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Home , Althing, Constitution of Iceland, Danish Realm, Dependencies of Norway, Education in Denmark, Eysturoy

The of the : The for in , , and the

by

Masters of Arts in Studies Thesis Candidate Ryan Boulter

University of Prince Edward Island 28, 2006

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This paper examines the similarities and differences between the development of

Iceland, Greenland, and the Faroe Islands from toward sovereignty. All three

island groups are examined in the context of history, national development, and external

forces on the development their respective . Iceland, the Faroes and Greenland all

were once as Danish colonies, but Iceland is the only one that has attained sovereignty.

The Faroe Islands and Greenland have stopped short of sovereignty and retain Home

Rule administrative powers within the Danish Realm. Many of the reasons why Iceland

was able to obtain sovereignty are the same reasons why Greenland and the Faroe Islands

have not been able to develop into sovereign . Iceland was able to build on its

strong historic roots, high level of , well organized and popular nationalist

movement, and firm belief in an independent and prosperous Iceland. The Faroe Islands

and Greenland have been hindered with late recognition of their and language,

unorganized and unfocussed view of their future, and timidity regarding their economy

and success as an independent nation. Greenland also has been held up by the vague and

unresolved concept of aboriginal self government. Danish history, with a focus on Danish

colonial history, is also examined to understand how has historically related

with its colonies. Denmark was never a colonial power with a mission to civilize.

Danish was based almost purely on mercantilist purposes. The most

important part of Danish colonial history is the development of the Danish

Model. The Home Rule Model, which can be traced back to the Icelandic of

1871, delegates the most administrative powers of all models in the

international system.

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I would like to thank first and foremost Rebecca Driscoll. She has loved and supported me, as well as listened to and read this thesis more than anyone ever will again. She has kept me on task, scheduled, and focused. Without Rebecca I would not have been able to complete this. I send you my love and thanks. Second, I would like to thank my parents Richard and Linda, as well as my two brothers Andrew and Raymond and their families. I would also like to thank Rebecca’s parents and Ann Driscoll and their family for their love and support. Third, I would like to thank the of Prince Edward Island faculty and staff. In particular the Department of Political Studies, Dr. Barry Bartmann, Dr. Henry Srebmik, Jogvan Morkore, Maureen MacKay, the Faculty of Arts, Dean Richard Kurial, the staff and faculty of the Robertson Library, the Institute of Island Studies, Dr. Godfrey Baldacchino, and all associated facility. Fourth and finally, I would like to extend my support and congratulations to all other Master of Arts in Island Studies students and alumni for their hard work and dedication to this new and unique program. I hope that the amazing support from the University of Prince Edward Island as well as the academic continues for this young and exceptional program.

Thank you and enjoy,

Ryan Boulter

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Chapter 1 Introduction Introduction 1 Denmark: An Examination of the 3 Iceland: An Examination of the Literature 4 Greenland: An Examination of the Literature 5 Faroe Islands: An Examination o f the Literature 7

Chapter 2 Danish History. Colonialism, and the Home Rule Model ______9 Introduction into Danish History 9 Denmark in World History 10 The to the : 9'^-14'^ Century IS The Danish-Swedish Rivalry: 15'^-19‘^ Century 15 The End of Absolutism: Mid 19^^ Century 16 The Schleswig Issue: 1850-1920 16 Interwar and the ‘Peaceful Occupation’: 1920-1945 19 Post War Denmark and : 1945- Present 20 Danish Colonialism: A Brief Introduction 22 An Introduction into the Danish Home Rule Model 24 The Development of the Danish Home Rule Model 25 The Characteristics of the Danish Home Rule Model 27 The 1871 ‘Icelandic Constitution’ 28 The Faroese and Greenlandic Experience with the Home Rule Model 30 Conclusion 33

Chapter 3 Iceland’s Development into a Sovereign Nation ______34 Iceland: An Introduction 34 The of Iceland 35 The First Settlers 39 The Age of Settlement: 870-930 40 The Birth of the 42 The Sage Age: 930-1030 45 The Introduction of to Iceland: 1000 48 The End of the Icelandic Commonwealth: 1220-1262 49 Under Foreign Rule 52 The Kalmar Union Through to the : 1397-1550 53 The Reformation and Hardship for Iceland 56

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Trade Monopoly in Iceland 59 Skull Magnùsson: The First Icelandic Bailiff 61 Hard Times and the Emigration to America: 18''’ and 19^'’ Centuries 62 The Building of the Icelandic Nation; Early Beginnings in the 19* Century 66 The End o f the Absolute and the Birth of Icelandic : I800-I85I 67 The Icelandic National Convention: 1851 71 The Icelandic Constitution of 1871 72 The Lead up to Icelandic Home Rule: 1874-1904 74 Icelandic Home Rule: 1904-1918 75 The Icelandic Kingdom and the Interwar years: 1918-1944 78 Iceland during World War II: The De Facto State and External Forces On Iceland 81 The Proclamation of the of Iceland: 1944 85 Conclusion 86

Chapter 4 Greenland’s National Development Towards Sovereignty ______88 Greenland: An Introduction 88 Early Greenlandic History: Early Palaeo-Eskimo Culture in Greenland 90 The in Greenland: lO"’ - 15''’ Century 92 The Rediscovery’ and ‘’ of Greenland: I6"'-20f’ Century 97 National Development; The Creation and Development of the Greenlandic Nation: 20* Century 99 External Forces on the Greenlandic Nation: The Experience of World War II 100 Post Second World War US ’s Presence in Greenland 102 Social Developments in Post Second World War Greenland 107 Political Development in Post War Greenland 112 Structure of the Greenlandic Home Rule Government 115 The Greenlandic Economy and the Danish Block Grant 124 Conclusion 129

Chapter 5 The Faroe Islands National Development Towards Sovereignty 131 The Faroe Islands: An Introduction 131 The Discovery and Early Settlement o f the Faroe Islands: 8"’-I0"’

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Centuries 133 Political, Economie, and Social Life in Pre-Reformation Faroe: ll'^- 13‘^ Centuries 137 Political Union, the Reformation, and Danish Dominance: 14*^- 16‘^ Centuries 139 The Old Faroese Life 141 The Law, , and Defence o f 16‘^-17 Century Faroes 142 The Trade Monopoly 145 The Faroese Tradition of Smuggling 150 Major Political, Social, and Economic Changes in 19^^ Century: The End of Absolutism and Trade Monopoly 152 Development of Written and the National Awakening: The Birth of Faroese Nationalism 157 The Development o f Political Nationalism in the Late 19^^ Century 164 Development of Political Parties in the Faroes: 1890-1910 168 Faroese : 1900-1914 169 The Faroe Islands during the War and the : 1914-1939 171 The External Forces of the Second World War: The Political, Economic, and Social Ramifications of the British Occupation 172 Post War Constitutional Issues in the Faroes: The Creation of Faroese Home Rule 177 The Faroese Home Rule Government Structure 183 The Faroese Economy and the Banking Crisis 186 The Block Grant and the Home Rule Government 189 Conclusion 191

Conclusions______192

Bibliography ______200

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Introduction

The Kingdom of Denmark was not a major colonial power, but did have colonies

in , , the , and the North Atlantic. Unlike other colonial powers,

Denmark did not have a mission to civilize and acquired colonies for purely mercantilist

reasons. Presently, the Danish Realm consists of Denmark, the Faroe Islands, and

Greenland. The Faroe Islands and Greenland have been Home Rule overseas

administrative divisions of Denmark since 1948 and 1979 respectively. The Home Rule

administrations in both the Faroe Islands and Greenland control most internal governance

issues, while Deiunark controls all external issues of governance. The Danish Realm

included Iceland until 1944 when Iceland declared itself an independent Republic.

The Icelandic experience in the Danish Realm compared to the experience of the

Faroe Islands and Greenland illustrates an interesting contrast; Iceland obtained

sovereignty while the Faroe Islands and Greenland are still within the Danish Realm. The

reasons behind Iceland obtaining sovereignty are the same reasons why the Faroe Islands

and Greenland have not obtained sovereignty. First, became a well

organized political movement with wide reaching support and a clear focus on a

sovereign Iceland. The Faroese and Greenlandic nationalist movements were sharply

divided in attitude regarding the future of their respective societies, thus hindering their

movement toward sovereignty. Second, the Icelandic culture and language was always

recognized as a separate and distinct culture with a solid right to self-determination. The

Faroese culture was not considered separate from nor as important as other Nordic

and received late international recognition of its distinctness, thus stalling the

Faroese national development. The Greenlandic nationalist movement has been delayed

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. due to a lack of international confidence in Aboriginal self-government because the

concept has not yet been tested at the national level. Third, due to Iceland’s strong

historic roots as a literate society, the ideals of nationalism were easily spread through

literature. Neither the Faroese nor Greenlandic languages were recognized nor contained

a written component until at least the late 19* century. As such, the spread of nationalist

ideas through literature was limited. Fourth, the approached their sovereignty

with a sink or swim attitude and a firm belief that they could develop in to a prosperous

sovereign nation. The Faroe Islands and Greenland have approached their nationalist

movement with apprehension and timidity, believing that they could never survive

without Denmark’s financial support.

The missing piece of previous research into the colonial history of the Danish

Realm is the relationship and comparisons between the Icelandic experience and the

Faroese and Greenlandic experiences under the Danish Realm. The majority of the

information on Danish realm does not make cormections or comparisons between the

Faroe Islands and Greenland, which is an essential part of the research. Therefore, this

examination into the similarities and differences in the national development of Iceland,

Greenland, and the Faroe Islands bridges a gap in the research. This examination also

provides a view of the topic from the vantage point of the islands, rather than a view

imposed on the islands from the perspective of the colonial power.

To provide context, this study will begin with a brief introduction into the history

of Denmark as a colonial power to understand the dynamics and evolution of the Danish

Realm. Additionally, the progression, structure, and status of the Danish Home Rule

Model are examined. Fully understanding the importance of the Danish Home Rule

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Model is essential in the progression of Icelandic, Faroese, and Greenlandic national

development. Then, the Icelandic experience within the Danish Realm will be analyzed.

The analysis of the Icelandic experience will be used as a template for examining the

Faroese and Greenlandic national development so that similarities and differences can be

drawn out. The Icelandic template examines the colonial experience in three major

sections: pre-colonial Icelandic history, nationalistic development, and external forces on

the on the development of the nation. Finally, conclusions will be made from the

comparison between Iceland, the Faroe Island, and Greenland with an eye toward the

possibility of future sovereignty.

Denmark: An Examination o f the Literature

The section on Denmark mainly focuses on a brief as well as

an examination of Denmark’s colonial history and the development of the Danish Home

Rule Model. Though it is not surprising that the information on Danish colonial history is

difficult to find because Denmark was not a major colonial power, the lack of

information in the areas pertaining to Denmark’s relations with the Faroe Islands,

Iceland, and Greenland is surprising. In most general histories of Denmark, the Danish

colonies or relations with the North Atlantic dependences are usually referenced in

passing; they are more focused on the Schleswig issue, the German Occupation, or royal

succession. The most interesting and useful general histories on Denmark would include:

Viggo StarckeDenmark in World History, Palle Luaring ^ History of the Kingdom of

Denmark', and W. Glyn Jones Denmark. These examinations into Danish history provide

a balanced approach between Danish history, colonial history, and relations with the

North Atlantic dependencies. Similarly, an examination of Denmark as a colonial power

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. is used to demonstrate how Denmark was not a major colonial power, and not interested

in a mission to civilize, and how Denmark has treated the North Atlantic dependencies

differently within the Realm. These three sources all came to the same conclusions about

Denmark as a colonial power; its colonies in India, Africa, and the Caribbean were too

small to be profitable and to compete with the larger colonies of other European powers.

The most important part of the literature on the Danish Realm is an examination

of the Danish Home Rule Model and how it developed over time. In terms of autonomy

models, delegation of administration, and peaceful succession, the Danish Realm is an

international oddity. The Danish Home Rule model has been copied and admired by

several sub-national jurisdictions and represents one of the largest amount of autonomy

bearing sovereignty in the international system. Information about the development of the

Danish Home Rule Model is limited but Lise Lyck’s chapter in Constitutional and

Economic Space o f the Small Nordic Jurisdictions entitled “The Danish Home Rule

Model: Principles, History, and Characteristics” is possibly the best source. In this article,

Lyck pinpoints moments in Danish Realm history that specifically link to the

development and evolution of the Home Rule Model. She traces the origins of the Home

Rule Act to the 1871 Icelandic Constitution, as well as discussing the unique position the

Home Rule Act holds within the Danish Realm and the international system. Finally,

Lyck examines the main characteristics of the Danish Home Rule Model, including

issues of delegation, economic transfers, issues of jurisdiction, and .

Iceland: An Examination of the Literature

Though there is plenty of literature on Iceland’s peaceful succession, little of the

information makes references or comparisons to the Faroe Islands or Greenland’s

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. movement towards independence. However, the major difference between Icelandic

history and that of the Faroe Islands and Greenland is the outstanding documentation of

medieval Iceland from settlement, through the period, up to modem day. Icelandic

unlike Faroese at the time of settlement had a written component and meticulous records

were kept of the settlers and the . Therefore, our knowledge of medieval

Iceland is well known. Furthermore, the is primarily written by

Icelanders, with few outsiders. Similar to Danish history, finding information on

Icelandic history and national development in English can be hard but there are several

excellent books and articles that fill the void. Great general histories such as: Jon R.

H jalm arsson of Iceland: From Settlement to Present Day, Gunnar Karlsson J

History o f Iceland', and Terry G. Lacy Ring o f Seasons: Iceland, its Culture and History

cover the basics of Icelandic History. Hjalmarsson’s general history is exceptionally

detailed in the areas of medieval history and Karlsson’s section on Icelandic nationalism

is exceptionally detailed. Articles and chapters examining Icelandic such as

Gunnar Karlsson “Denmark’s peaceful release of Iceland” in Nordic Peace and

Guômundur Hâlfdamarson “Iceland: A Peaceful Secession” in Journal o f Scandinavian

History are both excellent sources of Icelandic national development and sovereignty.

Greenland: An Examination of the Literature

Similar to the Faroe Islands, there is a paucity of information published about

Greenland. The information that is published usually focuses more on the climatic

changes and environmental issues of Greenland rather than the development of Home

Rule or Greenlandic nationalism. There are also few general history books published

about Greenland. A major problem in examining Greenland’s history is the lack of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. documented events or an organized society before 1900. There is little knowledge of

aneient Greenland other than oral histories of the and archeological evidence

unearthed on scattered settlements. There is also a substantial shortage of Greenlandic

authors published in the literature whieh is dominated by Danish and other foreigners.

Most of the literature foeused on the govemanee of Greenland examines economic

sustainability, Aboriginal self-government, and the fragile nature of the Greenlandic

economy. Similarly, a constant theme throughout the literature is the prospect of oil

in Greenland. However, the idea of a Greenlandic oil industry has been

debated since the early 1970s and has shown no signs of coming to fruition.

Several artieles such as Jens Kaalhauge Nielsen, “Government, Culture, and

Sustainability in Greenland: A with a Hinterland,” published in Public

Organization Review and Nils 0rvik, “Greenland: The Polities of a New Northern

Nation,” in InternationalJournal are excellent examinations of Greenlandic governance,

économie viability, and the future of Greenland’s economy. Nielsen examines the

development of the Greenlandic nation as well as the design of the Home Rule

administration in detail, noting the dominance of Danish officials within the

administration. Additionally, Nielsen examines the prospects for diversification of

Greenland’s economy of natural resources, such as the oil industry. 0rvik documents the

development and structure of the Greenland Home Rule administration as well as the

development of Greenlandic political parties and nationalism in great detail. Further

articles such as Lise Lyck “Greenland and the Challenges for the Danish Realm” in

Nordic Peace examine the development and structure of the Greenlandic Home Rule

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. administration and the influence of the Block Grant on the society and government of

Greenland.

Faroe Islands: An Examination of the Literature

Similar to Greenland, there is a substantial shortage of literature on the Faroe

Islands when compared to Iceland. For the most part, the Faroe Islands or Greenland are

usually mentioned only in passing. Generally, the Faroe Islands are represented in the

literature as being tiny, isolated, and far-flung islands with no economic future. Unlike

the literature on Iceland or Denmark, non-Faroese have published the vast majority of the

literature. Yet, certain Faroese authors such as Jogvan Morkore do publish in books and

journals in English.

Excellent general histories such as Tom Nauerby, No Nation is an Island:

Language, Culture, and in the Faroe Islands', John F. West, Faroe: The

Emergence o f a Nation', or Jonathan Wylie, The Faroe Islands Interpretations of History

are quite detailed and well researched. Tom Nauerby’s examination of the Faroese

national development is exceptionally detailed, particularly the section on the

development and rebirth of the Faroese language. Furthermore, Nauerby’s examination of

the Danish dominance of Faroese culture and language is remarkably detailed. John F.

West’s in-depth examination of Faroese history is particularly detailed on the section of

the trade monopoly. Other sources on the Faroese governance and Home Rule

administration include Ami Olafsson “Constitutionalism and Economics in the Faroe

Islands” in Lessons from the Political Economy of Small Islands: The Resourcefulness of

Jurisdiction and Jogvan Morkore “The Faroese Home Rule Model- Theory and Reality”

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. in Nordic Peace. Both chapters examine in detail the development and maintenance of

the Faroese Home Rule Act.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Introduction into Danish History

Denmark is generally left out of examinations of European history because it is

not considered to be important or substantial. However, Denmark has had a considerable

impact upon world and especially European history. Denmark was home to the Vikings,

who not only travelled and conquered across all of , but also discovered and

settled Iceland, Greenland, and well before any other European people

knew these far off existed. In the late , Denmark became home to the

largest unified kingdom of European history, the Kalmar Union, which incorporated

Denmark, , , , Iceland, Greenland, and the Faroe Islands.

Although its efforts were less successful than other European powers, Denmark obtained

colonies in Africa, India, and North America. With the exception of Greenland, Iceland,

the Faroe Islands, and the Danish , all Danish colonies were sold or

abandoned by the mid to late 19* century. The Danish Realm still includes Greenland

and the Faroe Islands as Home Rule , but Iceland became independent in 1944.

Denmark is also a pioneer in autonomy models for sub-national jurisdictions in the

international system. The Danish Home Rule model is quite unique and wide reaching in

the amount of autonomy granted. Iceland, Greenland, and the Faroe Islands have had a

version of an autonomy model delegating authority to the territories. However, Danish

culture, language, and administration have been characteristically dominant, especially in

Greenland and the Faroe Islands, because cultural identity in these islands was late to

develop. Several themes throughout Danish history can be seen within this chapter

including: historic themes of expansionism, conflict, cultural domination, and modem

themes of constitutionalism and delegation or . All three sections, the Danish

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history, Danish colonial history, and the development of the Danish Home Rule Model

will be examined to determine their importance, characteristics, and development. This

will allow for comparison in later chapters on the Icelandic, Faroese, and Greenlandic

experience with the Home Rule Model and the Danish Realm experience.

Denmark in World History

Far too often it is said that size has a direct correlation to importance, influence,

and relevance in world history. “It is sometimes said of Denmark that it is only a small

and that small do not weigh in the scales of history as do the great

countries...Denmark’s share of the surface of the globe is small and the population of

Denmark...is insignificant.”* Regardless of its size or stature, in many respects

Denmark’s unique history is worth noticing. First, the are “the only Europeans

who live in a where no people other than their own ancestors have ever lived. All

other nations have migrated and intermingled. The Danes, therefore, have a well founded

right to the soil of their forefathers, in which they are deeply rooted.”^ Second, the Danes

are the only European people:

who have never been subjected to foreign rule as part of another realm. The waves have often risen high with foreign armies surging across the frontiers, threatening submission and subjection, but when the waters ebbed and the surf retreated, the Danes were still there. Even during the German occupation, the independence and integrity of the country were formally guaranteed by the Germans. The king, the flag, the name Denmark and the international administration remained Danish despite all other encroachments.^

' Viggo Starcke,Denmark in World History, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1968), 11.

^Starcke, 11.

^Starcke, 12.

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Third, the Danish is the only “unbroken line of kings throughout their history. Far

back in the grey of prehistoric times, kingship was the symbol of unity and

continuance, bearing the luck, honour and dignity of the nation above the struggle of

conflicting interests, ranks, and classes.”'' Fcllrth, the Danish flag, “called 'Danebrog,' is

the oldest of all existing national flags.”^ Finally, there are only “two continental

countries with capitals wholly on offshore islands...Denmark and Equatorial Guinea. In

the Danish case is on an island [called SjæUand or ] in the extreme

east of the country; one which only in the 1990s was connected by fixed links to the

of Europe.”^ These unique characteristics of Danish history are deeply rooted in

Danish culture and, as such, are important to the development of the Danish state.

Through the passage of geological time Denmark is not a particularly old country.

Denmark is in fact:

one of Europe’s youngest countries. Only the granite rocks of the island of are as old as the earth itself. The rest of the country is not particularly old. During the cretaceous period there was not land there, only sea (not particularly deep) and at the bottom, during the course of thousands upon thousands of years, the shells of microscopic creatures piled up...causing the layer of chalk slime on the sea bed to grow and become hundreds and hundreds of feet think... [which today] extents beneath Denmark, northern , northern and England.^

''starcke, 12.

^Starcke, 12.

^Stephen A. Royle, A Geography o f Islands: Small Island Insularity (New York: Routledge, 2001), 45.

^Palle Lauring,A History o f the Kingdom o f Denmark (Copenhagen: Host, 1968), 11.

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During the last , Denmark was covered by which left massive clay ridges

along much of the peninsula. By about 12 000 - 14 000 BC, the glaciers began to

retreat and the land of present day Denmark began to emerge. Around 8000 BC, the ice

had retreated far enough that early humans began to arrive in Denmark. Most of the early

inhabitants arrived by following the migratory herds that preferred the less mild

of post-ice age south and , opting for the cooler one of northern

Europe.* Once unified as a nation, Denmark “came to a dominant role in Northern

European history. Placed at the crossroads of trade north and south and east and west, and

always at least partly control of the entrance of the Baltic, it is a country which has had

an importance far in excess of its size.”^

Present day Denmark has a total of 43 000 square kilometres with a population of

5.5 million and also comprises two other entities: Greenland and the Faroe Islands, both

of which are self governing overseas administrative divisions of the Danish Realm.

However, at one time, Denmark was the home to the:

Kalmar Union, [a] union of the northern countries which was in fact the largest unified kingdom in Europe, taking in not merely Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, but Swedish Finland to the east and Iceland and Greenland to the west and north. Even when the union was dissolved, Denmark retained the whole of Norway and the Swedish sound provinces, the southernmost of which, remained loyal to Denmark for centuries. To the sough Denmark has for centuries been in at least partial control of what is now northern Germany far south as , and the north German coast has also known Danish rule.'®

Lauring, 11-13.

®W. Glyn Jones, Denmark (London: Ernest Berm Ltd, 1970), 17.

'"Jones, 17.

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Despite the Kalmar Union, Denmark’s early expansionist dreams brought opposition.

The opposition resulted in Denmark losing the Swedish sound provinces and

subsequently the southern Duchies to Germany. In this period, there were times when the

country was reduced in size to less than present day Denmark. Although Denmark failed

to succeed with expansionist dreams in the long run, earlier attempts at expansion were

more successful. These successful attempts were led by the Vikings.

The Vikings to the Kalmar Union: P'*- Century

One thousand years ago, the Copenhagen port was vitally important thanks to the

Vikings. The Vikings travelled in search of new lands and new wealth, and discovered

that more wealth could be obtained by force rather then peaceful trading. Conditions in

both England and Normandy were such that the Vikings were able to plunder and

subsequently colonize or conquer." The 9* century saw great , and

with the , or the of the controlled by the Vikings, being

established by 878, Viking dominance was evident across Europe and beyond. By the

year 1033 “...all England was under the Vikings. The year 911 saw [Vikings] in

possession of Normandy as the [Viking] warriors had laid waste the land around the

Seine... [how many] of these Vikings came from Denmark is difficult to say, as the

English tended to call them Danes, whether they were from Denmark or Norway, while

the French tended to call them Norseman.”" Though the to the north were

making inroads in trading with and other countries along the Volga River, the

Vikings were trading with the Byzantines to the South. With this increased wealth came

" Jones, 18.

"jones, 18.

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an increasing population, which could be partly responsible for the establishment of

colonies and settlements in the and Islands north of , as well as

the Faroe Islands and Iceland, and subsequently Greenland.*^

From the 10* to the 14* century Denmark continued to develop into an eeonomic

and militaristic power in Europe. In 1375, when king Valdemar died without a male heir,

a successor had to be chosen. The choice of king was Oluf, the five-year-old son of

Valdemar’s daughter, Margrethe, who was the wife of King Haakon VI of Norway. King

Haakon himself died in 1380, and Oluf sueceeded to the Norwegian throne, thus uniting

the two kingdoms of Denmark and Norway under a union which would last until 1814.

Until Oluf reached maturity Margrethe ruled in his place, but when Oluf died in 1387

Margrethe ruled both kingdoms outright.'"' Margrethe had even more ambitions plans for

an even bigger kingdom. Sweden was tom by internal strife between and

, and the nobility invited Margrethe to become Queen of Sweden. In the civil war

that followed, she and her supporters were victorious and by 1389 the whole of

Scandinavia, including the part of Finland which belonged to Sweden, Norway and its

north Atlantic colonial holdings was united under one Queen.' To ensure the continuance

of the union, Margrethe had her nephew, Erik of Pomerania, crowned King of the North

in 1397. At this time she also executed a formal document of union, known as the Kalmar

Union. The central idea behind the Kalmar Union was that should be a

, with each country enjoying its own internal legislation, but united under one

with a single foreign policy. However, the Kalmar Union was rife with bitter

Jones, 18-19.

'"'jones, 25.

‘Jones, 25.

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rivalries, especially since Denmark was much stronger in all categories including

economics, trade, and military, as well as the most advanced in agriculture and

commerce. Tensions arose because Margrethe, who was a Dane herself and naturally

favoured Danes over Swedes or , promoted Danes into high ranking positions

within the union, which highlighted many of the flaws of the union.

The Danish-Swedish Rivalry: 15*^-19^^ Century

Though very successful, “the Kalmar Union lasted, with intervals, until 1523— in

other words for 126 years [when] Sweden finally broke away. But between Denmark and

Norway the union established by Margrethe lasted from 1380, when her husband King

Haakon died, until 1814...Denmark and Norway were united for 434 years.Follow ing

the dissolution of the Kalmar Union, a bitter and most often violent rivalry was reborn

between the Denmark-Norway Kingdom and the Sweden-Finland kingdom. This rivalry

manifested itself in the race for colonies in Africa, America, the Caribbean, and India.

Eventually, Denmark bested Sweden economically and the general unrest and upheaval

of the 18- Europe saw Denmark and Sweden at war. The culmination of the

Napoleonic War from 1807-1814 was the end of both Scandinavian duel Kingdoms.

Finland was lost to Russia in battle, and during the Congress of Vienna with the Treaty of

Kiev it was decided that the 434 year long union between Denmark and Norway would

be ended. Though many Norwegians thought they had finally obtained their

sovereignty, they were disappointed to learn that after finally being separated from

Denmark after 434 years, Norway was again plunged into another 91 year long union

'^Lauring, 107.

'^Lauring, 200-205.

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with Sweden. Norway finally attained sovereignty in 1905. Though Denmark had lost

Norway, Denmark still retained its colonial holdings in Iceland, Greenland, the Faroe

Islands, the , Guinea Coast, and India.

The End of Absolutism: Mid19^^ Century

The mid 19* century was a time of major change in the Danish Kingdom. Taking

note of the violent political events in early 19* century France, as well as a rise in

popularity of demonstration and protest against the absolute rule of the King of Denmark,

King Christian Vlll decided in 1848 to call a constitutional assembly to draft a

constitution for Denmark. On the 5* of 1849, the new constitution was completed.

The constitution stated that Denmark would be governed by an assembly consisting of

two chambers known as the Folketing, or , and the Landsting or .

At this time Denmark’s run as a colonial power was slowly drawing to a close. In 1850,

the Danish flag was struck from Christainborg, Augustenboug, and Fredensborg in

Ghana. These three colonies were then occupied by the British. Additionally, Denmark

also sold their Indian colonies of Tranquebar, , Patna, Balsore, Porto Noro,

Calicut, and Coachal to the British East Indian Company for two million pounds. The

one remaining Danish in India, the , was abandoned in 1857

despite Danish attempts to turn in into a viable colony. The Nicobar Islands was

eventually occupied by the British in 1869. By 1857 all that remained of the Danish

colonial holdings was Iceland, Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and the Virgin Islands.^®

The Schleswig Issue: 1850-1920

^“Lauring, 217-219.

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At the end of the 19* century, Denmark found itself again at war, this time with

Germany to the south over the Schleswig (Slesvig) issue. The Schleswig issue had always

been a sore point between Germany and Denmark resulting in several wars throughout

the years. In 1864, the Schleswig issue came to a head during the German unification.

The Schleswig issue was a territorial issue between Denmark and Germany over

ownership of Schleswig- area of then southern Denmark, present day northern

Germany. With nationalism sweeping Europe during the -1870s, coupled with

increasing demands from both Denmark and Germany for ownership of this area war

broke out in the predominantly German speaking area. Denmark was able to defeat the

German forces. However this “.. .was not a victory for Denmark. The united monarchy

survived but was plagued by a bitter national conflict, and the pro-German population

increasingly saw the Danes as an occupying force.In the years following the war there

were several agreements made for peace and concessions were made on the part of the

Danish, who agreed to allow the Schleswig to be more closely related to Holstein and the

rest of Germany. When Denmark failed to stick to the strict agreements and tried to

consolidate Holstein into the Danish Kingdom, and reacted by invading

Denmark, occupying all of Holstein, Schleswig, and Lauenburg. Consequently, the:

Danish-German conflict had dominated Danish politics for a generation. The big powers had imposed serious limits on Denmark's freedom of action, and after 1864 the country's foreign policy was determined by the relationship with Germany, which was far superior in military terms, a relationship which was flirther complicated by the remaining Danish population in Schleswig. After 1864, successive Danish governments maintained a policy of strict neutrality in their dealings with the outside world. The defeat emphasised the powerlessness of

^^Claus Bjom, “The Schleswig Issue,” The Royal Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, http://www.um.dk/Publikationer/UM/English/Demnark/kap6/6-8.asp.

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Danish foreign policy, but it also stimulated a national regeneration?

During the First World War there were three major developments in Danish history. First,

there were negotiations between the and Denmark over the possible sale of

the Danish Virgin Islands. For several years Denmark wanted to sell the Virgin Islands

because the small islands were becoming increasingly expensive and draining upon the

Danish state. Since the late 19* century:

the around the gained increased strategic importance during the First World War. The United States were concerned by the interest shown in the Danish islands by a number of German companies, and in 1915 they sought to buy the islands from the Danish government. A selling price of 25 million dollars was agreed the following year and the sale went through after a referendum in . The islands were officially handed over on 1 April 1917.^^

With the sale of the Virgin Islands, the Danish Realm was reduced to just Iceland,

Greenland, and the Faroe Islands. The second major development for Denmark during the

First World War was after almost a century of demands from Iceland for autonomy,

Denmark and Iceland approved the Act of Union in 1917, which made Iceland an

independent nation with the Danish king as its monarch. The act of union was to last for

25 years, after which more negotiations would take place to decide the future of the

union. The third major development was the collapse of Germany and the Treaty of

Versailles that opened the door for the Schleswig issue to be finally solved. During the

negotiations of the Versailles Treaty it was decided that the future of the area should be

^^Lorenz Rerup, “Neutrality, Regulation and Political Conflicts, 1914-20,” Royal Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, http://www.um.dk/Publikationer/UM/English/Denmark/kap6/6-12.asp.

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decided by a plebiscite, with the first vote to be held in North Schleswig on 10*

1920 and a second to be held in of the same year in Central Schleswig, which

included the Flensburg. The first vote produced a predictable three quarters in favour of

union with Denmark in the predominantly Danish northern Schleswig. The result from

the second vote was also a predictable opposite result, and the nationalist movements

flew into high gear. The Danish nationalists wanted the to fall south of Flensburg,

however the plebiscite demonstrated the opposite.^®

Interwar and the Peaceful Occupation: 1920-1945

The 1920s- was a turbulent time across Europe, especially in Denmark,

which had to balance Hitler’s Germany with Britain. When war broke out in Europe in

September 1939, Denmark reinstated and reinforced its neutrality; however, Denmark

was pressured into signing a pact of non-aggression with Germany in 1939. Even as it

was signed the pact of non-aggression, in the eyes of Denmark, was worthless. The

Danish suspicions were proved correct when “...German troops occupied Denmark within

a few hours on the morning of 9 . The attack was accompanied by an

ultimatum that no resistance was to be offered. Germany would, in exchange, respect the

country's political independence; the King and the government gave in.”^^ Thus began a

so called peaceful occupation, during which Denmark tried to maintain the illusion of

independence. With a few exceptions, the Foreign Ministries handled all communication

between the two countries. Britain reacted by occupying the Faroe Islands and Iceland,

and attempted to seize Denmark's merchant navy. Britain’s attempts succeeded with 2/3

^^Rerup.

^^Rerup.

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of the Danish ships ending up in allied service. In the absence of Danish input, the Faroe

Islands acted as an independent nation, taking over the responsibility of all legislative and

functions. In Greenland, the Danish diplomats “signed an agreement with the

USA which gave the States the right to set up military bases in Greenland, which had

been under the protection of the States since the outbreak of war.”^° In 1944, after 25

years of the Act of Union with Denmark, Iceland declared total independence from

Denmark and became a republic. In the eyes of Iceland, Denmark had not held up their

end of the union. The Faroe Islands too declared independence in 1946, however

Denmark dissolved the Faroese and immediately started negotiations that

resulted in the Faroese Home Rule Act, passed in 1948. This new act gave the Faroes full

control over all issues of governance except defence and foreign affairs, which were

controlled by Denmark. Similarly, in 1979, Greenland too received their own Home Rule

Act with the same balance of power between Greenland and Denmark.

Post War Denmark and European Integration: 1945- Present

In the immediate post war era, Denmark, “...despite its unclear position during the

Second World War...was recognised as an allied power and founding member of the

United Nations in 1945.”^* Denmark believed that with the creation of the

would come peace; however, with the developments between 1946-1947 and the

beginning of the , coupled with the introduction of a new super power in the

^°Aage Trommer, “The Occupation 1940-45,” The Royal Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, http://www.um.dk/Publikationer/UM/English/Denmark/kap6/6-15.asp.

^‘Lorenz Rerup and Niels Finn Christiansen, “Denmark in the International Community, 1945-72,” The Royal Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, http://www.um.dk/Publikationer/UM/English/Denmark/kap6/6-16.asp.

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Soviet Union, Denmark’s belief in neutrality was shaken. Therefore, Denmark and the

other Scandinavian countries attempted to:

establish a Nordic defensive , but negotiations broke down at the beginning of 1949. Instead, Denmark [Iceland, and] Norway became founding members of The North Atlantic Pact in April 1949. For the first few years, Denmark was an "allied with reservations" because both the public and the politicians had doubts, primarily regarding the stationing of atomic weapons on Danish soil, but also with respect to the rearmament of West Germany and the country's subsequent membership of NATO.^^

Though Denmark, Iceland, and Norway turned against Sweden and Finland by joining

NATO in 1949, the five came together in 1952 to create the Nordic

Council, which is a forum for parliamentary and governmental cooperation representing

all five Nordic countries, as well as three autonomous ; the Faroe Islands,

Greenland, and the Aland Islands. In the face of an economic slump in 1973 Denmark

joined the European Economic Community (EEC). However, the Faroe Islands decided

not to follow Denmark in to the EEC, and after Greenland obtained Home Rule in 1979

Greenland held a referendum that overwhelmingly supported the removal of Greenland

from the EEC. Greenland was admitted into the EEC because at the time Denmark

joined, Greenland was considered a county of Denmark and did not have the authority to

opt out of the membership as the Faroe Islands did. As a result, Demnark headed up

negotiations to withdraw Greenland’s membership to the EEC, the first and only territory

to do so. Eventually, in 1985, the negotiations were successful and Greenland was

allowed to leave the EEC. In 1995, Denmark chose to stay out of the Zone, which is

the common area within the (EU). Additionally, Denmark also

decided to stay outside some of the regulations of the , which is an

^^Rerup and Christiansen.

