A Claremont Reader

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Claremont Reader T VÄtÜxÅÉÇà extwxÜ A Compilation of Essays Demonstrating the Constitutional and Policy Deficiencies of the Claremont Series of Public School Funding Decisions 1993 - 2006 Foreword, Article Introductions, and Epilogue by ZÜxzÉÜç `A fÉÜz Attorney at Law and Member of the House Representing Grafton District 3 FOREWARD It is the purpose of this collection of writings to demonstrate both the utter lack of constitutional legitimacy of the Claremont series of public school funding decisions and the right and imperative constitutional duty of the Legislature to repudiate them. The central majoritarian, representative organizational principles of the constitutions of those governments, including that of the State of New Hampshire, that were patterned after the British model, contain a glaring anomaly: the judiciary, which is not elected but appointed by the executive, to serve not for a short period but “during good behavior.” The principle of judicial independence enshrined in this constitutional arrangement orig- inated in the British Act of Settlement of 1689 as a typically practical British response to the experience of the constitutional struggles of the Seventeenth Century, in which Parlia- ment was always at a disadvantage in legal controversies against a King who not only ap- pointed all the judges, but could remove them at will. Being exempted from periodic accountability to any other person, group, or entity, courts are enabled to render judg- ments strictly on the merits of the cases brought before them, free of political pressure. The benefit to the judiciary of this constitutional quid pro quo carries, however, a countervailing burden: the judicial branch must refrain from involvement in politics, and it must be candid in its opinions. The writings in this collection will show how, in the Claremont series of cases, the New Hampshire Supreme Court has failed abysmally in the performance of its share of the constitutional settlement. In the tradition of Aesop and Jesus, this collection begins with a parable, in the form of Hans Christian Andersen’s The Emperor’s New Clothes, in order to illustrate with a simple story the larger picture that might otherwise be obscure. The succeeding Section II contains essays that show the social and political landscape existing prior to the first Claremont decision in 1993. Section III consists of the verbatim texts of the primary school funding decisions that changed this landscape. Section IV contains a sampling of the writings of deniers of the virtual palace coup the Claremont decisions have accomplished. Section V contains all fifteen numbers of attorney Eugene Van Loan’s towering 1998 critique of the process by which the New Hampshire Supreme Court, under the protection and cover of judicial independence, has constituted itself the enemy of constitutional government by its chronic, pervasive abuse of its solemn adjudicatory function. Section VI contains a sampling of the best of the published essays that followed attorney Van Loan’s pioneering exposé. Section VII is my own deconstruction of the myths that have contributed to the general preemptive surrender of the people and their elected representatives to the pretensions of the Supreme Court. It is not expected that the user will read this collection straight through, but rather that it will serve as a reference tool and educational aid in addressing the school funding issue and its implications for the future of representative government in New Hampshire. Gregory M. Sorg January 25, 2007 - i - TABLE OF CONTENTS THE ANALOGY Hans Christian Andersen, The Emperor’s New Clothes................................................. 1 THE EMPIRE Hobart Pillsbury, New Hampshire: Resources, Attractions and Its People, A History (New York, Lewis Historical Publicshing Co., Inc., 1927), Chapter XLI, Education ... 5 Richard M. Lambert, The “Ten Pound Act” Cases and the Origins of Judicial Review in New Hampshire (New Hampshire Bar Journal, March 2002, pp 37-54) ................. 27 Richard B. McNamara, The Separation of Powers Principle and the Role of the Courts in New Hampshire (New Hampshire Bar Journal, June 2001, pages 66-87)..................... 61 Richard F. Upton, The Independence of the Judiciary in New Hampshire (New Hampshire Bar Journal, July 1959)............................................................................... 99 Timothy A. Lawrie, Interpretation and Authority: Separation of Powers and the Judiciary’s Battle for Independence in New Hampshire, 1786-1818 (New Hampshire Bar Journal, Winter 2006, pp 34-46) .......................................................................... 109 Merrill v. Sherburne, 1 NH 199; 8 Am. Dec. 52 (1818) ............................................ 131 Edward Damon and Apiar Saunders, Courts, Class Actions, and Children [Claremont v. Gregg] (New Hampshire Bar Journal, March 1993, pp 67-69, 72-73)................... 145 THE SWINDLERS Claremont School District et al v. Governor [“Claremont I”], 138 N.H. 183; 635 A.2d 1375 (1993)................................................................................................................. 149 Claremont School District et al v. Governor [“Claremont II”], 142 N.H. 462; 703 A.2d 1353 (1997)................................................................................................................. 157 Londonderry School District SAU #12 et al v. State of New Hampshire, 153 N.H. ___; 907 A.2d 988 (2006)................................................................................................... 