The French Communist Party and the Algerian
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THE FRENCH COMMUNIST PARTY AND THE ALGERIAN WAR Also by Daniele Joly IMMIGRANT ASSOCIATIONS IN EUROPE (editor with John Rex and Czarina Witpert) RELUCTANT HOSTS: EUROPE AND ITS REFUGEES (editor with Rnbin Cohen) The French COlDlDunist Party and the Algerian War Daniele J oly Senior Research Fellow University of Warwick Palgrave Macmillan ISBN 978-1-349-21289-7 ISBN 978-1-349-21287-3 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-21287-3 All rights reserved. For information, write: Scholarly and Reference Division, St. Martin's Press, Inc., 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1991 First published in the United States of America in 1991 Phototypeset by Input Typesetting Ltd, London Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Joly, Daniele The French Communist Party and the Algerian War/Daniele Joly. p. em. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-312-04211-0 I. Algeria-History-Revolution, 1954--1962-Public opinion. 2. Parti communiste fran<;;ais. 3. Communists-France-Attitudes. 4. Public opinion-France. I. Title. DT295.J63 1991 90-34612 965' .04-dc20 CIP Contents Glossary vi Preface IX Acknowledgements xiv Introduction xv Algeria under French Colonisation 1 2 The PCF and the Colonial Question: A Historical Perspective 20 3 The PCF, the International Situation and the Algerian War 42 4 The French Nation 55 5 The PCF and the Algerian Nation 68 6 France's Military Involvement in Algeria: The PCF and the Oppositionnels 100 7 Synthesis on the Opposition 130 Conclusion Notes and References 149 Bibliography 165 Index 176 v Glossary VOCABULARY Appeles The French army is composed of conscripts and professionals. The conscripts are called up for their national service, hence their designation as 'appeICs'; they may be recalled for a further period of service after they have completed their time, they are then 'rappelis'. The 'Movement des appeles et rappeles' was a protest movement among conscripts against being sent to fight in North Africa in 1955 and 1956. Arab-Berber The Algerian population prior to the French colonisation was mainly composed of Arabs and Berbers who as one group are called Arab Berbers. This term is preferable to the term Algerians, which leads to confusion as it could be taken to include the settlers. Another word was sometimes used to designate Arab-Berbers: les Musulmans, as most of them were Muslims. Autochtone Native of the territory. This was the name given to the deput ies from the empire in the National Assembly in 1946: Ie groupe autochtone. This term is also sometimes used instead of indigene, which had become derogatory in the colonies. Code de l'indigenat See indigene. Le contingent This is the collective noun to designate all the conscripts serving in the army to fulfil their obligation to national service. Indigene Literally translated as 'native'; the term assumed a specific sig nificance in French colonies as it implied a legal status. The indigenes did not benefit from the same jurisdiction as the French citizens. They were far from enjoying the same rights, and were treated under a special code (in Algeria since 1881), Ie code de I'indigenat, which restricted and controlled all aspects of the life and activities of the indigenes. Infringements of this code, entailing various punishments (fines, gaol sentences), included 'offending words' against any representative of the authorities, travelling without authorisation, or holding a public meal without authorisation, etc. Insoumis, insoumission The insoumis was the soldier who refused to go and fight in Algeria, performing the act of insoumission. The movement as a whole was sometimes called Ie refus. Muslim See Arab-Berber. Mouvement des appeles et rappeles See appelis. Oppositionnels Members of the PCF who criticised its policies in one or several points, sufficiently consistently or strongly to have become notice able as an opposition force within the Party. The term came to have a clear meaning during the Algerian war. Rappeles See appeles. Ultras The ultras were ultra-colonialists in Algiers, extreme right-wing set tlers who wanted to keep Algeria French at all costs. VI Glossary Vll MAIN ORGANISATIONS AND THEIR LEADERS Association des Oulema See oulema. Association des Amis du Manifeste et de la liberte See Ferhat Abbas. eRUA See FLN. ENA See Messali Hadj. Federation des Elus See Ferhat Abbas. Ferhat Abbas Born in Taher (1899), doctorate in Pharmacy, President of the Association des Etudiants Musulmans d'Afrique du Nord (AEMAN), 1924--9). He founded in 1927, together with Dr Bendjelloul the Federation des Elus Indigenes. He was at first a supporter of assimilation. During the Second World War he wrote the Manifeste du Peuple algerien, which was signed by 56 Muslim notables and was presented to the French authorit ies (a programme of reforms rejecting