Güney Afrika Cumhuriyeti
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güney afrika cumhuriyeti South Africa's Muslim (d.1699) and Qadi abdm Salam (d.1807) who laid the foımtlations for the emergence of South Coınmunity : Marginalized Africa's Cape Muslim community in this part of the A/rican co1ıtinent. It foCI/Ses primari/y on two by Apartheid, Recognized histoncal penotis; the first be ing the era ofaparthe i d, and the second beıitg the penod ofdemocracy. by Democracy The essay rej/ects upon the variot/S social, histori cal, educational, cu/tura!, economic and political 301 dimensıons that contributed towards shopilıg and transfonning this commwıity's religioı/S identity to what one wilnesses totlay; at the heart of this es say the questıon ofidentity looms large. It divides its contents info two broad time-frames; the first seetion assesses the Muslıins' activities dunitg the apartheid era (circa 1948-1994); and the second Muhammed Haron * segment ı:ooms in on the community's involvement in the coımtry's civic affairs in the post-apartheid era (circa 1994 to 2016). Though the essay aims to use identity as a theoretical /rame, it does not explore the concept as such but make contimtous reference to iı throughout the essay. 1. Introduction The South A/rican Muslıin community South Africa's Muslim community takes great pride in thezi· lineage; one that they' forrns an integral part of a secular multi-cul (raced back to parts of Southeast Asia and South tural, multi-lingual, multi-ethnic, and mul Aria, This essa)~ however, does not intend to ret ti-religious society (Frankental & Sichane race this commımity's socio-historical roots to the 2005); one that has been psychologically Indonesian Archipelago or to India's coast ofBen pockmarked and socially scarred by the cat gol; and nor does it wish to unpack the fomilial ties between individuals and families with respe alogue of adverse policies that were imposed cted fig,ures such as Shaykh Yusıtf Al-Makassari (*) Univmity ofBotswana/Univem'ty ofPreloniz by the different discriminatory regimes for tion that gave rise to numerous conversions much of the 20th century (circa 1910-1994) in all the racial population groups (Africans, as well as earlier. Like other religious minor Coloureds, Indians and Whites), and the ities, this community has generally worked process of immigration that opened the way tirelessly towards its cohesiveness over the for an influx of immigrants throughout the centuries and during South Africa's demo post-apartheid period; some of them hailed cratic era it has contributed along with others from North/Northeast Africa (Moroccans, towards the process of nation-building (Ger Algerians, Egyptians, and Somalis), and oth main 2007); hence their participation and in ers came from South Asia (Pakistanis, Bang volvement in various democratic structures. ladeshis, Indians, and Sri Lankans) through This essay's purpose is to shed light on their its porous borders. And since these immi circumstances during the apartheid era and grants came from specific geographical re to share portions of their story as ~ey made gions, they were also accompanied by their their inputs during the democratic period. cultural baggages, ı;nystical orders, theologi cal schools and jurisprudential outlooks that It therefore narrates the development added to an ever-changing South African of a (religious) community that, according Muslim identity. to the 2001 census survey conducted by the South African Department of Statistics, only Leaving aside the census and ac!mowl consisted of 2% out of 43 million people. edging the fact that the South African Mus Although the statistics revealed that South lims are a heterogeneous rather than' homo Africa's Muslims only amounted to 654,064 geneous community, it is perhaps prudent to out of a population of 44,819,778 by then preface the essay by making mention of a few 302 (Haron 2003), this figure has since changed salient events that took place during the first because by the country' s population figures twentyyears (circa 1994-2014) ofSouthAfri shot up to more than 54 million by 2016; ca's democracy: (a) The 47th of April in 1994 and it is assurned that their demographics in signaled the first event; on this day the South creased to more than a million if one factors Africans went to the polls for the very first in the number of refugees, asylum seekers, time to democratically vote into power South and migrants that came to South Africa from Africa's first constitutionally elected govem other regions of the continent (North Africa, ment. Since Nelson Mandela (d.2014) was East and West Africa) as well as from South the ANC's president, he was naturally their · Asia (Pakistanis, Bangladeshis and Indians) popular choice and was elected president. (b) that are the geographical locations of large 1694 was the year during whicJ:ı Southeast Muslim populations. Asia's Shaykh Yusuf al-Makassari (d.1699), At present, it is rather difficult to cal one of the Muslim community's respected cuiate and predict the exact figures