171 THE COUNCILORS AND MINISTERS William F. Batchelder, The Independence of the Judiciary in New Hampshire Revisited (New Hampshire Bar Journal, June 1998, pp 62-70) ................................................. 187 Richard Hesse, The Legislature, the Court and the Constitution (New Hampshire Bar Journal, March 2000, pp 38- 45)................................................................................. 201 THE LITTLE CHILD Eugene Van Loan III, Letters to the Educators.......................................................... 215 (1) To Debate or Not to Debate .............................................................................. 217 (2) What the Constitution Actually Says ................................................................. 221 (3) How Does a Court Decide What is Adequate? ................................................. 227 (4) Not All Duties Create Rights............................................................................. 233 (5) A Constitution Is Not A Menu of Entitlements .................................................. 237 - ii - (6) Entitlements Created by the "Least Dangerous Branch" are the Most Dangerous Ones ........................................................................................................................ 241 (7) Who Is To Guard The Guardians?.................................................................... 249 (8) Making The Case For Candor .......................................................................... 257 (9) Is Education Too Important To Be Entrusted To The Politicians?................... 269 (10) Is There An Adequate Definition of An Adequate Education?........................ 279 (11) What Was The Original Understanding?........................................................ 287 (12) If There Are Education Rights, Whose Rights Are They? ............................... 299 (13) A Court Out Of Control................................................................................... 307 (14) If There Is No Remedy, Is There Any Right?................................................... 333 (15) Res Ipsa Loquitur ............................................................................................ 371 THE PEOPLE Walter A. Backofen, Claremont’s Achilles’ Heel: The Unrecognized Mandatory School-Tax Law of 1789 (New Hampshire Bar Journal, March 2002, pp 26-29) ...... 377 Eugene M. Van Loan, Jr., Memorandum in Response to Requests from the Senate for an Opinion of the Justices (School Financing) (1998)............................................... 385 Frederick M. Hess, When Unaccountable Courts Meet Dysfunctional Schools (Education Fairy Tales, July/August 2006, American Enterprise Institute) .............. 399 Edward C. Mosca, New Hampshire’s Claremont Case and the Separation of Powers (From Pierce Law Review, June 2006, pp 409-434) .................................................. 405 EPILOGUE Gregory M. Sorg, Demystifying the Judiciary............................................................ 429 - iii - Since December, 1993, the people of New Hampshire, through the Claremont series of school funding cases, have been participating in a performance of “The Emperor’s New Clothes” that never ends. At the conclusion of the original, the people overcome their fear of appearing foolish in the eyes of their “betters,” and are at last willing to believe the evidence of their own senses once it has been confirmed by one of the least of their own, and to recognize the perfidy of the swindlers. In the real-life contemporary performance, however, the people, evidently fearful of exposure as “unfit for office or unforgivably stupid,” continue to cower in their timorous apathy and blindly accept the outlandish pronouncements of the swindlers. Hans Christian Andersen: The Emperor’s New Clothes Many, many years ago there was an emperor who was so terribly fond of beautiful new clothes that he spent all his money on his attire. He did not care about his soldiers,
Recommended publications
  • Selected Chronology of Political Protests and Events in Lawrence
    SELECTED CHRONOLOGY OF POLITICAL PROTESTS AND EVENTS IN LAWRENCE 1960-1973 By Clark H. Coan January 1, 2001 LAV1tRE ~\JCE~ ~')lJ~3lj(~ ~~JGR§~~Frlt 707 Vf~ f·1~J1()NT .STFie~:T LA1JVi~f:NCE! i(At.. lSAG GG044 INTRODUCTION Civil Rights & Black Power Movements. Lawrence, the Free State or anti-slavery capital of Kansas during Bleeding Kansas, was dubbed the "Cradle of Liberty" by Abraham Lincoln. Partly due to this reputation, a vibrant Black community developed in the town in the years following the Civil War. White Lawrencians were fairly tolerant of Black people during this period, though three Black men were lynched from the Kaw River Bridge in 1882 during an economic depression in Lawrence. When the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1894 that "separate but equal" was constitutional, racial attitudes hardened. Gradually Jim Crow segregation was instituted in the former bastion of freedom with many facilities becoming segregated around the time Black Poet Laureate Langston Hughes lived in the dty-asa child. Then in the 1920s a Ku Klux Klan rally with a burning cross was attended by 2,000 hooded participants near Centennial Park. Racial discrimination subsequently became rampant and segregation solidified. Change was in the air after World "vV ar II. The Lawrence League for the Practice of Democracy (LLPD) formed in 1945 and was in the vanguard of Post-war efforts to end racial segregation and discrimination. This was a bi-racial group composed of many KU faculty and Lawrence residents. A chapter of Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) formed in Lawrence in 1947 and on April 15 of the following year, 25 members held a sit-in at Brick's Cafe to force it to serve everyone equally.
