Venezuela: Analysis of Pro-Government Media Intimidated by the State

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Venezuela: Analysis of Pro-Government Media Intimidated by the State VENEZUELA: ANALYSIS OF PRO-GOVERNMENT MEDIA INTIMIDATED BY THE STATE A Masters Thesis by Elisa Bermudez to The School of Journalism In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the field of Journalism Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts April, 2011 1 © 2011, Elisa Bermudez 2 To my grandparents Hilda and Manuel Mayorca, for their modest contribution to democracy in Venezuela 3 VENEZUELA: ANALYSIS OF PRO-GOVERNMENT MEDIA INTIMIDATED BY THE STATE A thesis presented by Elisa Bermudez ABSTRACT OF MASTERS THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Journalism in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Northeastern University, April, 2011 4 This thesis estimates the number of pro-government or pro-chavista media intimidated and/or censored by the government of Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela between the years 1999 and 2008. It also addresses the complex issue of the state of press freedom and free speech in Venezuela as variable through which human rights and democracy in the South American country should be evaluated. 5 ACKNOWLEDGMENT First and foremost I have to thank my thesis committee, Professors William Kirtz, M.A., Nicholas Daniloff, M.A., and Murray Forman, Ph.D., for their tremendous patience and understanding of personal complications that prevented me from completing this thesis earlier. Second, I thank Luisa Torrealba and Miguel Salazar for agreeing to answer my questions fully, knowing the risks of speaking out in Venezuela (even over the phone). Also, as always, I am grateful to my mother for pushing and keeping me on track – that‘s what mothers do – and for learning to be patient during this process. Last but not least, to my friend and colleague Candice Novak, M.A., for patiently and diligently editing this thesis. 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract 4 Acknowledgement 6 Table of Contents 7 Chapter I. Introduction 8 Chapter II. A Glimpse of the Past: Contemporary History of Venezuela 15 The Media 20 Chapter III. Methodology and Investigation 40 Definition of Terms 45 The Cases 47 Limitations 62 Chapter IV. Law and the Hegemony Plan 65 The Cases 66 The Law 69 The Hegemony Plan 73 Chapter V. Analysis: Human Rights, Press Freedom and Democracy 79 Analysis 80 Conclusions 95 Recommendations 103 References 109 7 Chapter I Introduction: The Complex Case of Media and Politics in Venezuela 8 This thesis is an investigation on whether pro-government or pro-chavista media is deprived of freedom of expression and its right to inform the public, in addition to so-called opposition media. Since his arrival to the Presidency of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez has been constantly criticized by the media as well as local and international human rights and press freedom organization for his crackdown on dissenting media. Venezuela has faced repression, intimidation, and censorship before Hugo Chávez. But the difference between the Chávez government and his predecessors‘ is that, first, there are more reported cases of press freedom violations, and, second, President Chávez has been directly and openly aggressive with media critical of his government – and this is not limited to his rhetoric. This thesis also addresses the issue of repression beyond the media; it gives a forewarning picture of repression as a method to curtail free speech among citizens. It is also an exploration of the efforts by President Hugo Chávez to obtain total control of the press and sink the last remnants of democracy, therefore, creating an authoritarian regime in Venezuela. It was initially inspired by the Frontline television series ―The Hugo Chavez Show.‖(1) Additionally, this thesis explores the theory that the first sign of an autocratic government, even if elected by the people, is suppression of dissenting voices among members of the press. Then, mechanisms of repression are extended to other areas of civil society: politicians, non-profit and (1) Bikel, O. (2008). “The Hugo Chavez Show.” Frontline, PBS (Public Broadcasting Service). Available at: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/hugochavez/view/ 9 community organizations, unions, even members of the ruling party, until it finally manages to oppress all civilians. During this investigation I encountered many challenges. The most prominent challenge for journalists today is that self-censorship is increasing as a way to preserve jobs and avoid danger, resulting in the possibility of press freedom violations not being reported. For the purpose of simplifying a complex subject, initially I wanted to avoid addressing politics, President Chávez, journalism ethics, and other human rights issues in order to concentrate solely on the decaying state of press freedom in Venezuela. But it is impossible to stay away from politics when policymaking legalizes censorship. It is impossible not to talk about the President when he uses mass media to remain