…….. ii Dedication………………………………………………………………………………..…………………......….. iv Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………….…………………………. v Vita…………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………….... vii List of Figures……………………………………………………………………………………………..……. xiii Glossary………………………………………………………………………………………………………….… xiv CHAPTER1: Introduction…………………………….……………………………………………....……… 1 1.1 Prologue………………………………………………………………………………………………….………. 1 1.2 Research Background……………….…………………………………………………………………........ 2 1.3 Research Interest….………………….……………………………………………………………………..... 3 1.4 Context……………….…………………………………………………………………………………...……… 4 1.5 Research Questions………………….……………………………………………………………………..... 9 1.6 Theorizing the New Urban Development in India…..……………………………………........ 10 1.7 Research Method………….………….…………………………………………………….……………..... 14 1.8 Research Strategy….……………………………………………………………………..…………..….…. 16 viii 1.9 Positionality……………………………………………………………………….………..….…………...... 20 1.10 Outline of the Dissertation……….…………………………………………………………….…...... 21 CHAPTER 2: The New Urban Development in India: Historical Context and Conceptual Framework……………......................... 26 2.1 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………..…… 26 2.2 Historical Context……………………………………………………………………………………….…. 29 2.2.1 The Pre-Reform Period……………………………………………………………………..……. 29 2.2.2 The Post-Reform Period.…………….…………………..……………………………...………. 32 2.3 Historical Background and Institutional Setting of Urban Development and Planning in India …………………………………………………..……………………….……… 33 2.4 Conceptual Themes of the New Urban Development…………………………………..…... 41 2.4.1 The Mainstream Approach…..………….………………………………………………...……. 41 2.4.2 The Critical Approach……………….……………………………………………………...….…. 43 2.4.2.1 Accumulation by Dispossession…….………….…………………………….…...…. 43 2.4.2.2 Urban Entrepreneurialism………………………………………………………..….... 45 2.4.2.3 The Middle Class…………………………………………………………………….…...… 47 2.4.2.4 The Micro-Practices of Urban Subalterns………………..…………………...…. 50 2.4.2.5 The Political-Economy of Class Struggle……………..……..………….……...… 52 2.5 Concluding Remarks and Outline of My Conceptual Framework……………….……... 53 CHAPTER 3: The Politics of Urban–Space Making on the Fringes: Dispossession and Development…………….………………...……….…..……… 69 3.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………..……… 69 3.2 Dispossession Politics and Urban Development: Planned and Relatively Unplanned Urban Development……………………………..….... 71 ix 3.2.1 The Politics of City Making: Planned Urban Development in Rajarhat………. 73 3.2.1.1 Contextualizing Eminent Domain…….………………………………………….…. 73 3.2.1.2 Enclosure from Above…….……………………………………………………….….…. 75 3.2.1.3 Enclosure from Below……………………………………………….………………...... 79 3.2.1.4 Social Construction of “Urban Development”….….…..……………..……...….. 81 3.2.1.5 Ideology and City Making: Fetishizing the (World) City…………………… 91 3.2.1.6 State and Capital(s): Commodification, Speculation and City Making... 94 3.2.2 “Unplanned” or Private-Developer led Urban Extension………………..….……... 97 3.3 Effects and Survival Strategies…………………………..……………………………….....….…... 101 3.3.1 Economic Impacts………………………………..…………………………………………...….. 101 3.3.1.1 Commodified Labor and Living…..……………….………………...…………..….. 103 3.3.1.2 Gender and Work in the Emerging Urban Economy……….…………..…. 110 3.3.1.3 The Beneficiaries among the Resident Population……….…..……….…... 113 3.3.2 Socio-Cultural Impacts…………………………….………………………………………........ 116 3.4 The Politics of City Making and Resistance from Below……………..……...………..…...... 122 3.4.1 Oppositions against Planned Urban Development……………………….……....…. 123 3.4.1.1 Objectives of Struggle: Adversaries and Arbitrators…….….…..…..….…. 124 3.4.1.2