ATALLA:A CENTERON 1 HE PERIPHERYOF 1 HE CHAVINHORZON

RichardL. Burgerand RamiroMatos Mendieta

The emergence of public architecturein Peru 's central highlands occurred during the mid-first millenniumB.C. and is corre- lated with the expansion of the Chavin sphere of interaction.Atalla, a high-altitude site in Huancavelica, representsone of the first knowncenters with large-scale masonryconstructions. Analysis of the ceramic assemblage revealsmany similarities between the local ceramics and the Janabarriuphase potteryfrom Chavin de Huantar,located 450 km to the north. The inhabitantsof Atalla emulated the ceramic style and cut-stone masonry of the much larger northerncivic-ceremonial centers, like Chavin de Hua'ntar,while maintaining local traits such as circular dwellings and burials in or adjacent to domestic architecture. Utiliz- ing a core-peripheryperspective, the unprecedentedformationin the central highlands of a communitylike Atalla is hypothe- sized to be an independent response to demandsfor exotic goods from the more complex societies to the north. The largest mercurydeposits in LatinAmerica are located 15 km to the west of Atalla, and the center would have been in an excellent posi- tion to procure cinnabar and distribute this bright red vermilionpigment. Production of the pigment itself would have occurred at small villages like Chuncuimarcalocated in the zone of the mercurydeposits.

La emergenciade arquitecturapublica en la sierra central de Peru'occurrio duranteel primer milenio a. C. y esta correlacionada con la expansionde la esfera de interacciondel horizonte Chavin.Atalla es un sitio que se ubica en el Departamentode Huan- cavelica a unos 3,850 msnm,y representauno de los primeros centros conocidos con construccionesde piedra de gran monu- mentalidad.El analisis de la ceramica de Atalla revela varias semejanzasestilisticas con la ceramica de la fase Janabarriudel sitio arqueolo'gicode Chavinde Huantar,ubicado 450 km de distancia. Los habitantesde Atalla imitaronel estilo de ceramica y la mamposteriade los centros civic-ceremoniales,como Chavin de Huantar,pero a la vez mantuvieronrasgos locales como la construccionde estructurasdome'sticas circulares y un patron de enterramientoal interior o adyacente a las viviendas.La for- macion de una comunidadcomo Atalla no tiene antecedenteen la zona, y se plantea la hipotesis que este asentamientofue una respuestaindependien te a la demandapa ra bienes exoticos de las soc iedades complejasno rtenas. El deposito geo logico de c inabrio (HgS)de mayorenvergadura en AmericaLatina se encuentraa 15 kmal oeste de Atallay existedatos arqueologicosde su explotacion tempranaen tiemposprehispanicos. El cinabrio tiene un color distinctivode rojo vivo, el cual era utilizadocomo pigmentopara la decoracion del cuerpo humanoy artefactos duranteel Horizonte Tempranoen sitios como KunturWasi y Chavinde Huantar. Atalla tenia una excelente ubicacion en el procuramientoy distribuciondel pigmento de cinabrio (bermellon).La producciondel pigmento habria ocurrido en asentamientospequenos como Chuncuimarcaque se localiza en la zona de los depositos de mercu- rio cerca del pueblo actual de Huancavelica. Como resultado del contacto y las exigencias de organizar la produccion y dis- tribucionde materiasprimas tan escasas como bermello'ny obsidiana, el desarrollo de sociedades complejas en la sierra norte del Peru estimulo transformacionessocio-economicas en zonas menos pobladas y desarrolladosen la sierra central hace aprox- imadamente2,500 anos.

A talla,in the Departmentof Huancavelica,is cious developmentsof the Initialperiod. Atalla does gw the earliestexample of a centerwith public not appearto have evolved graduallyfrom earlier > Xarchitecture known from the centralhigh- local culturalpatterns, nor are there antecedentsin landsof Peruand one of the southernmostarchaeo- the neighboringMantaro Valley and the adjacent logical sites linked to the Chavin horizon (Matos highlandareas of Juninand Pasco. Occupationsin 1959,1971,1972,1978). Locatedin Huancavelica, the centralhighlands predatingAtalla appearto have far from the majorhighland and coastal centers of been small villages or seasonal camps, and even the second millenniumB.C. (Figure 1), the zone in these are remarkablyrare (Matos 1999). The sites which Atalla is situatedwas marginalto the preco- contemporarywith Atalla lack its size and public