    [Show full text]
  • The History and Philosophy of the Postwar American Counterculture
    The History and Philosophy of the Postwar American Counterculture: Anarchy, the Beats and the Psychedelic Transformation of Consciousness By Ed D’Angelo Copyright © Ed D’Angelo 2019 A much shortened version of this paper appeared as “Anarchism and the Beats” in The Philosophy of the Beats, edited by Sharin Elkholy and published by University Press of Kentucky in 2012. 1 The postwar American counterculture was established by a small circle of so- called “beat” poets located primarily in New York and San Francisco in the late 1940s and 1950s. Were it not for the beats of the early postwar years there would have been no “hippies” in the 1960s. And in spite of the apparent differences between the hippies and the “punks,” were it not for the hippies and the beats, there would have been no punks in the 1970s or 80s, either. The beats not only anticipated nearly every aspect of hippy culture in the late 1940s and 1950s, but many of those who led the hippy movement in the 1960s such as Gary Snyder and Allen Ginsberg were themselves beat poets. By the 1970s Allen Ginsberg could be found with such icons of the early punk movement as Patty Smith and the Clash. The beat poet William Burroughs was a punk before there were “punks,” and was much loved by punks when there were. The beat poets, therefore, helped shape the culture of generations of Americans who grew up in the postwar years. But rarely if ever has the philosophy of the postwar American counterculture been seriously studied by philosophers.
    [Show full text]
  • Libertarian Forum
    A Monthly Newsletter THE Libertarian Forum Joseph R. Peden, Publisher Murray N. Rothbard. Editor VOLUME 111, NO. 4 April, 1971 75c The Conning Of America Never let it be said that the Lib. Forum is a grim, that, in addition, the true humanity - the individuation of relentless monolith. Indeed, even within the Sober Center every person and his full creative development - would be of the anarcho-capitalist movement, we have a range stifled in the bud, would be destroyed on the altar of the of views stretching all the way from Jerry Tuccille to crippling and profoundly anti-human ideal of equality and myself. Everyone else, from Bill Buckley to Ed Muskie to uniformity. Abbie Hoffman, is a damned extremist, outside of our Reich's hatred of work and the division of labor erupts mainstream dialogue. in all sorts of ways: for example, his glorification of Thus, I disagree totally with Jerry's overall estimate of hippie youth because they wear all-purpose uniforms, Charles Reich and his "greening*. To the contrary, I where one set of clothes suffices every person for all his regard Reich's Con Game as largely a P. R. shuck, and to activities: playing, sleeping, etc. Those of us who wear the extent that the phenomenon is real, as a symptom of suits for working, dressier clothes for parties, shorts for a diseased society and a degenerate culture rather than athletics, pa jamas for sleeping, etc. are reviled for any sort of ally in the fight for liberty. "alienating" themselves by splitting themselves up into To raise the least important point first, the aesthetics different roles.