assimilation). He founded the Associ ation des Amis du Manifeste et de la Liberte (1944), banned in 1945. Arrested in the aftermath of the May 1945 events, he founded the Union Democratique du Manifeste algerien (UDMA) in 1946. He joined the FLN (May/June 1955). He became the first president of the Gouvernement Provisoire de la Republique algerienne (GPRA) in 1958 and president of the Constituent Assembly after independence in 1963. FLN The Front de Liberation Nationale was founded as a result of a crisis within the Mouvement pour Ie Triomphe des Libertes Democratique (MTLD), which split into Messali Hadj's followers and the 'Centralistes', supporters of the Central Committee (1954). A third organisation was also created, the Comite revolutionnaire d'Unite et d'Action (CRUA). It was led by nine MTLD members, most of whom had participated in the Organisation Speciale (OS), a para-military organisation founded by the MTLD (1947-8). They decided to prepare the insurrection and set up the Armee de Liberation Nationale (ALN). They proclaimed the creation of the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN). Messali Hadj Born in May 1898 in Tlemcen, Messali Hadj emigrated to France in 1923 and worked in various factories including Renault. He joined the PCF which he left to take over the leadership of the Etoile Nord Africaine (ENA) in June 1926. After the ENA was banned, Messali founded the Parti du Peuple algerien (PPA) in March 1937. Arrested several times and exiled in Brazzaville (Equatorial Africa), he returned to Algeria to create the Mouvement pour Ie Triomphe des Libertes Democra tiques (MTLD) after the PPA was banned (1945). He never accepted the leadership of the FLN and created the Mouvement National Algerien (MNA) at the end of 1954. MNA See Messali Hadj. MTLD See Messali Hadj. Oulema Literally, the word means learned men of the faith (singular, alim). An association of oulema was formed in 1931, with the aim of preserving viii Glossary Islam, the Arabic language and Algeria against French colonialism. Sheikh Ben Badis was one of their leaders. Tewfik El Madani became the general secretary of the association. PP A See Messali Hadj. Sheikh Ben Badis See oulema. Tewfik EI Madani See oulema. UDMA See Ferhat Abbas. Preface The general aim of this work is to evaluate the evolution of peF policies towards the question of Algeria during the Algerian war. The more specific object of the research will be the 'debate' on Algeria within the peF, or, to be more accur ate, the divergences between the Party's official political line and a possible 'opposition'. The corpus of the study was relatively easy to circumscribe, at least with respect to the official position of the peF. There is abundant literature to choose from and a vast range of Party publications have been reviewed, starting with Party congresses which crystallise the programme of the peF. Other publi cations were also studied: among the main ones, I'Humaniti, which is read by the largest number of members and sympath isers; more theoretical publications such as the Cahiers du Com munisme, Economie et Politique and Nouvelle Critique, which have a more limited circulation, and France Nouvelle, mainly read by Party members. I also surveyed the speeches of peF members in the National Assembly and occasional publications such as pamphlets, course texts and books. The problem encountered was much greater when I attempted to investigate the debate within the Party, as the peF still preserved organisational principles dating back to its creation, inspired by Lenin's Party of a new type. l According to this model, any debate must take place strictly inside the Party through the correct channels permitted by democratic centralism;2 this rules out factions and forbids the voicing of differences outside the Party. The official position, agreed upon by the highest echelons of the Party, its congress, is the only one to be known to the public and must be defended by all the Party members, even if they have or have had any reser vations on it, or frankly disagreed. The monolithic nature of the organisation as described above makes it plain that the expression of divergences or disagreements will be difficult to locate. These may nevertheless be gathered from varied sources. Prior to each congress, a forum is opened in I'Humaniti, the Tribune de Discussion, for the publication of letters on the IX x Priface proposed congress theses. The debate is then officially allowed in the open though in practice limited, because the editorial board carefully selects these letters. On the whole they present a mild version of the criticisms that may be expressed within the Party and an immediate answer to these letters is often provided on the same page, through another letter, or a state ment by a PCF official. Sometimes official answers and expla nations on a point of policy reveal the existence of substantial criticisms on the issue.