Richard L. Burger * Yale UniversityPeabody Museum of NaturalHistory, 170 WhitneyAvenue, P.O. Box 208118, New Haven, CT 06520-81 18 Ramiro Matos Mendieta * National Museum of the AmericanIndian Cultural Resource Center,Smithsonian Institution, Suitland,MD 20746 Latin AmericanAntiquity, 13(2), 2002, pp. 153-177 CopyrightC)2002 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology

153

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Figure 1. Map of Peru, showing location of Early Horizon archaeological sites. Drawing by George Lau. architecture(Matos1978;Ravines 1969-1970,1971, form that has proved successful for thousandsof 1998).The impressivefeatures of Atallaand the con- years in favor of more complex hierarchicalsocial trast they present with coeval settlementssuggest arrangements?k thecase of Atalla,it also seemscru- thatthe inhabitantsof the site differedin statusand cial to ask why thesetransformations occurred when power from those of the surroundingcommunities andwhere they do. Why was a largecenter with pub- and that a new degree of social differentiationhad lic architecturebuilt at Atalla ratherthan elsewhere emergedin this region. in the centralhighlands of Peru,and what accounts Thus,the existence of Atallaraises one of the fun- for its appearanceduring the EarlyHorizon? damentalquestions shared by anthropologyand his- The purposeof this articleis twofold.First, it pro- tory: How and why do relatively egalitarian vides a preliminarydescription of the archaeologi- kin-basedcommunities abandon an organizational cal site of Atalla and the ceramic assemblage

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Thu, 13 Mar 2014 22:59:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Burger and Matos Mendieta] ATALLA 155 recoveredduring surface reconnaissance conducted He also analyzedthe collectionfrom Atalla made by thereon two occasions. Such a presentationis long Espejothat is now housedin the MuseoNacional de overdue considering the singular importance of Antropologia, Arqueologia e Historia.l Comple- Atalla and the frequentreference to it in the archae- mentarypilot projectson ceramiccomposition and ological literature. Until now, the few detailed obsidiansourcing were initiated in collaborationwith descriptions of it have remained in unpublished colleagues IsabelleDruc and Michael Glascock.In sources.Our second purpose is to explorethe poten- July 1997, Burger and Matos traveledtogether to tial of using insights drawnfrom a core-periphery Atallafor a briefvisit despitethe stateof emergency approachto interpretaspects of the Chavinhorizon, that existed in Huancavelicaat that time. Although in general, and Atalla, in particular.It will be sug- the locationof waterloggedareas surroundingAtalla gestedthat elements drawn from this perspective and had shiftedbecause of the modificationof the canal the proximityof LatinAmerica's largest source of system, in most respectsthe site had changedlittle cinnabarpigment may help to explainthe timingand since the researchby Matosfour decadesearlier. natureof this seemingly anomaloussite in the high punaenvironment of Huancavelica. Descriptionof the Site Atallais the nameapplied by Matosand subsequent The Site of Atalla investigatorsto an archaeologicalsite knownlocally Atalla became known to the archaeologicalcom- as Ranra Cancha. The ruin is on a small mound munitythrough the effortsof JulioEspejo Nunez, an called OrjonCancha (or Orcconcancha),which is archaeologisttrained by Julio C. Tello, directorof located on what was formerlythe HaciendaAtalla. the MuseoNacional de Antropologiay Arqueologia. The site is situatedonly one-quarterof a kilometer In 1950, Espejo completed an archaeologicalmap fromthe IchuRiver, and it is directlyacross the river of the Mantarodrainage that included 112 sites, and, from the trainstation of the village of Yauli.At the being a student of Tello, he was puzzled by the presenttime, Atalla falls administrativelywithin the absenceof any thatcould be identifiedas "Chavin." Districtof Yauli,Province of Huancavelica,Depart- Espejo continuedarchaeological reconnaissance in ment of Huancavelica;the site is approximately15 the drainagethrough 1957, addinganother 250 sites km downstreamfrom the departmentalcapital of to his list. As partof this research,he surveyedthe Huancavelica. Ichu drainage, a tributaryof the Mantaro in the At 3,850 m above sea level, Atalla is located in Departmentof Huancavelica.On August 15, 1955, the vast punagrasslands where herdsof llamas and Espejo discovereda site that he referredto as Orc- alpacas once roamedalong with deer, vicuna, vis- concanchaon the HaciendaAtalla.On the surfaceof cacha,and other wild game.A naturalspring located the site were ceramicsand obsidian projectile points just aboveAtalla would have provideda convenient "of evidentChavin affiliation." Espejo linked these sourceof water,and at presentthe landscapeis ver- remainsto otherartifacts from the areain the Chavin dant throughoutthe year because of the pooling of style thathad been incorporatedinto the privatecol- waterin the lands surroundingthe site (Figure2). lection of Julio Ruiz Pimentel, a pioneeringfigure The archaeologicalzone of Atallacovers a min- in the archaeologyof Huancavelica.Espejo (1958) imum of 4.5 ha (Figure3). The site appearsas a low published a short report on the site in La Vozde mound(200 m x 250 m) surroundedby a wall and Huancayo, and later that same year RamiroMatos crude terraces. These were built of quarriedand carriedout the only scientificstudy of Atallato date. roughly shaped stone blocks. A concentrationof Matos did not conductexcavations, but he engaged smaller stone constructionsis visible covering the in systematic surface collecting as well as limited summit.The size and techniqueof the early stone wall clearing.The resultsof his workat Atalla were constructionsat Atalla do not resemblethe laterpre- incorporatedinto his bachelor'sthesis at Universi- historicarchitecture of Huancavelica,and Matos has dadNacional Mayor de San Marcos(UNMSM) and tentativelyidentified them as "Chavin"or "Forma- subsequentpublications (1959, 1971, 1972, 1978). tive"in date. In 1988, Burgerdecided to restudythe ceramics A lateoccupation atAtalla is representedby small, collected by Matos at Atalla and now storedat the poorly built, circularhabitation structures lacking Museo de Arqueologiay AntropologiaUNMSM. foundations.These were constructed by peopleusing

