DOCSLIB.ORG

Copyright by Jason Matthew Morgan 2014

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Copyright by Jason Matthew Morgan 2014 Copyright by Jason Matthew Morgan 2014 The Dissertation Committee for Jason Matthew Morgan Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: A GLOBAL STRUGGLE: NAMIBIAN NATIONALISM AND SOUTH AFRICAN IMPERIALISM AT THE UNITED NATIONS, 1945-1960 Committee: Toyin Falola, Supervisor Mark Lawrence Barbara Harlow Jeremi Suri William Roger Louis A GLOBAL STRUGGLE: NAMIBIAN NATIONALISM AND SOUTH AFRICAN IMPERIALISM AT THE UNITED NATIONS, 1945-1960 by Jason Matthew Morgan, B.A., M.A., M.Ed. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May 2014 Dedication FOR MARTHA! THANK YOU FOR ALWAYS BELIEVING IN ME AND PUSHING ME TO SUCCEED! Acknowledgements This project would not have been possible without the support of numerous individuals who pushed me to excel at every level. I would particularly like to thank my wife Martha who put up with long nights of writing and countless hours in archives helping me collect the material for this project. I would also like to thank my committee Drs. Toyin Falola, Mark Lawrence, Barbara Harlow, Jeremi Suri, and Wm. Roger Louis for taking the time to read and comment on this project. I would have been unable to complete my research without the generous financial support of the Warfield Center for African and African American Studies and the History Department at the University of Texas. I would also like to thank the archivists in Africa, Europe, and the United States for helping me find lost documents and guiding me through their collections. I would particularly like to thank Victor Silas of the SWAPO Party Archives and Research Center for guiding me through the intricacies of SWAPO’s archive. I would also like to thank my fellow graduate students who read various portions of my work and let me bounce ideas off them throughout my years at the University of Texas. v A GLOBAL STRUGGLE: NAMIBIAN NATIONALISM AND SOUTH AFRICAN IMPERIALISM AT THE UNITED NATIONS, 1945-1960 Jason Matthew Morgan, Ph.D. The University of Texas at Austin, 2014 Supervisor: Toyin Falola “A Global Struggle,” examines the role that diplomacy, particularly at the United Nations, played in Namibian nationalist and South African imperial policy in the decades following the Second World War. My work is based on extensive archival research in Namibia, South Africa, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, and the United States. I argue that the creation of the United Nations out of the ashes of the League of Nations gave both Namibians and South Africans hope that they could shape Namibia into what they wanted it to be. Namibians wanted to end the League of Nations Mandate that had allowed South Africa to rule their country since 1920, and the South African government hoped to annex Namibia as the fifth province of the Union of South Africa. Namibian nationalists worked with the United Nations and other nations to prevent South Africa from gaining legal control of Namibia. Representatives of Namibian nationalists as early as 1947 began transforming the United Nations away from an institution concerned with maintaining empires into a burgeoning anti-colonial force that would hasten decolonization. South Africa, facing decreasing support from the United States and Great vi Britain, desperately tried to reverse the rising tide of anti-colonial sentiment that was building at the United Nations. Both South Africans and Namibians viewed the United Nations as the center of the struggle over the future of Namibia. My project examines the strategies and actions of both groups as they tried to manipulate world opinion in their favor. vii Table of Contents Introduction..........................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1 The Opening Salvo: The Struggle Over Incorporation ...................................18 Chapter 2 A New Atmosphere: The Nationalists Take Over ..........................................83 Chapter 3 Opening the Floodgates: The ICJ, Apartheid, and the Right to Petition .......138 Chapter 4 A New Approach, Mobilty, Massacre, and Nationalism ...............................215 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………..266 Bibliography ....................................................................................................................271 viii INTRODUCTION “A Global Struggle: Namibian Nationalism and South African Imperialism at the United Nations, 1945-1960,” examines the role that the UN played in the strategies of Namibians and South Africans in their plans for the future of Namibia. Namibians and South Africans viewed the United Nations as central to their strategies in gaining control over Namibia. Namibian nationalism developed in the crucible of international politics, and until independence in 1990, Namibians viewed international diplomacy as their primary weapon against South African rule. “A Global Struggle” is the first study to look in depth at Namibian and South African activities between 1945 and 1960. The Namibian issue was pivotal in helping transform the UN into an anti-colonial body. By the early 1950s, while the imperial powers tried to reconsolidate their empires, they had to confront the rising anti-colonial sentiment at the UN, which found its focus in Namibia. The actions of Namibians kept the issue before the UN and gave nations such as India ammunition to attack imperialism. South African control of Namibia was formalized under a Mandate from the League of Nations. Upon the dissolution of the League in 1946, the role of the international community in Namibia, represented by the United Nations, was