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agreement within the EU that, among others, allows freedom of movement within

member countries without a visa or . Many analysts believe that Denmark’s fear

of political independence and national sovereignty was, in Danish eyes, outweighed by

any economic or political gains by joining the euro zone or being full party to the

Maastricht Treaty.^^

Danish Colonialism: A Brief History

It may be surprising to some to learn that the Danes were very much involved in

colonialism just as the other European powers. The Danes began to participate in

colonialism during the early seventeenth century, much later then the French, English,

Portuguese, Spanish, and Dutch, who had possessed colonies since the fourteenth

century.^"' The Danish justifications for colonial expansionism, just as in the other major

European powers, were a direct result of the expansionist and policies of

seventeenth century Europe. However, unlike other colonial powers, Danish colonialism

was not trying to export an ideology, culture, language, or civilization and was purely

mercantilist driven enterprises. One of the major catalysts to Danish was

directly due to Dutch influence and a strong rivalry between the two kingdoms of

Scandinavia: Denmark- Norway and Sweden-Finland."*^ During the seventeenth century,

“Denmark had tried to take part in the race for colonies in the newly discovered lands

^^BBC News, “Country profile: Denmark,’ http://news.bbc.co.Uk/l/hi/world/europe/country_profiles/I032760.stm.

^"'Oeorg Norregard,Danish Settlements in West Africa, 1658-1850 (Boston: Boston University Press, 1966), 1.

"'‘^orregârd, 7.

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overseas, and had actually managed a foothold, nothing more, in several places.The

main reason Denmark was late to colonialism was because Denmark does not border the

Atlantic which would have given them better access to the rich, fabulous, strange

overseas.^® Of all the nations of , “the Scandinavians lived the furthest

away from their fountain of wealth, and so they were the last to arrive and exert political

influence” on the newly discovered lands.^^ As a result, the Danish colonies and trading

posts managed to exist and trade, but never became very big.^*

At its peak of , Denmark had colonies in India at Tranquebar {Trankebar)

on the Malabar Coast, Serampore in Bengal, and the Nicobar Islands {Frederik 0eme)

the Nicobar Islands off the east coast of India, as well as three trading posts on the

Guinea coast: Christiansboug, Augustenboug, and Fredensborg. Denmark founded their

first Indian colonies in 1620, African colonies in 1860s, and in the Caribbean in 1870s.

Denmark maintained the African and Indian colonies with minor interruptions up until

the 1850s when they were sold or abandoned to the British. The only exception was the

Danish West Indies, which Denmark sold to after several previous attempts to the United

States in 1917 for $25 million. In addition to the Danish territories in Africa, India, and

the Caribbean, Denmark also possessed their traditional crown holdings inherited from

Norway in the north Atlantic of Greenland, Iceland, the Faroe Islands, and the Orkney

and Shetland Islands. Orkney and the Shetland Islands were given to the King of

^^Lauring, 217.

^^Lauring, 217.

^^Norregard, 7.

^^Lauring, 217.

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Scotland in the 15* century, and Iceland gained independence in 1944. The remaining

two island territories, Greenland and the Faroe Islands, combined with Denmark, make

up the Kingdom of Denmark and are Home Rule dependencies of the Danish Kingdom.

The histories of Iceland, the Faroe Islands, and Greenland will be covered in their own

separate sections.

An Introduction into the Danish Home Rule Model

“The essential element of autonomy is the granting of certain rights and powers

either to a population in a specific territory or to a peoples, or to a peoples living in a

specific area. That is to say that the autonomy can be bases on a relation of a population

within a territory, to ethnicity, or to a combination of territory and ethnicity.”^** Within

law:

autonomy is especially related to the questions of sovereignty and subsidiary dimensions. Within economy, it is mostly related to the powers transferred and the authority to control economic policy and to apply and control the package of political instruments in function formally as well as informally in a territory. Within political studies, autonomy is mainly considered to be a peace and security creating instrument.”^'

One of the most important aspects of autonomy is the granting procedure. Normally, “the

concern is that granting procedure shall secure a permanent transfer of rights and

powers...stress that power shall be irreversible, i.e. delegation is executed. It means that

autonomy shall be established either by an international treaty or by constitution of a

’"Lise Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model: Principles, History, and Characteristics,” in Constitutional and Economic Space of the Small Nordic Jurisdictions, ed. Lise Lyck (: NordREFO, 1997), 122.

’'Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model...”, 122.

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state.”’^ Usually, the granting of specific rights and powers is considered an instrument to

preserve and secure the interests of either minorities of a population, a people, or peoples

living in a specific territory. This is even more prevalent when the population consists of

more people living in a specific territory or if the people living in a specific territory have

“no common vision of autonomy as a permanent status or as an intermediate stage, the

quest of autonomy versus assimilation to the mother country is extremely difficult to

handle.When there is a strong sense of identity and when the individual preferences

are very similar to each other “individual rights develop into collective rights. Under such

circumstances the individual rights to self determination often develop to a right to

autonomy...especially for who often have a strong identity which they

want to safeguard, the individual and collective rights will...establishment of

autonomy.”^^ It is stated in the United Nations Document E/CN4/Sub.2/1993/29,

paragraph 31 that: “Indigenous people, as a specific form of exercising their rights to self

determination, have the right to autonomy or self government in matters relating to their

internal and local affairs, including culture, religion, , information, media,

health, housing, employment, social welfare, economic activities, entry by non members,

as well as ways and means of financing their autonomous functions.”’^

The Development of the Danish Home Rule Model

The Danish home rule model is:

^^Lyck , “The Danish Home Rule Model..1 2 3 .

^^Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model...”, 123.

^''Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model..1 2 4 .

75 Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model...”, 124.

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formally expressed in the Faroese Home Rule Act of 1948 (Act 137 March 23, 1948) and in the Greenlandic Home Rule Act of 1978 (Act 577, 29, 1978) of the Danish . The Danish Home Rule model grants specific rights and powers to the population living in an specific territory, and therefore the Home Rule (HR) model is not based on ethnicity, but is based on the of model in which the rights are transferred to the population of a territory.^^

What is unique about the Faroese or Greenlandic Home Rule acts is that the granting

procedure is neither sealed in an international treaty nor by a constitution of a country.

Nonetheless, most constitutional lawyers consider it to be a delegation model. Frederik

Harhoff, a noted Danish legal expert, claims that the Home Rule has a special status

which makes it irreversible and concludes that:

first, the constitutional structure of the Danish Realm has been changed as a consequence of the establishment of Home Rule in the two overseas territories Denmark is no longer a , as it is spelled out in the constitution, but is a tripartite community of separate and autonomous parts, each with their own original powers, but with continental Denmark as hegemonic part with residual authority.’^

Harhoff continues that “the international right to self determination for indigenous

peoples includes an obligation for states to provide, in good faith, for adequate political

autonomy for its indigenous peoples and not to subvert such arrangements once granted.

Peoples who identify themselves as indigenous are entitled to this right but which

provides for immediate secession only in the case of overseas territory.”^* Finally,

’^Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model..1 2 4 .

^^Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model...”, 125.

^*Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model...”, 125.

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Harhoff argues that “the concept of law should include an ethical perspective so as to

allow for inclusion and application of ethical values in the rationality of law.”^^

The Greenlandic people, and some would argue the Faroese, are indigenous. The

Greenlandic people have lived in Greenland for thousands of years, while the Faroese

people settled down in the Faroes more than 1000 years ago. However, the Faroese

themselves are split over their opinion on assimilation to Denmark versus autonomy and

developing into a .^° In Greenland, there is a conflict over ethnicity

because a little less than twenty percent of the Greenlandic population consists of Danes,

of whom many live only 2-3 years in Greenland. Some Greenlanders want to stress

ethnicity, but most of the Greenlanders want to avoid ethnicity as such as a political quest

but look to having more Greenlanders in the leading positions in society. Some,

such as Jens , argue that a new Greenlandic identity has been developed which is not

based on ethnicity.^’ The Greenlandic upper class and the Danes are living the same kind

of life, but there is a huge income disparity between the upper class and the rest of the

Greenlanders. Income differences contribute to tensions between Greenlanders and Danes

living in Greenland. Much like the Faroese, there is a common dream that Greenland

will become a sovereign state if the economic conditions were be such that the living

standard would not fall dramatically.^^

’^Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model.. ”, 125.

*‘^Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model.. ”, 125.

*'Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model.. ”, 125.

^^Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model.. ”, 125-126.

*^Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model.. ”, 126.

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The Characteristics of the Danish Home Rule Model

The characteristics of the Danish Home Rule Model are eight fold and quite

unique in . Generally, autonomy is understood to refer to independence

of action on the internal or domestic level, as foreign affairs and defence normally are in

the hands of the central or national government. Lise Lyck summarises the Danish Home

Rule Model into eight common characteristics. Firstly, the Danish Home Rule Model is a

“traditional distribution of autonomy and state affairs. Secondly, it includes a very wide

range of policy decision making instruments and of areas transferred including all

economic powers, except for the exchange rate policy and basic monetary polity.”^*

Thirdly, it is:

possible to choose not to join Demnark in international fora (for instance the EU), but participation in international fora of which Denmark is not a member is restricted. Fourthly, the original Danish Home Rule Model does not include mineral rights. The Faroese Home Rule Model includes provisions for transfers of the minerals rights. After 17 years of periodic negotiations the Faroe Islands obtained such rights in September 1992. Mineral rights are not part of the Home Rule Act of Greenland. Fifthly, it includes income transfers from the Danish state, 3 billion DKK aimually to Greenland and 1 billion DKK for the Faroe Islands at the present.

Sixthly, the :

is seated in Copenhagen Denmark, and is the Supreme Court for all parts of the Danish Realm. Seventh, the model states that people in the Home Rule [territories] elect two members [to] the Danish parliament. Eighthly, the granting procedure for the Home Rule Model is still unclear. Is it a delegation model or is the autonomy irreversible? Ninthly, it is a pragmatic model with current negotiations between

Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule M odel...”, 135-136.

^^Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model..1 3 6 .

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the Danish Prime and the Prime Minister of the autonomy. 93

The 1871 ‘Icelandic Constitution’

The historic roots of the Danish Home Rule model stem from the 1871 Icelandic

Constitution and the creation of the Danish Constitution of 1849. From 1660 to 1848, the

Danish King ruled the realm with absolute power. Following the death, devastation, and

destruction of the , as well as popular demands in Denmark demanding

and political reforms, the king decided to give up power and create a

constitution for Denmark. The Danish constitution was drawn up and finished on June

1849 following a national convention. Five delegates were invited from Iceland but

decided that the decision was initially up to Denmark itself. It was decided by the King

that Iceland would have its own convention in 1851 and nothing would be decided until

then. Icelander J6n Sigurdsson took part in the convention and proposed that since the

1263 treaty between Iceland and Denmark was between Iceland and the King, that

Iceland and Denmark should have a personal relationship. The Danes rejected and

proposed a transfer of power from the King to the Danish parliament. However, when

Iceland protested, the contention fell through and little was decided until 1867.*''

In 1863, King Christian IX became King of Denmark and appointed a new

governor of Iceland in 1865. The new governor drafted and passed an act giving the

Althing (Icelandic parliament) all legislative and financial power. Denmark rejected this

act, but they countered with their own plan in 1869, which was in turn rejected by the

Althing. Finally, in 1871, the Danish legislature passed the 1869 proposal and called it the

^^Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model...”, 136.

*'*Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model...”, 128.

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. This constitution stated that Iceland was an inseparable part of

Denmark but with certain local governing rights and annual transfer of funds.

Additionally, the Danish supreme court was to become the highest court for Iceland.

The very thought that the Danish forced the new constitution upon the Icelanders drew

much debate within the Althing for several years. It was not until 1874, when Iceland

celebrated its Millennium of the first settlement, that the Danish King visited Iceland and

brought an amended version of the 1871 Icelandic constitution. In this new constitution,

the Althing was given all financial powers as well as 36 members, of which 6 would be

appointed by the King. The King was given all executive power, and gave promises of

the future expansion of powers.

Though hotly debated, the Act of Union of 1918 between Denmark and Iceland

extended the powers of the previous Home Rule Aet. The Act of Union was to last for 25

years and the Danish King remained sovereign. It included mutual , Danish

control over defence and foreign affairs, and the responsibility of Supreme Court

whenever Iceland wanted to create one. As early as 1920, Iceland opened up its first high

commission in Copenhagen and began to become more involved in foreign affairs by

1922.^^ During World War II Denmark was invaded by Germany and communication

between Denmark and Iceland, the Faroes, and Greenland for all intents and purposes

was cut off. Iceland and the Faroes were occupied by the British, but the protection of

Iceland and Greenland was transferred to the US. By 1944, after 25 years after the Act of

^^Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule M odel...”, 128-129.

*®Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule M odel...”, 128-129.

*^Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model...”, 129-130.

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Union, Iceland decided that Denmark had not fulfilled its end of the Act of Union and

declared full independence as the Republic of Iceland.

The Faroese and Greenlandic Experience with the Home Rule Model

The Faroese experience with home rule was much different than the experience of

Iceland. The Faroe Islands, which up until the thirteenth century had been under

Norwegian control, gradually became more and more ruled from Copenhagen. In 1709,

the Faroes were incorporated into a Danish county () and the King of Denmark

took over trade, which ended the Norwegian control of trade and marked the begirming of

the Danish monopoly. In 1816, the Faroe Islands became their own Danish county, and

therefore their parliament or Logting, was abolished. This action by the Danish angered

the Faroese and, during a period of growing nationalism in the 1840-1890s, the Faroese

started making demands for the reestablishment of the Faroese parliament and greater

control over local affairs. In 1852, the parliament was re-established but only as an

advisory council, and the Danish constitution was imposed upon the Faroes without the

option for either consent or protest from the Faroese. The national development was

confused by the development of political parties that were diametrically apposed to one

another; one favouring unionism with Denmark, one favouring separation from Denmark.

During the 1920s, there were more calls for the Danish transfer of power and control to

the Faroese, especially by Faroese hero Johannas Patursson, but little was

accomplished.*^

Not until the Second World War and the British occupation of the Faroes did the

nationalist movement, led by the Faroese conservative party, take shape again.

Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model...”, 129-131.

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Independence was deelared two days after the British invaded, but the British would not

allow the declaration to succeed, stating that it was a deeision that should not happen

without input from an oeeupied Denmark. In practice, however, the Faroe Islands were a

sovereign nation taking over all legislative and executive powers in absence of the

Danish.*^ After the war was over, the Faroe Islands held a referendum on succession from

the Danish realm. The result of the referendum was very close, but a small majority voted

in favour of succession. One third voted for succession, one third voted for a continuation

with Denmark, and the remaining third did not vote because they were away from the

Faroes working. Independence was declared by the Faroese parliament, but the Danish

stepped in and dissolved the parliament, disallowed the declaration of independence, and

began negotiations which resulted in the Faroese Home Rule Act of March 23"^^, 1948.

The Faroese Home Rule Act was similar to that of the Act of Union between Denmark

and Iceland in the sense that it gave all legislative and fmaneial control to the Faroe

Islands and Denmark retained control over defence and foreign affairs. In 1953, the

Danish eonstitution was revised, but the Faroese Home Rule Aet was not ineluded mainly

due to the unsettled nature and climate of the entire process. In the new constitution, the

status of Greenland was changed from a territory of the Danish Realm to a county of

Denmark. Additionally, both the Faroe Islands and Greenland were given two seats in the

Danish parliament.^*’

From 1953 until the 1970s, a new class of Greenlandic citizen was emerging; a

class that was young, educated, and striving for more control and a voice in Greenland.

***Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model...”, 131.

^*’Lyck, “The Danish Home Rule Model...”, 131-133.

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During the 1970s, calls for a greater Greenlandic voice began to be heard. As a result

programs and committees were being set up to prepare Greenland for home rule. Finally,

in 1979, the Greenlandic Home Rule Act was passed by both the Danish and Greenlandic

. The home rule act was based upon both the Faroese and Icelandic acts which

gave the Greenlanders total control of internal affairs, and Denmark retained control of

defence and foreign affairs.

Conclusion

From the time of the Vikings up until European integration, Denmark has always

played a minor role in European history; however, Denmark has always been in the

picture and has always followed its own agenda. As seen in the Danish history section,

when other European countries were turning inward and were worried the world was flat,

Danish Vikings were searching far and wide across the oceans with little concern.

Similarly, during the 20* century, though a member of the EU, Denmark has decided not

to become a full member of the Euro zone or party to Maastricht Treaty. During its

colonial period, Denmark was more interested in the economic gains rather then the

cultural or civilizing gains. Additionally, while other countries were getting rid of their

colonies, Denmark was negotiating treaties and giving powers to their colonies and

created an entire new rule and style to the concept of autonomy with the Home Rule

Model. The themes of constitutionalism and delegation within the Danish realm are

always evolving and changing with negotiations between Denmark and the territories. In

the following sections, several of these themes and concepts will be examined in more

detail to discover the entire inner workings of the Danish Realm.

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Iceland: An Introduction

Iceland is not only a geologically young country, but it is also one of the last in

Europe to be settled in the 9* century. Iceland itself was formed during the Tertiary period,

about 100 million years ago, when:

the Eurasian landmass in the began to split apart; this was of the present Mid-Atlantic Ridge and the separation of North American from Europe. A hot spot formed at a point along the north-south axis which, coupled with the spreading action along the , eventually gave birth to the island of Iceland...to this day Iceland remains centred over the intersection of the hot spot with the rifting Mid-Atlantic Ridge. This rift or active volcanic zone runs through Iceland from south to north in an area that is roughly the shape of an upside-down Y. Although Iceland is splitting apart in this zone the void is continuously filled by molten rock from below. ’

The history of Iceland is unique in that there is no pre-history. “For centuries after humans

had colonized almost all dry and habitable parts of the globe, a large island in the North

Atlantic, not far from the western coast of Greenland, remained uninhabited.”^ With an area

of approximately 103 000 km^, Iceland is roughly larger than Scotland by a quarter and is

almost the size of . Most of the island is high plateau with glaciers, , and

volcanoes, leaving much of the central portion of the island inhospitable. Along the coast lie

fertile Qords and coastal plains which were once home to great tree forests and grassy

planes. Iceland has no natural land mammals except for the , who most likely traveled to

Iceland over the frozen ocean from Greenland. There are also families of seals basking on

Iceland’s shores and birds who nest and live off of the vast fish stocks of the North Atlantic.^

'Terry G. Lacy, Ring o f Seasons, (Ann Arbor; University of Michigan Press, 1998), 13-14

^Gunnar Karlsson, The History o f Iceland (Minneapolis, Minn.: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), 9

^Karlsson, 9,

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Icelanders developed their independence over several hundred years. After the first

settlement, Iceland was an independent nation for hundreds of years, only to become part of

the Norwegian Kingdom. Iceland was first introduced to Danish dominance under the

Kalmar Union and the concentration of power after the Reformation. Though Iceland was

devoid of nationalism until the 19* century, within the second half of the 19* century most

Icelanders were agreed that the future of their nation was independence. In the subsequent

development of the sovereign Iceland there was little apprehension or timidity over the fact

that their economy was almost entirely fishery based. The Icelanders have always

approached their economy and sovereignty with a sink or swim attitude meaning that they

have no one else to bail them out or fix their problems. This attitude is quite evident

throughout the development of the Icelandic nation. Throughout the examination of Icelandic

history, political development, and external forces upon the Icelandic nation, these themes

will become evident.

The Discovery o f Iceland

Although generally thought to have been discovered during the Viking expansion

during the 8* and 9* centuries, some sources point to a much earlier discovery. According to

Greek and Roman sources Pythease of Massahia, or Marsilles, discovered or Ultima

Thule, the northern most island in the world which was six days by sea north of the British

Isles and very near the frozen ocean. This possible description of Iceland was written

approximately 300 BC. In recent years several Roman copper coins have been found in

excavations in the South and South East parts of Iceland, dating from a little before the year

300. It is difficult to guess how these coins could have reached Iceland, perhaps by Nordic

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travelers or British Romans.'’ The Irish, who were Christianized early, began to seek out

remote places and far away islands where they could serve God in solitude during the Middle

Ages. These men of God set out in their tiny skin boats, called currachs, and discovered the

Faroe Islands around the middle of the 7* century and settled with their . The Irish

monks also sailed to Thule, as they called it, in about the mid to late S* century. However,

Irish monks could have traveled to Thule earlier than this as seen in the writings of Irish

monk Venerable Bede (675-735). Furthermore, Dicuilus, a learned Irish monk, wrote that he

had been told by Irish monks that they had lived for six in the year 795 in a remote

country called Thule. ^ Dicuilus wrote that the monks told him that “it was so bright at

midnight in the that a man could do whatever he wished as though the sun was there,

even remove lice from a shirt.”^, most likely referring to Iceland. Nevertheless, it is evident

from these records that Iceland was discovered and settled at least a century before the Norse

settlement began, but it is not clear if the Irish ever made a lasting settlement. Similar to the

Irish settlements in the Faroe Islands, they were likely sporadically settlements leaving little

archaeological evidence of their existence.

It is clear that the Irish were still in Iceland when the first Nordic Vikings arrived. In

Ari Thorgilsson’s Book o f Icelanders, written about the earliest history of Iceland, Irish are

mentioned as being in Iceland when the Vikings arrived. The Icelanders referred the Irishmen

as or father of the Vikings. Soon after the Norse settlement began, the Irish monks

either left because they could not live with the heathens, or because they were driven from

‘*J6n R. Hjalmarsson, History of Iceland: From the Settlement to the Present Day, (Icelandic Review, 1993), 9.

^Hjalmarsson, 10.

^Karlsson, 9.

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their land by the new settlers. In most cases it was the latter because there is evidence that the

Irish monks left in a hurry, leaving behind books, bells, and crosiers.^ The Book o f

Settlements also mentions that some Icelandic place names are named after the Irish.

However, the Irish monks left little impression on the history of Iceland. The only possible

lasting impression on Icelandic history is that the Vikings most likely learned of the existence

of Iceland from the Irish during one of their conquests of the British Isles. *

The Viking discovery of Iceland occurred during the mid 9* century when a

Norwegian named Naddoddur was sailing from Norway to the Faroe Islands and lost his

way, finding Iceland in the process. By the 9* century, “Vikings had set up vassal states all

over Europe. Across the Baltic into what are now and the , the Vikings had

founded a State with its seat of government in Kiev (Kanugardur).. .they reached

...Bosporus [and] Constantinople...and vassal states in England, Scotland, the Scottish Isles

and .”^ Naddoddur and his crew explored the island for some time and eventually

climbed a to search for any sign of smoke signals. Before heading back to the boat,

it began to snow on the mountain and thus Naddoddur named the land Snowland}^ The

second Nordic explorer to travel to Iceland was a Swedish man named Gardar Svavarsson,

who upon sailing around the new land discovered it was an island. Since his

circumnavigation of the island took some time, Gardar decided to stop at a bay on the North

coast for winter and built houses. This place had been known as Husavik or House Bay ever

’Hjalmarsson, 10.

^Hjalmarsson, 10-11.

’jon Baldwin Hannibalsson, “The Saga of the Icelanders: the First Thousand Years,” Scandinavian Review 87, no. 1 (Spring 1999), www.il.proquest.com.

'“Hjalmarsson, 12.

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since. While they were wintering, a man on Gardar's crew named Nâttfari, along with a slave

girl, broke away from Gardar’s settlement and built a house in a nearby named

Huiavik. Either because Nâttfari’s settlement was somewhat casual or because he was not a

noble man, Nâttfari has never been counted as the first settler. In the spring, Gardar and the

rest of his crew returned home, and named the island Gardarsholmi, or Gardar’s Island.**

The first Viking to set out and settle Iceland was a Norwegian Viking named Floki

Vilgerdarson, later known as Raven. Floki set out to settle Gardarsholmi with his family,

friends, and household. Having deep beliefs in the pagan religion, he worshiped the Raven

and took three Ravens with him on the voyage. During the voyage, Floki released all three of

the Ravens to let them guide him to Gardarsholmi. The first two ravens flew back to the

ship, however the third flew toward land and Floki followed the raven toward the shore. *^

After rounding the west coast, Floki headed north where they found a Qord that was fertile.

Floki and his crew hunted and fished but forgot to grow hay and other provisions for the

winter, resulting in Floki losing animals and members of his crew to starving. When spring

arrived, Floki climbed the nearest mountain and saw that the other side of the Qord was full

of ice. Bitter and frustrated, Floki named the country Iceland to discourage any more settlers

from visiting. Consequently, the name Iceland has stuck ever since. When Floki returned to

Norway, he spoke badly of the new country, but the others of his crew spoke its praises.

Floki eventually returned to Iceland where he lived for the rest of his life.*^

"Hjalmarsson, 12-13.

"Hjalmarsson, 13.

"Hjalmarsson, 13.

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The First Settlers

News of the new uninhabited island Floki had discovered to the west with plenty of

land available soon spread to nearby countries. News soon reached two Norwegians named

Ingolfur Amason and Hjoreliefur Hroomarsson, who were close friends and foster brothers.

As Viking adventurers, Ingolfur and Hjoreliefur had become rich in both material and in

experience, and returned home to Norway to enjoy their spoils. Soon after they arrived home

in Norway they got into a battle with the local ’s sons, killing two of them. The Earl

stripped Ingolfur and Hjoeliefur of their lands and many of their processions. Having nothing

else to lose, Ingolfur and Hjorleifur decided to travel to Iceland to see if it was fit for human

habitation. After returning from Iceland to Norway, they immediately sold all their

processions and packed up friends, family, slaves, and supplies and headed back to Iceland to

settle in the year 870.'"' Hjorleifur was not a religious man but Ingolfur was a firm believer in

the pagan traditions. As their voyage neared Iceland, Ingolfur threw a pillar he had taken

from his house in Norway into the ocean, saying that wherever the pillar washed ashore is

where the Gods wished him to settle. Soon after, their voyage made landfall and Ingolfur

settled on the south east coast in Ingôlshofdi, while Hjorleifur settled in the centre of the

south coast in Hjolerfohofdi. In the spring, Ingolfur traveled west to visit Hjorleifur at

Hjolerfohofdi but was horrified to discover that Hjoleifur’s slaves had revolted, killing

Hjoreliefur and stealing his women and processions in the process. Ingolfur learned that the

slaves, mostly Irish and British, had settled on the islands off the western coast of Iceland.

Ingolfur then traveled to the islands, killed the slaves, and rescued the women including his

sister and wife of Hjorleifur, Helga. Because the slaves were mainly British and Irish, or

“Hjalmarsson, 14.

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Westmann, Ingolfur named the islands , meaning west man islands.*^ Soon

afterwards, Ingolfur moved his entire settlement to Hjoleifur’s settlement in Hjolerfohodi.

Still, Ingolfur was always searching and moving westward searching for the pillar he had

thrown into the ocean to determine where the Gods willed him to settle. After three years in

Iceland, Ingolfur finally found the pillar in a small Qord on the southwest coast, and

interpreted the discovery as a sign from the Gods to settle in this new loeation. The Qord had

a great number of hot springs, a natural phenomenon whieh Ingolfur and his fellow settlers

were not familiar. The hot springs produced large amounts of smoke and steam therefore

Ingolfur named this new settlement Reykjavik, which means smoky bay. This is the present

day site of the of Iceland.'^

The Age of Settlement: 870-930

After Ingolfur and his wife Hallveig Frôdadôttir had successfully settled in Iceland

word spread throughout , especially in Norway, resulting in a great number

of immigrants to settle in Iceland. The eaused the first mass western

migration across the , similar to that of the Oklahoma land rush in American

history. This period from 870-930 is called the Age of Settlement beeause it was the time

where the majority of the inhabitable parts of Iceland were claimed and settled. Several

comparisons have been made to the settlement of North America especially since in:

both cases people were escaping the constriction of authority and seeking new opportunities to exercise their freedom. Both settler communities were fiercely individualistic and more démocratie forms of governance than the societies from which they emanated. But there are obvious differences. Iceland was a virgin country, so the new settlers did not have to use violence to

Hjalmarsson, 14-15.

'^Hjalmarsson, 15-16.

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subjugate an indigenous population. And conditions in Iceland were not conductive to , which led to the liberation of the slaves in the 10* century.

The settlement of Iceland, unlike any other in history, was meticulously documented and

recorded. The names, family history, country of origin, and settlement location of over 400

settlers were documented and recorded for genealogical purposes. In reality a far greater

number of people moved to Iceland during this time, however, only the noblest and most

prominent were among those counted. Some of the more famous and noble settlers included

“.. .Skallagrfmur Kveldiilfsson and Audur the Deepminded in the west, Ingimundur the Old

and Helgi the Lean in the north, Hrollaugur Rognvaldsson in the east and Ketilbjom the Old

in the south.”'^ An abundant number of the settlers came from the south and south west of

Norway as well as from the other Nordic countries, with a considerable number of the settlers

from Ireland, England, Scotland, and the Orkney and Shetland Islands. These new settlers

soon developed a distinctive customs, culture, language, and literature.

There were several reasons why so many people flocked to Iceland. For many, the

demand for land in their home country was high, this coupled with oppression and high

taxation resulted in many settlers having little to lose. Furthermore, during the Viking Age,

traveling the high seas was common place and therefore it was not out of the ordinary to

move from place to place. So many settlers came from Norway during this time period that

the King of Norway imposed a on those moving to Iceland, a tax that lasted long after the

Age of Settlement.^" Settlers of Iceland usually came in groups, consisting of men, their

'^Hannibalsson

'^Hjalmarsson, 17.

'^Hjalmarsson, 17.

^"Hjalmarsson, 17.

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families, as well as slave men and woman. Most of these groups were lead by one man,

called a chieftain, who was either rich or of noble birth and therefore had the natural right to

rule. The Chieftain’s power was only increased when taxes and fees were applied to his

settlement. The Chieftain was responsible for issues relating to both legal and religious

matters, especially during the of Iceland, explained later in this chapter. In

order for a settler to claim land, the Icelanders and the Chieftains came up with their unique

solution. A man was “.. .allowed to claim the land inside a boundary defined by how many

fires he could light within sight of each other in a single day. There was a different

arrangement for women, who were supposed to lead a heifer for one day ftom sunrise to

sunset around the land they intended to stake claim to.”^' Immigration to Iceland petered out

around 930 and though the exact population in this time is unknown, it has been estimated to

be approximately sixty thousand.

The Birth of the Icelandic Commonwealth

Eventually, small independent principalities developed with the chieftains at the head

of these settlements. As was the common in Viking settlements, the settlers of these

principalities would meet to discuss laws and rules, as well as to punish those who did not

follow the laws. Unfortunately, lawlessness and war was a major dilemma problem during

this era because of the number of different laws in the various principalities. Ultimately it

was realized among several Chieftains that a set of island wide laws would be a beneficial

endeavour to undertake. This idea of an island wide set of laws for Iceland originated from

Ingolfur Amarson of Reykjavik, but was implemented by his son, Thorstein Ingolfsson.

Thorstein, as well as other descendents of Ingolfur unified several small communities in the

^'Hjalmarsson, 18.

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area around Reykjavik under one local assembly or parliament. Throughout Iceland, other

settlements began to unify under local assemblies, leading to the unification of all the

scattered Chieftains into a single republic under a single assembly. This unification resulted

in the Icelandic Commonwealth of 930.^^

It was thought by many of the Chieftains that a legal framework needed to be

established for all of Iceland. Therefore, the Chieftains chose a wise man named Ûlfljôtur to

send to to learn about the law and government. After three years, Ûlfljôtur

returned with an ample collection of laws that he had adapted for Iceland. Soon after, Grimur

Geitskor was sent out as a representative of the Chieftains to travel Iceland to convince

others of this new commonwealth, as well as to scout out a suitable location for parliament.

Eventually, Grimur chose a spot just outside of Reykjavik named Thingvellir or Pingellir.

Thingvellir was chosen for its beauty and proximity to Reykjavik, the biggest and most

important settlement. The first gathering of the Commonwealth’s parliament, or Althing

(Alpingi), was held in 930 and was originally made up 36 members, but eventually grew to

include 147 members. With the establishment of the Althing, “.. .it has been suggested that

this was a unique event and a great novelty, because nowhere else had an assembly been

established for whole nations, but only for parts of them. No other Nordic nation, it is said,

had one law or one assembly in the .”^'* By Nordic standards, the Icelandic

Commonwealth was a large law district, but the idea of the entire Island being under one law

code did not initially catch on with all of Iceland’s inhabitants. The variation of the law code

^Hjalmarsson, 20-21.

^^Hjalmarsson, 22.

^''Karlsson, 20

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across Iceland was due to the large distinction in the ethnicity of the settlers coming from

other Nordic countries and the British Isles?^

There is no reason to claim the Icelandic Commonwealth government system was any

different than other Germanic countries. However, unlike in other Germanic countries, where

Christianity, literaey, and the consolidation of royal power went hand in hand, leeland

survived as a Christian, literate society for centuries without a prince or any executive power

in charge of their government. This is a major difference between Iceland, and the Faroe

Islands and Greenland. The Faroese and Greenlanders were illiterate well into the late 19*

and 20* century. For that reason, “Iceland thus offers a rare example of a society that tried to

preserve law and order without a ruler, whether it was a remnant of a world that was last

elsewhere or a new development.”^^ leelanders opted to not having a central authority for a

variety of reasons. Due to Iceland’s position in the middle of the North Atlantic, there was

not need for any eommon defence, and therefore no need for a eommon leader to protect

them. For the most part, proteetion of the settlers was left up to the Chieftains, who in turn

relied on the settlers to protect the Chieftains with their militias and armies. Furthermore,

many of the settlers had fled their home countries to get away from an overruling leader, and

did not desire to ereate one of their own.^^ Due to the lack of provisions for the government

to administer a death penalty or other punishments. Chieftains and other leaders worked with

the offended party to reaeh settlements on , theft, and assaults. As a result of this lack

of an executive power, “.. .there were no official prosecutors and no official executioners. A

^^Karlsson, 21.

^^Karlsson, 21.

27Hjalmarsson,- 22.

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wronged party was supposed to pursue the case and enforce the penalty himself. In all cases,

it was left up to the individual with some help from his [Chieftain] to claim compensation or

try to kill the .”^*

There was no parliament building as such, but rather the meetings of the Althing were

held in open air. The meetings of the Althing were not only attended by chieftains and

nobel’s, but also large crowds of the public would attend, creating a national festival full of

merchants, entertainers, and feasts. The annual meeting of the Althing became a national

cultural event which created a feeling of national unity.^^

each assembly started with the procession to this place and it was there that public announcements were made. The President of the Althing was the law speaker, was elected for...3 years. Among his roles was that of reciting the law at the Lawrock... [as well as] the assembly procedures and one third of the entire law each year. Thus the laws seem to have been kept in memory before they were written down.^®

Despite the unification of all the chieftains, local governments in the scattered principalities

remained intact and enjoyed a great deal of autonomy.

The Sage Age: 930-1030

The time between 930 and 1030 is best known as a time of great growth in Icelandic

culture, especially in literature and adventure. Much of this dramatic growth in Icelandic

culture can be found in the Icelandic , collections of poetry, stories, and accounts of

medieval Iceland. In the Saga period, the Icelanders were sea faring people and “cursing the

ocean was a Viking tradition and the Icelanders continued exploring the high seas and

*Karlsson, 24.

^^Hjalmarsson, 24-25.

^®Karlsson, 23-24.

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discovering new lands.”^' It was during this time that Greenland and North Ameriea were

discovered by Icelandic explorers such as and his son, the Lucky. The first

seaman known to have travelled to Greenland was Gunnbjom Ülfsson, who reached the East

coast of Greenland in the 10* century. Shortly afterward, a man named Snaebjom Galti

arrived and took winter quarters in Greenland. The most famous Icelander to settle in

Greenland was Erik the Red and his son Leif the Lucky. Erik the Red was exiled from

Iceland as a punishment for killing one of his neighbours he decided to move to the newly

discovered Greenland. In 986, Erik the Red and his family moved to Greenland for good.

As a young man, Erik the Red’s son Leifur discussed a to the west of

Greenland with a seaman named Bjami Herjolfsson. Leif was intrigued by the stories and left

on a voyage to this new world around the year 1000. He named the new lands he discovered

for their physical features. He first discovered , meaning Flat Stone Land, which is

now Baffin Island. He then traveled south to , meaning Wood Land, now .

Finally, he visited Newfoundland and discovered to the south of Newfoundland. He

chose the name Vinland meaning Wine or Vine land, because he found what he thought were

grape vines growing on the land.^^ The exact location of Vinland has been hotly debated

because of the ambiguity of the location in the Saga’s. It has been proposed over the years

that Vinland could either be in the Maritime Provinces or the New England States due to the

similarities in geography. On his return to Greenland, Leif rescued a crew of men who were

shipwrecked in the Atlantic, earning Leif the nickname ‘Lucky.’^^

'Hjâlmarsson, 22.

^^Karlsson, 31.

^^Hjâlmarsson, 26-27.