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Figure 2. Photograph of Atalla taken in July 1997 by Richard L. Burger. the coarse"Mantaro style" pottery of the LateInter- ones may have been specializedstorage or funerary mediatePeriod (LIP). Apparently, the LIP inhabitants constructions.In some cases, the dead were buried reoccupiedthe site following a lengthy period of inside or adjacentto the outerwalls of the circular abandonment,in some cases reutilizingolder build- buildings.Mortars and grindingstones, along with ings or thebuilding materials from these earlier con- abundanthousehold refuse, are associatedwith the structions. circularbuildings.Justpriorto theresearchby Matos, In the areaof densestrefuse near the centerof the three of the buildings were looted by huGlqueros. site, a completesurface collection by Matosof a 25 Duringthe investigationof this disturbance,a pair m2area yielded a largepottery sample, of which 64 of buriedindividuals was documentedin eachof two percentdate to the Early Horizon;only 34 percent buildings and a single body was found in a third correspondto the LIP occupation.This is surprising (Matos 1959:5). consideringthat the olderoccupations of multicom- Onthe uppermost part of themound is a largerec- ponentsites areusually underrepresented in surface tangular structurebuilt of quarriedand selected surveys.The ceramicanalysis of the surfacesample stones.The quality of theworkmanship on thisbuild- lendsweight to the conclusionthat the reoccupation ing surpassesthat of anyother features at the site. Its of Atallawas insubstantialcompared with the orig- walls were straightand carefully constructed to pre- inal settlement. sentan even exterior face. In his originalstudy, Matos Theoriginal occupation is datedto theEarly Hori- concludesthat this centralconstruction was a pub- zon andconsists of semisubterraneancircular build- lic building,perhaps a temple.An openinginto this ings with foundations some .5-1.1 m below the structure'sinterior was cleared.It measuredonly 75 currentsoil level. Theseconstructions were madeof cm in heightand 55 cm in widthand was builtusing roughuncoursed stones of differentsizes, withsome- large slab-shaped blocks unlike those of the whatlarger stones used in the lowerpart of thebuild- dwellings or outerperimeter wall. ings. Matos believes that the largerof the circular The surfacecollections made at Atallaby Matos structuresserved as dwellings and that the smaller consistedprimarily of ceramics,but there were also