a contentious issue as South Africa and the UN both claimed sovereignty over Namibia. Between 1920, the year the mandate was conferred to South Africa, and 1990, South Africa ruled Namibia as an integral part of South Africa. South Africans moved into 1 Namibia, and when apartheid was instituted in South Africa in 1948, it quickly spread to Namibia. As the United Nations began to take over the functions of the League of Nations, in particular the transferring of the mandates under the umbrella of the Trusteeship System overseen by the Fourth Committee of the UN, Namibia was the only mandated territory not to be turned over to UN supervision.1 Instead of submitting a trusteeship agreement Jan Smuts, the Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa, attempted to annex Namibia into the Union of South Africa. For the next forty-five years, the United Nations and South Africa would wrestle over the future of Namibia. It was at this stage that Namibians began their long liberation struggle against South Africa at the United Nations. Between 1946 and 1990, the United Nations and its judicial branch, the International Court of Justice, played a prominent role in the plans of Namibian nationalists. Namibians utilized the UN to gain support for their cause and to isolate the South African government through forty-four long years of increasing South African domination. The South African government also viewed the UN as the place where it could win a decisive victory and incorporate the territory as a fifth province. When describing the South West African People’s Organization’s (SWAPO) strategies against South Africa, Sam Nujoma wrote that SWAPO had “designed a three- pronged strategy: the political front, the diplomatic front and the armed liberation 1 The Fourth Committee was also known as the Trusteeship Committee and was responsible for ushering the trusteeships towards independence. After the last trustee territory gained independence the Fourth Committee became the Special Political and Decolonization Committee and encouraged all dependet territories towards independence. 2 struggle.” He went on to describe the political front as “working with the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the Non-Aligned Movement, the UN, and of course with our people back home,” clearly demonstrating that international organizations and foreign policy played center stage in their struggle.2 SWAPO’s strategy continued the earlier periods of Namibian struggle examined in this dissertation. Namibian nationalists, with help from sympathetic nations visited, petitioned, worked with, and influenced the United Nations until independence in 1990. Namibian nationalists also worked directly with nations around the globe, setting up offices on virtually every continent. “A Global Struggle” is the first work to look in depth at how Namibians and South Africans planned and waged their campaigns at the United Nations. Each side viewed UN support as central to the future of Namibia. While “A Global Struggle” is primarily about the actions of South Africans and Namibians, it sheds light on how the debate over the future of Namibia influenced and was representative of the changes in the global order after the Second World War. I explore how Namibians and South Africans negotiated the changes that consumed the globe as each group tried to manipulate world opinion in its favor. Namibians and South Africans had to negotiate the global transformations that the end of the Second World War created. South Africa was unable to adapt to the changing world and by 1960, world opinion was firmly on the side of the Namibian people. Between 1945 and 1960, the world dominated by European empires 2 Sam Nujoma, Where Others Wavered: My Life in SWAPO and my participation in the liberation struggle
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
    Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M.
    [Show full text]
  • MISSION APOLOGETICS: the RHENISH MISSION from WARS and GENOCIDE to the NAZI REVOLUTION, 1904-1936 GLEN RYLAND MOUNT ROYAL UNIVERSITY [email protected]
    STORIES AND MISSION APOLOGETICS: THE RHENISH MISSION FROM WARS AND GENOCIDE TO THE NAZI REVOLUTION, 1904-1936 GLEN RYLAND MOUNT ROYAL UNIVERSITY [email protected] tories of a Herero woman, Uerieta Kaza- Some Germans even met her face-to-face when Shendike (1837-1936), have circulated for a she visited the Rhineland and Westphalia with century and a half among German Protestants in missionary Carl Hugo Hahn in 1859, a year the Upper Rhineland and Westphalian region. after her baptism.2 Other than a few elites, no Known to mission enthusiasts as Johanna other Herero received as much written attention Gertze, or more often “Black Johanna” from the missionaries as Uerieta did. Why was (Schwarze Johanna), Uerieta was the first her story of interest to missions-minded Protest- Herero convert of the Rhenish Mission Society. ants in Germany? By 1936, her life had spanned the entire period In 1936, missionary Heinrich Vedder again of the Herero mission she had served since her told her story, this time shaping her into an youth. Over the years, the mission society African heroine for the Rhenish Mission. In published multiple versions of her story Vedder’s presentation “Black Johanna” demon- together with drawings and photos of her.1 strated the mission’s success in the past and embodied a call for Germans in the new era of National Socialism to do their duty toward so- called inferior peoples. Vedder used Uerieta’s I am grateful to Dr. Doris L. Bergen, Chancellor Rose story to shape an apologetic for Protestant mis- and Ray Wolfe Professor of Holocaust Studies, Uni- sions within the new regime.