    [Show full text]
  • Shawyer Dissertation May 2008 Final Version
    Copyright by Susanne Elizabeth Shawyer 2008 The Dissertation Committee for Susanne Elizabeth Shawyer certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Radical Street Theatre and the Yippie Legacy: A Performance History of the Youth International Party, 1967-1968 Committee: Jill Dolan, Supervisor Paul Bonin-Rodriguez Charlotte Canning Janet Davis Stacy Wolf Radical Street Theatre and the Yippie Legacy: A Performance History of the Youth International Party, 1967-1968 by Susanne Elizabeth Shawyer, B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May, 2008 Acknowledgements There are many people I want to thank for their assistance throughout the process of this dissertation project. First, I would like to acknowledge the generous support and helpful advice of my committee members. My supervisor, Dr. Jill Dolan, was present in every stage of the process with thought-provoking questions, incredible patience, and unfailing encouragement. During my years at the University of Texas at Austin Dr. Charlotte Canning has continually provided exceptional mentorship and modeled a high standard of scholarly rigor and pedagogical generosity. Dr. Janet Davis and Dr. Stacy Wolf guided me through my earliest explorations of the Yippies and pushed me to consider the complex historical and theoretical intersections of my performance scholarship. I am grateful for the warm collegiality and insightful questions of Dr. Paul Bonin-Rodriguez. My committee’s wise guidance has pushed me to be a better scholar.
    [Show full text]
  • Ursula Mctaggart
    RADICALISM IN AMERICA’S “INDUSTRIAL JUNGLE”: METAPHORS OF THE PRIMITIVE AND THE INDUSTRIAL IN ACTIVIST TEXTS Ursula McTaggart Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy In the Departments of English and American Studies Indiana University June 2008 Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Doctoral Committee ________________________________ Purnima Bose, Co-Chairperson ________________________________ Margo Crawford, Co-Chairperson ________________________________ DeWitt Kilgore ________________________________ Robert Terrill June 18, 2008 ii © 2008 Ursula McTaggart ALL RIGHTS RESERVED iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A host of people have helped make this dissertation possible. My primary thanks go to Purnima Bose and Margo Crawford, who directed the project, offering constant support and invaluable advice. They have been mentors as well as friends throughout this process. Margo’s enthusiasm and brilliant ideas have buoyed my excitement and confidence about the project, while Purnima’s detailed, pragmatic advice has kept it historically grounded, well documented, and on time! Readers De Witt Kilgore and Robert Terrill also provided insight and commentary that have helped shape the final product. In addition, Purnima Bose’s dissertation group of fellow graduate students Anne Delgado, Chia-Li Kao, Laila Amine, and Karen Dillon has stimulated and refined my thinking along the way. Anne, Chia-Li, Laila, and Karen have devoted their own valuable time to reading drafts and making comments even in the midst of their own dissertation work. This dissertation has also been dependent on the activist work of the Black Panther Party, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, the International Socialists, the Socialist Workers Party, and the diverse field of contemporary anarchists.
    [Show full text]
  • October 9, 1992
    This document is from the collections at the Dole Archives, University of Kansas http://dolearchives.ku.edu October 9, 1992 MEMORANDUM TO THE LEADER FROM: JOHN DIAMANTAKIOU SUBJECT: POLITICAL BRIEFINGS Below is an outline of your briefing materials for your appearances in New England and New York. Enclosed for your perusal are: 1. Campaign briefing: • overview of race • biographical materials • Bills introduced in 102nd Congress 2. National Republican Senatorial Briefing 3. City Stop/District race overview 4. Governor's race brief (NH, VT) 5. Redistricting map/Congressional representation 6. NAFTA Brief 7. Republican National Committee Briefing 8. State Statistical Summary 9. State Committee/DFP supporter contact list 10. Clips (courtesy of the campaigns) 11. Political Media Recommendations (Clarkson also has a copy) Thank you. Page 1 of 46 This document is from the collections at the Dole Archives, University of Kansas P. 2/ 9 OCT 02 '92 10 : 07 http://dolearchives.ku.edu OVERVIEW OF NEW HAMPSHIRE U. S. SENATE RACE Defense Cuts Governor Gregg maintains that defense cuts are necessary but at a careful and cautious rate. The cuts he supports are at a level slightly higher than those proposed by the President, but lower than Bill Clinton1s defense cut proposal. The Governor's Democratic opponent, John Rauht wants a 50% defense cut over five years. None of the savings would be applied to the budget deficit but would instead go wholly to retraining programs. Governor Gregg believes that this drastic cut is irresponsible, would wreak economic havoc on New Hampshire's defense dependent industry1 would force the closing of the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard, and would cripple the nation's ability to respond to military threats.