since the forebears, was incarcerated by the Dutch at ~e!ltioned Department excluded 'religion' the Cape of Good Hope {Ward 1996; Jep as a category in the 2011 census survey; the pie 1996); they thus used the opportunity statistics estimated that by July 2015 the to commemorate their tercentenary during numbers reached 54.9 million. In spite of this particular year. (c) South Africa's Indi the Department' s oversight in having exclud ans commemorated the 150 anniversary of ed 'religion,' it may be speculatively argued the first Indian indeotured labourers' artiv that this percentage might have moved past al from South Asia to Natal in 1860 (Stiebel 2%; in other words, totaling more than a mil 2011). (d) And during the same year when lion and more. One reached this conclusion South Africa's Indian Muslims observed the by factoring in (a) the process of socializa- commemorations along with their compa- triots who hailed from South Asia, a South whether South Africa' s Muslim community is African Non-Governmental Organization, indeed 'a model community.' AwqafSA (www.awqafsa.org.za) initiated the Since it is well-nigh impossible to cap 'Muslim charter' project (AwqafSA 2012). ture all aspects of this community's social his The project was drafted to act as an impor tory and development, it adapts a selective tant guide for South Africa's Muslims as they approach in terms of its coverage. It attempts encounter the future (Haron et al2011). to deal with issues and events discriminat After the draft document was cir ingly, and via this approach it chronologically culated country-wide for communal input highlights salient characteristics and features at the end of 2010, certain groups publicly of this community. That being the case and expressed their rnisgivings and raised objec for one to appreciate the Muslims' position tions for having been excluded and for having in the South African setting, the essay avoids overlooked important issues; the outcome - as stated a few lines ago - using a theoret of this long process forced AwqafSA and its ical frame; but despite sidestepping the the co-signatories to shelve it. And (e) between oretical frame, one should draw upon the the 29ıh and the 3P' of March 2013, the notian of 'identity' as a critica! variable and World for All Foundation' (www.worldforall. concept that would assist in understanding org) founded by Ebrahim Rasool (b.1961), South Africa's Muslim community. In un South Africa's former Westem Cape prernier derscoring the relevance and importance of and Arnbassadar to the USA, and the Qatar the question of identity, one should perhaps based 'Organization for International Un briefl.y highlight how, why, and in which way ion of Muslim Scholars' (www.iumsonline. the Muslim community's identity in South net) jointly coordinated a Muslim Minority Africa's multi-religious, multi-cultural, mul 303 Leaders Colloquium under the theme 'Liv ti-linguistic, and multi-ethnic setting should ing where we do not make the rules' in Paris. be seriously considered. According to Mahnıood (2013 ), the partic South Africa's Muslim community ipants "noted the good example of South is multi-ethnic in that it members current Africa where Muslims participated in the ly comes from various ethnic backgrounds. struggle against apartheid, integraring with · This community's members are is multi-cul demecratic values, mutual dignity and en tural because they hail from different cultural richment, thus demonstrating the potential geographies and they many of them speak di for barınanizing the relationship between verse languages; bence, their multi-linguistic faith and society." This observation seem to identity. And since they have demonstrated have caused sections of South Africa's Mus that they are not a homogenous community lims to cansicler the colloquium resolution to as sametimes thought, one should take cog mean that they, from among all the world's nizance of the multi-religious identities that Muslim minorities, be regarded as 'a mod they refl.ect; by implication, this means the el community.' H this was or rather if this is following: that whilst they do hold onto Is indeed the case, then it begs the fallawing lam as their major tradition, they follow with two questions: 'Wh.at measurement tool was in it dissimilar theological schools of thought used to. arrive at this condusion? And, is it (such as the Asha'rites, Maturidites, and acceptabl~ for two organizations and their Mu'tazalites, they hold onto divergent juris participants to judge South Africa' s Muslim prudential traditions (such as the Shafi'ites, community as 'a model community'? Now to Hanafites, Hanbalites, and Malikites), and find.a response to the last question, this essay they adlıere to assorted sufi orders (such as cursorily explores and carefully investigates the Naqshbandiyyah, Qadriyyah, Chistiyyah, Khalwatiyyah, Muricliyyah, and Tijaniyyah) period cannot ignore the fact that it was an that are opposed by those classified as Wah era that was preceded by British and Dutch habis/Salafis (Haron 2005).