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Unfortunately, the successful Icelandic settlements in Greenland disappeared after the

year 1500. After an initial rush of settlement in Greenland, Nordic ships and settlers stopped

moving to Greenland in the 15* century. Therefore, the settlements simply vanished.^'*

Consequently, the new lands to the west in North America did not create as much excitement

as Greenland had years earlier. However, one noteworthy North American Nordic settler was

an Icelander named Thorfirmus Thordarson. He and his wife, Gundnidur Thorbj omardottir,

had a son named Snorri Thorfinnson while living in Vinland. Snorri Thorfinnson was, quite

possibly, the first child of European parents bom in North America.^^ Eventually, just as in

Greenland, the Icelanders gave up trying to settle the new world. Quite often, the settlers

found themselves outnumbered and at battle with the Inuit peoples, or Skrcelings as they are

called in the Sagas.^^ Therefore, after the Icelanders abandoned their settlements in the new

world, the world would have to wait until the 15* century for Columbus to rediscover North

America. As an interesting footnote to world history, Columbus visited Iceland aboard an

English ship in 1477.^’ It is said that:

Columbus went to [, England] where news of the Old Icelandic voyages would have made good conversations over a mug of ale, but by that time the English carried on a brisk trade with Iceland. From these contacts sailors were well aware of the settlements in Greenland and the earlier voyages to lands in the west. According to Columbus’s own son, Ferdinand’s account, and supported by Icelandic 15* C. armais, Columbus even reached Iceland himself from Bristol in 1477. He could not have been there long without being told the story of the discovery of America 477 years earlier (which he later claimed for himself).

^‘'Hjâlmarsson, 25-26.

^Hjâlmarsson, 27.

^^Karlsson, 31.

^^Hjâlmarsson, 27-28.

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The Introduction o f Christianity to Iceland: 1000

The introduction of Christianity, around the year 1000, was a peaceful event, rather

unique in the . It was quite different than other prolonged conflicts,

warfare and bloodshed that accompanied Christianization in most other countries. At first,

there were no churches or clergy; however, soon the Chieftains began to erect churches and

hire clergy, mostly from Germany and the British Isles. Due to this foreign influence on the

Icelandic church in its infancy, the English influence upon the church in Iceland can still be

seen today.^^ Slowly, the church in Iceland gained strength, especially after 1056 when the

first Icelandic Bishop was appointed. The Christianization of Iceland also brought several

societal changes. For example, “...Christian influences [are the] reason why slavery declined

and disappeared in the 11* and 12* centuries.It is customary to refer to the time period

from 1030-1118 in Iceland history as the period of peace. This is mainly due to the Christian

religion putting down roots in the country, as well as making an Icelandic Christian culture

on par with other contemporary European cultures.

During the 11* century, missionaries worked diligently to Christianize Iceland, but

when the last missionary left in 1050, the Althing asked Isleifur, who was an Icelandic ,

to go abroad to Germany and to become a Bishop. After having some difficulty with

church officials because he had a wife and child in Iceland, he was eventually named the first

Bishop of Iceland and Greenland because he did not have official to administrate.''®

After Isleifur died in 1080, his son Gissur, a talented politician and poet, took his place.

^^Hjâlmarsson, 32.

^Hjâlmarsson, 33.

“Hjâlmarsson, 33-37.

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During Gissur’s reign as Bishop, he introduced the in 1097. The tithe was the first

general and proportionate tax levied in Iceland. This new tax amounted to ten percent of

income and one percent of property value. The revenue was equally divided between the

church, the , and under a form of social relief, the poor. The tithe laid the foundation

from the wealth and power of the church that continued to increase, for better or worse, until

the reformation in 1550."*' During Gissur’s reign as Bishop he granted the wishes of the

Christian population in the northern of Iceland by granting them their own Bishop.

The bishop was appointed for two main reasons. First, the north felt that they were not being

represented properly by the predominantly southern Bishop. Second, with the addition of a

second Bishop, there would always be one Bishop in case of emergency or sudden death.

Thus, Bishop Gissur created the Holar Episcopal sea in the north to add to the Skâlholt

Episcopal sea in the south."*^

The End of the Icelandic Commonwealth: 1220-1262

With the introduction of the tithe in 1097, a huge power shift within Iceland began to

take place. Due to the tithe, “.. .the Church became richer and the Bishops more powerful,

and the Chieftains in the many and scattered principalities acquired more wealth,

strengthening their position and increasing their influence in many ways.”"*^ During the 12*

and 13* centuries, the social structure in Iceland was entirely changed. Along with the

Bishops gaining more wealth, certain individuals and families acquired increasingly greater

riches. As a result, many of these individuals began to act as though they were above the law.

‘“Hjâlmarsson, 38-39.

‘‘^Hjâlmarsson, 39.

‘‘^Hjâlmarsson, 41.

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and in many cases, they were not wrong. Additionally, the Chieftains began to acquire more

wealth and property due to inheritance, marriage, or the confiscation of land. Eventually, the

power, riches, and land in Iceland began to be concentrated into fewer and fewer hands, so

much so that by the 13* century a few large families had gathered most of the political and

economic power.^^ As the Chieftains gained more power, the Norwegian monarch gained

strength and influence within Iceland because the Norwegian crown and the Chieftains were

close allies. The Icelandic economy was almost entirely dependent upon Norway and much

of the economy was controlled by a few merchants in the Norwegian city of . One of

the most powerful and influential families of Iceland was the Sturlunga family, with Snorri

Sturlunga being the most powerful member of the family. Snorri was an exceptionally skilled

politician and negotiator, and served as the Althing president (law speaker) from I2I5-I2I8

and from 1222-1231. During Snorri’s reign in Iceland, King Hakon Hakonarson came to

power in Norway. The balance of power in Norway was in the hands of King Hakon’s father-

in-law, Earl Skull Barrdarson. During this time period, there was much fighting and

bitterness in Norway, especially in Bergen, where merchants were upset at the huge loses

being experienced in Iceland. Frustration was so great in Norway that both King Hakon as

well as the merchants were calling for military action against Iceland to bring it within the

Norwegian realm.'*^

To settle this dispute, Snorri went to Norway and pledged that he would promote the

Norwegian King in Iceland, and work toward bringing Iceland under the control of the King

peacefully. However, after retuning back to Iceland with several gifts from the Earl and the

'‘^Hjâlmarsson, 40-50.

‘‘^Hjâlmarsson, 51-52.

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King, Snorri did nothing to promote the King. After realizing that Snorri was doing nothing

to promote the King in Iceland, King Hakon befriended Snorri’s nephew, ,

and persuaded him to become the Kings representative in Iceland in 1235. Unfortunately for

both Sturla and King Hakon, Sturla was a strict and harsh leader, and Sturla was killed, along

with several of his family members, by two powerful Chieftains named Gissur Thorvaldsson

and Kolbeirm Amorsson in the Battle of Orlygsstadir of 1238.“^^ Angry at King Hakon’s

attempts to overthrow his dear friend Snorri’s power, Earl Skuli attempted to kill King

Hakon and secure all the power for himself, but was killed in the act. Furious at the attempt

at his rule, King Hakon was eonvinced that Snorri had conspired with Skuli to kill him. In

retaliation. King Hakon hired Gissur and Thorvaldsson to kill Snorri, which they succeeded

in doing in 1241.'*’

King Hakon did not give up his attempts to gain eontrol of Iceland. In 1252 he sent

Gissur Thorvaldsson to Iceland in his name to secure power. Though Gissur made some

immediate gains in the south and north quarters, several government officials and deputies

still in power remained loyal to their family and leeland, and in 1253, stormed Gissur’s

manor in the north of leeland. In the ensuing ehaos, Gissur’s house was burned down, his

wife and all of his sons were killed, but Gissur himself was able to escape unharmed. In

1258, as a last diteh effort, King Hakon crowned Gissur as earl of Iceland and then in 1262,

manipulated Gissur to give up his Earldom and proelaim his loyalty to the King of Norway.

Iceland officially came under the Norwegian crown under a treaty commonly referred to as

the Old Treaty. At a meeting of the Althing in 1262, “those present placed their hands on

''^Hjâlmarsson, 52.

"^Hjâlmarsson, 52-53.

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Holy Writ and signed the Old Treaty, Gamli sàttmàli, pledging allegiance to King [Hakon].

By 1264 all those who had boycotted the assembly had also signed.”^* This marked the end

of the Icelandic Commonwealth’s and saw the Icelanders lose their independence by

becoming subjects of the King of Norway. After 332 years, the Icelandic Commonwealth had

finally come to an end. The Commonwealth’s major weakness the lack of:

executive power to maintain law and order. During the struggle for supremacy in the thirteenth century none of the leading Icelandic chieftains was strong enough to establish the requisite power, and therefore they sought it from abroad. King Hakon of Norway exploited the situation to gain power in Iceland, with the help of these local chieftains and with the Church, where he had a firm ally...it was a combination of circumstances which brought about the decline and fall of the old Icelandic Republic, but we should remember that the Icelandic people were never conquered at all.'*^

Under Foreign Rule

The year 1262 marks a major turning point in the history of Iceland, the long dark

ages of foreign rule began and lasted in one form or another until the proclamation of the

new republic in 1944, some 682 years total. With the death of King Hakon in 1263, his son

Magnus the Lawgiver became the first combined king of Norway and of Iceland. As the

terms of the Old Treaty state, “.. .Icelanders promised to pay the king a yearly tax and the

king promised to maintain peace... [More] importantly, the second paragraph gave Icelanders

the right to their own law.”^^ With the advent of foreign rule, major changes in Icelandic

literature, culture, and the church were prevalent. Much of the literature through this time

lamented the loss of the old freedom and independence. By the 14* century, the writing of

*Lacy, 148.

‘'^Hjâlmarsson, 55-56.

^“Lacy, 148.

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the Sagas diminished. Perhaps the principal change in Iceland was the shift from an

executive free government to having a King with great power. The King controlled all within

society, especially the Church. Moreover, after accepting the sovereignty of the Norwegian

king, there was a need for a new law code. King Magnus in 1271 sent a new law code called

Jàrnsiôa (Ironside), however, it was met with much criticism by the Althing, and an amended

version was accepted in 1273. A more completed version of the law was presented to Iceland

called Jônsbôk (Jon’s book), which was written by Jon Einarsson in 1280. This new code of

law was more in line with Norwegian law which prohibited, for example, the practice of

blood revenge, which as explained earlier, devastated Iceland in the last years of the

Icelandic Commonwealth.^' The Jônsbôk lasted basically unchanged until the eighteenth and

nineteenth centuries when the law was then modeled on Danish law. Surprisingly, “over forty

sections are still in force including sections on the ownership of flotsam and whales washed

ashore.”^^

The Kalmar Union Through to the Reformation: 1397-1550

During the late century, a number of simultaneous deaths within the Royal

houses of Norway, Denmark, and Sweden led to the fusion of all three kingdoms as the

Kalmar Union. This union of the Norwegian, Danish, and Swedish crowns also included the

Norwegian colonial holdings of Greenland, Iceland, the Faroe Islands, as well as the Orkney

and Shetland Islands. The Kalmar Union was created and maintained by Queen Margrethe of

Denmark from 1397 until 1412 when she died. Successive leaders of the Kalmar Union were

not as successful in maintaining this union, which by times acted more as a loose alliance

^'Lacy, 166.

^^Lacy, 167.

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which saw Sweden join and leave the union several times. The Kalmar Union laid the

groundwork of the relationship between Denmark and Iceland, a relationship that would not

completely dissolve until 1944, some 547 years.^^

The 14* and 15* centuries in Iceland are predominantly known as centuries that were

particularly difficult for the Icelandic population. “The worst of the years were given names:

for example, 1313- The Winter the Horses Died, and 1405- The Great Snow Winter, with its

huge loss of livestock.”^'' The Great Plague or Blaek Death raged in Norway in 1349-1350,

with catastrophic results. However, at that time, the plague did not reach Iceland.

Nevertheless, half a century later the same or a similar plague raged aeross Iceland, killing an

estimated third to a half of the entire population of Iceland. As a result, the church inherited

much of the land of the dead and lawless reigned. “The plague caused a cultural breakdown;

for instanee, there are relatively few written sources from this time because literary activities

stopped for the most part.”^^ Furthermore, a new wave of the plague raged across Iceland

once again in 1494-1495 with similar consequences as the Black Plague, but the affect was

not as devastating.

The 15* century is also known as the English eentury because of the heavy

involvement of the British in Icelandic economy during this time period. British merchants

took a strong liking to Icelandic and the old home-spun woollen cloth. Up until this

time, Norwegian merchants had dominated Icelandic trade, and with the introduction of the

British merchants into the industry, many in the Nordic world were upset. Initially, the

^^Hjâlmarsson, 63.

^Lacy, 170.

^^Hjâlmarsson, 63.

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British sent only a few ships to fish in the rich grounds off of Iceland, but the number

of British ships reached 150 by 1428. The Norwegian merchants lost their monopoly on

Icelandic trade and were not happy with the situation.

Disapproving of the English presence in Iceland, the Danish King tried hard to oust them, helped in his endeavours by German seaman and merchants of the Hanseatic League which by this time had largely taken over the Iceland trade. Occasional battlers fought between these rivals, but the English went on with their business and generally traded peacefully with the Icelanders.^®

However, the British did steal sheep, fish, as well as children to use as labours on their ships

and in Britain. The selling of Icelandic children was also known to have happened by poor

and despite Icelanders. It was agreed by accord between Eric of Pomeriana and Henry VI that

the selling and stealing of Icelandic children is illegal and should be stopped immediately.

The British trade became so prevalent that Christian I harmed all British and Irish from

trading, collecting taxes, or demanding taxes without a permit issued by the Danish King.

Nonetheless, the British merchants largely ignored the request, and killed the Governor of

Iceland in 1467 in retaliation. Christian I, in response to this violent act, closed the Baltic sea

to all British ships, confiscating several in the process. Additionally, he allied with

Denmark’s long time enemy the German dominated Hansiatic League by encouraging the

Hansiatic League to trade with Iceland. During the later years of the 15* century, fighting

between German and British ships often occurred off the shores of Iceland. Eventually, the

British shifted their focus from the North Atlantic to the rich fishing grounds off of the coast

of Newfoundland and the Grand Banks.®’

^Hjâlmarsson, 64-65.

” Lacy, 173-174.

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The Reformation and Hardship for Iceland

The church in the 16* century continued to gain strength and wealth within Iceland

and across Europe; however, new ideas began to challenge the , especially in

northern Europe. Martin Luther, a German who became increasingly frustrated with the

corruption within the Catholic Church, wrote in 1517 a damning article pointing out over 95

abuses within the Catholic Church. “One of the objects of his protest was the letters of

indulgence which the had for said in many countries, and had even reached as far as

Iceland, for we read that Stockfish was shipped away in payment for remission of sins.”^*

Soon after, Luther started his own form of worship called or .

After this schism in the Church, several European monarchs adopted Protestantism, mainly

Lutheranism, and were expropriating Catholic Church lands into the procession of the crown.

Lutheranism soon spread across northern Europe, and by 1527, the Swedish monarch

converted to Lutheranism, but Denmark under the rule of Christian 111 did not converted to

Lutheranism until later, in 1536. Christian III was married to the sister of the Holy Roman

Emperor and therefore had strong ties to the Catholic Church. Though Christian III had no

interest in converting to Lutheranism, the Danish people revolted against him, ousting him

out power and replaced him with Frederik III. With much of the nobility on his side,

Christian 111 was able to regain power, but was so broke in retaking power that he offered to

sell Iceland and the Faroe Islands to Henry VllI of England who declined the offer.

Christian then converted to Lutheranism, as did Norway and the Faroe Islands, but not

Iceland. Initially, there was some major interest in Lutheranism within Iceland and some

^^Hjâlmarsson, 68.

^^Hjâlmarsson, 68.

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Catholics converted, however the fight against this wave of Protestantism found strong allies

in the Althing and the two Catholic Bishops within Iceland. By 1541, after swearing

allegiance to Christian III, the Althing was required to convert to Lutheranism and all church

lands and processions became property of the Crown. With that, the reign of the Catholic

Church in Iceland was halted rapidly, with Gissar Einarsson and Jon Arason being the last

Bishops in any Nordic country.^”

In 1551, three Danish Naval ships came to Iceland to take control of all church lands,

which accounted for more than nineteen percent of all land holdings in Iceland. Furthermore,

the Danish King, in 1560, claimed half of the tithe, namely the quarter that formerly went to

the Bishops, and the quarter that used to be put towards the poor. The poor were now the

responsibility of the local clergy and the land owners.®' The reformation also left the

church"... with its lands expropriated, the monasteries abolished, and the jurisdictions of its

courts curtailed, the Church lost both the income and power that it had before the

Reformation...it was placed under the Danish Chancellery, with the governor of Iceland

supervising Church affairs.”®^ Great changes in religious and cultural life took place in post

reformation Iceland. Many old practices were prohibited such as all the cloisters, monks, and

nuns were abolished. Additionally, Catholic relics, art, symbols were stolen, destroyed, as

well priceless and important documents and manuscripts of Catholic and Icelandic history

were ruined.®^

“Lacy, 175-176.

“‘Lacy, 176.

“ Lacy, 182.

Hjâlmarsson, 75.

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After the reformation, there were no initial changes in the governing of Iceland as the

Althing was still the dominant power. However, Danish officials began to occupy more high

ranking positions while Icelanders were relegated to more low ranking positions. There were

three levels of authority within Iceland: the Althing, the Crown, and the local . It was

the responsibility of the Sheriff to enforce the law as well as to punish those who broke the

law. In 1593, a supreme court was added to by the Crown which meant that there was even

less power in the hands of the Icelanders. In 1683, the Governor (Stiftamtmaôur) was sent

from Denmark with several deputies (Amtmerm) to oversee the various districts () of

Iceland, as well as a Bailiff (Landfogeti) was sent from Demnark as an agent to the King to

oversee the Royal Treasury. These foreign officials were Icelanders representatives to the

Danish Chancellery and Chamber of Finance. T)\q Althing retained judicial power but lost

executive power during this shift in power. Finally, in 1800, “.. .with the agreement of both

the King and the Icelandic elite, [the Althing} was disbanded and replaced by a superior

court.”^'* After the Reformation, Iceland was never to be the same again. “Until the

Reformation the Icelandic people in general had been fairly well off, but after it they seemed

to slide from prosperity to poverty, in slow steady succession. In fact, since 1262, Iceland

had been a country of its own with certain rights under the King. After the reformation it

resembled more and more an exploited colony.”^^

^Lacy, 182.

^^Hjâlmarsson, 76.

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Trade Monopoly in Iceland

“It has been said that of the many plagues which have afflicted the Icelanders in the

course of the centuries, the Danish trade monopoly was probably the worst.The trade

monopoly began in 1602 and though it officially ended in 1787 in reality it lasted much

longer then 185 years. The Danish trade monopoly was bom out of 17* century Europe

where “the mercantile system foreign trade was to be carried out principally by monopolies;

the English, for example, set up the Hudson’s Bay Company. Accordingly, in 1602, the

Danish King imposed a trade monopoly in Iceland.”^^ Only Danes had the right to trade with

Iceland and this applied only to Copenhagen trading companies. As a result, “the monopoly

placed Iceland in a straight jacket of low prices for exports and high prices for imports. The

profits from this trade enriched the royal treasure and helped build the city of Copenhagen.”^*

The monopoly reduced Iceland to the status of an exploited colony. Afraid to upset the status

quo, the Icelandic gentry would not allow workers to work on the farms during the summer

months when they were most needed, opting to keep them in the fishery and other major

trade industries. Before the Danish monopoly, the Germans from Hamburg controlled the

Icelandic trade, sending an average of seventeen ships a year. However, the Danish king

squeezed them out by seizing their ships. Initially, when the trade monopoly was imposed in

1620, a single Danish Company traded with Iceland, but by 1684 Iceland was split into

individual ports and auctioned off. Private trading companies would buy a port and control

all activity within that trading port. The result was that there were widespread abuses of the

^^Hjâlmarsson, 77.

*’Lacy, 182.

"^Lacy, 183.

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trade regulations and lawlessness in the ports. The General Trading Company took over the

trade from 1764-1774 to bring some regulation to the trade. Nonetheless, the conditions were

far worse then before, prompting the Icelanders to complain to the King. In response, the

company lost the monopoly on the trade and the crown took over its regulation in 1774-

1787^9

The trading companies were obliged to trade with Iceland and, to ensure profits in the

volatile market, the merchants imported high end items such as spirits, expensive clothes, and

tobacco rather then the necessities such as grain which did not ship as well as the luxury

items. The merchants were so eager to obtain fish, which was the top commodity, that they

began a barter system. “Barter values were based on the cow equivalent, where one cow

equalled 6 ewes or 120 eels of cloth or 240 fish. In the south, for example, 1 barrel of grain

was valued at 80 fish.”^*’ As a result of the barter system, there was no inflation for over 700

years, but in 1776 a new price list was imposed that quoted prices for all types of goods in

Danish rixdollars.^* Food shortages were exacerbated by the high demand for fish and ,

as well as a shortage of labour and disease. Furthermore, food shortages also stemmed from

year round rather than seasonal fishing, which meant that catches were down year round, thus

depleting the amount of fish for consumption and trade. As there was very little timber in

Iceland, the fish trade only survived by trading for lumber. In order to have timber for their

boats, they needed to trade fish, but timber was required to build the boats and ports, thus

sustaining the practice of food for wood. The technology, gear, practices, and the vessels

*®Lacy, 183-184.

™Lacy, 183.

’‘Lacy, 184.

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used in the Icelandic fishery were old, mostly done by small open rowboats and lines with

one hook on a line. The practice of more than one hook per line was prohibited by Icelandic

law.^^

In 1787, a Charter was signed and lifted the monopoly but the Iceland

trade was restricted to Danish merchants. Many prominent Icelanders such as Jon

Sigurdsson, who will be discussed at more length later on, argued for lifting of all trade

restrictions. Sigurdsson argued that due to the trade restrictions, it was quite difficult to

“conclude agreements with nations that did not approve of the Danish treatment of Iceland,

the Faroes, and Greenland.”^^ With the support of a liberal leaning Danish government, all

trade restrictions were lifted in 1854, officially ending the Danish trade monopoly on ,

1855/4

Skùli Magnusson: The First Icelandic Bailiff

As previously stated, during the 17^'’ - 18* centuries, the majority of the political and

economic power in Iceland was held in Copenhagen. However the appointment of Skuli

Magnusson as Bailiff in 1749 was a major turning point in this regard. Skùli became one of

the first Icelanders in a prominent position in Icelandic society at a time when there were

very few in a position of power. As Bailiff, Skuli had access and power in the ear of the

Danish King, and eonvinced the King to invest heavily in Icelandic industry, agriculture, and

society. Skùli built workshops and manufacturing facilities in Reykjavik for spinning wool,

weaving and dying woollen goods. He wanted to improve Iceland by having free trade, as

^Lacy, 187-188.

’^Lacy, 211.

“'Lacy, 211.

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well as an industrialization of the . Skuli was influential in the creation and

development of towns, especially as Reykjavik was a small village until Skùli built stone

buildings and industrial development. Eventually, the companies and industry that Skùli

worked so hard to develop in Icelandic hands were taken over by or forced out of business by

Danish merchants who objected to losing market share to these Icelandic companies.^^

Hard Times and the Emigration to North America:1 8 ‘'' and iP** Centuries

During the early 18* century, deaths due to starvation and disease were common

place in Iceland. The conditions became so desperate in Iceland that several Icelandic

delegates asked King Frederik IV to help stop the suffering. Frederik IV sent two learned

Icelanders named Ami Magnùsson and Pall Vidalin to conduct an investigation and make

proposals on how to rectify the concerning situation in Iceland. Magnùsson and Vidalin

conducted a census of the entire island of Iceland in 1703 and discovered that there were 50

358 inhabitants in Iceland living in horrid, unsanitary, and poor conditions.Unfortunately,

in 1707, Iceland was ravished by a small pox epidemic that killed over 18,000 Icelanders,

accounting for almost one third the total population. Magnùsson and Vidalin demanded more

just and fair treatment of the Icelanders by the Danish merchants and more funding in

agriculture and society.

The King dispatched yet another committee in 1770-1771 to discover why conditions

had not improved in Iceland. The committee consisted of two Danes and one Icelander and it

examined social conditions as well as the root of the food shortages. This committee made

’^Hjâlmarsson, 89-91.

’"Lacy, 189.

’’Hjâlmarsson, 85.

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several suggestions including increasing the amount of fishing, as well as growing different

vegetables such as potatoes. Furthermore, the committee suggested importing Reindeer for

the Icelanders to herd. This endeavour was attempted several times; however, the Icelanders

never really learned how to herd the Reindeer which is why Reindeer still roam fi-ee in the

.’* In the later half of the 18* century, several catastrophes forced the

governmental authority in Iceland and Denmark to take action. It was decided after firm

lobbying from Skùli Magnusson and Jon Eriksson, a learned Icelander and servant of the

King, to repeal the trade monopoly in 1787.’^ By repealing the trade monopoly, the food

supply and variety of goods imported was no longer in the hands of the merchants in

Copenhagen. Additionally, there was not as big a push for only certain products to be

produced for export.

During the 19* century, the situation in Iceland failed to improve forcing several

Icelanders to look elsewhere for a better life. Though the Viking Icelanders failed to have a

permanent settlement in North America, the 18* and 19* century saw a large emigration

from Iceland to North America. Conditions in Iceland were so grave during the 19* century

that people felt compelled to emigrate. “The hard winter of 1858-1859 was followed by an

epidemic in 1860 that killed 200 000 sheep. A major volcanic eruption in the Dygjufjoll

mountains in 1875 meant that the blanketed a large area in the North East... [resulting

in a] poor hay crop... [in which] livestock that ingested fluorine while grazing and died.”*®

There were several attempts at creating a permanent Icelandic settlement in North America.

^^Hjâlmarsson, 88.

’^Hjâlmarsson, 94-95.

'"Lacy, 133-134.

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Icelanders petitioned both the United States and the Canadian governments for land for their

settlement but were meet with mostly rejection. Eventually, Canada offered to ereate Nyja

Island or on Lake Winnipeg, just north of the pocket province of .

The formal application for settlement rights to New Iceland was made in September

1875, and eonsisted of"., .those lands along the west shore of Lake Winnipeg from the

mouth of the Red River to Grindstone Point, including what is now called Hecla Island, and

west from the lake to the seeond range line east of the Manitoba Prineipal Meridian.”^* In all.

New Iceland consisted of 12 miles wide by 48 miles long on the west coast of Lake

Wirmipeg where the Icelanders eould preserve their language and culture. By 1914,

approximately 15 000 leelanders had moved to New Iceland, a sizeable population

considering that in 1901 the population of Iceland was 78 470. Unfortunately for the

leelanders, they had;

no experience of the trains that took them to their destination, nor the maehinery in general. They had to adjust to and a plethora of inseets unknown in leeland. The mid- summer heat was greater than they had ever known and in winter they discovered what real cold means. Many had to build their own wooden houses but, as Iceland had very few real trees, they did not know how to fell one or which way it would fall when they did eut it down. They viewed the new vegetables and fruits they found ‘with suspicion.’ Unsure of how to manage in this new environment, they suffered from scurvy.*^

Nonetheless, the Icelanders were determined to succeed, become self reliant, and learn to

survive in this new land. "From the [Aboriginal people] they learned to fish through the ice

in winter, fi-om the Germans they leaned to eat carrots and cabbage, but the Norwegians were

*'Burke G. Vanderhill and David E. Christensen, “The Settlement o f New Iceland,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 53, no. 3 (September 1963), www.Jstore.org.

*^Lacy, 134.

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the greatest help, providing farming jobs, loans and encouragement.”*^ Eventually, New

Iceland was incorporated into the enlarged province of Manitoba. Devastated by small pox in

1876, the Icelanders were quarantined for almost three hundred days. Education became vital

to the Icelanders in New Iceland but they had to balance learning the new language, culture,

traditions, and jobs available to them in the North America, while still being loyal to their

Icelandic culture, heritage, and language. Additionally, the

establishment of New Iceland constituted a pioneer effort in settlement...it was unique in that it was a self- governing political unit within the broad framework of the new Dominion of Canada. Its chief significance for the modem Icelandic-Canadian is that it provides...what might be called a cultural hearth in the New World, perhaps to a degree analogous to the role of the Plymouth colony in the culture of the United States.*^

The 20* century brought a different type of emigration from Iceland to North

America taking the form of war brides during the Second World War. During the Second

World War, Iceland was occupied by American forces, with thousands of American soldiers

stationed in Iceland. After the war, many of the women married American servicemen and

moved to America with their new husbands. Even today, the large Icelandic expatriate

population in North America still celebrate Icelandic holidays, gathering in large groups on

Leif Ericsson day and celebrating as the descendents of Snorri Thorfinnson, the first

Icelander and European to be bom in North America during the Saga Age in Iceland.

"Lacy, 134.

Vanderhill and Christensen, 363.

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The Building of the Icelandic Nation: Early Beginnings in the 19*'' Century

Iceland had existed for almost one thousand years devoid of nationalism. In certain

respects, Iceland was badly suited for nationalism: the population was small, poor, and in

many ways, primitive. Around 90 percent of the population were sustained by animal

husbrandry and seasonal fishing whereas manufacturing and trade sustained less than 3

percent. Foreign trade was still non existent and primarily in the hands of Danish merchants.

Even by 1870, the per capita (GDP) was estimated to be less than

half of that of Denmark. Icelanders had little experience in power as most of the high

ranking officials were Danish and had not even visited Iceland. By the 19* century,

Icelanders had been ruled by a foreign ruler for over 500 years, 200 of those years of an

. Therefore, when a strange event in 1809 had deprived the Icelanders

from their King it opened their eyes to a possibility of an Iceland without a foreign King or

Denmark ever so slightly.

In 1809, a young Danish naval officer serving in the British Navy named Jorgen

Jorgensen visited Iceland on apparently a routine operation. However, Jorgensen and a few

fellow British Naval officers arrested the Governor of Iceland and “.. .declared that all

Danish authority and sovereignty over Iceland had been abolished for good. He assumed

complete power as Protector of all Iceland and Chief Commander on land and sea.”^^

Jorgensen promised that Iceland “.. .would have British protection and said he would resign

from office when a national convention had gathered and given the country a constitution the

*^Gunnar Karlsson, ‘Denmark’s peaceful release of Iceland’ Nordic Peace, (ed.) Clive Archer Pertti Joenniemi. (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2003), 50

^^Hjâlmarsson, 98.

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following year.”*^ With this sudden and bizarre coup d’état, Iceland was an independent

country with its own flag and seal which Jorgensen had created. However, after two months

of rule, he was arrested and sent to England where he was then sent to a penal colony on

Tasmania where he died in 1814. This strange episode showed Icelanders that they could live

without a king and opened the eyes of many to the dream of an independent Iceland.^^ This

incident in also illustrates how complacent and loyal the Icelanders were to their king in

Copenhagen. Until the second quarter of the 19th century:

there were few signs of discontent in Iceland with the political and constitutional status of the country in the Danish monarchy. All through the , Icelanders remained loyal to their king in Copenhagen, despite ample opportunities to protest the Danish rule....In comparison to the Norwegians, who demanded autonomy under a liberal constitution in 1814, Icelanders were remarkably complacent in these years of political instability and turbulence in Europe.*^

In the years that followed, Icelandic nationalism grew stronger and calls for constitutional

reform and recognition for Iceland.

The End of the Absolute Monarchy and the Birth o f Icelandic Nationalism: 1800-1851

Through the early half of the 19* century, Icelanders who wanted to continue their

studies had to travel abroad, mostly to Copenhagen. Those Icelanders who were in

Copenhagen during the 1830s were swept up in the liberal and nationalist movements that

swept through Europe during that time period. These educated, young, and strongly

nationalistic Icelanders began to make demands for increased Icelandic autonomy beginning

with the reinstitution of the Althing, which had been phased out around the turn of the

^^Hjâlmarsson, 98.

^Hjâlmarsson, 99-100.

*^Guômundur Hâlfdamarson, “Iceland: A Peaceful Secession”, Journal of Scandinavian History 25 (2000), http://search.epnet.com.

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century. The ideas of “found a fertile ground in this group, because a

strong sense of pride in the Icelandic cultural heritage was prevalent among the Icelandic

students even before became a fashion on the European continent.”^® In the

early 1830s:

when Icelandic students in Copenhagen formulated the first nationalist demands for their homeland, Iceland had been part of the Danish monarchy for over four centuries. Iceland’s status in this complex and heterogeneous state was that of a dependency (“biland” in Danish), which gave it a certain preferential status to the Danish colonies (such as Greenland and the Virgin Islands).^*

Unlike nationalist movement in the Faroe Islands, the common Icelander also got caught up

in the romantic nationalistic fervour of the mid 19* century. In the Saga period of Icelandic

history, Icelanders were heroes and rebels but from medieval period until the 19* century

Icelandic culture was on the brink of extinction. Icelandic nationalism played on the strong

and proud ancient history of Iceland as a common thread to tie the contemporary romantic

nationalist ideals to.^^ Jon Sigurdsson, an intellectual bom out of the nationalist movement,

emerged as and leader of Icelandic nationalism. Sigurdsson was an educated

Icelander widely respected and strongly critical of the trade monopoly. Sigurdsson also made

a strong case for the reinstitution of the Icelandic Althing. He was remarkably intelligent and

unyielding in his belief of an independent Iceland, which was widely popular idea. Bom and

raised in the Westem region, Sigurdsson was educated in Copenhagen and he:

argued for a free trade and autonomy from Denmark. Based on his studies, he wrote about how to promote trade and improve the antiquated agricultural and fishing methods still practices in Iceland. He also had the foresight to see that, despite the

“Hâlfdamarson, 90.

“'Hâlfdamarson, 88.

^Hâlfdamarson, 90.

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historical and symbolic importance of Thingvellir, Reykjavik should be the site of the reconstructed Althing and would become the centre of government, culture, and industry.^^

After making a failed petition to King Fredrik IV, the Icelanders made a petition to King

Christian III, who took to the throne after Fredrik IV in 1839. The Icelanders petition

demanded better schools, abolishment of the trade monopoly, and the reinstatement of the

Althing. As King Christian III was a more liberal King, he signed a proclamation in 1843 to

re-instate the Althing.

This new Althing was only an advisory council that was to be made up of twenty

members who were elected and six to he appointed by the King for six year terms. His

decision was based upon the fact that legally Iceland was a dependency of Denmark, not a

colony, and therefore the Chancellery decided what laws applied to Iceland.Limited to

passing resolutions instead of laws, the Althing was at the very least a forum for Icelanders

to discuss the issues of the day. Iceland was mainly a farming population who were

sparsely populated throughout the island. Even during the mid 19* century, Iceland was

still ruled by strong families and the elite land owners. Due to this concentration of power,

participation in the government was less than ten percent. Nonetheless, the Althing gave the

Icelanders a newfound power to make their wants, needs, and concerns known to the

Danes.^^

King Christian III died in 1848 and was replaced by Fredrik VII. Taking into

account the events of the Revolution in France in 1830 as well as the February

” Lacy, 208.

’“Lacy, 208.

” Lacy, 208-209.

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Revolution in France in 1848, there were calls for major changes to the Danish policy.

Taking into consideration that of “all the absolute of Europe, Denmark was

perhaps the most absolute one, with no public representation at all.”^^ Fredrik VII decided

to lay down his power, fearing revolution, and created a constitution with a bicameral

legislature. Additionally, Fredrik VII created four local assemblies: Holstein and

Lauenburg, Slesvig (Schleswig), Jutland, and the ofSjælland (Zealand) and

surrounding islands. Iceland and the Faroe Islands were represented in the Zealand

assembly in the town of Roskilde, 20 miles west of Copenhagen. Interestingly enough, this

may have been the first time that either Iceland or the Faroe Islands had been counted

among the Danish Islands.^^ Conversely, the new Danish constitution gave J6n Sigurdsson

an opportunity to argue that since Iceland’s relationship with Denmark was based on

swearing allegiance to the King of Norway and Denmark and not to the new parliament,

Iceland was not under the control of the new parliament. Sigurdsson argued that “.. .with

the end of absolutism and the institution of a , Iceland legal status

as set out in the old treaty was again valid.”^^ To resolve the issue, a national conference

was convened in Iceland on July 4, 1851 to discuss Iceland’s status within the Danish

Realm. “At first the Crown gave the impression of being willing to meet Jon’s demands. In

a prescript issued on 23 September 1848, the king declared that it was not his intention to

make final decisions relating to the status of Iceland within the kingdom, until the

Icelanders had been given the change to speak on the matter at their own meeting in the

’^Karlsson, “Denmark’s Peaceful48.

’^Karlsson, “Denmark’s Peaceful48.

98Lacy, 210.

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country.”^^ Interestingly, not only did the Faroe Islands not get their own conference, but

they were not even mentioned within the new Danish constitution of 1849.

The Icelandic National Convention: 1851

In the time between 1848 and 1851, there were many changes in both Iceland and

Denmark. Denmark had been fighting a war since 1848 against Germany over the southern

Duchies of Slesvig and Holstein. The war ended with Denmark victorious. Initially in

1848, Denmark was considerably concerned about the threat of revolution and war

throughout Europe, and therefore was willing to negotiate and give allowances to Iceland

and the rest of the Kingdom. However, the threat of war had subsided and a more

conservative approach to the constitution was the norm. In Iceland, though nationalistic

before 1848, the years leading up to the national convention to discuss Iceland’s place in

the Danish Realm lead to an almost feverish nationalism sweeping Iceland. There were

protests, newspapers and other publications were calling for an independent Iceland.