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Figure 3. Sketch map of Atalla made by Matos in 1959. lithic tools and flakes of obsidian and quartz.The (Ravines 1969-1970). Furtherto the north,investi- stone tool assemblage includes bifacially flaked gations in the MantaroValley by Browman(1970) points, scrapers, and utilized flakes. In addition, encounteredonly two smallEarly Horizon sites, nei- Matosrecovered three polished stone cup fragments ther of which are comparableto the size of Atalla. reminiscentof exotic vessels subsequentlyfound at In the late 1970s, JeffreyParsons and Matos (1978) Chavinde Huantar.Unfortunately, the stone vessels directeda complete coverage survey that included were not fully documentedand could not be found roughly1,000 km2.It focusedon fourrepresentative during the restudy of the pottery collections at sectors of the centralhighlands: the Jaujadrainage UNMSM. Duringthe 1997 site visit by Burgerand (a majorintermontane valley), the Juninpuna (high Matos,a fragmentof a small,shallow stone bowl was grasslands),the Huasahusiregion (uplandsforest), encountered(Figure 4). It was made from a dark, andthe Tarmaregion (a warmeastern valley). These coarse-grainedmafic igneous rock by pecking and extensive surface investigations and subsequent polishing;its circularform and convex-curved sides excavationsfound no occupationsdating to the Ini- resemblesome of Atalla'sceramic bowls. tial period or Early Horizonin the Upper Mantaro The observationssummarized above suggest that or Tarmadrainages (D'Altroy 1992:37; Hastorf duringthe EarlyHorizon, Atalla was the locus of a 1993:appendixA; Parsons et al.2000). Smalloccu- sedentary community that was unusually large. pationspredating Atalla have been identified in caves Chuncuimarca,the closest coeval site, covers less and open sites in the central highlands,including than a hectareand has no large walls or buildings Huancavelica,but their character led Ravines(1971)

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LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002 158 to theAtalla assemblage. The ceramicsimilarities to the findingsat Chavinde Huantarare not limitedto their shape, attributes,and size (Table 1) but also appearin their decorationand surfacefinishing. It shouldbe emphasizedthat the Chavin-relatedceram- 1 cm ics atAtallaconstitute the majorityof thepottery uti- Figure 4. Polished stone bowl from Atalla. lized in the domestic and public spaces duringthe earlyoccupation at the site.They appear to be locally to suggest a patternof semisedentaryhunters and produced and were not exotic prestige goods for gatherersliving off the wild resourcesof the high mortuaryofferings or otherspecialized purposes. grasslands,perhaps with some supplementsfrom domesticatedcamelids and cultigens (see also Matos PotteryForms 1972). Bowls. Small bowls appropriatefor single servings are a frequentvessel form in the assemblagesfrom The Early Horizon Ceramicsfrom Atalla Atalla.The exteriorsof these vessels were finished Before attemptingto interpretthe significance of by polishingthem to an even glossy surface,usually Atalla,it is essential to establishthe age of its pub- obliteratingthe smoothinglines in the process.The lic constructionsand considertheir culturalaffilia- interiorsof the vessels were also carefullyfinished, tion. As noted, the evidence availablesuggests that althoughthey were usuallyless glossy thanthe exte- the more substantialbuildings and walls were asso- riors (sometimesmatte or low gloss) and finishing ciatedwith the earlypottery originally identified by markswere sometimespartially visible. The surface Espejo andMatos as "Chavin"in style. It shouldbe of the bowls was usuallya darkgray (2.5YR3/1), but borneinmind, however, thatin 1958theterm Chavin some tendedtoward a weak red (2.5YR4/2). was applied freely and was used to characterizea Using the form classification developed for wide rangeof darkincised monochromepottery. In Chavinde Huantar(Burger 1984), the mostcommon the case of Atalla,however, the early componentof bowl formatAtalla is Bowl 10;Bowl lOAis themost ceramics constitutesa mid-Early Horizon assem- commonvariant. It is a shallowbowl with a sharply blage with strong parallels to the Early Horizon beveled rim and a flat beveled angle. The sidewalls ceramicstyles at sites like San Blas in Junin,Kotosh are oblique, and the base is flat (Figure Sa-b). in Huanuco,Chavin de Huantarin Ancash, and the upper levels of the Tank Site at Ancon near Lima Table 1. Decorationon Atalla Ceramicsa (Burger 1993). A brief descriptionof the pottery from Atalla accompaniedby illustrativedrawings Circles with centraldots 19 and photographsis offered here as the most com- Concentriccircles 15 pelling evidenceof the age of the site andof the cul- Incision (only) 7 turalidentity of Atalla'sbuilders. Post-fire incision 7 A reanalysisof surfacecollections made at Atalla Punctations 6 Concentriccircles with centraldots 5 by Espejo and Matos demonstratesthat the domi- Circles 5 nantstylistic component has strongsimilarities to the Rouletting 4 JanabarriuPhase pottery at Chavinde Huantar.What Small stampedcircles 4 is strikingabout these parallelsis that they are not Brushing or combing 3 limitedto a single shapeor vessel class; norcan they Post-firered pigment 3 Incised crescents 2 be explainedas occasionalimports of "preciosities," Rocker-stamping 1 suchas an exotic bottleor bowl (cf. Goldstein2000). Dentate rocker-stamping 1 Instead,the Atalla assemblageincludes a range of Applique band 1 vessel shapes,such as neckless ollas, bowls, plates, Applique nubbin 1 neckedjars, and oversizedbowls, all of which have Small stampedcircle with central dot 1 Geometric motif made with seal 1 counterpartsat Chavinde Huantar.Because of their aBasedon ceramic collections housed in the MNAAH (n=60) close similarity,the typology developedfor Chavin and UNMSM (n=24). On those fragmentswhere two decora- de HuantarbyBurger (1984) will be applieddirectly tions occur, both are registeredin this table.