    [Show full text]
  • Territoriality, Sovereignty, and Violence in German South-West Africa
    Bard College Bard Digital Commons Senior Projects Spring 2018 Bard Undergraduate Senior Projects Spring 2018 Colonial Control and Power through the Law: Territoriality, Sovereignty, and Violence in German South-West Africa Caleb Joseph Cumberland Bard College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bard.edu/senproj_s2018 Part of the African History Commons, Indigenous Studies Commons, and the Legal History Commons This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Cumberland, Caleb Joseph, "Colonial Control and Power through the Law: Territoriality, Sovereignty, and Violence in German South-West Africa" (2018). Senior Projects Spring 2018. 249. https://digitalcommons.bard.edu/senproj_s2018/249 This Open Access work is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been provided to you by Bard College's Stevenson Library with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this work in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights- holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Colonial Control and Power through the Law: Territoriality, Sovereignty, and Violence in German South-West Africa Senior Project Submitted to The Division of Social Studies of Bard College by Caleb Joseph Cumberland Annandale-on-Hudson, New York May 2018 Acknowledgments I would like to extend my gratitude to my senior project advisor, Professor Drew Thompson, as without his guidance I would not have been able to complete such a project.
    [Show full text]
  • United States of America–Namibia Relations William a Lindeke*
    From confrontation to pragmatic cooperation: United States of America–Namibia relations William A Lindeke* Introduction The United States of America (USA) and the territory and people of present-day Namibia have been in contact for centuries, but not always in a balanced or cooperative fashion. Early contact involved American1 businesses exploiting the natural resources off the Namibian coast, while the 20th Century was dominated by the global interplay of colonial and mandatory business activities and Cold War politics on the one hand, and resistance diplomacy on the other. America was seen by Namibian leaders as the reviled imperialist superpower somehow pulling strings from behind the scenes. Only after Namibia’s independence from South Africa in 1990 did the relationship change to a more balanced one emphasising development, democracy, and sovereign equality. This chapter focuses primarily on the US’s contributions to the relationship. Early history of relations The US has interacted with the territory and population of Namibia for centuries – indeed, since the time of the American Revolution.2 Even before the beginning of the German colonial occupation of German South West Africa, American whaling ships were sailing the waters off Walvis Bay and trading with people at the coast. Later, major US companies were active investors in the fishing (Del Monte and Starkist in pilchards at Walvis Bay) and mining industries (e.g. AMAX and Newmont Mining at Tsumeb Copper, the largest copper mine in Africa at the time). The US was a minor trading and investment partner during German colonial times,3 accounting for perhaps 7% of exports.
    [Show full text]
  • Episcopalciiuriimen
    EPISCOPALCIIURIIMEN soUru VAFR[CA Room 1005 * 853 Broadway, New York, N . Y. 10003 • Phone : (212) 477-0066 , —For A free Southern Afilcu ' May 1982 MISSIONS MOVEMENTS NAMIBIA 'The U .S. 'overnment has become an agent in South Africa's "holy crusade" against Communism . ' - The Rev Dr Albertus Maasdorp, general secretary of the Council of Churches in Namibia, THE NEW YORK TIMES, 25 April 1982. It was a . mission of frustration and a harsh learning experience . Four Namibian churchmen made a month-long visit to Western nations to express their feelings about the unending, agonizing occupation of their country by the South African regime and the fruitless talks on a Namibian settlement which the .Western Contact Group - the USA, Britain, France ,West Germany and Canada - has staged for five long years . Anglican Bishop James Kauluma, presi- dent of the Council of Churches in Namibia ; Bishop Kleopas Du neni of the Evangelical Luth- eran Ovambokavango Church ; Pastor Albertus Maasdorp, general secretary of the CCN ;, and the, assistant to Bishop D,mmeni, Pastor Absalom Hasheela, were accompanied by a representative of the South African Council of Churches and the general secretary of the All Africa Coun- cil of Oburches which sponsored the trip . They visited France, Sweden, Britain and Canada, end terminated their journey in the United States . It was here that the Namibian pilgrims encountered the steely disregard for Namibian aspirations by functionaries of a major power mapped up in its geopolitical stratagems. They met with Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Chester .Crocker, whose time is primarily devoted to pursuing the mirage of a Pretorian agreement to the United Nations settlement plan for Namibia .