Indeed, in the years leading up to the national convention in 1851, Icelanders certainly

woke up from their previous state of perpetual political apathy.

The national convention was made up of members of the newly elected National

Assembly from the previous year. The Governor of Iceland, Count J.D Trampe, was

flanked by twenty five Danish soldiers as he arrived in Iceland but the Icelanders never

gave them cause to fire a bullet. Governor Trampe presented a bill that would incorporate

Iceland into the Danish Kingdom with representation in the Danish parliament. This was

surprising to the Icelanders who expected to be involved in a personal relationship with

Denmark with the Althing taking full legislative and executive power with an Icelandic

'^Karlsson, “Denmark’s Peaceful50.

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judicial system. Trampe was under strict orders from the King to not allow any discussion

on the bill presented. Therefore, “.. .when Jon Sigurdsson tried to present the majority

Icelandic view, Trampe dissolved the meeting, whereupon Jon Sigurdsson raised his voice

and firmly stated: T Protest’ the illegality of the ending the convention in this way and

reserved the right to complain to the King. The other representatives then shouted ‘We All

Protest! ’ Count Trampe and his staff walked out, and the meeting ended with all

representatives heartfelt ‘Long live our King, Fredrik VII!

The Icelandic Constitution of 1871

In the wake of the national convention in Iceland, several Icelander representatives

lost their jobs and the Danish newspapers attacked Jon Sigurdsson. During the national

convention, Sigurdsson obliviously emerged as the Icelandic leader in the wake of the

stalemate between Iceland and Denmark. After much lobbying by Sigurdsson and fellow

nationalists, as explained earlier, the Danish trade monopoly was completely lifted in 1855,

but was slow in opening trade to all merchants. Initially, British and Norwegian

merchants began to trade vigorously, acquiring fish, wool, and sheep in exchange for

horses, timber, and necessities such as grain. New farming practices and the introduction of

more sophisticated farm machinery were introduced, resulting in more efficient and

productive harvesting.'*^'

As the constitutional status of Iceland debate raged on during the 1860s, there were

several attempts on both sides for a definition. Eventually:

in 1871 Denmark passed an Act of Union whereby Iceland was annexed as an integral part of the Danish kingdom. The Danes

'“ Lacy, 211.

'“'Lacy, 211-212.

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agreed to pay Iceland a certain sum of money yearly and gave Iceland the right to handle judicial, church, educational, and some other matters, but reserved control of, among other things, foreign affairs and the currency. Though Icelanders never accepted the clause proclaiming Iceland an integral part of the Danish kingdom, the act paved the way for Iceland to be given a constitution.'*’^

The new Danish King, Christian IX came to Iceland himself to present the new constitution

on the millermium celebration of the settlement of Iceland in 1874. At a special gathering at

Thingvellir, the King presented the constitution to the Althing which also contained the new

powers for the Althing, as well as a veto power over Danish laws concerning Iceland for the

A l t h i n g The new Althing was to be a bicameral system with thirty six members in the

lower house, and twelve in the upper house, six of which would be appointed. All members

of the Althing were required to be fluent in Icelandic, and all laws that were produced from

the Althing were to be in Icelandic, not Danish as was required previously. However, by

this point, Jon Sigurdsson was quite ill and died in 1879. On his coffin, the Government of

Iceland placed a plaque that read: “Icelanders favourite son, her honour, sword and

shield.”'"'' Indeed, Jon Sigurdsson made, without a doubt, the largest contribution to the

creation of the Icelandic state and is considered by many as one of the greatest Icelanders

of all. The Icelandic constitution of 1871 also contained provisions regarding basic human

rights such as freedom of speech and worship, and the right of free and free press.In all,

the 1871 constitution reenergized the Icelandic nationalists and gave them hope for a future

independent Iceland.

'“ Lacy, 212.

‘“ Lacy, 212.

'“ Lacy, 213.

^Hjalmarsson, 115.

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The Lead up to Icelandic Home Rule: 1874-1904

During the time between 1874-1904, significant progress was made in Iceland,

especially in the building of infrastructure. Before the 1880s, there were no roads, bridges,

or developed harbours or wharfs. In order to travel any great distance within Iceland,

horseback was the mode due to the lack of roads or ground flat enough for a horse and

carriage with wheels to navigate. Further modernization of Iceland saw the tithe, a

medieval tax levied by the Church, abolished in 1877 and it was replaced by a tax on

income and customs. Scheduled crossings to Denmark made trade, travel, and the

mail service much more reliable. Furthermore, with an increased income for the average

Icelander, more wood frame houses, called Timberhus were built.

Major developments in the debate over the governance of Iceland also took place.

“The period from 1874-1904 witnessed fervent political debate over what system of

government should be provided for in Iceland.”'*^ After the death of Jon Sigurdsson in

1879, other prominent Icelanders such as Benedikt Svensson, Bjon Jonsson and Jon

Olafsson all agreed that Iceland should hold more executive power. Furthermore, these

prominent Icelanders believed that the seat of the Icelandic government, that of the

Governor or Earl, should be located in Iceland to deal with Icelandic issues on a day to day

basis.Therefore, “it was a major event in the long struggle of the Icelandic people

towards independence when the executive power of the government was moved from

^Hjalmarsson, 122.

'“’Hjalmarsson, 122.

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Copenhagen to Reykjavik, and Hafstein took over power from the royal governor.

Governors and bailiffs disappeared and were replaced by a cabinet.”*''*

It was clear to most Icelanders in the 1890s that more progress needed to be made

in Icelandic political autonomy. Therefore, specific Icelandic political parties were formed

to deal with the issues surrounding autonomy of Iceland. founded the

Home Rule Party in 1900, while Valtyr Gudmendsson established the Progressive Party in

1902. In 1901, Hannes Hafstein and the Home Rule Party won a majority of the seats in the

Althing, and therefore Hafstein went to Denmark to negotiate increased autonomy for

Iceland. The liberal Danish government at the time agreed to grant Home Rule to Iceland,

and King Fredrik VIII signed the proclamation. Soon after, elections were held in Iceland

which Hafstein’s Home Rule Party won, making Hafstein Iceland’s first Prime Minister,

elected on February I, 1904.

Icelandic Home Rule: 1904-1918

The Icelandic Home Rule for Iceland meant that:

Iceland acquired its own government, in Iceland, instead of being governed from afar by the Danish government. The Ministry for Iceland, which had been located in Copenhagen, was transferred to Reykjavik, as the new government ministry. Reykjavik was now the capital of Iceland, the hub of power, administration and commerce. Alj)ingi (the Icelandic parliament) now had real power. The principle of parliamentary government had been recognised, and a Minister of State for Iceland was appointed, who was answerable to parliament, and not to a foreign monarch; the Danes retained control of various matters, however, such as such as foreign affairs.'*'^

'“^Hjalmarsson, 125.

'°®“Home Rule 1904,” The Culture House, www.heimastjom.is/english/forsida/nr/106.

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For Iceland, the home rule period also meant major ehanges in society, economy, and culture.

During this time period, “...leeland experieneed nothing less than a technological revolution:

the year 1904 saw Iceland’s first trawler, its first motor car, and its first hydro-electric plant.

Islandsbanki (the Bank of Iceland) was founded that year, opening up new opportunities for

investment and development.”*’® The fishing industry became more industrialized with

motorized trawlers, thus making fishing more efficient, lucrative, and productive. A

telegraph system came to Iceland in 1906 as well as roads and bridges. Additionally,

Reykjavik was eompletely transformed to become both the political and economic centre of

Iceland.” *

After Home Rule was introdueed in leeland. King Fredrik VII showed great interest

in the Icelandic situation. In 1907, Fredrik VIII sailed to Iceland to diseuss the future of the

relationship between the two nations with Prime Minster Hafstein. During his visit, he

appointed a committee comprised of seven Icelanders and thirteen Danes which met the

following year to discuss the future of the relationship between Iceland and Denmark. The

committee came up with several recommendations including one that stated that “Iceland

was a free and independent country. Iceland and Denmark would have the same King, and

peruse a common policy in certain external respects such as foreign and military affairs,

supervision of and the use of the Danish flag abroad. The Supreme court in

Copenhagen would remain the highest court for Iceland.”**^ This draft also stated that either

country could demand a review after twenty five years on a whole host of issues except

"““Home Rule 1904”...

'" “Home Rule 1904”...

"Hjalmarsson, 134.

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defence and foreign affairs. However, when Hafstein presented these recommendations to the

Althing they were voted down, causing Hafstein to resign his post in 1912.**^

In the years leading up to the First World War there was a strong national awaking in

Iceland. “Farmer Unions, woman’s clubs, youth societies and countless other groups saw

scope for improvement in all areas of Icelandic life.”**'* An episode which took place in

Reykjavik in the summer of 1913 is illustrative of the new atmosphere in Iceland, when a:

captain of a Danish curser had an Icelandic flag confiscated from a one man row boat in the harbour, on the authority that the flag was not allowed on vessels belonging to the Danish monarchy. As soon as this became known in the town, Danish flags, which had been hoisted to great the Danish ship in the harbour disappeared and more and more Icelandic flags appeared. This was followed throughout the day by various kinds of demonstrations, which were almost the first ones to take place in the Icelandic struggle for independence."^

During the First World War, the intense naval battle between the British and the German

essentially cut off all communication between Iceland and Denmark, requiring Iceland to

become more self reliant and more independent. Food shortages, fuel shortages, and high

prices on foreign goods caused massive problems for the Icelandic economy and society.

Therefore, in April of 1918, the Althing members decided that they must manage their affairs

as soon as possible. A Danish committee was set up to initiate talks with Iceland and to

negotiate a solution to Iceland’s demands. In June 1918 it was agreed that “Iceland would be

independent but remain in a under the Danish King, with Denmark seeing to

consular service abroad, the coast guard, and the Supreme Court.”"^ A referendum was held

'"Lacy, 217.

""Hjàlmarsson, 133.

'"Karlsson, ‘Danish Peaceful..., 57

'"’Lacy, 219.

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in Iceland to decide the future of Icelandic and Danish relations. Voter turnout was affected

by a Spanish influenza epidemic, as well as a massive volcanic eruption in the south.

Regardless, of the sixty percent of eligible men and twenty five percent of women, 90

percent voted in favour of Iceland becoming independent.**^ Thus, the

was bom on Sunday, , 1918.

The Icelandic Kingdom and the Interwar years: 1918-1944

The agreement between Iceland and Denmark was formalized in the Act of Union of

I9I8.

The Union treaty with Denmark went into effect on 1 December, 1918 and was marked by a solemn ceremony and festivals in Reykjavik. Ministers of the government and president of the Althing honoured the memory of Jon Sigurdsson by placing flowers at his grave.. .[a]t Noon the Danish flag was lowered and the Icelandic flag was raised as a symbol of independence.***

The first paragraph reads: “Denmark and Iceland are both free and important countries and in

a union with the one and same King authority the other principals on which they agree in this

act.”**^ The Act of Union “...stipulated that Iceland and Denmark should have mutual rights

of citizenship, Denmark should take care of Icelandic foreign affairs and guard its territorial

waters until the Icelanders wished to take over, and that the Supreme Court in Copenhagen

should serve as the highest court for Iceland until Iceland established its own Supreme

Court.”'^** The Act of Union was to be valid for 25 years, until 1943. Either the Danish or the

Icelandic parliament was allowed to demand a review of the treaty by 1940 and if no new

"’Lacy, 219.

"*Hjalmarsson, 142.

"^Hjalmarsson, 141.

'^“Hjalmarsson, 141.

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treaty had been made at the wish of either or both nations by 1943, it would automatically be

revoked. Additionally, three quarters of either parliament and three quarters of support in a

referendum were required to sever the ties. The new Icelandic constitution came into effect in

1920 and Iceland was able to pass its own laws without any interference from Denmark.

Before long, Iceland began to take over certain duties laid out in the Act of Union such as the

establishment of an Icelandic Supreme Court in 1920, an in 1922, and

a foreign embassy in built in Copenhagen in 1920. During this time Iceland also established

its own monetary unit, the Icelandic Krona, as well as establishing civil rights and a formal

declaration of perpetual neutrality in any future warfare.*^'

The establishment of Icelandic Kingdom served as a great victory for Iceland,

perhaps one of the most important victories in Icelandic history. However, the ease and

opportunity for Icelandic can be attributed to two main factors. First, due to the British

blockade of the North Atlantic during the First World War, Iceland was forced to rule itself

with little to no input from Denmark. The Icelandic government had proved itself trustworthy

as well as reliable in ruling themselves. The second reason was the issue of self

determination and the Schleswig issue in both Denmark and Europe in the immediate post

war era. As explained earlier, Denmark lost the southern duchies of Schleswig and Holstein

to Germany in warfare but the issue was never quite dissolved. However, during the Treaty

of Versailles, Denmark saw an opportunity to settle the Schleswig issue once and for all.

Denmark proposed that it is up to the people in Schleswig to decided which country, whether

it be Denmark or Germany, to become a part of by the means of referendum and self-

determination. Consequently, the Icelandic arguments were only “helped by the fact that the

'^’Hjâlmarsson, 142-143.

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Danes were using the same argument to try to get North Schleswig returned by the Germans,

the Danish parliament passed the Act of Union.”*^^

The largest task for the newly independent Iceland was raising the standards of living

to be on par with the rest of the . Though significant gains were made during

the 1920s, the depression hit Iceland hard. After independence had been achieved, the

Icelandic political parties changed their focus from Icelandic Danish relations to social,

national, economic, and cultural focuses. In 1930, Iceland held a millennial celebration of the

founding of the Althing in 930. As King of Denmark and Iceland, Christian X attended the

celebration, as well as representative from many other countries. The fact that foreign

diplomats attended this event demonstrated that the western world acknowledged Iceland as a

sovereign state.

The future of the ties to Denmark during the interwar period was a hotly debated

topic. “As early as 1928 Icelandic intentions regarding the union with Demark after the

expiration of the Act, were discussed by the Althing...{ai the time] spokesman of all

parliamentary parties declared it was their aim to sever ties with Denmark as soon as

possible, i.e. by the beginning of 1944 if Denmark did not accept an earlier dissolution during

the three year negotiation period.”*^'' In 1937, this issue was debated once again in the

Althing where a petition was passed stating that they would armul the union at the earliest

possible date.*^^

'""Lacy, 219.

'""Lacy, 236.

'"‘'Solrun B. Hardarson, “The Republic of Iceland 1940-44: Anglo-American Attitudes and Influences,” Jowrwa/ of Contemporary History 9, no. 4 (1974), http://www.jstore.org

'""Hardarson, 29.

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As the Second World War approached, “the majority of Icelanders were agreed that

the nation should remain neutral. Both Germany and Britain had been principal trading

partners and both wanted continued access to agricultural and marine products. Iceland on

the other hand, wanted to be assured of a supply of needed goods, to improve its financial

standing, and to maintain sovereignty.”*^® Therefore, when a Lufthansa, or German plane,

tried to get landing rights in Iceland, the Icelandic government refused, citing their neutrality.

However, a more plausible explanation is that, though Iceland wanted to maintain their

neutrality, Iceland really want to trade with everyone, and if the Germans were using Iceland

as a military base that would affect their relationship with Britain.*^^ In September 1939,

after the British blockaded the North Atlantic against the Germans, representatives from

Iceland went to Britain to negotiate trade. It was agreed that Britain would supply Britain

with food on the condition that Britain would pay a reasonable price, and in turn Britain

would supply Iceland with the necessities such as grain and other agricultural products.

Unfortunately, with the British blockade of the North Atlantic, Iceland was effectively cut off

from the King, leaving Iceland once again to fend for itself in a time of need.

Iceland during World War II: The De Facto State and External Forces upon Iceland

“The main controversy of the [Second World War] was.. .whether it was appropriate

to take the rightful last step in the struggle for independence from Demnark while the mother

country was still under the iron heel of .. .some wanted to found the republic

immediately, while others preferred to wait until the war ended and Denmark’s situation

'^^Lacy, 237.

^Hardarson, 30.

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improved.”*^* From the outset of the Second World War, there were concerns on the part of

the Allied countries about the strategic importance of Iceland. Geographically, Iceland is

strategically position as a great base for controlling the sea lanes between Iceland and the

Faroe Islands and Greenland, as well as an excellent transatlantic stop over for refuelling and

restocking of ships and planes. Iceland was therefore vitally important to the Allied countries

and it could not fall into the hands of the Germans. Consequently, when Denmark, and then

Norway, was invaded and occupied by the Nazi forces of Germany in April 10* 1940, it was

crucially important to Britain and the Allied forces that something be done to prevent Iceland

from being occupied by Germany. On April 10* 1940, the same day that Denmark was

invaded, the Althing passed two resolutions. First, Iceland was “entrusting government with

the royal power of King Christian X for the time being. [Second], declaring Iceland would

take full charge of her relations with foreign powers.”'^® Immediately, both the British and

the United States government recognized that Iceland had become de facto independent, and

began to direct all consular relations direct to Iceland, rather then Copenhagen. Later in 1939,

Iceland had established consular relations with the relocated government of Norway and

Sweden in London

On April 11 offered assistance in the defence and protection of Iceland, however

Iceland turned down the offer, stating that their neutrality would protect them from any

German advances. Britain for

'^^Bendedikt Grondai. Iceland: From Neutrality to NATO membership (, Universitetsforlaget, 1971), 37.

'^^Hardarson, 32.

""Hardarson, 32.

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that reason launched Operation Fork on May 10*, 1940, which led to the British

military to occupy the Faroe Islands and Iceland. In Iceland;

the British at once secured the radio and post office but, out of respect for Icelandic sovereignty, left the Althing building untouched. They did take the German Consul General prisoner, however, in contravention of internal law, (since Iceland was a neutral state) move quickly to capture other German males; 113 were interned on the for the duration of the war.'^*

By the end of July, approximately 20 000 British serviceman were in Iceland. By this point,

Iceland became a major supply centre for the Allies, completing the “chain of defence that

ran from North America through Greenland, Iceland and Britain.”'^^ Britain stated from the

outset of the occupation that they had no intention of interfering with internal matters of

Iceland or any intention of staying after the hostilities had subsided. Though many Icelanders

opposed the occupation, Icelandic Prime Minister Hermann Jonasson asked the Icelanders to

respect the soldiers for the time being.

In 1941, the United States, drawn into the war by the Pearl Harbour attack by the

Japanese that same year, took over the and its defence. The occupation

by the United States was an entirely different experience then the British. At its peak, the

number of allied troops under US control had reached approximately 52 000 serviceman,

which was a massive number of serviceman considering at the time the total population of

Iceland was 130 000.’^^ At this point of the occupation, it was the opinion of the Icelandic

government that “Iceland was now a two-family home-stead, with the locals on the one hand

"'Lacy, 238.

"^Lacy, 238.

'"Lacy, 239.

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and the influx of foreign serviceman on the other.”‘^'' However, there were both advantages

and disadvantages to the large influx of foreign serviceman in Iceland. From the onset, there

was a large black market trade, which was eventually harmed by law by the Icelandic

government. Coca Cola was introduced in 1942 and became immensely popular with

Icelanders. Furthermore, new words such as Sjoppur, okei, and bæ (shop, okay, and bye)

became common, and Icelanders learned to sing songs such as Clementine and My Bonnie

Lies Over the OceanP^ The biggest impact upon Icelandic society was that after the

hostilities had finished and the American forces left in 1947, approximately 500 war brides

left Iceland to move to America to live with their new husband. Though the occupation was a

major hindrance upon Icelandic neutrality, it created an economic boom for Iceland, finally

pulling them out of the depression. With the large influx of foreign forces, roads, buildings,

and other facilities had to be constructed, creating jobs and major revenue for the Icelandic

state. Nonetheless, the Icelandic contribution, though neutral and non-invoived in the

combat of the Second World War,

many military historians are on record saying that the outcome of the was crucial for allied victory in war. Had Hitler’s generals and admirals gained control of Iceland-as they did in the case of Denmark and Norway-how would that have affected the conduct and the outcome of the War? If German U-boats had enjoyed safe harbour in Icelandic fjords, how would the great convoys have fared that supplied the Russians on the Eastern Front?...Hitler certain had plans to occupy Iceland, for he know, that he who control Iceland, controls sea-lanes of communication across the Atlantic. It was therefore crucial for the Allied War effort to secure bases in Iceland.

""Lacy, 240.

"'Lacy, 239.

Hannibalsson.

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The Proclamation o f the Republic o f Iceland: 1944

All throughout the Second World War, Icelandic officials had grappled with the issue

of what to do about their relationship with Denmark. Due to the fact that Denmark had been

occupied by the Germans from 1940-1945, Iceland took over all responsibility of the

governing of the country. As stated in the Act of Union of 1918, the treaty was to be valid for

25 years, which means that the treaty was to expire in 1943. Some Icelanders did not feel

comfortable in declaring independence from Denmark during their hour of need. Another

major hindrance, as examined earlier, was the fact that Iceland was occupied by both British

and American forces during the conflict, and therefore there were some major legal and

ethical questions in declaring independence on the part of the British and American

governments. For the most part, the British and the American governments stated that

though they recognise that fact that there was a legally binding treaty in effect between

Iceland and Denmark on the political status of Iceland, they felt that it would be best if the

decision could be made after the hostilities were over. British officials argued that since the

Icelandic government was already taking all the responsibility of all governance then surely

the official announcement could wait until after the war was over.*^’

Regardless, it was decided that the treaty would not be renewed and in 1941, the

Althing chose Sveinn Bjomsson was chosen as who would serve a one year term to act

as sovereign in absence of their King. During that same year, the Icelandic Government

asked Bjami Bendidietsson, a Professor at the , his opinion on Iceland’s

right to . Bendidietsson stated that “Denmark had for nearly a year been

unable to fulfill her obligations to conduct Icelandic foreign affairs and patrol Icelandic

’Hardarsson, 36.

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territorial waters. Quoting several authorities on international law he concluded that

Denmark’s non-fulfilling of a major part of the treaty entailed Iceland’s right of

severance.”'^* A majority of Icelanders agreed that they would wait until 1944 to declare

independence because that was the year that the treaty was completely void. Early in 1944,

the Althing ruled “that the union treaty with Denmark was revoked. This conclusion was then

ratified in a national referendum in the early spring by 97.35% of the votes.The new

constitution of Iceland came into effect on , 1944 after an estimated crowd of 25 000

gathered at Thingvellir to hear Gisli Sveinsson, speaker of the Althing, “[declare] that the

constitution of the Republic of Iceland had become valid. The flag of the Republic was

hoisted on top of the old Lawrock and the bells in the church of Thingvellir and every other

church around the country were rung simultaneously for two minutes.”''*® Iceland was

officially an independent country.

Conclusion

The development of the Icelandic nation and the transition from colony to

independent state was rapid when compared to the Faroe Islands or Greenland, which are still

Home Ruled territories of Denmark. Iceland was only able to achieve independence due to

the strong historic roots and literacy within Iceland, the recognition of the Icelandic culture

and language as distinct and unique, the popularity of the Icelandic nationalist movement,

and the sink or swim attitude towards the independence of Iceland. Once nationalism and the

idea of a sovereign Iceland was developed, there was no doubt in the minds of both

'^^Hardarsson, 38.

‘^^Hjalmarsson, 159.

140'Hjalmarsson,, 160.

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academics and the public alike that Iceland would become an independent nation. There was

little dissension within Iceland against the progression of Icelandic sovereignty as was

evident within the two référendums on the issue of Icelandic sovereignty. Both referenda,

held in 1918 and 1944 resulted in a 90 % and 97 % respectively vote for sovereignty. In

contrast, the referendum in the Faroe Islands in 1948 on the issue of Faroe Islands

sovereignty resulted in 48.7 % in favour of sovereignty, 47.2 % against the idea. Though the

circumstances were a bit different in the Faroe Islands than in Iceland, it is evident that the

Icelandic nationalist movement was popular with all Icelanders, not just a few educated elite.

Furthermore, the Icelanders, unlike the Faroese or the Greenlanders, had little fears of what

would happen after sovereignty was achieved because they approached their future with a

sink or swim attitude. The development of Icelandic sovereignty was indeed one of the best

examples of peaceful secession as not a shot was fired or a drop of blood spilt. Moreover,

Icelandic secession was a perfect example of delegation and autonomy models for both the

Danish Realm to continue, as well for the international system to copy.

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Greenland: An Introduction

Few Canadians realize that Europe [by means of Danish control over Greenland,] begins twenty six kilometres from Canada’s eastern coast at Nares Strait in [], Unlike the two small French Islands, St. Pierre and Miquelon, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, Greenland is a huge piece of Danish Real Estate, which at some two million square kilometres is the largest island in the world, covering about the same area as continental Western Europe. However, close to nine tenths of Greenland is uninhabitable.’

Greenland, or Nunaat as it is known to the local Inuit, has an area of

approximately 2.2 million square kilometres making it not only the largest island in the

world, but among the top fifteen largest landmasses on Earth. The inland , which

covers approximately 1.8 million square kilometres, is the second largest ice cap in the

world. In some places, the ice cap is up to 3.5 kilometres thick. The northernmost point of

the island. Cape Morris Jesup, is the northernmost land area in the world and is situated

730 km from the . The southern point. Cape Farewell, is located at the same

as the Nordic capitals Oslo and .^ With such a vast territory, some 2,655

kilometres north-south and 1,290 kilometres east-west, the climate varies. But, due to

both the geographic location and the large inland glaciers the temperature never exceeds

10 degrees Celsius, even during the warmest months. Furthermore, “with permafrost and

temperatures dipping to 40 to 50 degrees below fi’cezing, with virtually no means of

communication and transportation but small boats and dog sleds, there was not much

encouragement from Mother nature to proliferate or to settle.” ^ Regardless, Greenland is

‘Nils 0rvik, “The Politics o f a New Northern Nation,” International Journal 39 (1984), www.heinonline.org, 932.

^Peter A. Friis and Rasmus Ole Rasmussen, “Introduction,” Royal Danish Ministry o f Foreign Affairs, http://www.um.dk/publikationer/um/english/denmark/kap7/7-l.asp.

’Orvik, 933.

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a “...modem technological world, where space is measured in phone bills and airplane

arrival schedules; the parameter [of location and climate] has totally changed. Greenland

is now a place some where on the internet, which of course is everywhere and nowhere.”''

With a total population “smaller than the number of births in India every two weeks,”^

Greenland has population of approximately 57 000. The Greenland population is so small

because “.. .northern conditions do not encourage large populations. [Furthermore],

people do not usually settle in a place unless they can live off the land in one way or

another. And until recently living off the land, or rather the sea, in Greenland as in

Northern Canada, depended on and fishing for one’s living.”® Besides, with a

population so small on one of the largest landmasses on earth, Greenland “...is a

microstate with a hinterland and this paradox is the key to a further understanding of

those special opportunities which are embedded in Greenland as a microstate.”^

Greenland is currently at a major crossroads trying to balance modernization with

traditional cultural customs and a continuing push towards more political and economic

autonomy from Denmark, Greenland’s sovereign. Greenland, along with the Faroe

Islands and Denmark, make up the Danish Realm. Both Greenland and the Faroe Islands

are self-governing overseas administrative divisions of Denmark, each obtaining Home

Rule in 1979 and 1948 respectively. In brief, “.. .the economy is based on a block grant

from Denmark and local revenue from industry and taxation, all of which is administered

frens Kaalhauge Nielson, “Government, Culture, and Sustainability in Greenland: a Microstate with a Hinterland,” Public Organization Review 1, no. 2 (2001), www.il.proquest.com, 231.

^Nielson, 229.

*0rvik, 932.

’Nielson, 229.

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in Greenland. [Greenland] left the European Union following a referendum [held] in

1982. All political fields of responsibility, with the exception of foreign policy, defence

matters and monetary policy were transferred from Denmark to Greenland during the first

15 years of home rule.”^

The sheer venture of Greenland cultural, social, and political life and the high standards of facilities and public services impress all visitors. The culmination of a dispersed self reliant indigenous population in new Danish style towns has created many new social problems as in other areas of rapid soeial dislocation. An educated cosmopolitan elite mediates, in effect, between two unlike worlds. It may take another generation to see the shape of the Greenlanders future.^

Similar to the Faroe Islands, the Greenlandic nationalist movement has stopped sort of

full sovereignty as a result of four main reasons: the issue of Aboriginal self government,

a delayed and unorganized nationalist movement, the dominance of Danish culture and

Danish officials in the administration, and timidness towards their economy and

development of sovereignty. These four points can be seen throughout Greenlandic

history and the development of the Greenlandic nation.

Early Greenlandic History: Early Palaeo-Eskimo Culture in Greenland

Unlike Greenland’s neighbour Iceland, Greenland is not geologically new land.

For the most part, the land of Greenland can be divided into three main sections. First, the

“core in Central and West Greenland...is approximately 2-3 billion years old. [Second,

the] North and south o f [Greenland is an] area o f younger bedrock which is more than 1

*H.C. Gullov, “History,” Royal Danish Foreign Ministry of Foreign Affairs, http://www.um.dk/publikationer/um/english/denmark/kap7/7-l-19.asp#7-l-19.

^Peter Jull, “Indigenous Progress Abroad: Self-Determination, Sovereignty and Self-Government,” Social Alternatives 13, no.l (April 1994), http://searcb.epnet.com.

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billion years old. [Third], there is an area of younger fold mountains in the north east

which is less than 250 million years old.”''’ Until around 4500 BC, “the remains of the

mighty ice cap which had been left over from the last ice age covered parts of

Canada and blocked the way to Greenland.”" The first people to settle Greenland came

from Arctic Canada and to settle:

in the northernmost part of Greenland in around 2500 BC, and in the course of a few hundred years the ice-free part of the island became home to an Arctic tribe of hunters known as the palaeo- Eskimos. The warmer climate which appeared once the ice had gone allowed the population to increase rapidly. The Arctic hunters followed the roaming herds of musk oxen and reindeer, and tools made of bone and stones found in the area from Alaska to Greenland show clear signs of cultural homogeneity.’^

In Arctic Canada, this early culture is known as Pre-Dorset. In Greenland, this period

around 2500 BC is divided between two main palaeo-Eskimo cultures; “.. .the

Independence I culture which incorporates the musk ox hunters in the northern part of the

country, and the Saqqaq culture, which includes the seal and caribou hunters in the

southern part of Greenland.”’^ Shortly before 1000 BC, a new wave of immigrants named

the Independence II culture settled in northern part of Greenland, and was followed five

hundred years later by the Canadian Dorset culture, which became the dominant palaeo-

Eskimo culture in Greenland from about 500 BC till about 1200 AD. The Canadian

Dorset culture, named that because they were first found in Dorset Bay in Baffin Island,

'®Peter A. Friis and Rasmus Ole Rasmussen, “Geology,” Royal Danish Ministry o f Foreign Affairs, http://www.um.dk/publikationer/um/english/denmark/kap7/7-l .asp#7-1 -3.

"G u IIo v .

"Gullov.

'^Gullov.

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is primarily found in eastern parts of Arctic Canada right down to Sub-Arctic

Newfoundland and Labrador, and along the coasts of Greenland. The Canadian Dorset

culture was . .especially adapted to sealing and caribou hunting. An abundance of

artefacts and carvings have been found from this period.”*'* Towards the end of the 10*

century the climate in the Northern Hemisphere became drastically warmer, and the

change affected all within. As a result:

Much of the ice in the seas around the Canadian archipelago disappeared, and baleen whales moved into the area to search for food. Eskimo whalers from northern Alaska sailed east in their large, skin-covered boats and reached Greenland in the . These conditions prevailed during the subsequent neo- Eskimo period which also includes the Thule culture. The Dorset culture disappeared from these areas at around the same time, and later signs of it have only been found in southern Canada and in Greenland.'^

Soon, however, the Eskimo or would not be the only culture inhabiting

Greenland with the advent of the Viking culture and settlement of Greenland from the

10*-15* century.

The Viking Age in Greenland: !(/’’-15*^ Century

The warmer climate experienced in the Northern Hemisphere of the 10* century

affected European cultures, especially the Vikings or Norseman from Denmark, Norway,

and Sweden. The Vikings were a sea faring people who colonized and conquered lands

from the Mediterranean to Greenland, especially in Scandinavia, the British Isles, and the

North Atlantic islands of the Shetland and Orkney chains, the Faroe Islands, Iceland, and

'■*Gull 0v.

Gull0v.

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Greenland. The Vikings were also the first European peoples to visit and live in North

America, setting up settlements in Newfoundland, as well as Vinland, a location believed

to be in either the Canadian Maritime provinces or in the New England area of the United

States. Between the 8* and 9* centuries, the Vikings made settlements in the Faroe

Islands and during the 9* century began settling Iceland. With only 300 kilometres

between Iceland and Greenland, it was only a matter of time before Greenland was

discovered. The first known Viking to travel to Greenland was Gurmbjom Ûlfsson, who

reached the East coast of Greenland in the 10* century. Shortly afterward, a Viking by

the name of Snaebjom Galti arrived and took winter quarters in Greenland. However, the

most famous Icelander to settle in Greenland was Erik the Red and his son Leif the

Lucky. Erik the Red was exiled from Iceland as a punishment for killing one of his

neighbours and, after hearing of the new land to the west, he decided to move to

Greenland. Eventually in 986, he and his family, including his son Leif the Lucky, moved

to Greenland for good. Bitter at having to leave his life behind in Iceland, Erik named the

new land Greenland in an attempt to increase interest and the number of settlers, and the

name has stuck ever since. Leif became infamous for his discovery and adventure of the

new lands further west of Greenland including Markland, Helluland, and Vinland,

(modem day Labrador, Baffin Island, and either or the North East United

States.).

This new Norse community in Greenland ".. .was based on agriculture and sealing

and was economically dependent on contact with Europe. The society was organised as a

free state controlled by the big farmers. There are signs of formal trade with the Eskimo

population, and it is known that the ivory from walms and narwhal tusks was highly

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valued, particularly when paying to the church.”'^ The initial rush to settle the new

lands in Greenland was substantial but not nearly as intense as the settlement of Iceland.

This is mainly due to the social and political conditions in Iceland and the rest of the

Scandinavian countries, from where the vast majority of settlers came. During the

settlement of Iceland, the Viking era was at its peak and the idea of seafaring and the

conquering of foreign lands was quite desirable. Additionally, at the time of the Icelandic

settlement, land was in short supply in Denmark and Norway, making the idea of an

uninhabited land appealing. The vast majority of settlers to Greenland were Icelanders

who were in search of more land or to get away from an overbearing Chieftain.

There were two main Norse settlements consisting of some 200 rich farmsteads.

The larger settlement consisting of over 100 farmsteads was in South West Greenland,

mainly near or Julianehâb, while the smaller of 60

farmsteads was near the present Greenlandic capital city o f or Godthàb}^ “The

Norse settlements were certainly not insignificant, having in their heyday their own

bishop, a monastery, a nunnery, and may small churches, but it was a highly marginal

enterprise, dependant on regular links across the huge North Atlantic.. .for trading

contacts.. .and to provide timbers, metals, and other critical resources, including

information.”** As previously stated, the settlements were based primarily on small farms

out of necessity in order to sustain the population, mainly on crops for food and sheep for

clothing. However, over time trade gradually decreased and communication became less

'*Gull 0v.

'’“Polar Denmark,” Acta Archaeologica 72 (2001), www.search.epnet.com, 17.

‘^Polar Denmark, 17.

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frequent. During the mid 14* century there was an outbreak of the plague in Northern

Europe and Iceland, which halted all ships to Greenland. By the end of the 15* century,

there was no sign of the settlers in Greenland.

There are many theories presented regarding why the Viking settlements

disappeared in Greenland, “.. .ranging from plague or abandonment with the hope of

return to a long and gradual decline.”'^ Previously, the hypothesis that the Norse were

killed by attacks in a battle with the Inuit in the Western settlement gained popularity.

This hypothesis does have a historical basis due to an eye witness account by

Greenlander Ivar Bârôarson, who was the superintendent of the Bishop’s establishments

of Gardar in Greenland 1341-1364. Bârôarson reported in the 14* century that “.. .now

the Skælings^*’ have destroyed all the Western settlement, there are left some horses,

goats, cattle and sheep, all ferial, and no people either Christian or Heathen.”^' However,

the idea that the Inuit destroyed the Western Settlement seems increasingly improbable

and unlikely due to the lack of further historical fact or evidence to support Bârôarson’s

claims. “At any rate, the report is an indicator of unrest in the most northern and exposed

part of the Norse settlement in Greenland in the mid-fourteenth century.”^^ A recent study

into the disappearance of the settlers revealed that by “comparing arch logical and

climatic evidence unearthed in Greenland [seems to show that] the settlement was

abounded suddenly because of a sever climate change for which the Norse was ill

’’Polar Denmark, 17-18.