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Burger and Matos Mendieta] ATALLA 159

Huantarbowls with similarforms in otherways as C ' b well, includingthe following: (1) theexterior is often decorated;(2) the surfaceis finelyfinished, often with a a medium luster;(3) a broad incision runs around the mouthof the bowl just below the bevel; (4) dec- orations consist of repeating simple incised or Wi:y stamped geometric motifs; and (5) the bases are b \ nearlyflat, and an (6) incision runsaround the ves- sel above the basal angle and below the decoration (FigureSf). Two examples of bowls with pouringlips occur in the Atallaassemblages. The idea of pullinga sec- c tion of the rim out from its normalcircular shape in orderto createa "pouringlip" that functionslike a spout was introducedinto the Chavin de Huantar ceramicassemblage during Janabarriu times, when it was used in the production of bowls (Burger d 0 / 1984:109-110). It also hasbeen documented in other Janabarriu-contemporaryassemblages distant from C f .>..r.. -._- .w ..vr.. .}= Chavinde Huantar,such as Karwa,on the Paracas Peninsula;Ancon, in theChillon drainage; and Moro e < de Eten, in the Lambayequedrainage. At Atalla, as atChavin de Huantar,the pouring lip is usedon Bowl 10 vessels and is highlightedby skirtingit with a hemisphericalincision that is an extension of the horizontalincision aroundthe vessel's mouth. f J In addition,an example of Bowl 8B appearsin the Atalla sample. This popularJanabarriu form is concave curvedand has a distinctiveinterior thick- /',g, ".':::: ''.','\ _ ening of the rim, which producesa slight bulge and roundedlip (Figure 5g). This specimen has a cir- g cumferentialincision, below which is rockerstamp- ing. Similarbowls occur at Chavinde Huantar. Plates.There is a single plate fragment(Figure ' 5h) in oursample fromAtalla, and itresembles some

a,Ft tfl 2- ., , ': ',: . \ plates from Chavinde Huantarin having a flat rim t:j -.-,..:':..., e decoratedwith circle-dots. However, the simplecon- h 1 cm vex-curvedform of the Atalla plate, with its hori- zontallyflattened rim, has no knownequivalent. Its Figure 5. Atalla ceramics: a-f) Decorated Bowl 10 vessels; g) closest parallelis Plate4, butthe latterhas a flattened Bowl 8 vessel decorated with rocker-stamping; h) Shallow plate with decorated flattened lip. rimjutting out as a flange(Burger 1984: figure 346). OtherJanabarriu forms at Chavinhave repeating cir- Anotherpopular variant of Bowl 10 is Bowl lOC, cle-dotsonhorizontalbroad, flatrims (seeBowl 13C which is a beveled bowl similarto lOA but whose and Cup 7 in Burger1984: figures241, 284). bevel is more rounded(Figure 5c-d). There is also OversizedBowls. These vessels have a red slip one exampleof Bowl lOBwhere the bevel is flatbut like those from Chavinde Huantar,and theirdiam- muchless angledthan lOA or lOC(Figure 5e). This eters are 28 cm and 29 cm, respectively,compared examplediffers from the bowls at Chavinde Huan- with the 3S45 cm range of the ChavinJanabarriu tarin havinga sharpcorner point at the shoulder.The Phase counterparts.One Atalla piece is similar to Bowl 10 vessels at Atalla resemble the Chavin de OversizeBowl 1. It is closest to OversizeBowl 1A

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2002 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY lVol.13, No. 2, 160

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b \ 3. Figure6. Atalla ceramics: a) Oversized Bowl 1; b) Oversized Bowl

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Figure 7. Atalla ceramics: a-c) Neckless ollas; d) Red-slipped jar neck.