    [Show full text]
  • Dead Kennedys and the Yippie-Punk Continuum I Michael Stewart Foley
    Political Pie-Throwing: Dead Kennedys and the Yippie-Punk Continuum i Michael Stewart Foley To cite this version: Michael Stewart Foley. Political Pie-Throwing: Dead Kennedys and the Yippie-Punk Continuum i. Sonic Politics: Music and Social Movements in the Americas, 2019, 1138389390. hal-01999010 HAL Id: hal-01999010 https://hal.univ-grenoble-alpes.fr/hal-01999010 Submitted on 30 Jan 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Political Pie-Throwing: Dead Kennedys and the Yippie-Punk Continuumi MICHAEL STEWART FOLEY By the time Dead Kennedys released their first LP, Fresh Fruit for Rotting Vegetables, in 1980, the band had established itself as the leading American political punk band, hailing from a city that seemed to specialize in political art. In many ways, the band and its music represented the culmination of nearly three years of subcultural political struggle on a host of issues facing not only young people in San Francisco but American youth everywhere – enough that, to this day, many of the city’s punk veterans refer to their experience in the “movement.” Political historians of the United States in the 1970s and 1980s have mostly ignored punk, but this essay examines Dead Kennedys’ early career as a way to illuminate the political experience of one segment of American youth in the late 1970s.
    [Show full text]
  • R"L: Stipends 170 (42%) 30 (8%) 199 (50%) in Criplion Will Contain the Statement in Which He Warned Miscellaneou
    triton ti Volume 12, Number 20 University of Coliforni.o, Sa'; Diego Friday, March 12, 1971 The Regent W.ho Came to Supper Frank Phil/ips University." Students need to convince " the Staff Writer little old ladies in La Jolla that tudents are not University of California Regent DeWitt Higgs a bunch of long-haired , drug using radicals was on campus Wednesday night having dinner attempting to tear everything down." with Diddo Clark 's Contemporary Issue s class. One of the greatest problems facing U 0 is Higgs told the ten freshmen attending the convincing people of the need for Third College. informal dinner in the Mandeville Suite that Higgs said he i a a supporter of the College and " unless greater support from the tate comes hopes that the Regents will give the experiment the university will be in real trouble in (he next at least ten yea rs of development before two years." reaching an y conclu ion . Higgs began the discussion by outlining the Many people are convinced that Third College function of the Board of Regents and how is a ·· training ground for revolutionarie . and regent are selected. Higgs told the attentive only the students can change that image ." group that he didn 't know exactly why Former Higgs said that he has a great deal of faith in Governor Brow n selected him to serve. His Provost Jo eph Watson and hope that the participation in various public affairs project , experimental college, which is attempting to such a the California Water Project, may have open up educational opportunities for minority been a rea on, according to the Regent.
    [Show full text]
  • *****M****WX***************************** * Reproductions Supplied by EDRS Are the Best That Can Be Made from the Original Document
    ED 337 817 CS 507 538 AUTHOR Attias, Bernardo TITLE Power in the Classroom? A Plan for the Destruction of the Uhiversities. PUB DATE Apr 91 NOTE 10p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Central States Communication Associatxon (Chicago, IL, April 11-14, 1991). PUB TYPE Viewpoints (Opinion/Position Papers, Essays, etc.) (120) -- Speeches/Conference Papers (150) EDRS PRICE XF01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Critical Thinking; *Educational Change; Educational Development; Educational Trends; *Higher Education; LKirning Processes; *Power Structure; *Student College Relationship; *Teacher Role IDENTIFIERS *Critical Pedagogy ABSTRACT The only feasible path to a truly critical pedagogy is the destruction of the university. Before teachers and students ever arrive in the classroom, they have certain "places" within a blind, faceless institution which mark them in ways which must somehow be overcome for a truly critical pedagogy to develop. Analyzing how these roles are produced and reproduced ideologically suggests that the result of this reproduction is something profoundly anti-intellectual and anti-educational that is literally built into the smem within which critical teaching methods must develop. Critical pedagogy must attempt to subvert these institutional constraints from within, and changing the system of power requires abandoning the goals of the "university" education and beginning to develop the tools for education. This does not mean quitting jobs or trying to shut down the university; rather, it means usIng the established institution against itself, creating spectacles in the university that might compete with those offered on television, and might thus help to bridge the gap between education and everyday life. Being critical means constantly traversing the artificial boundaries among disciplines, emphasizing the learning process itself rather than the list of works required for a particular niche-like specialization.