^°Skœlings was the Norse word for the Native or Inuit people they encountered in Greenland and North America.

^'Polar Denmark, 19.

^^Polar Denmark, 19.

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prepared.. Archaeological excavations from the Western Settlement revealed signs of

and desperation. There was evidence of eating dogs as well as a major

degradation of buildings and dwellings which pointed to a severe downturn in society.

Additionally, studies of climatic evidence revealed that Greenland during the mid 14*

century experienced some of the longest and coldest winters in over 800 years.^'*

Moreover, “one of the more interesting findings from the archaeological sites is that the

Inuit were thriving, expanding their range up and down the Greenlandic West coast from

around 1100 to the mid 14* century, when the Norse disappeared.”^^ The eventual

downfall of the Norse settlements in Greenland was that “they came to Greenland during

what was probably a warm period, and their society was setup with the expectation that

was going to go forever.. .they starved to death expecting that life was going to return to

normal. But their normal was based upon only a few hundred years of observation.”^®

Archaeological evidence suggests that though the Norse were in direct contact with the

Inuit for over 300 years the, “.. .Norse seemed to have adapted nothing from the Inuit.”^^

The Norse still wore wool clothing rather then seal or animal fur like the Inuit, nor did

they adapt any Inuit hunting techniques such as the use of to hunt seals or

whales.

^^Kim McDonald, “A Lost Settlement in Greenland, and Climate Change,” The Chronicle o f Higher Learning Ah, no. 12 (November 1996): A15.

^‘'McDonald, A15-A18.

^^McDonald, A 18.

^^McDonald, A18.

^’McDonald, A18.

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The ^Rediscovery’ and ‘Colonization’ of Greenland: Century

After the decline of the Norse settlements in Greenland, many simply forgot or

had no reason to care about Greenland. After the creation of the Kalmar Union in 1397,

the historic Norwegian colonial holdings in the North Atlantic of Greenland, Iceland, the

Faroe Islands, and the Shetland and Orkney Islands (who were soon after ceded to

Scotland), were also incorporated into the Kalmar Union. The Kalmar Union, which was

explained in earlier chapters, was almost entirely Danish controlled monarchy. From the

beginning of the Union, Danish control over the North Atlantic in Iceland, Greenland,

and the Faroe Islands began to increasing over time, so much so that after the Danish-

Norwegian Kingdom was split up in 1814, Iceland, Greenland, and the Faroe Islands

were retained by Denmark and not Norway.

After the end of the Norse settlements in Greenland in the late 15* century, many

simply forgot or did not care about Greenland anymore. However, during the 16* century

the Danish became interested in Greenland once again due to increasing Dutch trade and

dominance in and around Greenland. The Dutch were mostly interested in Whale oil for

their streetlights and Walrus Ivory. As a result of the Dutch presence in Greenland, "...an

international conflict concerning the rights to the open seas. The Danish King asserted his

historical sovereignty over the northernmost area of the Atlantic known as the Norwegian

Sea, and increased activity in the area eventually led to the rediscovery of Greenland in

1605.”^* However, the Dutch continued their activities and trade in Greenland, which the

end of the Dutch operations in Greenland coming to an end at the end of the 17*

®Gull0v.

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century. During the 17* century Danish presence increased as trade and interest in

Greenland. Additionally, many Scandinavian scholars and clergy took an interest in the

historical Norse settlements that, as far as they knew, still existed in Greenland.

Therefore, “in 1721 Greenland was once again colonized by the Europeans. The Danish-

Norwegian priest Hans Egade went to the island to convert the Norse population who, he

believed, would have by then lost their Christian faith.”^^ Trading posts and missionaries

were set up to both convert the non existent Norse settlers as well as the Inuit, as well as

to combat the Dutch trade with the Inuit by getting them to trade with the Danish.

Additionally, these posts and missionaries were also intended to act as a base for colonies

to develop in Greenland. With Growth of trading posts, “all responsibility for the

business was handed over to the Royal Greenland Trade Department [in 1774].

Inspectors were appointed in 1782 to control the trade, and standardised product prices

were introduced to ensure that the population was not exploited.”^®

During the 19* century the political and cultural life in Greenland was

considerably enhanced with the establishment of colleges which, coupled with

missionary work and the creation of new literature, kept the was

kept alive. Furthermore, during the 19* century in Greenland “ .. .the publication of the

world's first newspaper written in the language of a colonial population”^’ was published.

The 19* century was also characterized by the discovery and exploration of Greenland,

with the first contacts made with the Inuit in the North, North East, and near

^’Gull0v.

^“Gull0v.

^'Gull0v.

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(Ammassalik) on the West coast in 1818, 1823, and 1884 respectively. A Royal

Commission was set up in 1878 to study the geology and geography of the large island.

One famous and distinguished Danish-Greenlandic researchers, Kund Rasmussen (1879-

1933), was the first researcher to ".. .document the cultural connections between various

Eskimo cultures. His fifth Thule expedition, which ended with the long sled journey from

Greenland to the Pacific in 1921-1924, is well known internationally.”^^

National Development: The Creation and Development of the Greenlandic Nation:

20*'' Century

The 20* century in Greenland was characterised by rapid political, social, and

cultural changes. The 20* century saw major transformations to the Greenlandic people

as well as the creation of the Greenlandic Home Rule Administration. Around the turn of

the century, Greenland experienced a national awakening with the establishment of the

Greenlandic Church who took over from the missionaries. Additionally, there was the

creation of two provincial councils, one for the north and one for the south, which

replaced previous institutions. Moreover, the Greenlandic Trade Organization took over

all trade responsibilities from the Royal Greenland Trade Department.^'' Climatic changes

in the early 20* century shifted the Greenlanders from making a living off sealing to

farming and sheep farming. Not only were there internal social and political changes for

Greenland, but also changes in the way Greenland was viewed and valued in the

^^GuIIbv .

” Gull0v.

^"GullBV.

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international system and in Denmark. After the 1814 split of the dual monarchy of

Denmark and Norway, many Norwegian’s felt the historic colonial holdings of

Greenland, Iceland, and the Faroe Islands should have been retained by Norway. After

the independence of Norway from Sweden in 1905, “there were claims of at least some of

the island because [Norway] had discovered it. In 1921, Denmark claimed the entire

island of Greenland as Danish territory. Norway argued that infringed upon its traditional

historic rights and argued that prior discover by Norway entitled to some of the Island.”^^

Finally, Norway occupied part of the North-East Greenland in July 1931. This conflict

was resolved peacefully at the International Court of the League of Nations in Hague in

Denmark’s favour. “Right up to the start of World War II, [Denmark’s] responsibility

was the kind that a state feels when it does not question oblivious rights as a colonial

pioneer. Sovereignty issues, for example in Denmark’s dispute with Norway over the

East Coast of Greenland related not to sovereignty of the Greenlandic people, but to

sovereignty over the geographic territory.”^^ It was not until World War II and the

sovereignty conflict with Norway that Greenland or the rest of the world to recognize

Greenland’s strategic position in the North Atlantic, the Arctic, North American, and

Europe.

External Forces on the Greenlandic Nation: The Experience of World War II

With the outbreak of World War II and the subsequent German occupation of

Denmark, the link was broken between Denmark and Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and

^^Norman Berdichevsky, “Greenland Today,” Scandinavian Review 90, no. 3 (Spring 2003), WWW. il .proquest, eom.

^^Tom Hoyen, “Greenland; a Country in Transition,” Polar Record 24, no. 148 (1988): 9.

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Iceland. Both the Faroe Islands and Iceland fended for themselves, taking upon the

responsibility of both the executive and financial responsibility of their countries.

However, during the war they were both ‘invaded’ to a certain extent. The Faroe Islands

were invaded by Britain and both Britain and the United States took control of Iceland for

the duration for the war, much to the discontent of both the Icelanders and the Faroese.

However, in Greenland Henrik Kauffmann, the Danish Ambassador to the United States,

in reaction to the loss of Danish input or capability of defending Greenland “signed an

agreement in which the United States acknowledged Danish sovereignty over the island

and agreed to provide both supplies and protect for the duration of the war. In 1941, bases

were setup in both Western and Eastern Greenland to provide air cover for Atlantic

convoys.”^^ The occupied Danish government in Copenhagen officially declared that

Kauffmann was acting illegally, though after the War he was decorated for having defied

orders. In Kauffmann’s defence, all the local Greenland officials voted to follow

Kaufmann and not the instructions from Copenhagen.^^ As a result, the Greenlandic war

effort did not go unnoticed. Greenland’s weather data and radio data helped the allies in

planning battles and organizing convoys. Moreover, the sprits of the occupied Danish

were lifted as a free Denmark still existed in Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and Iceland.^^

Additionally, because of the agreement signed between Greenland and the United States,

Greenland earned a substantial amount of money with increased production of cryolite

products, as well as the benefits of having thousands of foreign soldiers stationed during

^’Gull0v.

^^Berdichevsky.

^^Berdichevsky.

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the war such as food production, imports and exports, and housing. Furthermore, many

technologies such as trucks, planes, and large ships were new to the Greenlanders who

were still, to a certain extent, a traditional culture. Unfortunately, technology was not all

the foreign soldiers brought with them. They also brought venereal diseases and alcohol

which had devastating consequences for the Inuit culture. As well, “.. .the war convinced

many Greenlanders that the paternalistic authorities in Copenhagen did not always know

best and gave them their first real taste of deciding things for themselves.”''® The

geographic position of Greenland brought both “.. .modernization to Greenland via the

military presence in Greenland during the war and that the military strategic position of

Greenland strongly has influence the structure of the Greenland economy.”'"

Post Second World War US Military’s Presence in Greenland

The political climate that emerged from the Second World War manifested itself

into the Cold War between the two new Superpowers, the United States and the Soviet

Union. In this climate “the Arctic regions held an important geographic position in the

Cold War. Weather conditions prohibited the Arctic’s emergent as a populated area, but

proximity to both North America and mad it vial route for attract in either

direction. Greenland, in particular, could serve as a well situated half-way point for an

^Berdichevsky.

'"Lise Lyck, “Home Rule in Greenland in theory and practice”, in Constitutional and economic space of the small Nordic jurisdictions: The Aland Islands, the Faroe Islands, Greenland, Iceland, (ed.) Lise Lyck. (Stockholm; Nordiska Institutet for Regionalpolitisk Forskning, 1997), 150.

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assault on North America from Europe.Following the Second World War, the US

sought to acquire military bases as close to the Soviet Union as possible:

but in areas in which political opposition to their use would be minor. Along with Iceland, Greenland’s support of air communication lines to Europe seemed to fit this object perfectly. For the Danish, sovereignty over Greenland was a sensitive issue, and with the US plans to continue their presence in Greenland in the post war era, the Danish government expressed much interest in terminating their 1941 military agreement with the US.

Of particular concern ".. .was the possibility that US bases in Greenland and Iceland

might give the Soviet Union an excuse to obtain rights on the Danish island of Bornholm,

which Soviet forces had occupied at the end of World War 11.”“^^ By April 1948 the

Danish government had decided to discourage any proposals from the US government for

a continued presence in Greenland in favour of a tighter relationship with the military

alliance of the Organization (NATO). However, after much

deliberation, Denmark agreed to continue discussion with the United States on the issue

without the threat of terminating the new treaty granting the continued American

presence in Greenland. Soon after the decision was made to extend the stay of the US

military’s stay in Greenland, the issue of the allowance and storage of nuclear weapons

was raised by both the US Defence Department as well as the US State Department. This

was an extremely sensitive issue because “Denmark has always had an official anti-

nuclear policy, not allowing nuclear weapons on Danish territory. Even American

submarines visiting Denmark were in principle not allowed to carry their permanent

"^Erik D. Weiss, “Cold War Under the Ice: The Army’s Bid for a Long-Range Nuclear Role, 1959-1963,” Journal of Cold War Studies 3 (Fall 2001), http://muse.jhu.edu.

""Weiss, 33.

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equipment of nuclear weapons. Also the Greenlandic politicians were told and promised

that no nuclear weapons were placed on the Greenlandic territory.A US Joint Chiefs

of Staff (JCS) memorandum from December 1950 to the US Secretary of Defence made

mention of the “right for storage and stockpile of supplies and material including

ammunition and atomic explosives.”"*^ The US Military Liaison Committee of the Atomic

Energy Commission stated in 1951 that US diplomats “...should not seek that

right to store nuclear weapons in Greenland since this would slow or even halt the

process of securing other base requirements”"*^ It was decided by the US Defence

Department that the decision would be left up to the Danish whether or not they would

allow such weapons on their soil. The agreement between Denmark and the US, which

renewed the 1941 Defence of Greenland treaty, was singed on 27* of April 1951, made

no mention or reference to the storage or use of nuclear weapons in Greenland."*^ To

combat the increasing threat of the Warsaw Pact in and the Soviet Union,

as well as a need to combat the rising number of non-nuclear threats to the US, the

American officials planned an elaborate proposal entitled Iceworm. Iceworm was the

Army’s plan for:

the deployment of [Intermediate Range Ballistic Missiles (IRBM)] within the Northern Greenland icecap. Engineers would build tunnels beneath the surface, which would conceal a series of rail road tracks. Trains, nestled secretly beneath the icecap, would carry Iceman IRBM’s through the ice-encased tunnels. Department of Defence officials expected that the Iceworm

^Lyck, 155

^^Weiss, 33.

"""Weiss, 33.

""’Weiss, 33.

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system could deploy 600 two-state missiles. Their range would allow them to cover an estimate 80 percent of Soviet and Eastern European targets. Iceworm would include thousands of miles of cut-and-cover tunnels 28 feet beneath the ice surface, and the missiles would be in constant motion...on trains located approximately four miles from each other."'*

The amazing size of this operation was approximately “.. .52,000 square miles beginning

at a site 300 miles east of Thule, which was to serve as the systems logistical base. This

area, approximately the size of the sate of Alabama, could be increased for greater

dispersion, if necessary.. .Army officials expected that, within 5 years, they could double

the size of the system.. .maintain a total of 2,100 launch points and keeping missiles in

constant motion.”"*^ As the Army’s secret study into the proposal stated, “Iceworm thus

couples mobility with dispersion, concealment and hardness.’’^'*

Despite the US Army’s confidence that the Iceworm system would be feasible,

officials in the US administration believed that there were two main problems with the

proposal. First, the challenge of building a new or modified nuclear missile that could

operate at -11°F, which would be the ambient temperature of the tunnels. Second, the

development of a shelter and clothing warm enough for humans to function and work in

the harsh environment. Moreover, a force of over “.. .600 missiles would have required

that support of 11 000 troops, including a defence unit of 400 Arctic Rangers, a 200-

strong Nike-Hercules air-defence battalion, communications personnel, landing-field

operators, and other assorted support staff. Supporters argued that it would be

“invulnerable to total destruction and would be powerful enough to deliver a devastating

'^Weiss, 40.

""Weiss, 42.

^"Weiss, 42.

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retaliatory strike.”^’ Additionally, they argued that the location of the Northern Greenland

icecap . .itself held an attractive potential for the system. It offered missile bases far

away from populated areas while remaining within range of enemy targets.”^^ Iceworm's

supporters further argued that even if the system was struck with a direct hit with an

atomic weapon, Iceworm would only lose one weapon per hit on target, thus leaving

hundreds more options for a retaliatory attack.

The cost of the Iceworm system was another unfavourable aspect of the plan

according to its opponents. The Army’s initial investment was pegged at $3.37 billion

and an annual operating cost of $409 million, which supporters of the system did not

consider prohibitive. Yet, officials in the Navy, Army, Air force, and the White House

argued that the development of an entirely new nuclear warhead, coupled with the

massive, and in many eyes, underestimated budget. Moreover, the

already had a very successful and tactful nuclear missile program called Polaris, which

was capable of being launched anywhere in the world due to the fact it was based in long

range submarines. Ultimately, fears about public opinion, NATO Allies reactions, and the

inevitable rejection from the nuclear free Danish officials put a stop to the project once

and for all.

The Iceworm project has been back in the spotlight in recent years due to the

declassification of certain US and Danish government documents showing that both the

US and Danish governments were not being entirely truthful with each other, their

respective countries, and especially Greenland. In recent years it has been revealed that in

'Weiss, 43-44.

^^Weiss, 43.

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the 1950s, "...an American bomber fell down on its way to the equipped

with nuclear bombs.”^^ Other documents state that, though Denmark always assured the

Greenland government that there were never nuclear materials on Greenlandic territory,

documents released state that the US military maintained nuclear weapons in locations in

Japan, Iceland, and Taiwan. Though Greenland was deleted from the declassified version

of the report, it was been confirmed by the US Defence Department that there were at

least four nuclear weapons being stored at the Thule Air Base between 1945-1977.^^

Needless to say, much controversy and mistrust has resulted in the fallout of this

controversy.

Social Developments in Post Second World War Greenland

For more than 200 years Denmark’s colonial rule exercised a policy of cultural isolation, contributing to the preservation of the Greenlandic hunting culture, yet at the same time slowly introducing a formal education. It was a period of peaceful development, with increased racial mixing, and also time during which the Danish showed respect for the Greenlandic hunting culture, thereby fostering mutual trust.

When the Danish Prime Minister, Hans Hedtoft, visited Greenland in 1948 he was

shocked at the living conditions. As a result of his visit, with the wholehearted agreement

of the local Greenlandic administration, the Danish government instituted major reforms

during the 1950s and 1960s. Around this time “a team of Danish journalists visited

Greenland just after then end of the war. Their media communicated knowledge to the

Danish people about Greenland, knowledge that, so far, only a handful o f people had in

"Lyck, 155

"Weiss, 35.

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[their] possession. Denmark became filled with collective feelings of guilt.”^^ After these

visits, the Danish people began to hear stories of the immense Greenlandic poverty,

misery, tuberculosis, , dismal housing, and poor general health conditions.

The poverty was so bad in Greenland that ".. .the average life span of Greenland males in

1950 was only 32.4 years. This prompted Denmark to make significant changes.. to

the social conditions in Greenland.

Therefore, in the immediate post war era, “.. .the Greenlanders saw their society

and living conditions changing. Apartment buildings shot up and the concentration of

people made it possible to introduce modem sanitary facilities. The mortality dropped

from a very high level to below the level of Denmark, while birth rate remained high.”^^

Along with improvements in living and health services, the education system also

received major upgrades. However, the Greenlandic education system could not cope

with the initial rapid increase in the number of new students due to rapid urbanization of

the post war era. As a result, many Greenlanders were sent to Denmark to complete their

schooling. For essentially all the young students, this would have been not only their first

trip outside of Greenland, but most likely their first trip outside of the small settlement or

town. Once in Denmark, the young students witnessed the immense difference in living

conditions and society thus receiving a major culture shock. The culture shock

“combined with the limited occupational and career opportunities back in Greenland

^^H0yen, 9-10.

56 , 'H0yen, 10.

^’j0rgen Taagholt, “Greenland’s Future Development: a Historical and Political Perspective,” Polar Record 21,no.l30(1982):25.

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resulted in frustration, alienation, and a sense of powerlessness among the young

people.Furthermore:

the efficiency and speed at which the post war development programme proceeded produced uncertainty among many Greenlanders. It led to discontent and tensions between Greenland and Denmark. But at the same time, it was difficult to argue that there can be too much efficiency, and that policies providing housing, combating tuberculosis and modernization of the fishing fleet can never proceed too rapidly.^^

On the other hand, the large Danish investment into Greenland resulted "...in an

increased state influence on everyday life in Greenland, while local influence diminished

correspondingly. In retrospect, it is easy to see that a more moderate rate of development

adjusted to allow Greenlandic involvement in the practical accomplishment of the

development programme, would have been far preferable.”®^ Initially, this heavy handed

Danish influence in Greenland created a major backlash resulting in a Marxist/Leninist

separatist movement among the educated class. However, this movement found it rather

difficult to apply the Marxist/Leninist theories of national liberation to Greenlandic

society. This can be attributed to the uniqueness of the Greenlandic-Danish relationship.

“Among developing countries Greenland is unique. No other colony has received such

special attention from its colonial master before as well as after liberation.”®* As a result,

“the extremist wing of Greenland nationalist and socialist’s fount it very hard to apply the

methods described in the socialist textbooks for staging revolutions, coup d’etats, and

’^Taagholt, 25-26.

^’Taagholt, 26.

“ Taagholt, 26.

"0rvik, 938.

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other forms of takeovers by the indigenous peoples. The methods of national liberation,

which proved effective in other developing countries, simply do not fit the Greenlandic

case.”®^

The Danes have gone out of their way to build and maintain education, social,

economic, and legal improvements for Greenland. “, profit, and traditional

colonialist urge to save souls and make money at the same time may have been relevant

to 19* century, but this has not been true of more recent times. For the past one hundred

years, Greenland has provided Danish with increasing deficits, rather than any financial

return on its investments.”^^ No other colonial master, not even the British who showed a

great deal of concern for their colonies, compares to the Danish with their “grace and

generosity.. .[and] deep-felt concern and financial generosity whieh as been a main

characteristic of Denmark’s relations with Greenland. The Danes seem emotionally

attached to Greenland and they continue to feel responsible for its future.”®'*

Unfortunately, the Danes, despite their efforts, realized that the equality they had

guaranteed to the Greenlandic people in the constitution of 1953 had not occurred. As a

result, Denmark agreed to the increasing demands from Home Rule, as well as covering

the financial burden to operate the Home Rule government. The maintenance of the

Home Rule agreement is a high priory for the Danish government. The negative effects

of rapid modernization can be seen all throughout Greenlandic society. Due to the

modernization, an entire history and culture of a people have been halted, creating a

“ 0rvik, 939.

^0rvik, 938-939.

^0rvik, 938.

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major generation gap between the elders who have lived the traditional life, and the youth

who know little of the ancient traditions. As a result, drugs and alcohol abuse, venereal

diseases, a major rise in homicide and suicide, and all associated social problems now are

rampant in Greenlandic society. Moreover, it is no secret that during the 1960s the

Danish policy of improving the social conditions in Greenland was an attempt to

assimilate the Inuit to become Northern Danes. The Danes, “...hased on the assumption

that political equality and a high social and economic standard of living would over time

neutralize and perhaps even eliminate the ethnic and regional differences.”^^

Nevertheless, the nationalistic or separatist movements during the 1960s were started in a

response to this style of thinking and to determine their own future, and resulted in the

granting of Home Rule. In effect, this idea of turning the Inuit into Danes sparked within

the Inuit strong feelings of nationalism that created the Home Rule government, which

was the opposite intention. The attempt of the Danish to assimilate the Greenlanders

speaks to the dominance of Danish culture upon the Greenlandic culture. Furthermore,

the national development which was in it infancy during the 1960s is considerably late in

developing in comparison with the Faroese or Icelandic movements. However, it is easy

to see why the Greenlandic population had not yet become political when in less than a

generation the Greenlandic population had been transformed from a traditional society

into a modem European society.

“H0yen, 10.

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Political Development in Post War Greenland

In the immediate post war Greenland, as well as in the Faroe Islands, there were

demands for more political, social, economic, and cultural autonomy. A White Paper

published by the Greenlandic administration in 1950 .suggested that Greenland’s

administration be replaced by a national council known as the Landsrâd, and that the

Royal Greenland Trade Organization monopoly be lifted.”^^ As a result, in 1952, “.. .the

Landsrâd approved the proposal for the new [Danish] constitution which made

Greenland an integral part of Denmark. The proposal was approved in Denmark in 1953

in the constitutional referendum, and two representatives from Greenland were given

seats in the Danish Folketing.”^^ With the integration of Greenland into the Danish state,

Greenland for the first time was considered a province rather than a colony. Greenland

was also given two representatives to the Danish parliament or Folketing. Soon after this

decision was made, major changes to the infrastructure, health services, education, and

economy began to take place. The post war era also saw the development of Greenlandic

political parties, namely , , and Inuit Ataghatigiit. Each , not

surprisingly, has different aspirations and ideologies, several of which are quite unique to

Greenland. ""Siumut emphasised strong Greenland[ic] economic control along Social

Democratic principles, Atassut advocated the continued co-operation with Denmark and

economic freedom for the individual, and promoted the ethnic bonds

with the populations of and Alaska and decreased dependence on

Gull0v.

*’Gull 0v.

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Denmark.”®^ Similar to the Faroe Islands, the political parties created out of the

nationalist movement divided the support for Greenlandic sovereignty, thus impeding the

development of the Greenlandic nation.

In 1973 a committee was created to examine relations between Greenland and

Denmark, made up of both Greenlanders and Danish officials. In 1975, the committee

recommended that a committee be set up to draft the Greenlandic Home Rule Act.

Additionally, reforms in meant that municipal councils acquired power

in local matter and controlled their own tax revenues. The municipal reform was meant as

a lead up to Home Rule. In 1978 the Greenlandic Home Rule Act was passed by the

Danish Folketing and the Greenlandic Landisting in 1979, with Siumut wining majority

in the Landisting. With the development of the Greenlandic administration and the

large number of social programs, Greenland "...is a society that is, in a very literal sense,

ruled by the government. What the Greenland government does not control or own is of

rather limited significance.”^® For example. Royal Greenland, a Greenlandic Home Rule

government owned company, almost entirely dominates the Greenland fishery.

Generally, “people of Greenland think in a very collectively manner and this is reinforced

by the [collectivism] environment: Public administration is seen as something very

natural part of society.”^* Therefore, the Danish style of government, whieh is well

known for its large governments and extensive policies, is a good fit to the

^GulWv.

"“Nielson, 232.

"’Nielson, 232.

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Greenlandic society because both cultures are rather collective of thought. Therefore, in

1979 when the Greenland Home Rule government was created, the Danish public

administration was copied law for law.^^ Consequently, the transfer from Denmark to

Greenland was remarkably smooth from a publie administration stance because there

were no major changes to the administration of the government.

Unfortunately for Greenland, Denmark joined the European Economic

Community (EEC) in 1973. The EEC was the precursor to the European Union. The EEC

was an economic union comprised of Western European countries designed to develop

labour, social welfare, agriculture, transportation, and foreign trade policies. It was

created by the Treaty of in 1958, and was eventually named the European

Community and the European Union. Therefore, Greenland had no choice but to follow

Denmark into its membership to the EEC, whereas the Faroe Islands, who achieved

Home Rule in 1948, used their power to opt out of the EEC. The main Greenlandic

objection to the EEC was that under the EEC’s (CEP), “no

exclusive fishing rights can be accorded to a member nation of the EEC vis-à-vis other

nations.”^^ “Thus the EEC’s fisheries policy impinged upon the ability of the Greenland

Landsstyre to control and develop the country’s fisheries. Home Rule government had

little choice but to push for withdrawal form the EEC even though this meant the loss of

substantial grants from the EEC Regional Development and Social Funds.”^'*Nonetheless,

Denmark, knowing full well that sometime in the next decade Greenland would achieve

’^Nielson, 233.

’^Graham Poole, “Fisheries Policy and Economic Development in Greenland in the 1980’s,” Polar Record 26, no. 157(1990): 110.

^"Poole, 110.

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Home Rule, guaranteed Greenland a referendum on the issue after Home Rule was

granted. Holding true to their promise in 1982, three years after Home Rule in Greenland

eame into affeet, a referendum on Greenland’s membership in the EEC was held. A

resounding 70% voted in favour of withdrawing Greenland’s membership in the EEC,

and after intensive negotiations between Denmark, Greenland, and the EEC, Greenland

officially withdrew from the EEC in 1985.^^ When Greenland withdrew in 1985,

Greenland was registered as an “.. .Overseas countries and Territories Association

(OCTA) as provided for in Part IV of the , acquiring status common to

approximately 60 developing nations associated with the EEC under the Lomé

Conventions. OCTA grants Greenland exception from duties and quantities restrictions

on her exports to the EEC.”^^ In essence, Greenland received all the benefits of being a

member state of the EEC without having to be confined to the strict policy and

regulations. To the Greenlanders, giving up control to a foreign power over the one

that your economy is based upon, the fishery, would be devastating and damaging

decision.

Structure o f the Greenlandic Home Rule Government

The first Section of the Greenland Home Rule Act states:

Greenland is a distinct community within the Kingdom of Denmark. Within the framework of the unity of the Realm, the Greenland home rule authorities shall conduct Greenland affairs in accordance with the provisions laid down in this Act.(2) The Greenland home rule authorities shall consist of an assembly

’^Poole, 110.

^^Poole, 110.

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elected in Greenland, to be called the Landsting, and an administration headed by a Landsstyre (Executive)^^

With this opening section, Greenland became a self governing overseas division of the

Danish Kingdom. Based on recommendations "...of the Home Rule commission’s

Report (No 847-1979) the Home Rule Act was given by the Danish Parliament (Act No

577 of 29 November 1978), and an advisory referendum of the Act took place in

Greenland January 17, 1979. 73 per cent voted in favour of home rule and the act came

into force on May 1, 1979.”^* Similarly to both the Faroese Home Rule Act and the

earlier Danish Icelandic constitution of 1874, the Greenlandic Home Rule Act has a

special preamble that reads:

We Margrethe the Second, Queen of Denmark make it known; Recognising the exceptional position which Greenland occupies within the Realm nationally, culturally and geographically, the Folketing has in conformity with the decisions of the Greenlandic Provincial Council passed and We by Our confirmed the following Act about the constitutional position within the Realm.^^

The Greenland Home Rule government is comprised of a 31 member unicameral

parliament called the Landsting and the executive branch named the Landsstyre. The

Greenlandic Prime Minister is chosen by the members of the Landsting, which chooses

the seven member cabinet and the Prime Minster from the parties who have received the

most votes. The members of the Landsting are elected by proportional representation

’^“The Greenland Home Rule Act,” Greenland Home Rule, http://www.nanoq.gl/English/The_Home_Rule/The_Home_Rule_Act.aspx.

’*Lyck, 148

^ y c k , 148

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every four years. Additionally, Greenlanders elect two representatives to the Danish

Folketing}^ The or theLandsret is located in Copenhagen.

Within the act, all the powers, responsibilities, and structure of the Greenlandic

Landsstyre and Landsting are defined. The act outlines schedules and fields to be

transferred fi’om Denmark to Greenland as follows in Schedule 1 :

(i) Organization of home rule in Greenland (ii) Organization of local government (iii) Direct and indirect taxes (iv) The Established Church and dissentient religious communities (v) Fishing in the territory, hunting, agriculture and reindeer breeding (vi) Conservation (vii) Country planning (viii) Legislation governing trade and competition, including legislation on restaurant and hotel business, regulations governing alcoholic beverages, and regulations governing closing hours of shops (ix) Social welfare (x) Labour market affairs (xi) Education and. cultural affairs, including (xii) Other matters relating to trade, including State-conducted fishing and production, support and development of economic activities (xiii) Health services (xiv) legislation, rent support, and housing administration (xv) Supply of goods (xvi) Internal transport of passengers and goods (xvii) Protection of the environment

*°Lawrence F. Felt, “Small, Isolated and Successful: Lessons from Small, Isolated Societies of the North Atlantic,” Royal Commission on Renewing and Strengthening Our Place in Canada, http://www.exec.gov.nl.ca/royalcomm/research/pdf/Felt.pdf, 15.

*'“The Greenland Home Rule Act”...

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Additionally, Section 7(1) opens for more fields to be taken over by the Greenlandic

Home Rule government from Denmark^^. Section 7(1) reads:

the central authorities of the Realm may after negotiation with and having secured the consent of the home rule authorities by statute determine that jurisdiction in fields not listed in the schedule to this Act shall be transferred to the home rule authorities, sections 4(2) and (4) or section 5 applying correspondingly.^^

However, “in [Section 7] (2) some limits are set as . .regard shall be had to the unity of

the Realm and to the desirability of the home rule authorities' receiving an extensive role

in matters which particularly affect Greenland interests.”*'^ Nonetheless, the Act does

provide the specific way in which the transfer of a field would take place. Section 5(1)

states that:

where jurisdiction over a field or part of a field listed in the Schedule to this Act has not been transferred to the home rule authorities under section 4, the central authorities of the Realm may after negotiation with the home rule authorities by statute determine that the home rule authorities shall assume regulatory jurisdiction for and administer it. Subsidies to be paid in such fields shall be fixed by statute.

Section 5(1) means that, “although not self-financing, a field can be transferred when the

Danish Government and the home rule authorities have agreed on an amount of

subsidy.. .reached by looking at the actual cost for the Danish Administration.. .then

''L y c k , 151

'^“The Greenland Home Rule Act”...

'“Lyck, 151

85n> The Greenland Home Rule Act”...

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transferred to the home rule authorities as a hlock grant.”*^ The Home Rule authorities

can, however, regulate and administrate the transferred field as they see fit as they have

the power to decide how to use the fimds in the block grant. In short, the Home Rule

authorities . .control the income instruments of the fiscal policy and on the fiscal policy

and the expenditure in the transferred fields... [however] the Home Rule authorities have

no control over monetary policy or the exchange rate policy.”^^

As outlined in the schedule of fields controlled by the Home Rule authorities.

Rent is listed as a power. In Greenland, almost all dwellings and houses are owned by the

Greenland . However, due to “.. .the fact that the income distribution in

Greenland is extremely unequal implies that low salaried families often only have their

economy to function by not paying their rent.**” The result is that a comprehensive part

of the rent is"., .registered as an asset in the home rule and accounts

although it is unlikely that it ever can be paid. It is a result of rent being administered in

this way by the home rule authorities and it makes the public accounts less reliable.”*^

Unlike the Faroe Islands, “Greenland only controls non-living resources

transferred and has no subsurface rights. This question was at the forefront in the

discussions on home rule but there was no Danish political will to make subsurface rights

a transferable field.”^° Instead, the Danish gave Greenland a veto against unwanted

Tyck, 152

"Lyck, 152

^Lyck, 153

*’Lyck, 153

®“Lyck, 153

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activities or development. The present arrangement states that if Greenland does not veto

a proposed development it can take place, as well as to . .give Greenland an incentive to

go for mineral activities it is agreed with the Danish State that income from such

activities shall be shared equally between the Danish State and the Home Rule authorities

up to a fixed amount before reductions in the block grant shall take place.”^* Greenland

has only used its veto right once when the Home Rule authorities halted work at a

uranium mine in the South of Greenland near Narssaq due to recourse depletion and the

high cost of production.

The Home Rule Act also stipulates areas of pure Danish responsibility. For

example, Section 11 (1) reads: “The central authorities of the Realm shall have

jurisdiction in questions affecting the foreign relations of the Realm.”^^ Section 11 (2)

goes on to state that “.. .measures under consideration by the home rule authorities which

would be of substantial importance for the foreign relations of the Realm, including

participation by the Realm in international cooperation, shall be discussed with the

central authorities before any decision is taken.”^^ In other words, though Denmark

controls the foreign relations of Greenland, the Home Rule authorities still have the

power or capability to participate in international relations and foreign relations in so

much as Denmark has to approve the dialogue. If foreign relations Denmark is engaged

in that might affect Greenland, Section 13 states that: “treaties which require the assent of

the Folketing and which particularly affect Greenland interests shall be referred to the

^'Lyck, 153

’^“The Greenland Home Rule Act”...

” “The Greenland Home Rule Act”...

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home rule authorities for their comments before they are concluded.”^'* Additionally,

Section 15 (2) explains that . .The home rule authorities shall be kept informed of

proposed legislation before the Council of the which particularly

affects Greenland in terests.A delegation from Greenland can, in certain situations, be

involved in foreign relations with certain countries. In Section 16 (1), (2), and (3) state

that:

(1) The home rule authorities may demand that in countries in which Greenland has special commercial interest Danish diplomatic missions employ officers specifically to attend to such interests. The central authorities may determine that expenditure to this end be home by the home rule authorities.

(2) The central authorities may after negotiation with the home rule authorities empower the home rule authorities to advance special Greenland interests by taking part in international negotiations of special importance for Greenland's commercial life.

(3) Where matters of particular interest to Greenland are at issue, the central authorities may on a request by the home rule authorities authorize them to negotiate directly, with the cooperation of the Foreign Service provided such negotiation is not considered incompatible with the unity of the Realm.^®

It is under Section 16(1), (2), and (3) that Greenland has the authority and power to

participate in some form or another, for example, in the , the Inuit

Circumpolar Council, and the United Nations.

The protection of the ancient culture is at the heart of the Home

Rule government in Greenland. Section (1) of the Home Rule Act recognizes

■‘The Greenland Home Rule Act”...

’^“The Greenland Home Rule Act”

’“The Greenland Home Rule Act”...

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Greenland’s distinct society within the Danish Realm. Section 8(1) guarantees the Inuit

culture the rights to natural resources in Greenland. Section 9 (1) guarantees that

Greenlandic is the principal language of the Home Rule government. Additionally, as a

measure to further preserve the ancient culture and language of the Inuit, in Schedule 11,

it is stated that all educational and cultural affairs are controlled by the Greenlandic

Home Rule government.