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Figure 8. Photograph of Atalla bowls decorated with circle-dot and/or concentric circle designs. but with less flatteningof the rim. The finishingis areprobably from neckless ollas. slightly different,but its overall form is basically Jars. One fragment(Figure 7d), with its concave similar(Figure 6a). There is one example of over- shapeand thickened flattened rim, resembles Chavin sized Bowl 3B. It has a similarrim, appliqueband, de Huantar'sJar 6 necks. Like the Chavinde Huan- andoverall shape (Figure 6b). The rapidthinning of tarcases, thisjar is slippedred. the sidewallsbelow the appliqueband on the Atalla PotteryDecoration piece has parallels on Chavin de Huantarvessels (Burger1984: figure265). Decorationat Atalla consistedprimarily of surface NecklessOllas. At Atalla,neckless ollas arevari- modificationthrough incision or texturing. However, ablein form,but several (Figure 7a) resembleNeck- the additionof appliqueelements and post-fire inci- less Olla 16, while others (Figure 7b) resemble sion also occurred.Painting was rareexcept in the Neckless Olla 18. A thirdshape (Figure7c) is not form of overallred slips, althoughsome fragments like the Janabarriuforms in anybut the most general do show tracesof post-firered pigmentin the inci- sense. It is closest in form (butnot color) to some of sions. the Chakinanivessels (e.g., Neckless Olla 11). At Incision was a populardecorative technique at Atalla,the neckless ollas have two size ranges:small, Atalla.Most incisions on theAtalla pottery are broad with a mouthdiameter of 7-10 cm, and large, with (2-3 mm wide) and were made while the clay was mouthdiameters of approximately18 cm. Many of leatherhard, so the edges of the incisions are even the necklessollas were decoratedon theirexteriors, and a slight lusteris sometimesvisible in theirbot- often with circle-baseddesigns similarto those on toms.This technique was mainlyused to createrepet- thebowls, but they often lack the incisionaround the itive geometric designs, especially circles with mouth (Figure7b<). At Chavinde Huantar,many centraldots and concentriccircles. There are also decorated neckless ollas also lack this incision instancesof concentriccircles with centraldots and (Burger1984: figures 305, 309). SeveraloftheAtalla simple circles, but these are less common than the body sherdswith decorationfrom restricted vessels othertwo designs.Simple geometric motifs are gen-

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f f; t0:;ff t;:d 0 X j 0:d:00:f: :;:: t;:::::0: :ff f; l: 0y0:::00000004:::::f:0::00::0S?:: :0:d00;0:0:X:0000:000000i:i:0::ff:0000: 0f f:ffi;0:j00000:000:0:X00000000000:000::f:iS: : f d:f:

Figure 9. Photograph of Atalla ceramics decorated with different surface texturing techniques: a) Rouletting; b) Tear-shaped punctations; c) Triangular punctations; d) Complex curvilinear incision; e) Applique nubbing and rouletting; f) Brushing; g) Incision and rouletting; h) Dentate rocker-stamping. erally arrangedin horizontalrows and cover the delimitingthe lowerextreme of the decoration(Fig- entire exteriorsof the vessels. On rare occasions, ure5f). Incisionalso delimitedbands of texturingand lines of themwere also appliedto the uppersurface was usedto createmore complex curvilinear designs, of broadflat lips. Thereare instancesin which inci- althoughthe examples of this are not sufficiently sion was used to produce pendanthemispherical largeto allowidentification of thetheme represented motifs (Figure Sb) or unidentifiable geometric (Figure9d). designs (Figure5a). Post-fire incision was applied to a distinctive When circle-baseddesigns are utilized,they are groupof small open bowls with roundedlips, con- rarelycombined with othermotifs or techniques.In vex sides, a slight basal angle, and relatively flat most cases, a single design is used repeatedlywith bases. Because of the difficulty of incising into little variationin its form or size (Figure8a-c). In alreadyfired vessels, the decorativelines areusually our sample,there is a single exceptionto this gen- irregularinline andwidth (Figure 10e). Ofthe seven eralization.The beveled bowl (Figure8d) in ques- examplesof these bowls in our sample,all but one tion has rows of small circle-dotdesigns alternating havedecoration on boththeir exteriors and their inte- witha rowof medium-sizedconcentric circles; it also riors.Several have a seriesof roughlyparallel verti- differs from the norm by the decoration on the cal lines, sometimes along with one or more beveled lip of the bowl. horizontallines runningperpendicular to them. On Incisionwas also used to definezones of decora- otherbowls, thereare parallel diagonal lines that,in tion. Manybowls have a single verticalline running one case, arecrossed by otherdiagonal lines to form horizontally around the perimeter of the vessel a crosshatchpattern. Perhaps the most distinctive mouth,separating it from the decoratedbody of the patternis a plant-likemotif createdby a single cen- vessel (Figure 8e-i). A similar incision was also tralvertical line with diagonallines emergingfrom sometimesapplied above the basal angle of bowls, bothof its sides. One of these bowls, decoratedwith