omnipresent. It is impossible to avoid talking about journalism ethics when some media managers have contributed to press freedom violations. It is impossible to avoid talking about how citizens and workers have been denied their rights to free speech and to assemble freely. And it is certainly impossible to talk solely about pro-chavista media when the entire press is subjected to subtle forms of intimidation and censorship. At the very least all these variables will be mentioned to explain why the government censors even its own allies in the media. In addition to press freedom issues in Venezuela, this thesis also touches on a much deeper problem about the absence of a democratic state. I include a summary of contemporary history of Venezuela as background to explain why we still have profound socio-economic problems, why Hugo Chávez was elected president, and 10 why he remains in power. Perhaps more important for historical context, is the section mentioning some of the history of Venezuelan media. I also provide information on this matter to contend that, nowadays, press freedom, human rights, and democracy in Venezuela cannot be seen in black-and-white terms. This thesis will serve to illuminate the magnitude of the problem with freedom of expression and human rights in Venezuela. A problem that is already extending to other Latin American countries, thanks to Chavez‘s interventionist policies abroad – quite ironic for Chávez, who vociferously complains about ―Yankee imperialism.‖ Sadly, Venezuela has become a model for other governments in the region that want to control information and dissent. Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Nicaragua have had similar problems with the press. Although it shouldn‘t be surprising that governments attempt to control information. During a journalism seminar taught by Professor Nicholas Daniloff, M.A., students were presented with the following formula: "All governments want to control the press. Democratic governments do it by persuasion; authoritarian governments do it by censorship and intimidation." For example, all US government offices have press offices. Their role is to use public relations and lobbying strategies to court the media to publish positive stories about the administration in power. We must also keep in mind that like Venezuela, the US government also uses legislation – or takes advantage of the 11 absent of legislation in some cases – to repress journalists and prevent information from being released. For instance, the United States Congress, as of the printing date of this thesis, continues to discuss the Federal Shield Law to protect journalists from revealing their sources or Senate Bill 448, also known as the ―Free Flow of Information Act 2009. In December 10th, 2009 the Senate‘s Judiciary Committee changed the definition of a newsperson by extending it to bloggers, freelancers and any other person gathering and providing information to the masses. The Judiciary Committee also introduced clauses indicating when the federal government is authorized to subpoena a member of the media. The law requires a federal agency to obtain a court order and must prove it has exhausted all other sources of information, though the law also has exceptions in case of emergencies and/or national security. During the first quarter of the 112th United States Congress, Senate Bill 448 had not yet been discussed in the Senate floor. (www.cpj.org, http://www.firstamendmentcoalition.org/, http://www.govtrack.us/, www.thomas.loc.gov, www.rcfp.org, www.rsf.org). Also, it remains to be seen where this legislation may end up without one of its proponents, former Senator Arlen Specter, D-PA. The Bill still needs to be approved by the Senate and it will be sent back to the House floor if the Senate makes any changes. The approval of changes to the Federal Shield Law by the Senate‘s Judiciary Committee is certainly a step forward. However, such legislative change occurred recently and we yet have to see how the changes to the new law will actually be 12 implemented. For instance, there is already discussion in Capitol Hill that the federal shield law is not applicable to the case of Wikileaks. The discussion involves whether Wikileaks should be considered a news organization at all (http://www.firstamendmentcoalition.org/2010/12/has-cablegate-made-the-federal- shield-law-a-lame-duck-in-the-lame-duck-congress/). Aside from this legislative issues, the U.S, also faces serious problems regarding restrictions imposed on the press in Guantanamo Bay, Iraq, and Afghanistan in the name of ―the war against terror‖ and ―national security‖ (www.cpj.org, www.rsf.org). Another example not too far from the US or Venezuela is Cuba. An economic and political ally of President Chávez, Cuba is renowned for its tight grip on the press, dissent, and free speech. The Caribbean island has never really enjoyed a free press, yet in recent years, political dissidents and journalists have been able to work clandestinely, thanks to the Internet and help from exile community in Miami, by creating blogs and websites.
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