One of the main reasons for creation of the Home Rule Act is that it is but "...a

phase in the independence struggle of the Greenland nation. The powers that the

Greenland Home Rule government lacks.. .will be claimed in the future. Theoretically,

the stmggle for increased independence does not necessarily have to lead to the

establishment of an independence state.”^^ As a next step toward an independent

Greenland, the Greenlandic people may “.. .establish either a fully independent state or

free association with another independent state, as a transitional phase leading to fully

independence.”^^ It is interesting to note that this style of relationship is in existence in

both and the Cook Islands who have a United Nations sanctioned free association

with .**’*’ The possibility of this style of relationship would depend upon the

political and economic factors, as well as the intensity of the conflict between Greenland

and Demark. Unfortunately for the supporters for a sovereign Greenland, the structure

and strength of the Greenland economy is far from being self-sustainable.

^Lyck, 150

^*Ivar Jonsson, “From Home Rule to Independence: New Opportunities for a New Generation in Greenland,” in Dependency, Autonomy and Conditions for Sustainability in the Arctic, ed. H. Petersen and B. Poppel (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999).

'“ jonsson.

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Aboriginal self-government is an issue within the international system that is

unclear. Among other countries with significant Aboriginal populations, there seems to

be a trend towards “acceptance that indigenous peoples require cultural autonomy; the

exercise of self-government in respect of important local or regional matters; significant

participation in management of territories and land/sea resources; and negation forms to

decide the terms of these with national governments.”**’* The Greenlandic Inuit and the

1979 Home rule administration “may be the model of recent indigenous political change.

Since 1979 a home rule ‘constitution’ has seen Inuit occupy all cabinet posts, take over

more powers than Australian States, and run a full Nordic welfare-state system.”***^

Greenland has also been involved in the Circumpolar Region and the Inuit Circumpolar

Conference (ICC) which focuses on “.. .those indigenous groups living in Alaska, the

Canadian North, Greenland, Scandinavia and in the Russian North and .”***^ The

ICC focuses on issues that directly affect the circumpolar people as well as the promotion

of Aboriginal self-government. The issue of Aboriginal self-government is a

controversial issue in the international system because it calls into question the territorial

integrity of several nations who have a significant resident Aboriginal population such as

Canada, Russia, and . Nevertheless, the recognition of Aboriginal groups and

the specific social and political issues that affect them will become more developed over

'°'Peter lull, “Indigenous progress abroad: Self-determination, Sovereignty and Self-Government,” Social Alternatives 13, no. 1 (April 1994), http://search.epnet.com.

'“ Jull.

'“^Jens Dahl, ‘Development of Indigenous and ’ Rights.’ Management, Technology and Human Resources Policy in the Arctic (The North) ed. Lise Lyck and V.I. Boyko, (, : Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1996), 183.

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the next decades, especially with the advancement of Greenlandic Home Rule and the

Greenlandic national movement.

The Greenlandic Economy and the Danish Block Grant

As explained in the earlier chapter on the Danish Home Rule model, both the

Greenland and the Faroe Islands receives a large block grant from Denmark to subsidise

the economy, fund programs, and develop infrastructure. “About 60 percent of

Greenland’s gross domestic product is financed directly from the Danish State transfer

income while the corresponding figure for the Faroe Islands is about 15 percent.”'*’'* The

legal basis for:

the block grant and the conditions under which it is contributed to the Home Rule form a central part of the whole Home Rule system. The legal basis are [in sections] 5 and 7 of the Home rule Act. In short, if the transfer of a field is carried though an act of authorization the Home Rule receives an amount as part of the block grant corresponding to the state expenses in the field at the time of transfer. The Home Rule is practically free to make its own priorities on how to use the block grant.*"

Though this is a severe drain, in the eyes of some Danes, this large income transfer has

several benefits and justifications. For Denmark, it creates “...high salaried jobs for

Danes saving the Danish State job creating costs in Denmark and reducing the overall

Danish costs for .. .furthermore it also gives Danish industry

favourable export opportunities. Thus, the transferred amount from the Danish State is

not identical to the ‘real cost’- this being less than the transferred amount.”*""

'““Lyck, 157

'“^Gunnar Martens, ‘Scenarios for Home Rule in Greenland after Implementation o f the Plan for Home Rule. ’ Management, Technology and Human Resources Policy in the Arctic (The North) ed. Lise Lyck and V.I. Boyko, (Dordrecht, Netherlands; Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1996), 194

'““Lyck, 157

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Furthermore, “a calculation based on a ‘real cost’ approach and on ‘an equal treatment of

citizens within the Danish Realm philosophy’ can, so to speak, claim that the Danish

State transfer to Greenland is not alarmingly high.”*'*^ Nonetheless, it is the political goal

of both Denmark and Greenland to create a sustainable Greenlandic economy, and view it

as an investment into Greenland’s future. However, the Danish dominance within the

administration hinders the Greenlanders from obtaining experience in the administration

of their nation.

Over the years, there has been little debate over the size of the Greenlandic block

grant. In fact, many Danes view it has “...a national obligation, motivated by ,

economic development generation, and security.”'®^ However, the ultra rightwing Danish

political party the has argued since its inception in the 1970s that the

income transfer should be reduced. It was not until the 1990s that the calls for a reduction

in the transfer began to be heard. The first notable call came from Christian People’s

Party (centre-right political party) member Fleming Kofoed Svendsen in 1991 suggested

“.. .that part of the transfer to Greenland should be redirected to Eastern Europe.”'®^ In

1995, the Danish government picked up on the notion and suggested that perhaps a

reduction of some 70 million DKK of the income be cut from the transfer, but Greenland

Prime Minister Lars Emil Johansen argued that “.. .this was against the Home Rule

conditions and that the income transfer was a negotiation result- a price for not having

sovereignty.”"® The end result was that there was no reduction due to the problems

'“’Lyck, 157

'“"Lyck, 158

'““Lyck, 158

"“Lyck, 158

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Denmark was facing in the Faroe Islands due to the major bank crisis in the early 1990s.

Many argue that due to the major decrease in the fish stocks in the North Atlantic and

subsequent falling income from the fishery, the income transfer should be increased.

Perhaps the real solution to the problem is in the diversification of the economy and an

examination into both the role of the income transfer and its allocation within the

Greenlandic Home Rule government. Furthermore, “many take the continued Danish

presence and Denmark’s economic assistance for granted. For two hundred years the

Danish government has been looking after them and, in most cases, has met their most

pressing needs.”**' As far as the international system is concerned, Denmark’s continued

presence is unusual. The continued Danish presence is unusual because in the

International System Home Rule is not generally granted until the territory is able to

finance itself. Though Greenland does levy taxes and creates some revenue, “...in total

terms, Greenland’s own earnings amount to very little compare to the weight of the

Danish subsidy.”**^

Realistically, the Greenland economy is far from being self sustainable or reliable

for future development in its present state. The present economy is almost entirely based

upon the fishery with almost 95% of Greenland’s exports coming from the fishing

industry. Surprisingly, almost 65% the fishery exports come from the Shrimp (Prawns)

industry. Granted, the Greenland fishery is well managed, operating close to sustainable

harvest capacity; however, it is a slippery slope to navigate and base your entire economy

upon a natural resource as volatile as fish stocks. Due to the fisheries efficiency and the

'"0rvik, 937-938.

"0rvik, 937.

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forces of modernization, the fishery employs few people, therefore causing massive

unemployment and widespread poverty. Recent development has been made in the

industry as a possible saviour for the Greenland economy. Resting on

Greenland’s “.. .immense natural beauty in the glaciers, mountains and icebergs that

dominate the area, Greenland has increasingly turned to eco-tourism as a source of

employment and foreign earnings.”*’^ Therefore, “...in 2000, for example, a total of just

over 26 000 foreigners visited Greenland through tourists operations.. .while this pales in

comparison to over 300 000 foreigners that visited Iceland in the same time period.”"'*

Yet, with limited infrastructure such as hotels, attractions, roads, high cost of travel, and

the harsh climate make attracting tourists quite difficult."^ Other ventures into economic

development such as the development of the Information Technology (IT) sector or niche

markets such as woollen products have been less than spectacular and have a high

competition rate in the world market."^

“The best potential [for the development of the Greenland economy] is associated

with the raw material sector. During the 1990s the Greenlandic and Danish governments

have tried to the economic dependence on the fishery. “Greenland is alleged to

have important deposits of zinc, copper, tin, and several other valuable minerals. A zinc

mine in fact operated until 1990 when it closed due to mineral depletion and high

recovery costs.”'" The possibility of an oil boom galvanizes the imagination, but there

^Felt, 117.

"“Felt, 117.

^Nielson, 235

"‘’Felt, 117.

"Felt, 117.

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are also clear indications of the presence of gold, diamonds, zinc, and other raw

materials.”’ However, . .the big question is: Is there oil? The ghost of oil has been an

integral part of of the Greenland politicians for quite a while.”” ^ Early

indications show that oil and natural gas deposits are both on and off shore in Greenland,

however, the practicality, technology, and infrastructure for extracting the oil from the

permafrost, the icecap, or ice covered seas does not exist at present. If possible, the

export of oil for Greenland would almost certainly secure Greenland’s future as a

sovereign nation with a sustainable, albeit short term windfall from oil and gas exports,

economy and future. All the same, countries such as Greenland who have a natural

resource based economy have to be cautious of depending upon oil to save them from

their struggling economy. One does not have to look very far in the international system

to find bonanza economies that base their entire economy upon a single resource. Though

the short term gains are immensely beneficial, the long term effects of environmental

damage, corrupt and mischievous decision making, and mismanagement are rampant.

Furthermore, Greenland, similar to the Faroe Islands, seems to be resting their future

development on the extraction of oil rather than focusing on the current diversification

strategies. There is no doubt that because of Greenland’s hinterland economic

development will be likely.

Further roadblocks to economic sustainability stem from the nature of the Danish-

Greenlandic relationship of the importing and exporting of goods. Almost 78% of all

goods imported into Greenland originate from Denmark, i.e., Danish made goods.

"^Nielson, 235.

'Nielson, 235.

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Conversely, almost 63% of all goods exported from Greenland end up in Denmark.

Though this is good for both nations in the sense that each countries industrial sector has

a guaranteed point of origin for its goods, it limits the options for trading partners open

for Greenland. The cost of living in Greenland as a consequence of this system is one and

a half to two and a half higher in Greenland than in Denmark.*^*

Conclusion

Throughout the development of the Greenlandic nation has been

hindered by issues of Aboriginal self-government Danish dominance culturally and

administratively, and the lack of a popular nationalist movement. The Greenlandic

dependence on the Danish Block Grant, which accounts for over 40% of the Home Rule

administration budget, needs to be seriously reviewed if Greenland will ever develop a

sustainable diverse economy. Furthermore, Greenlandic timidness towards the economic

and sovereign future of Greenland has proven most damaging on the nationalist

movement. For many Greenlanders, the only conceivable sovereign Greenland would be

the development of the potential oil industry. Essentially, many Greenlanders argue that

with the money from the lucrative oil industry Greenland would be successful enough

succeed as a sovereign nation. However, far too often the idea of the potential

Greenlandic oil industry more as a plan rather than a possibility even though there are

severe doubts over the profitability and extraction of the resource. The real solution to

Greenlandic sovereignty is to increase and diversify their economy into the previously

mentioned fields such as tourism, information technology, and education and research.

’^“Central Intelligence Agency, “Greenland,” The Worldfact Book, http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/gl.html.

'"'Nielsen, 236.

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thereby lessening the load put on the fishery and the possible oil industry. Regardless,

Greenland has been well treated by the Danish Realm experience and Denmark is

committed to the development of the Greenlandic economy and national development,

what ever the cost.

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The Faroe Islands: An Introduction

The Faroe Islands lie roughly half-way between Shetland and Iceland. The capital

city of the Faroes is Torshavn, which is almost exactly 62° N latitude and 6° 45 W

longitude. Geologically, the Faroe Islands form part of the great volcanic regions of the

North Atlantic, which takes in Antrim, the central Hebrides, , Iceland, a large

portion of Greenland, and all the area between.* The Faroese archipelago consists of

seventeen inhabited islands and one uninhabited island which are separated by narrow

sounds and Qords. The total land area is 1399 km^ with a coast line of approximately

1117 km. With a total population is approximately 47 000, the Faroe Islands are a self-

governing overseas of Denmark since 1948.^ Though the islands

lie in a sub Arctic latitude, shared by such notoriously cold places as Yakutsk in Eastern

Siberia, Frederikshaab in , and the Ungava peninsula which is the

Northernmost tip of Labrador, the Faroe Islands lies in the main track of the ,

which raises the air temperature around the islands considerably, especially in winter.

The average temperature from December to March is about 4.5° C, while in July and

August, the average temperature is 11° C. The year round average temperature is only

7.5° C, compared to that of Denmark which is around 17° C. Furthermore, the coldest

ever recorded temperature in the Faroes is -11.6° C, and the highest of only 21.2° C.^

John F. West, Faroe: the Emergence of a Nation (New York: Paul S. Eriksson Inc, 1972), I.

^Central Intelligence Agency, “Faroe Islands,” The Worldfact Book, http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/gl.html.

^West, 2.

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The Faroe Islands are far enough south that they do not experience the Midnight

Sun. However, during the summer months the sun is not far below the Horizon, to the

point where “one may easily read at midnight without artificial light. [Furthermore,] the

lighthouses are turned off from 1 June to 15 July every year. During the winter months,

the days are unavoidably short, with the sky brilliantly aflame with the Borealis.”'*

Similar to Iceland, the only land mammals on the Faroes are rats, mice, and the Arctic

Hare. These mammals were introduced by man, the first two by accident and the later

intentionally 1855. It has been said of the Faroes that “...if the land is poor the sea and

the air are rich. Faroese water are visited by about 150 species of fish, of which the most

important commercially are , , , coalfish, ling, , Norway haddock,

halibut, and lemon sole. The breeds in caverns around the islands and

and the North Atlantic species of whales are also to be found.”^

The Faroe Islands are a self governing overseas territory of the Danish Kingdom.

There are four principle reasons why the development of the Faroese nation has not

resulted in sovereignty; lack of recognition and written component to the Faroese

language until the late 19* century, lack of recognition of Faroese culture as distinct or

separate until late 19* century, division within the political parties and the nationalist

movement over sovereignty, and widespread timidity towards the economic and political

future of the Faroe Islands. These four points will be consistently traced through the

history, national development, and external forces shaping the Faroese nation.

“West, 3.

^West, 3-4.

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The Discovery and Early Settlement o f the Faroe Islands: S'* - Centuries

The Faroe Islands, along with Greenland and Iceland were among the last

territories in the world to be discovered and settled. It is quite easy to see why the Faroe

Islands remained undiscovered for so long because they lay two days sail in a direction

where no reasonable early sailor would want to go. The Faroe Islands are so constantly

shrouded in mist that if an early navigator had chanced to be blown off course he would

be easily shipwrecked on the rocky shoreline.^ The discovery of Faroe could easily be

explained by the observation of migrating birds seemingly flying north into the empty

North Atlantic from either Orkney or Shetland. As a curiosity of history, the credit for the

discovery of the Faroes is attributed to an unknown Irish priest in the 8* century, sailing

across the North Atlantic in his skin boat. Consequently, “the circumstances surrounding

the establishment of the earliest settlements on the Faroe Islands cannot be ascertained

for sure, but much of the evidence points to the process having taken place in three

stages.”^ First, the Faroes were the sporadic home to Irish monks and priests beginning as

early as 600 AD to 650 AD. Understandably, it is impossible to determine when the Irish

monks began to settle the Faroes because the Irish priests did not make any permanent

settlements or artefacts of any significance behind. Around 800 AD, a group of Norse

migrants from the British Isles settled in the Faroes. They were joined by a second wave

of from Norway around 900 AD.*

*West, 5.

’Tom Nauerby, No Nation is an Island: Language, Culture, and National Identity in the Faroe Islands (Denmark: North Atlantic Publications, 1996), 29.

*Naucrby, 29.

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In the year 825, the Irish monk and scholar mentioned earlier in the Iceland

chapter, . .composed an essay called Liber de mensura obis terrea (The Book of the

Measurement of the Earth), in which he reckoned the world’s extent by piecing together

estimates of distances between known points.”^ Much of his data originated from ancient

texts, stories, and personal voyages. Diculi wrote of a priest that told him that beyond the

Orkney and Hebrides:

there is another set of small islands, nearly all separated by narrow stretches of water; in these for nearly a hundred years sailing from our own country, Ireland, have lived. But just as they were always deserted from the beginning of the world, so not because of the Northern Pirates they are emptied of anchorites and filled with countless sheep and very many diverse kinds of sea-birds. I have never found these islands mentioned in the authorities.*^

There is little doubt that the islands referred to by Dicuil were the Faroe Islands, and even

less doubt that the Northern Pirates were the previously mentioned Norse settlers.

Similarly to the Irish settlements in Iceland, archaeological evidence points to an

abandonment of the Islands by the Irish soon after the arrival of the Viking settlers.

Contrary to Dicuil’s description of the Faroese as Northern Pirates, in reality “.. .all the

archaeological evidence points to their having constituted a peaceful community,

uninvolved in the warlike expeditions of that period. Not a single weapon has been found

on Viking-age sites in the Faroe Islands.”'* The origin of the name Faroe Islands can be

traced back to this period of settlement. When the Vikings arrived, they found that the

^Jonathan Wylie, The Faroe Islands: Interpretations of History (Lexington, Kentucky; University Press of Kentucky, 1987), 7.

'"Wylie, 7.

"West, 5.

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islands had been well stocked with sheep left behind by the Irish monks. Therefore, the

first Viking settlers called the islands Faroe Islands, or Sheep Islands. The wool from the

Faroese Sheep, raw or knitted, was a staple export well until the 19* century, used to

trade for necessities such as timber, com, and iron.’^

Excavations of a Viking-age dwelling at Kvivlk, on the west coast of ,

carried out in 1942, “revealed a more or less self-sufficient homestead. The byre, next to

the farmhouse itself contained 8-12 cows, pigs, sheep, and horses lived in the out field.

The settlers wove their own cloths on the old-style upright loom. Stone sinkers for

fishing-lines showed that the resources of the sea, too, were not neglected.”'^ Before the

10* century the Faroese formed a political unit with a parliament or high court (or })ing in

) which was called the Legting and met in Torshavn on the rocky headland

called the Tinganes, or ‘Parliament Headland.’ Torshavn itself was most likely sparsely

inhabited, if at all, like the meeting places of other Norse parliaments.'"' As in other Norse

parliaments, it met one a year, usually in late spring or early summer. The early

assembly, or Legting as it was named, “may at one time been a popular assembly, to

which all free men might come; but men probably attended less on their own behalf than

as followers of regionally power chieftains.”'^ Nevertheless, “the new settlers only

enjoyed independence for a short time as the Faroese became subject to the Norwegian

crown in the early 11* century around the same time that Christianity was introduced. In

"West, 5-6.

"West, 6.

'"Wylie, 9.

'^Wylie, 9

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1273 the Norwegian crown also took over commercial sailing in the Faroes, something

that had previously happened to Greenland and Iceland.”*^ Nevertheless, . .the Faroes

had true independence... at the very most, for a couple of centuries after the [Union with

Norway]. The period following this, stretching up to the Reformation, was characterised

by the increasing disintegration of this independence in a number of areas.”’^ The exact

nature of the ties between the Faroes and the crown in the 11* and 12* centuries is not

exactly known, but it is likely that the king appointed a superintendent to look after his

interests.'^ Therefore, unlike Iceland who enjoyed several hundred years of independence

coupled with a more gradual and mutual agreement to join the Norwegian kingdom, the

Faroese did not get to enjoy independence for nearly as long, nor did they have a real

choice regarding the incorporation into the Norwegian kingdom. Unfortunately;

[The] course of Faroes history from the Norse settlement right through the medieval period is quickly told, because the sources of information are so scanty. The islands are briefly mentioned in several Icelandic Sagas, and it is clear that Christianity came to Faroe about the same time as it was received in Iceland. According to Færeyjnga Saga, a written down in Icelandic in the 13‘ century, Christianity became the religion of the Faroe about 1000, and the right of the Norwegian Kings to collect tribute [called the Landnam] was finally conceded about 1035. The Saga carmot in general be considered a reliable historical source, but there is nothing improbable about these details.'^

'Nauerby, 29.

‘^Nauerby, 31.

"Wylie, 10-11.

19;"West, 6.

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Political, Economic, and Social Developments in Pre-Reformation Faroe: if * - 13‘'*

Centuries

Shortly after the introduction of Christianity in the 11* century, the Faroe Islands

received their own Bishop. The dioceses was established approximately 1100 on the

southern tip of Streymoy in the town of Kirkjubeur. From 1100 until the reformation in

the 16* century, there were thirty-three Bishops of the Faroe Islands, however, little is

known about these men. For the most part, the Bishops never stepped foot in the Faroe

Islands, serving their term in Norway or Denmark. The remains of the Episcopal

and an unfinished Cathedral still stand in Kirkjubeur. One well known Bishop named

Bishop Erlendur, who served from 1268 until his death inl308, “enriched the Faroese

church with privileges, lands, and worldly goods. In his time the Episcopal church and

palace were destroyed by a treacherously raised fire.”^*^ Few details have survived from

Erlendur’s reign; however, it is believed that there were at least two battles between

supporters and opponents of the Bishop. It can be assumed that these battles are the

reason that the Cathedral in Kirkjubeur was never finished.

During the time period between the first settlement and the 13* century:

the Legting probably both made the law and interpreted it in cases brought before it. It was thus a legislative as well as a judicial body...The Legting’s independence however, was greatly curtailed in the last quarter of the 13* century. In 1273, King Magnus wrote; ‘We want all men to know that we have agreed to confirm for you, according to your request and according to the advice of all the best men, that such laws hall be valid here as are valid in the district [in South Western Norway], except that the chapter of laws concerning the land

""West, 6-7.

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shall still stand according to what your own book already witnesses?'

Therefore, the Faroe Islands code of law called Seydabræiô, or Sheep Letter, which

regulated the use of land, was allowed to stand. The Sheep Letter, created in 1298, was

renewed and updated in 1637 and was replaced by the Outfield Law of 1866. In the

Sheep Letter, “some of the provisions... protected the smaller farmer from oppression by

the large landowner; others safeguarded the labour supply of the better-off farmers by

prohibiting any poor man from setting up an independent household without certain

• • **22 minimum resources.

Faroese commerce through the Middle Ages is poorly documented. However, it is

known that the Norwegian King channelled all Faroese trade to the Norwegian port city

of Bergen. Originally, the Hanseatic League, which dominated trade in the Baltic and

Northern Europe from the 12* to the 16* century, was not allowed to trade in Bergen,

Iceland, Greenland, or the Faroe Islands. Nevertheless, this restriction was lifted in 1361,

resulting in German dominance in the Faroese trade for several years.^^ The dominance

of the Hanseatic merchants was made easy in the 14* century because Norway was

severely weakened due to successive plagues, especially the . Successive

plagues also devastated the Faroes via Norway during the 14* century. “According to

tradition, some villages were completely wiped out. The population was subsequently

"'Wylie, 13.

""West, 7.

""West, 6-8.

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slow to recover. An assessment by the Vatican for ‘Peter’s Pence’^'' suggests that in 1327

the population [of the Faroes] stood at about 4000.. .a count taken in 1769 shows that [the

population] was then 4773.”^^ Assuming that after the devastation of the plague, the

population stood at about 2 500 people, the average rate per decade is

only 1.5%, which is considerably slow. However, “the explanation may lie partly in

severe epidemics arriving periodically from abroad and causing a vast mortality amongst

a population with no natural immunity. There was, for instance, a epidemic that

took a sever toll in Torshavn in 1709.”^^

Political Union, the Reformation, and Danish Dominance: 14^-16*'’ Centuries

During the mid to late 14* century, a series of royal deaths in the Royal families

of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, coupled with a surge of pan-Scandinavianism

resulted in the amalgamation of the power of all three Kingdoms into one named the

Kalmar Union. The union between Denmark, Sweden, and Norway lasted more or less

from 1380-1523 when Sweden broke away. The union between Denmark and Norway

lasted until 1814 when they were separated in the after the Napoleonic

Wars. The Denmark-Norway union lasted 434 years. With the union of the Danish and

Norwegian crowns the ancient island dependencies of Norway were included into the

union with Denmark. At the time of the union of Denmark and Norway, “.. .the

importance of Bergen as Norway’s political and commercial dynamo was on the wane.

^'‘The ‘Peter’s Pence’ assessment was based upon a calculation of the number people per house. An official count of 270 homes in the Faroes in 1327 was estimated to have 15 people per house. Even at the most, 15 people per house seems a bit high, therefore this number may be severely skewed.

^Vest, 8.

^^West, 8.

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From the mid-13* century onwards, interest increasingly became focussed on inter-

Scandinavian relations.. .culminated in the Kalmar Union in 1397.”^^ As a result, power

began to shift away from Bergen and Norway in favour of Denmark and the mercantile

city of Copenhagen. As a result, Iceland, Greenland, and the Faroe Islands also began to

be governed more from Copenhagen.

After the creation of the Kalmar Union Denmark began to take over Bergen’s role

on a spiritual level. Shortly after the reformation, “the Faroese church was made part of

the Sjœlland (Zealand) diocese, having already been demoted to the rank of deanery

within the diocese of Bergen in cormection with the reformation (1535-40) when the

Episcopal residence in the Faroes was closed down.”^^ Besides religious and economic

domination by Copenhagen over Bergen, Faroese “.. .language relations [with Denmark]

suffered too. For quite some time after thelandnam, the language spoken on the Faroes

remained closely tied to the dialects of Western Norway, but with the increasing isolation

from Bergen, Faroese gradually began to separate itself with an independent linguistic

construction.”^^

The Reformation between 1535 and 1540 in the Faroe Islands took a course

similar to the experience of Norway. The first major change was the confiscation by the

Crown of the extensive Church lands, which accounted for some 40% of the total land

area of the Faroes. Second, after a short stint of a Faroese Lutheran Bishop at the

^’Nauerby, 29.

^^Nauerby, 29.

^^auerby, 30.

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Kirkjubour See, the head of the Faroese chureh was relocated to Bergen, then later to

Sjœlland (Zealand) in Denmark. Moreover, “at the time of the introduction of

Christianity, became the dominant liturgical language. After the Reformation the

Clergy received their , thus Danish had now established itself as the

language of the chureh as well as the dominant written language of the islands.”^**

Nevertheless, Danish was just as foreign to the Faroese as was Latin.

The Old Faroese Life

In the centuries that followed, the Faroes experienced major societal changes, as

did the rest of post-Reformation Europe. However, the time between the 17* and 18*

centuries is commonly referred to as the Pleasant Society due to the unprecedented

stability, peacefulness, and prosperity experienced. “[An] examination of the stable

Pleasant Society of the 17* and 18* centuries reveals the magnitude of the social

revolution during which the Faroes entered the world fish market, and at the same time

developed a national consensus.”^' It was also revealed during this time just how rooted

in the old life the Faroese people actually were.

The old life was lived almost entirely in small villages. Until the islands were

opened to international commerce in 1856:

even Torshavn had hardly any pretensions to be called a town. It was no more than a fortified trading post near which live a few score of landless labours, carrying out the unskilled work for a handful of commercial agents and government officials. The

^“Nauerby, 30.

^'West, 11.

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peasant population was scattered through about 85 small villages, each containing an average of ten or a dozen families. Every village was by the sea, so that the scanty produce of the soil could be eked out by the abundance of the ocean.^^

The typical old Faroese small town consisted of three major elements: the actual town

itself, comprised of the houses, bams, and boat houses; the cultivated infield split into

tiny pieces of land separated by deep drainage ditches; and the land beyond the wall

called the outfield, which was used for the pasturage of sheep and other livestock.^^ Each

of the three divisions was strictly regulated by the townspeople. For example, one could

not graze sheep in the outfield unless one had crops in the infield.

The Law, Taxes, and Defence of 16-1 Century Faroe

The government of the Faroes was concerned, broadly speaking, with three main

matters: law, revenue, and defence.^'* The law was “administrated through local courts...

and an aimual provincial assize [or old criminal or a court with a jury] in Torshavn. The

revenue was collected, and the country’s expenses paid out, by the king’s bailiff. The

defence establishment was merely a small garrison in Torshavn for the defence of the

Monopoly warehouses.”^^ In 1604, Christian IV made an updated version of the 13*

century Norwegian Law created by King Magnus the Lawmaker. This was done mainly

because the language was hard to interpret and many of the provisions were out of date.

However, the Faroes already had, as stated above, its own Seyôabræviô or Sheep Letter,

^^West, 11.

^^West, 11-12.

"West, 22.

^'West, 22-23.

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which primarily regulated the management of the outfields and provided a code of

ecclesiastical law devised primarily from Icelandic law. The chief application of the code

of ecclesiastical law was in certain types of sexual offences. Nevertheless, Christian IV’s

laws were replaced in 1687 by Christian V’s laws, which also superseded all of the Faroe

laws except for the Sheep Letter. Under this new code, the Faroes were divided into six

sysler or law districts; Streymoy, , , Vàgar, Suduroy, and the Northern

Islands. Each of the districts had its own court with six jury men who would interpret the

law and pass judgements. All appeals from the districts were heard first at the Legting,

with the highest court of appeal in Copenhagen. At this point, the law became too

complex for the common farmer or fisherman juryman, and a sorenskriver or advisor was

appointed to assist in their rulings.^^

The Bailiff, which was a crown appointment, was the chief revenue official in the

Faroes. To the Bailiff, all “.. .royal rents and taxes were paid in kind, according to a

standard tariff also used by the monopoly, and the king’s bailiff had warehouses in

Torshavn for storing the goods in which he was paid.”^^ The chief sources of revenue

were crown rents, the land taxes, and the tithe. However, the income generated in the

Faroes was not large. Between the years of 1600 and 1650, revenue for the crown stood

at a little under 3000 gylden (gold), by 1790, the revenue had risen only to 3800 gylden.

The crown land tax “comprised of two parts, Kongsskat and the Matrikelskat. Kongsskat

(king’s tax) was a small customary payment intended for the maintenance of the royal

household.. .the matrikelskat (defence tax) was applied to the maintenance of the

^*West, 23-24.

^’West, 27.

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Tôrshavn forts.”^* The tithe in the Faroes was collected on , butter, fish, whales,

seals, sea-fowl, and wool. Of these taxed goods, “the wool and fish tithe were the most

important. The tithe was an ancient tax in Faroe, and was originally divided.. .between

church, the priest, and the poor. After the reformation, the crown continued to collect the

bishop’s share as a secular tax.”^® After the king took away the portion of the tithe from

the poor, it became the responsibility of the villages to care for the poor. This change

caused a great deal of resentment toward the Danish.

The first fortification in the Faroe Islands, which was located “on the easterly

headland overlooking Tôrshavn harbour, is said to have been built about 1580 after a

pirate raid on the warehouses there. The builder was a Faroese adventure called Magnus

Heinason (1545-1589).”'*'* The king granted Heinason permission to outfit his ship to

become a warship in the pursuit of pirates and raiders in the North Atlantic after the

attack on the Tôrshavn warehouses. In 1579, Heinason was granted the monopoly for

Faroese trading in 1579, but was accused of malpractices and was stripped of the title in

1583. Heinason was exiled out of the Danish realm for two years on charges of rape and

incest. After his two years in exile, Heinason returned but was then charged with

against an English ship in 1585, and was beheaded as a result in 1589 as punishment.

Today, the Faroese have tended to regard as:

"'West, 28.

"’West, 28-29.

““West, 30.

'"West, 30-31.

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a national hero, claiming that his death was due to the machinations of an implacable enemy at court, Christoffer Valkendorff. It is true that in the proceedings against Heinason there were technical illegalities; and these eventually led to Valkendorff s disgrace and Magnus Heinason's posthumous rehabilitation. But few historians outside the islands can be convinced that he was innocent of the piracy for which he suffered death."^^

Heinason’s well placed fort on the headland of the Tôrshavn was supplemented

with another fortification near the tip of Tinganes, near the monopoly warehouses. This

second fort was built inl653, but “.. .there was no hope of defending the islands as a

whole, which in the unsettled days of the 16* and 17* centuries were the Faroes were

constantly exposed to plunder.The Legting records show that the worst attacks on the

Faroes occurred in the early 17* century, especially in the years of 1615, 1616, and 1629.

The most serious attack occurred in 1629 “when 3 Algerian ships descended on Hvalbour

on Suduroy, and took 30 of the inhabitants to be sold as slaves. They never returned, for

the Danish exchequer had been emptied by Christian IV’s participation in the Thirty

Years War, and the Faroese themselves were too poor to raise the ransoms.”'*'*

The Trade Monopoly

With the consolidation of power over the Faroese lands and church, the Danish

crown power began to move into other areas of society such as trade and commerce. In

the mid to late 16* century the trade monopoly was introduced. Eventually, “by 1620 all

Faroese political, commercial, and ecclesiastical matters were dealt with in Copenhagen.

West, 31.

"Vest, 31.

""West, 31.

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The had been established as the islands’ official language and the

clergy-the most important link with the outside world at the time-was predominantly

Danish.”'*^ The trade monopoly began when King Christian 111 gave Thomas Koppen, a

Hamburg merchant:

the entire royal income of the Faroe Islands, and the sole right to trade with the inhabitants. King Christian’s motives were probably three fold; he wanted to exclude Lübeck merchants from Faroe, since Lübeck had supported his rival. King Christian II, in the civil war that had been raging in Denmark since 1533. In the second place, he wanted to favour a faithful servant without cost to his exchequer. [Third, Christian III] [pjrobably, too, he wanted to build up good will in Hamburg.''®

From the inception of the Faroese trade monopoly in 1535 until 1709, was

controlled usually by “various individuals or companies, usually against a fixed annual

payment into the royal treasury. From 1709 until 1856, the Danish government itself

conducted the trade.”''’ For the most part, the monopoly was not generally oppressive;

indeed, it acted as a valuable cushion against hard times. It only did damage in that it

encouraged commercial and intellectual stagnation.''* The rules by which the monopoly

operated were strictly defined in law. The conditions were laid down for the Bergen

consortium which took over the trade in 1597 was as follows;

(i) The monopolists had to keep the country well supplied. (ii) They must buy and sell only at the customary prices. (iii) They were not to bring any adulterated goods into the islands. (iv) Both in purchase and sale, they were to use the ancient Faroese weights and measures.

'‘^Nauerby, 31.

'**West, 9.

‘‘’West, 34.

^West, 34.

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(v) They must carry any prosecution, whether for debt or any other cause, before the lawman and the Legting. (vi) The must conduct themselves in a friendly marmer towards all inhabitants of the islands. (vii) They must treat the king’s bailiff with honour and respect, and give him free passage to and from Bergen, though at the king’s expense for provisions. (viii) They must give a cheap passage to any islander who wished to leave the islands in order to petition the king.'^^

Until 1619 the monopoly was conducted by various Bergen merchants, usually in

partnership. However, as previously stated, the Dual -Norway was

increasingly becoming more of a Danish dominated enterprise, especially in the area of

commerce and trade. The Bergen merchants “were succeeded by the Icelandic Company,

a Copenhagen venture that also held the monopoly of trade in Iceland. From 1663 until

1709, the Gable family conducted the trade. The Logting records show that the Iceland

Company served the islands the best. The Bergen merchants were under capitalized,

while the Gables held their concession during difficult war years.”^® Regardless, the trade

monopoly under the Gable’s “is usually described as one of the blackest chapters in the

islands’ history.”^'

The monopoly trading station stood at Tinganes, with “the headland jutting into

Tôrshavn harbour and most of its buildings survive today. In 1709, when [the monopoly

was] transferred from Gable’s heirs to the Danish crown at a valuation, they consisted of

five warehouses, a brewery, two dwelling-houses, four boat-houses and a tiny lock-up.

""West, 34-35.

’“West, 36.

’’Nauerby, 31.

’^West, 36.

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The Tinganes, apart from a short lived out-station on Suduroy, was the only location in

the Faroes for trade to legally occur. In the Tôrshavn harbour "...in good sailing weather,

a great crowd of boats might press in from every party of the islands. At those times the

men of Mykines had the right to be served first, since their remote island had the most

difficult landing place in the whole of the Faroe, and it was often impossible to get on or

off for weeks at a time.”^^ The years between 1657 and 1673 were the hardest years

experienced under the monopoly due to “Denmark’s war with Sweden from 1657-1660,

[which] came near to extinguishing the kingdom, and it raised prices so high that the

Icelandic Company was driven out of business. For long periods, the Tinganes

warehouses were empty.. .the position was made worse by the inexperience and

corruption of Gabel’s agents in the islands.