    [Show full text]
  • 4 October 1985
    other prices on page 2 MPC plans UK foreign office BY GWEN LISTER PLANS HAVE REACHED an advanced stage to open an office with an undisclosed status in London to promote the interim government abroad. The Head of the Department of Interstate Relations, Mr Carl von Bach, and the new co· ordinator of the London venture, Mr Sean Cleary, have ar· rived in london to prepare for the new operation. The interim government's Minister of Justice and Information, Mr Fanuel Kozonguizi, has confirmed that the London office will be elevat­ ed to a new status, but the interim Cabinet must still take a final de­ cision on the modalities of the new campaign. It was not yet cl ear whether Mr Cleary will be permanently stationed in London. 'It is up to him' Mr Kozo nguizi said. He added that the 'extern~ l poli­ cy' o f the interim admini stration till had to be established. At this stage they would no~be.~eeking 'inter.na­ tional recognition', Mr Kozonguizi said. A fo rmer So uth African diplo­ mat, Mr Sean Cleary took over from Mr Billy Marais as Public Relations Consultant fo r the interim govern­ POLICE WATCH burning barricades in Athlone, Cape Town, the scene of continuing vio ment on October 1. In that position this week. he will be controlling public relations See inside today for the story of dramatic protests at the University of the Western Cape. MR SEAN CLEA RY - interim (Photograph by Dave Hartman of Afrapix). government's 'rovi ng ambassador'. Continued on page 3 Ministers may boycott Council BIG SPRING BY GWEN LISTER net, the participation of two vote in a Cabinet meeting ofSep­ COMPETITION groups in the Constitutional tember 11.
    [Show full text]
  • Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: Genocide and the Quest of Recompense Gewald, J.B.; Jones A
    Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: genocide and the quest of recompense Gewald, J.B.; Jones A. Citation Gewald, J. B. (2004). Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: genocide and the quest of recompense. In Genocide, war crimes and the West: history and complicity (pp. 59-77). London: Zed Books. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/4853 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Leiden University Non-exclusive license Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/4853 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: Genocide and the Quest for Recompense Jan-Bart Gewald On 9 September 2001, the Herero People's Reparations Corporation lodged a claim in a civil court in the US District of Columbia. The claim was directed against the Federal Republic of Germany, in the person of the German foreign minister, Joschka Fischer, for crimes against humanity, slavery, forced labor, violations of international law, and genocide. Ninety-seven years earlier, on n January 1904, in a small and dusty town in central Namibia, the first genocide of the twentieth Century began with the eruption of the Herero—German war.' By the time hostilities ended, the majority of the Herero had been killed, driven off their land, robbed of their cattle, and banished to near-certain death in the sandy wastes of the Omaheke desert. The survivors, mostly women and children, were incarcerated in concentration camps and put to work as forced laborers (Gewald, 1995; 1999: 141—91). Throughout the twenti- eth Century, Herero survivors and their descendants have struggled to gain recognition and compensation for the crime committed against them.