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Figure 10. Photograph of Atalla ceramics of possible nonlocal origin. invertedV designs, has traces of red post-firepig- gle open bowl fragment(Figure Sg). mentln. the mclslons.. . . The techniqueof adding clay to form applique Besidesincisions, a rangeof othertechniques was decorationwas widespreadduring the Early Hori- utilized.A portionof the repeatinggeometric motifs zon, andtwo examplesof it werefound in theAtalla appearsto have been made with seals or stamps samples from restrictedvessels, probablybottles. ratherthan by incision (FigureSc). This practiceis One fragmenthas a small, incised, appliquenubbin also identifiedat Chavinde Huantar.In some cases, projectingfrom a zone texturedby rouletting(Fig- the circles appearto have been made with a stamp, ure9e). A secondsherd has a thinapplique band mod- whereasthe centraldot was madeby hand. eled and incised to representa serpent.The wall of A largerange of surface-texturingtechniques was the vessel chamberis 5-6 mm in thickness,but it employed.Punctations, both tear-shapedand trian- reaches10 mm wherethe appliqueband is thickest. gular,were used on the surfaceof restrictedvessels, Identityand CeramicStyle at Atalla perhapsbottles (Figure 9b-c). In one case, irregular punctationswere combinedwith incisions to deco- As noted, the ceramicassemblage from Atalla has ratea bowl exterior.Even more commonis the tex- strikingsimilarities to ceramicassemblages from the turingof exteriorareas using a serrateddevice to Chavinhorizon in generaland the Janabarriuphase createeither fine roulettingor dentaterocker stamp- ceramicassemblage from Chavin de Huantarin par- ing (Figure9a, e, g-h). Thereare also specimensthat ticular.The prominenceof small decoratedbowls have shallow, roughly parallel lines crowded with beveled rims is particularlynoteworthy, as is together;this decorativetechnique occurs in other the presenceof the samedecorative motifs arranged EarlyHorizon assemblages, and it has been referred in the same manneras found at Chavinde Huantar. to as combingor brushingbecause of the presumed The shareduse of distinctivefeatures such as pour- tools utilized (Figure 9f). Most of these texturing ing lips has alreadybeen mentioned.Similarly, the techniquesare known from body sherds derived from popularityof undecoratedmedium-sized neckless restrictedvessels. Another texturing technique, sim- ollas and small decoratedneckless ollas has strong ple rockerstamping, is known at Atalla from a sin- parallelsin the Janabarriuphase assemblagefrom