A royal commission into the Faroese trade monopoly was conducted shortly after

the war. The result was the rectification of a number of abuses in both the trade and the

administration of the monopoly such as penalties on traders who abused the monopoly

for personal gains. At the same time, there was a decline in fishing prices and stocks,

forcing the Faroese into knitting woollen stockings and exporting 60 000 pairs every

year. However, prices for woollen stockings dropped, prompting Frederik von Gabel to

state “.. .that more hose was being sent out of Faroe in one year than could be sold in

Holland in three.” Nevertheless, the Faroese refused to either drop the price or limit

production, thus reinforcing the problem. The hose dispute led to “a second royal

"West, 36.

^ e s t , 37.

"West, 37.

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commission sitting over Faroese affairs. The commission’s report led to a royal ordinance

dated 30 May, 1691, laying down a new tariff, which was to last in the main for the next

one hundred years. Almost all prices were raised and new regulations in the system led to

a good deal of smuggling.”^^

To some degree, the Faroese monopoly was justified “by the need to concentrate a

store of vital imports in a place that could be defended. The total volume of trade was not

large; and more than single defended trading post was impractical, at least in the 17*

century.”^’ Ideally, the monopoly system ensured the Faroese had a market to sell and

trade their goods, as well as guarantee that imports would arrive. Their complaints,

therefore, were not directed at the system itself, much less at the King, but at the

management. In a sense, “the monopoly trade had a distinctly protective effect, since it

acted as a form of a buffer on the effect of international trade fluctuations on the inner

economic structure of the Fares; e.g. ensuring the Faroese a fixed trading rate for the

merchandise that was often not in accord with actual trade conditions and could mean a

direct loss to the monopoly.”^® Thus, the monopoly also acted as a sort of social

institution which robbed the Faroes of any commercial initiative and this in turn resulted

in the stagnation of development.^^ Moreover, other drawbacks included the waste of

time traveling due to the sole trading station in Tôrshavn, the tendency to import the

lowest possible quantity of goods even when though the prices were fixed, and the

®^West, 39.

"West, 40.

^*Nauerby, 31-32.

^^auerby, 32.

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reluctance of importers to introduce new and improved products. Nonetheless, by all

accounts the Faroese were reasonably well served by the trade monopoly, especially

when the trade was being operated by the Danish government, and not the private

merchants.^®

The Faroese Tradition of Smuggling

One of the most serious and well known results of the strict restrictions of the

trade monopoly was the advent of smuggling. In the Faroes, smuggling was done:

either in a small way with passing fishing-boats, or on a more considerable scale with professional Dutch or English smugglers. Repeated ordinance against trade with foreigners indicate the persistence of this practice. Each year the district sheriff were expected to submit to the Logting a list of foreign ships and the people with whom they had traded. But the Legting was composed of Faroemen, who knew the inconvenience of coming to Tôrshavn to supply every want. The reports for 1620 showed that in the previous summer, the lawman, some of the priests, and most of the Legting, as well as many of the general populace, had traded with smugglers.^*

The penalty for a priest or official for trading with smugglers was the loss of their post.

The penalty for a peasant for trading with smugglers was the loss of their farm and the

loss of the smuggled goods. Moreover, “even such fleet eontact with foreigners was

illegal, since it threatened the merchants profits and hence the interest of the crown.

Nevertheless, it was quite easy to get around the law. If the accused person could prove

that at the time they were caught smuggling there were limited supplies at the monopoly

“ West, 40.

"West, 39.

“ Wylie, 29-30.

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warehouses, then they could be found not guilty. As stated previously, it was common

practice by the monopoly holder to import the least amount of goods possible, thus

having limited supplies. In the case of priests and officials, they “often evaded the law by

sending their wives on board the boats to do the trading, especially choosing times when

they themselves were away from home or business.”^^

The smuggling trade in the Faroes was the first considerable influence from the

outside world on traditional Faroese society. With the establishment of the smuggling

depot in Tôrshavn, which was built by Niels Ryberg on the head of Tôrshavn ’s western

harbour, foreign ships often visited the Faroes. The smuggling depot, which was also

known as Friedrich Vaad or Rybergs Handel, survived off of wars between France and

Britain because import duties were so high due to war, which made smuggling a lucrative

business. The smuggling trade was particularly successful during the American War of

Independence which involved Britain, France, , Holland, and the United States of

America all at war with each other. During the war, the Danish-Norwegian kingdom was

the only colonial power in the Caribbean that was neutral. Therefore, many illegal goods

and materials traveled both across the Atlantic from the Faroes to the Danish West Indies

(Virgin Islands) from Europe or vice versa. Sugar, alcohol, weapons, and other such

goods were the most shipped and most profitable for the smugglers in the Faroes and

Europe. Therefore, the smuggling depot was important to the Faroe Islands:

in a purely economic sense, since many Faroemen were employed about Ryberg's workshops and warehouses, and they and the foreign staff were a source of demand for such goods and services as Faroe could supply. More important, however, were

“ West, 40.

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the skills which the Faroeman learned through the depot. Coppers, carpenters, clerks, shipwrights, tobacco-cutters and many other craftsmen were plying their trades in Tôrshavn for almost a generation.^'*

Additionally, foreigners became a familiar sight in the Faroes, especially in Tôrshavn.

Many of the crewman on the transatlantic vessels consisted of Scots and Irishmen.

Foreigners became so numerous in Tôrshavn that English was widely spoken and

understood.^^

In 1772, Ryberg’s received a government licence to conduct cod and herring

fishing in the Faroes. At the time, the Faroese did not salt and cure the catch. Ryberg

taught the Faroese how this skill thus allowing the Faroese to sent their catch to Spain,

the Mediterranean, the Baltic, and other European markets. Previously fish were thrown

back into the sea when more fish were caught than could be eaten fresh. These skills

improved the quality, market value, and transportability of the Faroese product.

Major Political, Social, and Economic Changes in 79**the Century: The End of

Absolutism and the Trade Monopoly

The 19* century witnessed major changes in the Faroe Islands, including the end

of the Trade monopoly, the end of the Kalmar Union, and the birth of Faroese

nationalism. The beginning of the 19* century saw the end of the 434 year long union of

the Danish and Norwegian kingdoms, as well as the end of the almost 800 year union

^West, 47.

“ West, 47.

“ West, 48.

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between Norway and the Faroe Islands. As examined in earlier chapters, during the

lifespan of the union of Denmark-Norway, the power shifted away from Norway to

Denmark, and the Norwegian North Atlantic dependencies of Iceland, Greenland, and the

Faroe Islands, began to be ruled more by Denmark and less by Norway. To this point,

when the union ended in 1814 at the Treaty of Kiel after the Napoleonic Wars, Iceland,

Greenland, and the Faroe Islands were retained by Denmark, not Norway. The final

dissolution of the union between Norway and the dependencies “.. .has been regarded as

the result of ignorance, diplomatic skulduggery, or Sweden’s lack of interest in the

distance and impoverished North Atlantic colonies.”®^ Furthermore, during the

negotiations of the treaty, Britain expressed great interest in the North Atlantic

dependencies. Once it became clear that Britain was not going to be able to gain control

over the dependencies, Britain advocated for Denmark to retain them because at the time

Denmark was quite weakened by the Napoleonic Wars and at a further point may be able

to attain them from Denmark.^*

The following years saw the Faroes drawn closer to Denmark. In the Faroes, the

“.. .Legting slowly saw less cases and had few powers until, in 1816, was dissolved, in

the post Napoleon War period of renewed absolutism and deep economic depression in

Denmark.” The Faroes were made a Danish county {anf) with an appointed resident

governor (amtmand, amtmadur) who would virtually rule the Faroes. The first in the

direction of democratic reform in the Absolutist Danish state was the creation of the

"'Wylie, 89.

"*Wylie, 89-90.

"Vylie, 90.

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advisory provincial assemblies in 1931. Despite the objections from Faroese Governor

Frederik Tillisch, . .the King and his ministers decided that the Faroese (and Iceland)

should be represented at Roskilde [20 miles west of Copenhagen]. Like so many

decisions concerning the Faroes, this one was evidently ‘made on a rather random

basis’.”^® Moreover, the Faroese delegates to the Islands Assembly were “.. .appointed by

the king, were Danish officials who had recently completed tours of duty in the Faroes:

the former governors Christian Tillisch (1836-41); his brother and successor, Frederik

Tillisch (1841-44); and Niels Hunderup, who had been sorinskrivari [a judicial official]

from 1832 to 1841.”’’

The Faroese were hopeful for political recognition during the Danish

constitutional conference of 1849, which was organized by Christian VIll to end the

absolute monarchy that had ruled Denmark for hundreds of years. During the conference,

the structure of the new democratic Danish state was decided, and unfortunately for the

Faroes Islands:

the constitution of 1849 did not grant the Faroes a special status like Iceland or the Slesvig; in fact, it failed to mention the Faroes at all. Thus, almost by default, and despite the objections of ex- govemor Christian Ployen, who represented the Faroes at the constitutional convention, the Faroese formally became an integral part of Denmark. Their actual legal status remained ambiguous, however, of even the Rigsdag’s dimmest member must have realized that the Faroese ‘special conditions’ made special laws necessary. Indeed, a special law had to be passed in order to seat Faroese representatives in the Rigsdag at all.^^

™Wylie, 90.

’’Wylie, 90.

’’Wylie, 90-91.

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By creating a separate electoral bill for the Faroes, it produced a . .legislative union

between Denmark and the Faroese. As [Danish Minister of the Interior, H.M Rosenom]

put the case, ‘nothing better can be given to the Faroese than to give them a seat here in

the parliament; for what better thing can be one people give another, with whom it wishes

to live together, than to give it a place among its own representatives?’”^^ Though the bill

passed though both Danish houses of parliament, the discussion was focussed upon how

far to separate Faroese affairs from the Danish government.

After the constitutional conference in 1851, the Danish government decided to

reinstate the Legting which had been dissolved earlier in the century. However, the

amount of power and political status, as well as the make up of the Legting resulted in

fierce debate between the Faroese and the Danish. The Faroes wanted a Home Rule style

Legting, while the Danish wanted more of an advisory assembly. Eventually, a

compromise was made that favoured the Danish government’s position resulting in a

Legting that had little independent authority. The Legting's power was decreased even

further when it was decided shortly afterwards that the Rigsdag, not the Legting, should

determine the applicability of new laws to the Faroes.^'^ The Faroese would have to wait

almost 100 years before more political autonomy would be introduced.

Though the Faroese had lost on an opportunity at Home Rule, they did finally

gain control over commerce and the trading industry when the trade monopoly was

abolished in 1856. By the 1840s, “.. .it was clear to almost everybody that the monopoly

^ Wylie, 91.

’“Wylie, 90.

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would have to go, and that the fishery promised to become prosperous enough to prevent

the islands from becoming, or remaining, a charity case.” In 1851 the Danish Folketing

voted to abolish the trade monopoly at the end of the 1852-1853 fiscal year.” However,

the absolution date was delayed by the Faroese because they wanted guarantees that:

the trade would open to merchants of all nations, that any person residing in the Faroese might become a merchant once he/she had taken out the appropriate papers, and that mercantile establishments would not be limited to Tôrshavn...The monopoly was abolished under these conditions by law of 21®‘ of March, 1855. It came into effect on January 1856.^^

The Faroese could now trade amongst themselves and directly with merchants from other

nations. Meanwhile, the fishery began to gain strength and overtake the woollen industry

as the dominant force in the Faroese economy. By the 1880s, some of the Faroese

merchants had “.. .accumulated enough capital to buy, or back the buying of, most of the

fishing ships that began to come to the Faroese,”^^ which created what some call the

Faroese . Though there was some economic development prior to the

absolution of the monopoly, “many Faroese regard 1856 as year zero in Faroese

economic development, finally opening up room for Faroese private enterprise.”^*

Moreover, the existence of the trade monopoly still affects the Faroese view of Denmark

as a colonial power in trade and industry even today.

"Wylie, 118.

"Wylie, 118.

"Wylie, 119.

’*Ami Olafsson, “Constitutionalism and Economics in the Faroe Islands,” in Lessons from the Political Economy of Small Islands: The Resourcefulness ofJurisdiction, ed. Godfrey Baldaechino et al. (New York: St. Martins Press, 2000), 23.

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Development of Written Faroese and the National Awaking: Birth of Faroese

Nationalism

The Faroese language is a . .Germanic language derived from Old Norse,

significantly influenced by Gaelic, and is closely related to the and

some Norwegian dialects.Unlike Iceland where nationalism had been full blown from

the early to mid 19* century, the national awaking in the Faroes did not occur until the

late 19* century. Initially, the national movement was focussed upon the protection of the

Faroese language against increasing Danish influence. Eventually the national movement

moved into political issues legislative powers. The late arrival of the Faroese

nationalism was due to the dominance of the Danish language and culture which

“generally increased in strength through the 19* century, first in Tôrshavn, and later in

the villages.”^* As apposed to Icelandic, the written component of Faroese passed out of

existence in the 17* century, thus Faroese lacked the rich Icelandic literary life of the

Middle Ages. Therefore, there have been no:

ancient [Faroese] manuscripts have ever come to light in the islands, though from certain references in old stories and ballads, and from some of their themes, it is possible that Icelandic parchment codices were not unknown. Yet they must have been of extreme rarity, and without influence on the development of the Faroese vernacular, which is rich in the dialects a written literature would have tended to blur.^^

’^“Culture and Language,” The Prime Minister’s Office, http://www.tinganes.fo/Default.asp?f=A5947C21- 8BDC-4C2C-BBA6-58F40B030F88.

""Olafsson, 122.

8U' Nauerby, 36.

"^West, 40-41.

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Thus, the strong Danish culture, coupled with the fact that Faroese lacked a written

component until the mid 19* century, made it easy for the Faroese language to disappear.

Though there is no , Faroese culture does possess a rich oral literature.

In Faroes culture, it is customary to entertain each other during the long winter nights

with stories that were about sagnir (historical value) or ævintÿr (fictitious). Many of these

stories were collected during the 19* century into several compilations, preserving much

of what is known of medieval Faroe.*^ Other great sources of ancient Faroese society are

the Faroese Ballad and the Faroese Chain . The “...is a series

of simple and repetitive melodies that are sung without any instruments in a minor key...

there are thousands of verses to these ballads and in order to perform the chain dance

familiarity with these verses is required”^^ The dance is a combination of poetry, ,

and movement, closely related to the line that originated in France’s courtly

circles in the 13* century. Faroese dancing used to take place at weddings, whale killings,

and other festivals such as St. Olaf s day, and regularly during the period between

Christmas and Shrovetide, the time immediately following Lent in the Christian religion.

“Today, traditional dancing is on the school curriculum and also takes place during the

winter dancing season and on festive occasions. The chain dance was once popular all

over Scandinavia, but has survived in its original form only in the Faroes. The ballads

range from stories about Charlemagne and the Icelandic Saga’s, and date well back to the

Middle Ages.*^

West, 41.

84«,‘Culture and Language”...

*’West, 41-42.

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Interest in the Faroese language began to grow, as stated earlier, during the 18-

19* century due to the large Faroese cultural decline. Researchers, linguistics experts,

and scholars alike such as Jens Christian Svabo (1746-1824) began the registration and

saving of the language using Danish spelling conventions, diacritical marks, and his own

Vàgar dialect as a base during in the early 19* century. Svabo had a pessimistic view of

the Faroese language’s future due to “.. .the corrupt state of the Faroese language at that

time - the latter half of the 18* century - Svabo felt that the most sensible course was to

abolish Faroese completely in favour of Danish.”*^ According to Svabo, it would be “a

much greater perfection that the colony, so long it continues, along with Denmark, to

worship one God and kneel for one king, should speak with the same tongue.”*’ Svabo’s

research pointed out the distinct nature and uniqueness of the Faroese language that was

later discovered by the nationalistic, romantic movement. In essence, “Svabo’s scientific

registration of the linguistic heritage for posterity (records of ballads and work on a

dictionary), indirectly helped to prevent the fate he had predicted for the Faroese

language.”** Further research into the Faroese language was conducted by Rasmus

Kristian Rask (1787-1832) who used Svabo’s dictionary to print the first grammar of the

Faroese language in 1811. In Rask’s assessment Faroese is a subsidiary of the Icelandic

language, although later in his linguistic study Rask became a spokesman for the idea that

Faroese had the status of an independent language, closely related to Icelandic.*^

*®Nauerby, 37.

^’Nauerby, 37.

**Nauerby, 37.

^^auerby, 37-38.

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The research of the Faroese language done by Rask and Svabo became vitally

important due to the debate in the Islanders’ Assembly in Roskilde in 1844, which

seriously brought the status of the Faroes language into focus. The debate was over the

proposed organized school system, called the Education Act, in the Faroes to replace the

previous system of home instruction. The Education Act was an honest attempt to apply

Danish laws in the Faroe Islands. However, as raised by one Danish delegate, Ulrik

Adolph Plesner, “if, as everyone agreed, ‘special conditions’ prevailed in the Faroese,

how could Danish laws be applied there? How, indeed, could local conditions be

adequately known in the first.. .when [the Faroese] ‘have no official organ though which

they can express their opinion.”^** This new school system, which was approved just

before in 1844, introduced new school districts in the Faroes with Danish as

the language of instruction. Since Faroese lacked a written component or a literature, it

was “regarded as unsuitable as a language of instruction, although the draft did raise the

possibility of Faroese being used as an auxiliary language to help the children acquire

knowledge.”^* During the discussion, the issue of whether Faroese is a language or

simply a dialect of old Nordic language was debated fiercely, eventually being decided

that it was a dialect of Danish. At this point, “.. .the debate encompassed far more than

the school question and in doing so revealed the official Danish perception of the

relationship between Danish and Faroese, a view dramatically opposed to that held by the

Faroese themselves.’’^^ Due to all of the controversy surrounding the issue, coupled with

’“Wylie, 95-96.

“'Nauerby, 42-43.

’^Nauerby, 42-43.

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the popular resistance to the proposal in the Faroes, the issue could not be instituted in

1846. The resistance to the Education Act was lead by liberal students who argued that

Faroese should be considered its own language, and initially was not a nationalistic

movement, just a language issue.

With the assembly’s treatment of the Education Bill in 1844, as well as the reveal

of the true Danish view upon Faroese:

the battle lines were drawn up for the coming years struggle for the recognition of Faroese as an independent Nordic . As the debate had shown, the way towards achieving recognition of Faroese as a independent language lay though the establishment of a Faroese written language, which in time could form the basis for a Faroese literature. As early as 1846 - i.e. the same year the Education Act came into force in the Faroes - the present form of the Faroes written language saw the light of day for the first time.^^

The Faroese language had may supporters such as V.U. Hammershaimb and S.H.

Grundtvig, who had both researched and studied Faroese. Hammershaimb wrote an

etymological orthography about Faroese in 1846 which helped spur the nationalist

movement in the Faroes. Hammershaimb disputed the Islands Assembly’s assessment of

Faroese and published a rebuttal to the Education Act in the Danish newspaper

Kjoenhavsnposten in 1844. In his article, Hammershaimb “rehearsed the evidence for the

language’s affinity to Icelandic, quoted Rask’s analogy between Danish in the Faroese

and German in the Slesvig, and listed what had been published in Faroese.”^''

Hammershaimb argued that when the Act passed, there would be large scale protest

’^Nauerby, 43-44.

"Wylie, 98.

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against it in the Faroe Islands. Inspired by an article written by Hammershaimb,

Grundtvig published a pamphlet entitled Dansken paa Færeerne. Sidestykke til Tysken I

Slesvig (Danish in the Faroes, A Parallel with German in Slesvig) in 1845. In this

pamphlet Grundtvig makes a powerful attack upon the Education Act, advocating that:

Faroese be considered as an independent Nordic Language. As the title indicates, Grundtvig takes up Rask's analogy in a polemic aimed at Liberal and Nationalist minded Danes who were reacting at the time to increasing German hegemony in Slesvig. This while simultaneously promoting Danish hegemony in the Faroes; forcing the teaching of Danish on the Faroese, without even allowing them to express their opinion on the matter.^^

Hammershaimb and Gruntvig furthered their arguments against the assumption that there

was no ancient Faroese sources, stating that “a ‘guardian of the language’ was to be

found in the Faroes’ equivalent of the Icelandic sagas, ‘the heroic ballads and folksongs,

which to this day are preserved in such great number that scarcely any people can show

the equal, without ever having been published in print.”^® Opponents to Grundtvig and

Hammershaimb maintained that the way in which Grundtvig and Hammershaimb’s went

about transcribing Faroese, such as Svabo had done and what Hammershaimb and

Grundtvig subsequently used in their study of Faroese, was false. Opponents opted for an

etymological orthography as a more professional and accurate way to document the

language rather than transcribing the language.^^

’^Nauerby, 44.

""Wylie, 98.

"’Nauerby, 45.

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The status of the Faroese language received a major confidence boost after it was

discovered that an ancient magic formulae in Faroese was recorded using Svabo’s

orthography. The ancient magic formulae were then referenced by the resident governor

Christian Ployen to the Royal Scandinavian Ancient Text Society. The Royal

Scandinavian Ancient Text Society gave Hammershaimb the task of arriving:

at a more suitable orthography for them on the basis of an existing Icelandicised version of the text produced by Icelander Jon Sigurôisson, along with a commentary to this by Professor N.M Petersen. In 1846 these old magic formula together with a few Faroese legends were collected during Hammershaimb ’ s visit to the islands in 1841 were printed in Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historié (Annals for Nordic Antiquarianism and History) using Hammershaimb ’ s etymological spelling, which by and large followed Sigurôsson’s suggestions.^*

By in large, the present day Faroese is the same as Hammershaimb's 1846 orthography,

however, some criticised this translation because they did not like to see Faroese printed

in Icelandic. In response to the criticisms over the similarities of Hammershaimb ’ s

Faroese language translation to Icelandic, Hammershaimb “partly remedied this fault in

the next few years by published further collections of Faroese oral literature (ballads,

legends, epigrams, riddles)”^^ as well as a updated Faroese grammar in 1847.

The 1846 development of the Faroese language could not have come at a better

time because the Nationalist Romantic movement was sweeping through in Europe. The

Faroese who opposed the Education Act received support from Danes who felt that it was

unfair and unnecessary to force “.. .the Faroese bear the cost of the schools, despite the

Nauerby, 45.

’’Wylie, 102.

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fact that they had expressed no which to do anyway with home instruction. On the

contrary, , as well as [children’s] contribution in labour during peak

times such as harvest season was a major loss to the Faroese.”**^® Popular resistance was

so wide spread in the Faroes against the Education Act that it was repealed in 1854, and

was replaced with a more suitable alternative. The debate over the Education Act showed

the major differences between the Faroe Islands and Denmark and:

marks the point where the road divided between Danes and Faroe concerning their conceptions of mutual relations between Danish and Faroes, as well as being a common point of criticism for Faroese and National Romantic circles in Copenhagen: The assembly debate shed light on the official Danish view of Faroese as being a fore of Danish; the very opposite of the Faroese perspective, since they fleet that Danish and almost became a form of Faroese. Even though Danish and Faroese animosity opposed to the Education Act shared a common point of criticism, their reasons for doing so were, however, quite different.'*’*

The Development of Political Nationalism in the Late 1 ^ Century

Nationalism in the Faroes, as in Iceland, Norway, and Greenland, originated with

their students in Copenhagen. For the Faroese, a student group, who first met in 1876,

were students of College Regensen and were lead by Frederik Petersen. Frederik Petersen

had experienced a national awaking while spending time in Iceland, and upon returning

to Copenhagen, formed the Forayingafelag (Association of Faroese) in 1881. They sung

national songs and discussed Faroese politics. They “played a vital role as a source of

inspiration for the nationalist movement in the Faroes as a transmitter of ideological and

’“®Nauerby, 47.

'“'Nauerby, 48.

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political currents form the outside world.”'®^ While in Copenhagen, the students were

exposed to both national and international examples of nationalism and culture, which

laid the ground for a nationalist movement of Faroese soil. The Feroyingafelag were

founded also against the decay and loss of the Faroese culture which was only

exemplified by the exposure to the nationalist and romantics in Europe.

For the Faroese, one of the most significant moments of the national movement

was the establishment of the first national newspaper, Dimmalcetting, which appeared in

1878. The newspaper viewed its task as being ".. .to meet the need arisen among the

Faroese for a local paper that could make contact with the outside world easier and in

particular to bring matters of interest to out islands into the pubic debate.”’*’^ The

newspaper was written “entirely in Danish, but from time to time published a few items

in Faroese."'^ Influential and nationalistic articles such as Sverri Paturesson in

November 1888 entitled ‘“Our Nationality’ [was] a criticism of the degrading treatment

of the mother tongue. The article called solidarity in the face of the increasing influence

from outside. [Patursson argued] ‘it is now high time that all Faroese who honour and

respect that which they have inherited from their fathers, join together and resist those

who see to impose foreign customs and practices on us, thereby enfeebling use until

sooner or later we are erased from the list of nations.’”'®^ Influential figures in the

Faroese movement including Sverri’s Patursson’s brother Joannas Patursson and well as

'“ Nauerby, 49.

'^Nauerby, 50.

'"“Wylie, 131.

‘"^Nauerby, 50-51.

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Rasmus Christoffer Effersoe both contributed to Dimmalcetting as editors and agriculture

advisors. Additionally, both Rasmus Christaffer Effersoe and Joannes Patursson quite

often contributed articles and editorials to the paper. In one such article written by

Joannes, he states that "...if we lose our native language, we will cease to be an

independent people and will they with even more desire, reach for that which is foreign

and new, securing for ourselves the destruction of our customs.”

Without a doubt the increasing contact with the outside world created the

necessary environment for the Faroese to perceive the unique nature of the Faroese as a

people. Influences from the outside world also provided a common point for the Faroese

to fight what was seen as linguistic and cultural decline. At the same time, the opening

brought in a number of nationalist currents, including the national romanticism that was

ripe in Europe, to demonstrate how to defend against the Danish dominance. Popular

support for the defence of the Faroese language eventually lead to the Christmas meeting

of December 26, 1888, which became the first meeting of the Faringafelag, the Faroese

Association founded by Faroese students, on Faroese soil. The meeting was well attended

by both nationalist students and common people alike. The meeting of the Feringafelag

produced six recommendations to the Faroese and Danish governments on the status of

the Faroese language

(i) The teaching of religion should remove all rote learning in Danish, replacing it with a representation of the text in Faroese.

'“^Nauerby, 51.

'“’Nauerby, 51.

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(ii) As soon as the necessary tools are available, teaching of the Faroese language should be established as a separate subject. (iii) The teaching of history should place special emphasis on the history of the Faroe Islands. (iv) Clergy should be allowed to use the Faroese language, both in and out of church. (v) Efforts should be made to have the Faroese language fully accepted as an oral means of communication between the people and the authorities. (vi) Efforts should be made to establish a Faroese .

Organizers of the Christmas meeting such as Enok Bærentsen and Rasmus Rasmus

Christoffer Effersoe clearly stated that the “building up [of] Faroese did not mean

dispensing with Danish, ‘which was the cultured language with which we are cormected

with the outside world."'Furthermore, Effersoe stressed that their adherence to Faroese

was not out of hatred against Danish; rather it was rooted in the love and protection of

their mother tongue.’"’ With the foundation of the Feringafelag on Faroese soil, the well

established cultural nationalism finally took the turn towards political nationalism when

in 1887 Joannes Patursson criticised the position of the Faroes within the Danish realm.

In his critique, he suggested that the full incorporation of the Faroe Islands into the

Danish state should be seen not as a dependency, but as an integral part of Denmark. The

nationalist movement gained much needed support from the creation of the

Feringatidindi in 1890, which was the first Faroese language paper. The Feringatidindi,

“without exaggeration, be said to have taught the Faroese nation to read and write their

'""Nauerby, 51-52.

'""Wylie, 153.

"“Wylie, 153.

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own language.”” ' The development of the nationalistic newspaper in the Faroese

language was a major development of the nationalist movement and complement to the

Faroese language and culture.

Development of Political Parties in the Faroes: 1890-1910

With the groundwork laid in the nationalist movement and the Faroese language

preserved, the Nationalist Romantics focussed on political and social issues. "The open

politicisation of the nationalist movement had its tentative beginnings in 1901, when

Joannes Patursson was elected to both the Danish Folketing and the Faroese Legting

The real crystallization of political parties with opposing goals followed in 1906, when

"the first Faroese political parties were formed [on] whether to maintain or loosen the

constitutional link with Metropolitan Denmark. For twenty years there was not other line

of party division.”"^ However, later, economics would enter into the fray. During

Patursson’s term as a representative to the Danish parliament, he:

obtained an offer to a greater degree of independence for the Faroes in negotiations with the Danish government. According to this offer, the Faroese Legting should be granted all direct all indirect taxation at its disposal in addition to the annual grant fi*om Denmark. All incomes from the Faroes would go to a provincial treasure to be disposed of by the Legting in concert with the Danish government. Finally, the Legting should be reorganized in a more democratic fashion with the exclusion of the resident governor and the rural Dean as co-opted members.” '*

" ‘Nauerby, 53.

"^Nauerby, 57.

'"West, 154.

'‘“Nauerby, 57.

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To the surprise of Patursson and his supporters, . .there was no wholehearted

enthusiasm for the offer. In fact, a strong opposition took shape as it was feared that the

higher degree of home rule offered would lead to increased taxes.”* O f the three

different elections held in 1906; one for the Legting, and one for each of the Danish

houses, Patursson and his supporters were defeated outright due to their support of this

Danish proposal. As a result, the victorious politicians formed the Unionist Party

{Sambandsflokkur or Samband), and Patursson and his defeated supporters formed the

Self-Rule Party {Sjavstyrisflokkur)}^^ The main differences between the parties was that

the Home Rule Party “.. .demanded more local powers, including tax-rising capacities to

defend the Faroese national characteristics and promote economic and social programs,

while the Unionist Party, content with the status quo, expressed fear of cultural isolation

from Denmark, and preferred Danish financial transfers over local power to tax.”'*^

Faroese Politics: 1900-1914

With the creation of the Self Rule Party and the Unionist Party, the politics of the

Faroes took a radical shift. In his maiden speech to the Folketing, Oliver Johan Thomas

Ludvig Effersoe (1863-1933), the brother of R.C. Effersoe and leader of the Unionist

Party, gave the assurance that ‘“we Faroese feel ourselves to be perfectly Danish’ and

had warned that government and the Rigsdag against the Faroese ‘separatists’, who

sought ‘to abolish the Danish language in the Faroes and sever the ties between the

"^Nauerby, 57.

""Wylie, 157.

"’Olafsson, 122-123.

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islands and Denmark.’”*'* Until the First World War, the Unionist Party {Samband) was

the dominant party in Faroese polities. In 1909:

Oliver Effersoe, the Folketing member, managed to secure declaration from the Danish government implying that no change in the status of Faroe would be contemplated, regardless, of any possible temporary Legting majority favouring Home Rule or succession - a change from the earlier attitude...that the Danish government would normally be sympathetic to the wishes of the majority party of the Logting}^^

Under the rule of the Unionist Party, agriculture, the telephone and telegraph, harbours,

roads, and medical services were all improved drastically. In many instances, the

improvements by the Unionist Party were in support of their thin majority in the Logting.

Unfortunately for the nationalists, after the Unionist domination in the first decade of the

20* century, they managed to undo any of the work the nationalists had done to preserve

the Faroese language and political status. As stated earlier, he Unionists went so far as to

get a declaration from Denmark stating that the constitutional status of the Faroes would

not change. Moreover, “the 1912, Article 7 of the Education Act - for the first time since

the calamitous provisional regulations of 1846 - made Danish the mandatory language of

instruction.”'^** The actions taken by the Unionist Party in the early 20* century are

examples of both Danish dominance within Faroese culture and the division within the

nationalist development of the Faroe Islands. In both instances, these actions had a severe

effect on the development of Faroese sovereignty and national development.

^Nauerby, 57.

"’West, 154.

'^“Nauerby, 57.

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The Faroe Islands during the First World War and the Interwar Period: 1914-1939

The First World War affected Denmark considerably more than the Faroes. Due

to the British blockade of the Baltic in an attempt to halt German Naval efforts in the

North Atlantic, Denmark was forced to import only the bare necessities. As a result,

many Danes nearly starved to death due to the limited supplies. On the other hand, the

Faroese were cut off from Denmark resulting in some supply shortages, but for the most

part fared much better than Denmark.*^* In the immediate post First World War era, a

short lived Home Rule Party government ruled from 1918-20. During their term in office,

the Home Rule Party managed to negotiate an extension of the Legting’s political power,

which came into effect in 1923.

The Unionist domination of Faroese politics lasted into the mid 1930s, but the

two-way split of Faroese politics (Unionist vs. Separatists) only lasted until the 1920s,

when the spectrum widened to include the left - right struggle with the founding of the

Social Democratic Party. Soon after the revealed its economic

and social views on the Faroese nation, the rightwing conservative Economic Party

{Vinnuflokkur) was created. A fifth party was added just before the outbreak of the

Second World War when Joannes Patursson left the Self-Rule Party, which he had

founded and led for over thirty years over a land rights issue. Patursson then founded the

Peoples Party (Folkaflokkurin) in 1939, which incorporated the recently formed

Economic Party, and “supported home rule on a conservative footing, achieved

significant progress during the Second World War. During the War the idea of home rule

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prospered greatly.”*^^ Therefore, the Faroese political landscape took upon a new

dimension; the established Unionist vs. Separatist, and the traditional Left vs. Right. This

dichotomy in Faroese politics has remained to this day, even if the number of political

parties has increased.With the development of a left v^. right dimension in Faroese

politics, Faroese voters now have more choice to divide their vote on the sovereign issue

because Faroese parties can be left-separatist (Republican Party), right-separatist (Peoples

Party), left-unionist (Social Democratic Party), or right-unionist (Unionist Party). In the

Faroe Islands also have two political parties that are centrist, the Independence Party and

the Centre Party.

The External Forces of the Second World War: The Political, Economic, and Social

Ramifications of the British Occupation

During the Second World War, the Faroese found themselves in a similar

situation to the First World War; their strategic position in the North Atlantic resulted in

supply shortages and isolation to metropolitan Denmark due to naval blockades and the

threats of submarine attacks. In reaction, the Faroese created in 1939 the Provincial

Import Control Board. The board’s duty “.. .was to ensure that salt, fuel, and other

products needed for the fishery were maintained in the islands in sufficient quantity, and

that imported food stuffs and footwear should not be allowed to run out.”*^^ Additionally,

Faroese were encouraged to conserve other essentials such as using peat rather than coal

'^^Nauerby, 58-59.

'^^Olafsson, 123.

’^''“The Faroese Parliament,” Logtingiô, http://www.logting.fo/L0gting%20UK%202OO4.pdf.

'"’West, 173.

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for their source of heat. By 1940, maritime activity in the North Atlantic around the

Faroes began to increase, arising fears and apprehension towards the near future for the

Faroese. As a result of the increased activity, almost all contact, supplies, and postal

services were cut off from Denmark, causing a great deal of isolation. Finally, the

culmination of the both the Danish and Faroese fears came true when:

in the early morning of Tuesday, April 9*, telegraphic communication between Denmark and the Faroe Islands was abruptly cut off, and over the Danish radio came the shattering news of the sudden German invasion, the brief but fruitless resistance of a few Danish units, and the capitulation of the King and government earlier in the morning...The isolation of the Faroese was now absolute.

When news of the occupation of Denmark broke in the Faroes, the Legting

happened to be meeting on an unrelated matter. Therefore, the Amtmand [C.A. Hilbert]

was able to consult with the Legting about the appropriate course of action. Hilbert took

the first action on April 10* with a radio address to the Faroe Islands stating that an

occupied Denmark in no way applied to the Faroes. In absence of the Danish

government, the provincial administration would continue to govern the islands, taking

over both the executive and legislative branches of government.However, after the

announcement the Peoples Party argued that sovereignty had passed from Denmark to the

Faroese, stating that the Faroes should declare their independence by 6’oclock. The other

parties disagreed and the declaration was rejected in kind. The next day, April 11,

Winston Churchill, then still the first Lord of the admiralty, made a speech announcing

the plans for Britain’s Scandinavian campaign. In his speech, Churchill stated that Britain

""West, 174.

"’West, 174.

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would “shield the Faroe Islands from all the severities of war and establish ourselves

there conveniently by sea and air until the moment comes when they will be handed back

to the crown and people of a Denmark liberated from the foul thraldom into which they

have been plunged by German aggression. By midday of April 12*, . .two British

destroyers, H32 and H57, steamed up Nôlsoyarjjerdur and dropped anchor just outside

the Torshavn [harbour]. The two British commanders went ashore to visit [C.A Hilbert

the resident governor] in the presence of the L0gting chairman. The officers requested

that arrangements be made for the of a garrison of Marine’s in Torshavn and

Skâlajjerdur."^^'^ Ideally, the Faroese would have been quite happy to be uninvolved in

the conflict and feared for their own safety and the ramifications brought upon with the

ongoing British presence. Furthermore, some Faroese were frustrated with the British

presence because with an occupied Denmark the Faroes now had an opportunity to

become an independent country. Nevertheless, the terms of the occupation were entirely

amicable on both sides and the vast majority of the Faroese favoured the occupation.*^®

Due to its major strategic position in the North Atlantic, “the prime purposes of

the British occupation of the Faroe Islands were naval, and throughout the war the

Faroese garrison was commanded by a naval officer. [To protect the Faroes] powerful

naval guns were installed on the headland there to command the approaches to the

Faroese capital.”'^’ The Allied garrisons in the Faroes and Iceland had the twofold task

'^Wylie, 171.