    [Show full text]
  • Washington, D.C
    SUPERIOR COURT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIVIL DIVISION THE HERERO PEOPLE’S REPARATIONS CORPORATION, : a District of Columbia Corporation : 1625 K Street, NW, #102 : Washington, D.C. 20006 : : THE HEREROS, : a Tribe and Ethnic and Racial Group, : by and through its Paramount Chief : By Paramount Chief Riruako : Paramount Chief K. Riruako : P.O. Box 60991 Katutura : Windhoek, Republic of Namibia 9000 : Mburumba Getzen Kerina : P.O. Box 24861 : Windhoek, Republic of Namibia 9000 : Kurundiro Kapuuo : Case No. 01-0004447 Box 24861 : Windhoek, Republic of Namibia 9000 : Judge Jackson Calendar 2 Cornelia Tjaveondja : Next Scheduled Event: P.O. Box 24861 : Initial Scheduling Conference Windhoek, Republic of Namibia 9000 : September 18, 2001 at 9:30 a.m. Moses Nguarambuka : P.O. Box 24861 : Windhoek, Republic of Namibia 9000 : Hilde Kazakoka Kamberipa : SQ66 Genesis Street : P.O. Box 61831 : Windhoek, Republic of Namibia 9000 : Festus Korukuve : P.O. Box 50 : Opuuo (Otuzemba), Namibia : Uezuvanjo Tjihavgc : Box 27 : Opuuo, Namibia : Ujeuetu Tjihange : Box 27 : Opuuo, Namibia : Moses Katuuo : P.O. Box 930 : Gobabis, Namibia 9000 : Levy K. O. Nganjone : P.O. Box 309 : Gobabis, Namibia : Festus Ndjai : Opuuo, Namibia : Hoomajo Jjingee : Opuuo, Namibia : Uelembuia Tjinawba : Okandombo : Okunene Region, Namibia : Jararaihe Tjingee : Opuuo, Namibia : Hangekaoua Mbinge : Opuuo, Namibia : Ehrens Jeja : Box 210 : Omaruru : Omatjete, Namibia : Nathanael Uakumbua : Box 211 : Omaruru, Namibia : Rudolph Kauzuu : Box 210 : Omatjete : Omaruru, Namibia : 2 Jaendekua Kapika : Opuuo, Namibia : Ben Mbeuserua : P.O. Box 224 : Okakarara, Namibia 9000 : Felix Kokati : Box 47 : Okakarara, Namibia 9000 : Samuel Upendura : Oyinene : Omaheke Region, Namibia : Majoor Festus Kamburona : P.O. 1131 : Windhoek, Republic of Namibia 9000 : Uetavera Tjirambi : Okonmgo : Okanene Region, Namibia : Julius Katjingisiua : P.O.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cassinga Massacre of Namibian Exiles in 1978 and the Conflicts Between Survivors’ Memories and Testimonies
    ENDURING SUFFERING: THE CASSINGA MASSACRE OF NAMIBIAN EXILES IN 1978 AND THE CONFLICTS BETWEEN SURVIVORS’ MEMORIES AND TESTIMONIES BY VILHO AMUKWAYA SHIGWEDHA A Dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History University of the Western Cape December 2011 Supervisor: Professor Patricia Hayes ABSTRACT During the peak of apartheid, the South African Defence Force (SADF) killed close to a thousand Namibian exiles at Cassinga in southern Angola. This happened on May 4 1978. In recent years, Namibia commemorates this day, nationwide, in remembrance of those killed and disappeared following the Cassinga attack. During each Cassinga anniversary, survivors are modelled into „living testimonies‟ of the Cassinga massacre. Customarily, at every occasion marking this event, a survivor is delegated to unpack, on behalf of other survivors, „memories of Cassinga‟ so that the inexperienced audience understands what happened on that day. Besides survivors‟ testimonies, edited video footage showing, among others, wrecks in the camp, wounded victims laying in hospital beds, an open mass grave with dead bodies, SADF paratroopers purportedly marching in Cassinga is also screened for the audience to witness the agony of that day. Interestingly, the way such presentations are constructed draw challenging questions. For example, how can the visual and oral presentations of the Cassinga violence epitomize actual memories of the Cassinga massacre? How is it possible that such presentations can generate a sense of remembrance against forgetfulness of those who did not experience that traumatic event? When I interviewed a number of survivors (2007 - 2010), they saw no analogy between testimony (visual or oral) and memory. They argued that memory unlike testimony is personal (solid, inexplicable and indescribable).