    [Show full text]
  • Hawaii Stories of Change Kokua Hawaii Oral History Project
    Hawaii Stories of Change Kokua Hawaii Oral History Project Gary T. Kubota Hawaii Stories of Change Kokua Hawaii Oral History Project Gary T. Kubota Hawaii Stories of Change Kokua Hawaii Oral History Project by Gary T. Kubota Copyright © 2018, Stories of Change – Kokua Hawaii Oral History Project The Kokua Hawaii Oral History interviews are the property of the Kokua Hawaii Oral History Project, and are published with the permission of the interviewees for scholarly and educational purposes as determined by Kokua Hawaii Oral History Project. This material shall not be used for commercial purposes without the express written consent of the Kokua Hawaii Oral History Project. With brief quotations and proper attribution, and other uses as permitted under U.S. copyright law are allowed. Otherwise, all rights are reserved. For permission to reproduce any content, please contact Gary T. Kubota at [email protected] or Lawrence Kamakawiwoole at [email protected]. Cover photo: The cover photograph was taken by Ed Greevy at the Hawaii State Capitol in 1971. ISBN 978-0-9799467-2-1 Table of Contents Foreword by Larry Kamakawiwoole ................................... 3 George Cooper. 5 Gov. John Waihee. 9 Edwina Moanikeala Akaka ......................................... 18 Raymond Catania ................................................ 29 Lori Treschuk. 46 Mary Whang Choy ............................................... 52 Clyde Maurice Kalani Ohelo ........................................ 67 Wallace Fukunaga ..............................................
    [Show full text]
  • Cultural Revolutionary I Knew Abbie Hoffman—Whom I Think
    preface "I'M A B B I E HOFFMAN" Myths are the only news, and the only thing that stays true all the time is a lie. Abbie Hoffman, 1968 Cultural Revolutionary I knew Abbie Hoffman—whom I think of as the quintessential spirit of the sixties—for almost twenty years, and for much of that time I wasn't sure when he was acting, when he was for real, and when he was acting for real. I suppose that's why I have such contradictory feelings about him. Looking back at Abbie from the vantage point of the nine- ties, it seems to me that he was the first American cultural revolutionary in the age of television. He was a very funny and a very sad character who saw his life and times as a story that he could tell and retell again and again as he went along. The point, of course, was to inflate himself and deflate the established order. What most of us think of as "objective reality" didn't exist for him; while he managed to outwit it time and again, it finally caught up with him. In the end, Abbie the comedian became a tragic figure. He also embodied the sensibility called post- modern. Nowadays, postmodernism is a cliche that has lost most of its clout. But long before it entered the academic world, Abbie was a walk- ing, talking postmodernist. A great many critics have tried to define the term, but no one, it seems to me, has done it as well as the writer E.
    [Show full text]
  • From Citizens to Consumers: the Countercultural Roots of Green Consumerism
    From Citizens to Consumers: The Countercultural Roots of Green Consumerism A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Philip A. Wight August 2013 ©2013 Philip A. Wight. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled From Citizens to Consumers: The Countercultural Roots of Green Consumerism by PHILIP A. WIGHT has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Kevin Mattson Connor Study Professor of Contemporary History Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT WIGHT, PHILIP A., M.A. August 2013, History From Citizens to Consumers: The Countercultural Roots of Green Consumerism Director of thesis: Kevin Mattson When did American environmentalism shift from a focus on collective political action to an obsession with personal lifestyles? This thesis investigates three distinct bodies of environmental thought spanning the 1950s and the mid-1970s to answer this question. The three eco-political philosophies studied here are liberal, eco-socialist, and countercultural environmentalism. The heart of this thesis is the debate among key environmental thinkers—John Kenneth Galbraith, Stewart Brand, and Barry Commoner—concerning the role of individual consumers and the importance of public policy. This debate can be viewed as supply-side (producers) versus demand-side (consumers) environmentalism. This thesis argues America’s modern paradigm of libertarian, demand-side environmentalism and green consumerism stems from specific values, ideas, lifestyles, and worldviews representative of American counterculture of the 1960s and 1970s. In championing individual consumer choice, contemporary environmentalism has largely rejected liberal and eco-socialist prescriptions of collective political action and social democratic governance.
    [Show full text]