'^Vest, 176.

'“ Wylie, 171.

‘^'West, 177.

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of enforcing the blockade of German-controlled Europe, and combating the U-Boat

menace in the North Atlantic. About a year after the occupation, the Marines were

replaced by 500 , which eventually grew to a garrison of 8000 soldiers.

During the war, the British military built an airport on Vàgar which helped out the air

coverage in the North Atlantic. In the post war era, the Vàgar airport was expanded and

has acted as the Faroes only airport which has provided a more dependable link to the

outside world.Though the Faroes were not directly involved in the war, there were

isolated air attacks on ships around the Faroes. One such incident occurred of February

21, 1941, when two German bombers attacked and sank a British ship in the Torshavn

harbour, sinking it in seconds, killing 8 British solders while the rest were rescued by

Faroese in small boats.

For the most part, Faroese suffered little wartime hardships compared with his

fellow citizen of Denmark. However, the Faroese did lose a large number of fishermen to

German submarine and aircraft attacks. The total number of Faroese fisherman killed as a

direct result of enemy action was 132, nearly 0.5% of the total population. While this

number of Faroese killed can not be compared to losses suffered by the other allied

countries, it was still heavy toll for the Faroese to pay.*^"* In an attempt to try and protect

the fishing fleet, the British offered two light machine guns per ship. The British military

argued that the Germans would be less likely to risk a submarine or fighter plane for an

"Wylie, 171.

'"West, 177.

'"West, 183.

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old, small, Faroese fishing boat. Surprisingly, in 1942 a Faroese skipper managed to

destroy a German Aircraft, and was awarded a British M.B.E. 135

For the Faroese, being separated from the mother country Denmark meant a large

number of changes in terms of governance, trade, and economics. To compensate for the

absence of the Danish government, the Faroes had to take on all executive, legislative,

and economic responsibilities. Furthermore, the economy was improved with the

“.. .export of fish to the British market paid for by high wartime prices gave rise to an

economic boom at this time which ended a period of decline that had lasted since the

1920s.”'^® The Faroese government also assumed the responsibility to make financial

arrangements. Soon after Denmark was occupied by Germany, it was decided that the

Faroese should not be using the currency of an occupied territory such as Denmark.

Therefore, a meeting was held in April 1940 in London between representatives from the

Faroese government, the Danish Ambassador to Britain, and the British government. It

was agreed “that while the war lasted, Britain should give Faroe aid normally

forthcoming from Denmark... [and] a guaranteed minimum price was set for Faroese

fish, and the British government declared itself willing to continue the support hitherto

given to the Faroese fishing industry by the Danish govemment.”*^^ After the agreement

was made, it was illegal to process any currency other than the British ,

which had a fixed exchange rate of 22.40 Danish (DDK) to the pound. As a result

of this fishery deal with the British, the Faroese ended up supplying over one fifth of the

"^West, 183-184.

‘^^auerby, 59.

'"West, 180.

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total fish eaten by the British military during the war. The Faroese were the main supplier

of fish for the British because Iceland refused to deliver their fish to Britain without air

cover for their ships from German U-Boat attacks. Consequently, the value of Faroese

fish exports rose from 13,207,000 DKK in 1940, to 49,294,000 DKK in 1949.'^*

By in large, the battle of the North Atlantic was won by 1944 and most of the

British solders had been moved to the European front. For the Faroese, the wartime

experience was a time of confusion, isolation, and self-reliance. For all intents and

purposes, the:

relations between the British forces and the Faroese population were excellent. The close ties between the Faroes and the Danes ensured that there would be a lively sympathy amongst the islands for the allied cause, and the troops stationed in the Faroe Islands behaved extremely well...the last of the forces were withdrawn from Faroe on 16 September 1945. Some solders took Faroese wives with them, and two or three who had married locally made permanent homes in the Faroe Islands.

Post War Constitutional Issues in the Faroes: The Creation of the Faroese Home

Rule

On May 4*, 1945, the usually reserved population of the Faroes broke out in

jubilation as news of Denmark being liberated by the Allied forces quickly spread.

However, there was still much concern and sorrow for their occupied Norwegian

brethren, whose ancient ties were never forgotten in the Faroes. When the war ended, the

"'West, 182.

'” West, 178.

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Faroese were “relatively well off economically. They had plenty of experience of

managing their own affairs though their legislative body, and were full of confidence for

their future. There could be no automatic return to the political situation that had existed

in 1939, when constitutionally Faroe was simply Denmark’s most northerly province.”*'*®

The wartime prosperity from the fishery, coupled with the loss of communication with

Denmark increased Peoples Party support among voters. The election of 1943 resulted in

the Peoples party winning the election with twelve seats to the Unionists’ eight and the

Social six. The People’s Party leader, Thorstein Peterson, demanded

constitutional reform from the Danish government. Peterson’s demands for constitutional

reform became louder after the November 6, 1945 elections when the People’s party

came one seat shy of a majority in the Legting. With the exception of the Unionist Party,

all the Faroese parties advocated a greater degree of autonomy and national recognition.

Consequently, an all party delegation from the Legting went to Copenhagen for

constitutional negotiations in early January, 1946. *'*’

Both the Danish government and the Unionist Party wanted to return to the pre­

war arrangement, however “.. .the Peoples Party, which during the war had tended to be

separatists, now aimed at a status for Faroe somewhat similar to that of a British

dominion, with a loose link with Denmark, and with as much Faroese control of Faroese

economic life as possible.”*'*^ The Social Democrats, on the other hand, favoured a

cooperative approach to the development of the Faroese economy, and in broad terms.

‘'“'West, 185.

'"“Nauerby, 59.

'“’V est, 185-186.

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favoured a continuation of the wartime constitution. The Danes made the following

proposal: “the constitutional union between Denmark and Faroe would be restricted,

while the Legting would have legislative power over matters concerning the islands

alone, and the right to levy local taxes.”*"*^ Furthermore, the Antmand, or governor, would

be replaced with a state commissioner or Rigsombudsmand. The Danish government

cautioned the Faroese that their proposal was the limit to which the Faroe Islands could

go while still remaining with the Danish constitution. Neither the Unionist nor the Social

Democrats were impressed with the proposal. The differences between the Fareose

political parties during this period were obvious and glaring. The Unionists maintained

that the proposal went too far, while the Social Democrats believed that proposal did not

go far enough. The Danish government held firm to their beliefs that the only alternative

to the proposal was Faroese succession, which neither the Social Democrats nor the

Unionist’s wanted. The Social Democrats and the Unionist decided to settle their

differences and form a coalition to oppose the proposal.

The Faroese political parties were so theoretically divided on the issue of Faroese

sovereignty that they could not even agree on how to discuss the issue. This lack of

consensus on Faroese sovereignty no doubt delayed the Faroese from both achieving

greater autonomy from Deiunark as well as sovereignty. Thorstein Petersen and the

Peoples Party advocated a referendum to the Faroese on the future of the relations with

Denmark to guide the negotiations. Petersen proposed that the referendum should include

four possible choices on the : in favour of the Danish government proposal; in

favour of a constitution nearer the pre war provincial status than that of the Danish

143West, 186.

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government proposal; in favour of a looser constitutional link than that of the Danish

government proposal; in favour of complete secession/'^'* Both the Unionists and the

Social Democrats were suspicious of the Peoples Party plan, stating that the second

alternative seemed designed to split the Unionist vote, while the third alternative seemed

designed specifically to support the Peoples Party idea of Home Rule. Both the Unionists

and the Social Democrats struck this proposal down, opting for a two choice ballot: The

Danish government proposal or succession. Arguably, this proposal worked in favour

of the Unionist-Social Democrat coalition. The date for the referendum was set for

September 14, 1946, and the results turned out to be more confusing than anticipated. In

the first place, “the poll for so important an issue was low; only 66.4% of the registered

electors cast their votes. This was partly because many fishermen were still at sea, and

partly because conservatives in favour of pre-war provincial status of Faroe tended to

stay home.” The voter turnout was also affected by mainly older voters abstained

because they held that it was the younger ones who should decide the constitutional

arrange for the future. Thorstein Petersen confused the situation further by encouraging

supporters of the Peoples Party proposal of a Home Rule arrangement to writeNo on the

ballot, thereby spoiling it. Though this idea did not receive widespread support and only a

small portion of the voters did as Petersen suggested. Only Joannes Patursson, who died

only six weeks before the referendum, an all party youth organization, and a few common

voters openly supported secession.

'''Vest, 187-188.

'"Vest, 187.

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The results of the referendum were also quite confusing but did show a slight vote

in favour for succession. 47.2% voted for the Danish government proposal, where as

48.7% voted for secession. There were 481 or 4.1% of the total vote that were

spoiled in the manner that Thorstein Petersen advocated. Therefore, the referendum

was a masterpiece of inconclusiveness, thus proving the unorganized, unfocused, and

divided nationalist movement. On one hand, the “Unionists could interpret it as a narrow

rejection of Separatism, Separatists as a narrow rejection of Unionism. And since only

two-thirds of the electorate had voted, there was not on any constitution a clear majority

in favour of anything.”'"'^ The Danish Prime Minster Knund Kristensen stated that the

referendum, ignoring the spoiled ballots, was a vote in favour of succession, and

negotiations should begin to start the separation. However, the Danish parliament

“.. .took the view that so narrow a majority, taken in conjunction with the invalid votes,

was far from being an unequivocal expression of the poplar vote, and that the question

was still open.”*"*^ It was decided that negotiations should continue on the issue. Petersen

now possessed a one seat majority in the Legting thanks to a Jakup i Jakupsstovu, a

Social Democrat member who voted against the Social Democrat union with the

Unionists Party. Petersen, taking the Danish Prime Minister’s pre-referendum words at

their face value, put a resolution through theLegting that “declared independence by the

slimmest of majorities.”'^'* When the Danish government learned of Peterson’s actions,

they accused him of leading a revolt or a coup d ’état. As a result, “a situation of chaos

'“’West, 188.

""West, 188.

""West, 189.

"*Wylie, 171.

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reigned in the Faroes until the 25* September, when the Logting was dissolved as the

result of direct intervention by the Danish king. The following Logting election [date was

set] on .”*^* A Danish warship was sent to Torshavn, not as a threat, but to

offer better eommunications between the two countries with the ship’s radiotélégraphie

equipment during the days of confusion. Petersen stated that the king’s actions were an

unlawful intrusion into Faroese matters since he was no longer the sovereign of the

Faroese, but soon backed down from this stance and accepted the action.

The new election was held on November 8*, 1946, and resulted in a depleted

Peoples Party and the return of the Sjàlvstÿri (Home Rule Party) back into the Legting for

the first time since 1943. Of the 20 seats in the Legting, the Peoples Party received only

8, with the Unionists with 6, 4 for the Social Democrats, and 2 for the Home Rule Party.

The election results proved what Thorstein Petersen had stated all along; “the Faroese

wanted a longer measure of Home Rule than the Danes had hitherto been willing to offer

then, they did not want complete secession from Denmark,”*^^ In March of 1947, the

Legting unanimously requested that the Danes extend the legislative power of the

Legting, but on the basis of Faroes continuing in the union. After 12 months of

negotiations, the Faroese Home Rule Act was created and approved by the Danish

parliament and the Legting. The Home Rule Act received Royal proclamation on April

1948. The “only opposition to the ordinance was Thorstein Petersen and the Peoples

Party, but this was not because they were opposed to its measures in principal, but

151Nauerby, 59.

"^West, 190.

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because they believed the new constitution to be unworkable in practice, since it would

demand the cooperation of three parties with widely differing aims.”’^^

The Faroese Home Rule Government Structure

The preamble to the Faroes Home Rule Act states that “within the framework of

this Act the Faroe Islands shall constitute a self-governing community within the State of

Denmark.”*^'* With this opening statement, the extensive and wide-ranging powers of the

Home Rule authorities in the Faroes were bom. In terms of the international community,

the Faroese Home Rule system . .is the unprincipled result of a political compromise.

As a legal construction it has from the outset been regarded by lawyers as ambiguous. It

aims at simultaneously accommodating the Faroese aspirations for self government and

the wish of the Danish government, widely shared in the Faroes, of keeping the Faroe

Islands within the Danish realm.”*^^ The harmony of the union is guaranteed by the

Faroese electing two members to the Danish Folketing. Additionally, the recognition of

the specific Faroese nationality is assured though the acknowledgement of the Faroes

language as the principal language of the Faroese government, the use of the Faroese

flag, and the special Danish that indicate both as a Danish citizen and a Faroese

resident.The Faroese government consists of the parliament called the Logting and its

executive called the Landsstyrid. The Logting is made up of 32 members, from which the

'"West, 191.

'^‘‘“Home Rule Act of the Faroe Islands,” Statsministeriet, http://www.stm.dk/Index/dokumenter.asp?o=71&n=l&d=1037&s=2&str=stor.

'"Olafsson, 125.

‘^^Olafsson, 125.

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Prime Minister picks his cabinet. The for the Faroe Islands is the sovereign

of Denmark, presently Queen Margrethe 11.

Attached to the act are two lists which outline both the affairs that have been

transferred to the Home Rule authorities in the Faroes, and the affairs that can be

transferred to the Faroese government. List A affairs “.. .are transferable to the Home rule

government if either the Faroese or the Danish authorities so request.”*^’ Affairs included

within List A include: municipal affairs, health services, pubic welfare, direct and

indirect taxes, schools, and agricultural matters.List B affairs “.. .are those which only

later negotiations can decide whether and to which extent the matters in question can be

transformed. When acquiring competence, the Act sets out powerful disincentives to

devolution by assigning Faroese authorities the financial responsibility for picking up any

new subject areas.The powers in List B are the established church, policing,

underground deposits of raw materials, the land fund, and import and export controls.

However, there are some powers that are not listed as possible transferable areas, and are

assumed as Kingdom affairs. More specific areas include “...foreign affairs, the military,

the general civil and penal codes, monetary affairs (including banking legislation and

control), and the (the police being, however listed in Armex B).”'^‘

Furthermore, Section 6 states that “matters which do not, according to this Act, come

^Olafsson, 125.

'^*“Home Rule Act o f the Faroe Islands”. ..

^Olafsson, 125.

'“ “Home Rule Act o f the Faroe Islands”

'^'Olafsson, 126.

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under the Faroese Home Government shall be handled as joint concerns by the national

authorities.”*^^

Beyond legislative capacity, the Faroese Home Rule Authorities possess a number

of transferred powers of economic development. The Faroese government:

can raise revenue by direct or indirect taxation, build harbours, roads, , hydroelectric facilities and other infrastructure, regulate trade and industry, foster agriculture and fisheries, and promote municipal development. Furthermore, concerning joint affairs, Danish legislation can in some cases- following Faroese comments - be modified, postponed or even refused. Among matters on list B, control of imports and exports was transferred fi'om the outset. *^^

Two most important issues that have been transferred to the Home Rule authorities since

the creation of the Home Rule Act in 1948 would be the transferring of all “crown lands

- covering half of the total Faroese acreage - were transferred... [and the] natural

resource industry matter on list B, ‘raw materials of the subsoil,’ was not transferred until

1992 - after 17 years of difficult negotiations.”'^ Because the Faroese had Home Rule at

the time of Danish entry into the EEC, they were allowed to decide for themselves if they

wanted to join. For the Faroese, the fear of losing control of their fishery, and

subsequently their economy, was too much to risk and therefore they opted not to follow

Denmark into the EEC. Instead, “the Faroes negotiated their own trade and fisheries

agreements with the EU and other countries, in consultation and cooperation with the

Danish foreign ministry, and participate either independently or together with Greenland

'“ “Home Rule Act of the Faroe Islands”...

Olafsson, 126.

'""Olafsson, 126.

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(Denmark in respect of the Faroe Islands and Greenland) in a range of regional fisheries

management bodies.”’®^

The Faroese Economy and the Banking Crisis

From the time of the settlement of the Faroes,

the Faroese economy was based upon a balanced exploitation of all available local resources of land and sea, primarily with a view to self-sufficiency. Although barley was grown, the islands were dependent upon imported grain. [The] imported grain, salt, timbers, tools, and other essentials were paid for by exports, consisting mainly of woollen goods, but also of , leathers, and other national products.

Today the economy, though more diversified, is still heavily dependent upon the fishery

and supportive industries. Subsequently, it is no surprise that the fishing industry is to

blame for the collapse of the Faroese economy in the early 1990s. The Banking Crisis,

which had started in 1989 and 1990, culminated in October 1992 when the two largest

banks on the Faroe Islands, Sjovinnubankin and Foroya Banki were threatened by

bankruptcy. The danger was avoided when:

the Faroese government invested billions of new net capital in the two biggest banks. This money could not be found nationally; therefore, the Faroes had to seek assistance fi'om Denmark. The seriousness of the crisis was made evident by the fact that the GDP fell 40%; unemployment increased from a negligible proportion in 1988 to more than 20 percent in 1992. More

'^^“About the Faroes,” The Prime Minister’s Office, http://www.tinganes.fo/Default.asp?f=A253C3AC- 6CEB-4ED0-A0AA-7076A8B93E1B.

166 Olafsson, 123.

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seriously, major emigration let the total number of inhabitants to fall more than 10 percent.

There were several reasons for the Banking crisis. First, the government could no longer

finance the public deficit due to the large public subsidies to the fishery. As a result, the

Faroese government had to cut public expenses. Second, the Faroese fishing industry,

"...in general, could not create profitable production, and was dependent upon public

subsides. Further, large debts meant that the fishing companies had high financial costs,

which created real pressure on the companies.”'^* Though the main reasons for the crisis

were mainly national, the international market played a major role in the crisis. During

the late 1980s, the fish market was inundated with fish from Eastern Europe, thus

lowering prices. Additionally, over fishing in Faroese waters by both the Faroese and

fishing vessels from other countries led to a decline in fish stocks across the North

Atlantic. The decline in fish stocks led to lowered quotas in other countries waters, thus

lowering the catch even further. At the same time, the subsidy system, “.. .which the

fishing fleet and the processing industry were based on in the 1980s, was greatly reduced

after 1990. This change, combined with the drastic decline of prices and lack of catches,

meant that vessels and factories went bankrupt.”'^^

Economically, this crisis resulted in a drastic decline of in the National Treasury’s

revenues. The government tried to generate revenue with higher taxes and spending cuts,

however, large portions of the public loans to the fishing industry were lost, measures

'^’Richard Apostle, Dennis Holm and Gestur Hovgaard, The Restructuration o f the Faroese Economy: the Significance of the Inner Periphery (Denmark; Samflindslitteratur Press, 2002), 50.

Apostle, 50.

Apostle, 51.

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taken by government were in vain, costing the National Treasury great losses. The

Banking crisis had major political and economic ramifications both in the Faroes and in

Denmark. The solution proposed by the Danish government was drastic and quite

encroaching upon Faroese sovereignty. The huge public debt meant that foreign creditors

obtained a lot of power over Faroese relations. The most important “.. .foreign creditor

was the Danish state, which, in fact, put the Faroes under administration. Extensive

structural adjustments were demanded for Faroese industry, both concerning the general

regulation of the fisheries, and the structure of the fishing flee and the fish processing

industry.”'^** The Danish government created a parent company. United {Feroya

Fiskavirking), under which almost all the fish processing plants were merged.

Furthermore, in 1993, the Danish government transferred over 2 7000 000 000 DKr to the

banking sector in an attempt to stop the haemorrhaging.

The actions of the Danish govermnent, when, in 1993:

took control of events in the Faroes and launched its new Faroe Policy, this imitative seemed to be accepted, and even supported, by a majority of the Faroese. This was because during the Faroese political crisis, local politicians lost credibility. Voters blamed them for the economic crisis. This trend was very clear in surveys which were carried out at the time. One of the effects of the economic and political crisis in the Faroes was the desire for secession or expanded autonomy lost momentum while the Home Rule supporters gained strength. A great number of people even wanted closer ties to Denmark.’^’

“Apostle, 51.

'^'jogvan'Jogvan Morkore,Mork “Transfers and Dependency: The Faroese Experience,” North 2 (1999), http://www.nordregio.se/north9902art.htm.

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Nonetheless, the banking crisis and the Danish reaction was considered by some to be a

huge intrusion into Faroese affairs, since the vast majority of decisions made were done

so without Faroese approval, input, or invitation. Regardless, the crisis has left a lasting

impact upon the Faroes and has reminded the Faroese just how precious and precarious

their economy is.

The Block Grant and the Home Rule Government

At the centre of the Home Rule Act and the Danish Kingdom’s ideology is the

block grant, or the transfers of huge sums of money in an attempt to guarantee residents

of the Faroe Islands and Greenland, specifically Danish residents, of equal footing

economically, socially, and politically.'^^ Unlike in Greenland, the Danish block grant to

the Faroe Islands in 2002 was only DDK 630 million, or a little over 15% of the total

Faroese budget. “The Faroese and the Danish Governments have agreed that the grant

will be fixed in real terms at DKK 630 million per year from 2003 till 2006. Any further

takeover of executive areas pursuant to the Home Rule Act will precipitate further cuts in

the block grant.”'^^ Over the years, the block grants from Denmark to the Faroes and

Greenland, as discussed in the earlier chapter on Greenland, have constituted a rather

large proportion of the Home Rule government budget. In an attempt to curb the

spending on Greenland and the Faroe Islands in the early 1990s, the Danish government

considered reducing block grants. The Greenlandic Home Rule government adamantly

came out against this idea; however, the Faroese government stated that whoever pays

Merkore.

'^^ Fnroya, “Information Memorandum: The Faroe Islands November 2005,” Landsbanki Foroya, http://Iandsbank.fo/infomem.pdf.

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decides. This also implied that if you do not pay, you should not have a say in the

spending of the funds. Both the Faroese and the Greenlandic governments have agreed

that as the transfers are decreased, the autonomy and sovereignty should be increased.

Similarly, opinion polls in the Faroese show that “.. .the vast majority of voters favour

sovereignty for the Faroes and are willing to give up the block grant from Denmark.

Likewise, the votes rejecting sovereignty want to uphold the transfer system.”'^"*

Moreover, similar results have been found in voters who support either the gradual

reduction of the grant versus the maintenance or increase of the block grant. This trend of

either supporting the bloc grant or supporting sovereignty illustrates the Faroese

timidness towards their economy. Furthermore, it exemplifies that most Faroese link

political autonomy with economic development. Some Faroese believe that if the Bloc

Grant was taken away they would not be able to survive. However, a Faroe Islands

without a Bloc Grant would have a lower standard of living but not so much that the

Faroese would be deprived.

In the late 1990s, the issue of the Block Grant was raised once again, this time

over the issue of secession. The Faroese suggested that the Block Grant should be phased

out over 15 to 25 and decided that there would be a referendum in 2001 to decide the

future of the Faroe Islands within the Danish Realm. However, the Danish

government warned that if the referendum favoured Faroese succession, Denmark would

halt the Block Grant over four years, not the fifteen that the Faroese requested. As a

result, the referendum was called off and negotiations began on the issue. The Faroese

'’‘'M0rk0re.

the Faeroes Flee the Nest?,”Economist 348, no. 8084 (1998), www.il.proquest.com.

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Home Rule Act is anchored in the Danish constitution of 1953, . .and it is still unclear

whether the islands can secede without an amendment of the constitution. Such an

amendment would have to be accepted by a qualified majority of Danish voters in a

referendum, and Danish governments are notoriously unhappy about referenda, whether

regarding the constitution or European Union.”'^^

Conclusion

Throughout Faroese history the common themes of isolation, timidity in

economics, outside dominance, and lack of political and national focus have affected the

development of the Faroese nation. Due to overwhelming dominance from the outside,

the unique Faroese culture was over time dominated, diluted, and abandoned because it

was not as sophisticated as other mainland Nordic cultures. Due to the loss of the written

component to the Faroese language, it was not a recognised as a language until the late

19* century, which lead to a lack of self-confidence. The lack of self-confidence in their

own culture and abilities has led the Faroese without a consensus for the fixture of their

nation. The lack of consensus was manifested itself into a political diatomite that is quite

unique in politics with the founding of political parties that are both left v^. right and

unionist vs. separatist. In every election including the referendum on the status of the

Faroe Islands in 1948 the electorate has been divided almost evenly between unionists vf.

separatist, left vs. right. There is only speculation what would have happened to the Faroe

Islands if the Faroese accepted the Home Rule deal that was first offered to Joannes

Patursson 1906. Perhaps the Faroe Islands would have developed in a similar fashion to

Iceland, who achieved Home Rule in 1904, and sovereignty in 1944.

'’®Leif Beck Fallensen, “Independence Blues,” 332 (1999), www.iI.proquest.com.

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Conclusions

Though the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Iceland originated as colonies of the

Danish Realm, their nationalist movements have resulted in varying degrees of autonomy

and sovereignty. Well into the mid 19* century, Iceland was similar to the Faroe Islands

and Greenland in the sense that they all were devoid of nationalism, subject to the

absolute monarchy of Denmark, controlled by some sort of trade monopoly, and under

heavy dominance of Danish culture and language at the expense of their native

languages. However, during the mid 19* eentuiy a major shift occurred in the Danish

Realm with the end of the Absolute monarchy and the creation of the démocratie Danish

state.

After the end of the Absolute monarehy in Denmark, a eonstitutional conference

was held in 1849 to determine the structure of the new Danish state. Due to Iceland’s

recognisably special and distinct culture, leeland was given its own conferenee in 1851 to

discuss the status of Iceland within the Danish Realm. Though Icelanders disagreed with

several of the deeisions made during the constitutional conference, it was a step in the

right direction towards more autonomy for leeland. In 1871, leeland reeeived its own

constitution, which was an extended version of the powers and rights afforded at the 1851

constitutional conference. In 1904 Iceland was granted Home Rule, which ended in 1918

with the ereation of the Act of Union between Denmark and leeland. The Act of Union

was in essence a generous Home Rule agreement. With the Act of Union, the Kingdom

of Iceland was created with the Danish king as sovereign. All governmental

responsibility, except defence and foreign affairs which were the responsibility of

Denmark, were granted to leeland in the Act of Union. The Aet of Union was to last

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twenty-five years when more negotiations would take place if so desired. In 1943 the

Icelanders believed that since Denmark was occupied by Nazi Germany the Danes did

not fulfill their side of the agreement. Therefore, the Icelanders did not wish to

renegotiate the terms of the Union and decided to hold a referendum in 1944 to decide the

future of Iceland. The referendum of 1944 resulted in an almost unanimous vote in favour

of an independent Iceland, and the Republic of Iceland was proclaimed. The progression

from Danish colony to independent nation was rapid and peaceful.

There are four identifiable reasons why Iceland achieved a rapid progression into

nationhood. First, the Icelandic language, unlike Faroese, has a written literature dating

back almost a thousand years. As the Icelanders were Christianized, they also became

literate and familiar with their own ancient literature. From the 1840s to the 1860s, when

Icelandic nationalism was in its infancy, the spread of nationalism was eased because of

widespread literacy and the strong historic roots associated with the nationalistic

movement. Second, unlike Faroese, the Icelandic culture and language was always

recognised as a special and distinct culture, separate from all other Nordic cultures. Thus,

the Icelandic demands for more autonomy from Denmark were justified in terms of

national self-determination. Third, the Icelandic national movement was well organized,

popular, and clearly focussed on the progression into a more sovereign Iceland. Once the

Icelandic nationalist movement developed, there was no doubt within Iceland that

sovereignty was just around the comer. Fourth, the Icelanders approached national

development and their economy with a sink or swim attitude. The Icelanders understood

that they possessed a vulnerable economy and limited natural resources but were

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determined to correctly manage and control their resources in order for Iceland to become

a prosperous and sovereign nation.

The Faroe Islands has developed in a similar pattern to Iceland in several areas,

but it has differed in certain areas that have halted their ability to develop into a sovereign

state. During the constitutional conference in 1849, the Faroe Islands were not granted a

separate conference to discuss their position in the Danish Realm; moreover, the Faroe

Islands were not even mentioned in the 1849 Danish constitution. Therefore, the Faroe

Islands were granted the status of a county and, in 1851, the Logting was reinstated as an

advisory provincial council. The main reason that the Faroe Islands were not granted a

separate constitutional conference was that Faroese was not recognised as having a

separate and distinct culture and language. With the onset of political parties in the early

20* century, a division between the political parties that supported closer ties with

Denmark (unionists) and the parties who supported loosening the ties with Denmark

(separatists) was created. After the Second World War, a referendum was held in the

Faroe Islands which narrowly supported Faroese succession but was declared invalid by

the Danish government. As a result the Home Rule Act was created in 1948 which

granted all control over branches of government to the Faroe Islands except for defence

and foreign affairs which were retained by Denmark. The Faroese evolution from colony

to Home Rule territory was quick but arduous for the Faroese.

There are four chief reasons why, unlike Iceland, the Faroe Islands have not

developed into a sovereign nation. First, though the Faroese language and culture dates

back more than a millennium, it lacked a written literature, was not recognized language

until the late 19* century. Therefore, the spread of Faroese nationalism was delayed due

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to the late recognition and the limited level of literacy. As such, the spread of

nationalism was not as easy as that experienced in Iceland because the ideas of

nationalism were unable to tap into the deep historic roots found in Iceland. Second, due

to the late recognition of the Faroese as a distinct and separate Nordic culture, the Faroese

arguments for national self-determination, unlike those of the Icelanders, were denied.

Third, the national movement was divided with the introduction of political parties that

opposed the idea of a sovereign Faroe Islands. Therefore, unlike the Icelandic nationalist

movement, the Faroese nationalist movement was not organized, popular, or focussed

upon a sovereign Faroe Islands. Fourth, similar to Greenland, the Faroese have always

been timid about their economy by linking political autonomy with economic

sustainability, thus showing a lack of confidence in their own economy. Most Faroese

agree that if the oil reserves surrounding the Faroe Islands are exploitable, then the

Faroese would be able to be an independent nation. However, the mining of the oil

reserves off of the Faroe Islands has always been in question and may not be as profitable

as originally predicted.

The development of Greenland has similarities to the experiences of both Iceland

and the Faroe Islands. However, there are major differences that make the Greenlandic

set of circumstances unique, both within the Danish Realm and within the international

system. The development of the Greenlandic nation has taken a similar course to the

Faroe Islands since 1953 when Greenland was made a county of Denmark. Prior to 1953,

Greenland was simply an overseas territory or colony of Denmark, with few rights and

little autonomy. Greenlandic nationalism did not begin until the 1960s and 1970s and was

brought on by radical social changes within Greenlandic society. Before the Second

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World War, the Greenlandic Inuit were predominantly still living their traditional

lifestyle of hunting and fishing. In the immediate post-war era, the Danish government

invested heavily into the Greenland society creating villages, infrastructure, an education

system, and health services. Greenland was granted Home Rule in 1979 with the structure

of the Home Rule administration and structure of the Home Rule Act modeled in the

Faroese Home Rule Act. The progression from Danish county to Home Rule Territory as

compared to the Faroe Islands or Iceland was swift.

Greenland has not achieved sovereignty due to four main predominant reasons.

First, in the international system there is little or consensus surrounding the

issue of Aboriginal self-government. The Greenlandic Home Rule administration is the

greatest amount of autonomy granted to an Aboriginal group in the international system.

One of the major problems in the issue of Aboriginal self-government is the dilemma of

identifying an indigenous group and whether every aboriginal group needs or requires

their own government or sovereign territory. If Greenland were to achieve sovereignty

from Denmark, the territorial integrity of several countries such as Canada, Russia, and

Australia would be subject to question due to their large population of Aboriginal groups.

Second, similar to the Faroe Islands, the nationalist movement in Greenland was delayed

due to the lack of recognition and organization of Greenlandic society in pre-Second

World War Greenland. After the Second World War the Greenlandic Inuit were moved

from their traditional lifestyle into stationary European style villages with a compulsory

school system, , and a highly centralized administration which was a major

adjustment. Furthermore, similar to the Faroese, the Greenlanders are divided on the

issue of sovereignty which created an unorganized and unfocussed nationalist movement.

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As a result, the spread of Greenlandic nationalism was slow to develop in the political

form. Third, due to the delayed development of the Greenlandic society and education

system, the Greenlanders lack the experience and knowledge to operate the Greenland

Home Rule administration. From its inception, the Greenlandic Home Rule

administration has been predominantly controlled by experienced and highly paid Danish

officials rather than the native Greenlandic Inuit, therefore limiting their experience and

knowledge on the operation of the government. Fourth, similar to the Faroe Islands, the

Greenlanders are timid about their economy and link political autonomy with economic

sustainability. Like the Faroese, the Greenlanders base their belief on a sovereign

Greenland on the development of an oil industry that has yet to be developed. Therefore,

the Greenlanders lack confidence in the diversification and development of their

economy and only focus upon what could happen one day.

Denmark as a colonial power was not as focussed or determined as other colonial

powers on trying to civilize or convert their colonial peoples into little versions of

themselves. On the other hand, the Danish culture and language became dominant and far

reaching into their colonies societies at the expense of the local language and culture. In a

country such as Iceland where the Icelandic culture and language was deeply rooted in

the historic Sagas, Danish dominance had little success. Yet, in a culture such as Faroese

or Inuit, which was not always viewed with the same high regard as Icelandic, the Danish

dominance became damaging to their culture and language. Nevertheless, the Faroese

and Inuit cultures learned to overcome the sometimes overbearing Danish culture to

protect their own culture and language. After the 1851 Icelandic constitutional conference

and the subsequent 1871 Icelandic Constitution, a precedent was formed for the

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establishment of Icelandic Home Rule in 1906, as well as the Act of Union in 1918.

Consequently, after the Second World War when the Faroese began to make demands for

Home Rule, the negotiations and firamework was already in place. Similarly, in 1979

when Greenland was granted Home Rule it was heavily modeled on the Faroese Home

Rule Act.

Recent developments in the Danish Realm show a move towards more autonomy

and jurisdiction on the part of the Faroe Islands and Greenland. Moreover, this move was

initiated by the Greenlandic Home Rule Government and copied by the Faroese, not the

other way around. On , 2005, both the Greenlandic and Faroese Authorities

“adopted legislation providing statutory full powers.. .to conclude certain international

agreements on behalf of the Kingdom of Denmark.”' In short, the new provides the

Greenlandic and Faroese government to “.. .unilaterally.. .exercise legislative and

administrative powers with respect to the [Home Rule territories] in all matters not

already under [Home Rule] authority, with the exception of the Constitution, citizenship,

the Supreme Court, foreign, security, and defence policy and monetary and currency

matters.”^ However, in no way does this act infringe upon Denmark’s control or power

over foreign affairs. During any negotiation that Greenland or the Faroe Islands would

conduct they would do on “.. .behalf of the Kingdom of Denmark where such agreements

relate solely to maters for which internal powers have been transferred to the Faroese

'“Circular Note,” The Prime Ministers Office, http://www.stm.dk/imagesUpload%5Cdokument%5C051114%20Cirkular%20Note%20(fuldmagtsloven).p df.

^ “Circular Note”.

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Authorities.”^ In essence, these acts give the Faroe Islands and Greenland more control

over their affairs legally and not through para-diplomacy or subversive action.

Though the Faroe Islands lack the circumstance of Aboriginal self-government,

the Faroe Islands and Greenland share several of the same difficulties on their quest for

sovereignty. The most significant of the difficulties experienced by the Faroese and

Greenlandic people is the timid approach to sovereignty and the basis of attaining

sovereignty on massive economic gains though oil extraction. However, with the growth

of the oil industry decades away, the possibilities of this venture are in doubt. Instead, the

Faroe Islands and Greenland should be more focussed on the diversification and growth

of their current economy rather than resting all their hopes for sovereignty and economic

stability on a possible oil-based economy. If Greenland and the Faroe Islands want to

obtain sovereignty, they have to learn to develop their economy without the block grant

and adopt a sink or swim attitude in regard to their economy, as the Icelandic people did.

Only then will the Faroese and Greenlandic nations have full sovereignty within their

grasp. Furthermore, many of the reasons why Iceland achieved independence are several

of the reasons why the Faroe Islands and Greenland have not obtained independence.

Whether it was lack of confidence, divided political parties, or overbearing Danish

cultural and administrative dominance, Iceland was able to overcome these obstacles

towards independence. Therefore, if both the Faroe Islands and Greenland take the

experience of Iceland as a lesson they too may be able to develop their own economy,

autonomy, and society more towards independence.

“Circular Note”.

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