    [Show full text]
  • “The Bergdama”
    Journal of Namibian Studies, 2 (2007): 129–140 ISSN: 1863-5954 Review: Adi Inskeep, Heinrich Vedder’s gies to make themselves unobtrusive. “The Bergdama”. An annotated They have not, however, always been translation of the German original with innocent refugees or simple hunters additional ethnographic material, and gatherers. They have never been Volumes I and II, Köln, Köppe, 2003. disinclined to trespass and steal when it appeared that they could get away with it, and have sometimes planned raids The human species is widely regarded on their neighbours, whether of their as having evolved into its present form own type or of other peoples, no less somewhere in Africa and as having eagerly than their neighbours have set subsequently spread out to populate about robbing them. Nevertheless, in much of the rest of the globe. There are the book translated here, the author good grounds for this belief, grounds so makes it clear that whereas attacks on good that these days any alternative other Dama were usually provoked by view is generally felt in intellectual blood-feuds or the violation of what they circles to be idiosyncratic and worthy, saw as hunting and gathering rights, perhaps not exactly of scorn, but at their quarrels with their Nama and least of a doubtful smile. Nevertheless, Herero neighbours often resulted from despite all the attention lavished during the Dama practice of attracting game by the past two centuries on attempts to firing what these others regarded as lighten the darkness of the Dark grazing grounds and thereby occa- Continent, despite the abundance of sioning the growth of fresh vegetation.
    [Show full text]
  • Ufahamu: a Journal of African Studies
    UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title Directory: African Liberation Movements and Support Groups Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/85p33873 Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 3(2) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Berman, Sanford Publication Date 1972 DOI 10.5070/F732016403 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California -171- DII{CfORY: AFRICAN LIBERATIOO r1MltNTS AND SIFffiRT ---GIUPS*· by Sanford Berman (Ed. Note: Both this Directory and the Spring 1972 Bib Ziogrc:q;hy, "African Liberation Movements 11 (Vo Z. III, No. 1) will be regularly updated by the compiler in future issues. Additions and corrections should be directed to the Compiler, c/o UFAHAMU.) AFRICAN LIBERATIOO fiMI'fNTS Frente Nacional de Libertacao de Angola (FNLA/Angolan National -Liberation Front)§ ·- Founded in 1962 by merger of Uniao dos Populacoes de Angola (UPA) and Partido Democratico Angolano (PDA). Established Governo Revolucionario de Angola no Exilio (GRAE/Angolan Revolutionary Government in Exile) 1962. Leader and GRAE Premier: Holden Roberto. Zaire Republic: Ministere de l'Information, Planet Economie, G.R.A.E., B.P. 1320, Kinshasa. Organ: Actualites (no. 3 dated March 1971). §[Recognized by the O.A.U.] *Dates in parentheses f ollowing periodical titles repre­ sent first year of pubZication. The abbreviation "AIP" indicates that a full list of material may be found in the 2nd ed. of Alternatives in Print (Columbus, Ohio: Office of Educational Services, Ohio State University Libraries, 1972). -172- Movimento _PopuZar de Libertaaao de AngoZa (MPLA/PeopZe's Movement for the Liberation of AngoZa/Mouvement PopuZaire pour Za Liberation de Z'AngoZa)§ - Founded 10 Dec.
    [Show full text]
  • Namibia Since Geneva
    NAMIBIA SINCE GENEVA Andr6 du Pisani OCCASIONAL PAPER GELEEIUTHEIDSPUBUKASIE >-'''' •%?'"' DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT VAN INTERNASIONAIE AANGEIEENTHEDE THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Mr. Andre du Pisani is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of South Africa. He is an acknowledged authority on SWA/Namibia, with numerous publications to his credit. It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this article are the responsibility of the author and not of the Institute. NAMIBIA SINCE GENEVA Andre du Pisani Contents Introduction Page 1 Premises of the West f. 1 Geneva: Backfrop and Contextual Features ,,.... 2 The Reagan Initiative - Outline of a position ........... 6 Rome - a New Equation Emerges T... 7 May - Pik Botha visits Washington ,.. tT,. f 7 South Africa's Bedrock Bargaining Position on Namibia ... 8 Clark Visit 8 Unresolved issues and preconditions t.. 8 Nairobi - OAU Meeting , 9 Mudge and Kalangula.Visit the US 9 Ottawa Summit '. , 10 Crocker meets SWAPO t 10 The Contact Group meets in Paris , , 10 Operation Protea T T 12 Constructive Engagement. - Further Clarifications 13 Confidence-building - The Crocker Bush Safari , 15 Prospects ,, 16 ISBN: 0 - 909239 - 95 - 9 The South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House P.O. Box 31596 BRAAMFONTEIN 2017 South Africa November 1981 Introduction The purpose of this paper is to reflect on diplomatic efforts by the Western powers to reach a negotiated settlement of the Namibian saga. Understandably one can only reflect on the major features of what has become a lengthy diplomatic soap opera with many actors on the stage.
    [Show full text]