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Thu, 13 Mar 2014 22:59:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY 164 [Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002 Chavinde Huantar,even down to omittingthe upper Atalla assemblagebears horizontalincision that strongresemblance to the appearson decoratedbowls. Janabarriuphase The similaritiesin form, assemblagefrom Chavin de Huan- surfacetreatment, decora- tar,there are two tive techniques, groupsof earlypottery that do not andorganization betweenAtalla and fit this Chavin pattern.One is the groupof smallbowls with de Huantarpottery are much strongerthan post-fireincision describedabove. Bowls those with coeval sites locatedat less similarto distance,such these were found at Chavinde as nearbyChuncuimarca near Huantarin Janabar- Huancavelica(Ravines riu phase contexts (Burger 1969-1970), Ticraponear 1984: figure 374), but Castrovirreyna(Ravines they are very rare in the 1998), San Blas in Junin large Janabarriusample. (Morales1998a; Nomland Thesemay have 1939), and beenimported into Chavin de Huan- Kotosh in Huanuco(Izumi and Terada tar, 1972). particularlyin light of the recent finding that some 30 percentof the potteryfrom both The resemblanceswith Chavinde Huantar settlement areso andtemple contexts at Chavinde strikingthat the possibility that Huantarwas not exotic potterywas locallyproduced (Druc importedhad to be 1998a).The presence of such considered.To begin exploring bowlsis this relativelycommon atAtalla, and it couldbe question,a pilot studyof thepaste of two Chavin- style hypothesizedthat these constitute a distinctivelylocal bowls was undertakenby IsabelleDruc in order to centralhighlands style that,on occasion, may determineif theAtalla pottery was imported have from beenbrought to Chavinde Huantar. Chavinde Huantaror some other morenorthern cen- Anothergroup of four ter.Although the small fragments(Figure 10a{1) sampleprecludes broad con- differsfrom the clusions,the rest of the Atallamaterial because it distinctivemineralogical composition of features rows of small stampedcircles with diame- theAtallapottery rules out a Chavinde Huantarprove- tersof 34 mm. Most of these come from nanceand points toward local production. concave- Moreover, curvedbowls with everted thetwo Atalla fragments rims. These pieces are that were analyzed have verysimilar to the compositions early materialsrecovered at the dissimilarto ceramicscoming from all nearby six sites of Chuncuimarcaand Ticrapo in Huan- coastaland highland Early Horizon sites that have cavelica(Ravines 1969-1970, 1998), although beenstudied thus far (Druc 1998a, 1998b). they alsohave generalsimilarities to findingsfrom The maincomposition documented by the sites petro- onthe southcoast suchas Disco Verde graphicand EDXRF analysisof the andCerrillos. Atalla sherdsis The productionat or near volcanicsand. In anAtalla Atalla of a range of bowl decoratedwith a cir- householdcooking cle-dotmotif, and serving vessels that inten- similarto thatfrom Chavinde Huan- tionally tar,there are emulatea cosmopolitanceramic style pop- volcanicnonplastic inclusions probably ular of withinthe Chavinsphere of interactionin both andesite,within a microlithicpaste; there are also thecoast and the highlandsattests ferromagnesianminerals and to a conscious hornblende phe- identificationof the site's nocrysts.In the otherbowl inhabitantswith more fragment,which was dec- developedand oratedwith punctation, prestigiousgroups to the north.It is thereare many tuff fragments significant aoswell that there is less similaritybetween the as abundantvolcanic sand. Although tuff Atallaassemblage and the pottery styles of fragmentsare also found in some ceramics the from coastalpeoples living to the west, Chavinde Huantar,these are most notablythe rhyolitic tuff unlike coevalearly Paracas thoseincorporated ceramicsfrom the Ica Valley into the two Atallasherds. Based (Menzelet onthe al.1964) andthe Tajostyle of the Nazca above and othermore detailedobservations, drainage(Silverman 1994,1996). This Druc(personal communication 2002) is especially has concluded noteworthyconsidering the thatthe mineralogicaland long historyof close rela- chemicalcompositions of tionsbetween thetwo Atalla the centralhighlands and the south sherdsdo not matchany of the large coast. inhomogeneoussample studied from Chavin de As notedabove, the Huantar(n = 79). In ceramicstyle utilized atAtalla addition,neither of the Atalla setsits users sherdshas apartfrom the rural residents of villages componentstypical of the centralcoast initsown sites heartland.The proximity of Atallato Chun- such as Ancon andGaragay, which incorporate cuimarcaand the presence of what may be coastalsand of mixed intrusive,volcanic, and exotic sedi- ceramicsfrom the Chuncuimarca mentarycompositions (Druc et areaat Atalla sug- al. 2001). gestthat the ceramic Whilesome 85 differencesbetween the sites is percentof the earlypottery in the dueto differingcultural identity rather than to pat-

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terns of everyday socioeconomic interaction.It is fissures and cracks of mercury-rich geological unfortunatethat no Initial Period assemblage is deposits.The processrequired to extractcinnabar is knownfrom the Huancavelicaarea, but judging from straightforward.All that is necessaryis to strip off InitialPeriod assemblages in neighboringhighland the rock deposit that covers it, scrapethe cinnabar (Junin,Andahuaylas) and coastal (Ica, Acarlt) regions, depositsfrom the surroundingrock, and then grind it can be suggested that the Chuncuimarcapottery it into powder,removing the impurities.Bright red style evolved out of local InitialPeriod pottery tra- mercuricsulfide, when used as a pigment,is some- ditions in Huancavelica,whereas the Atalla assem- times referredto as vermilion.Because of the inten- blage resulted from the conscious emulationof a sity of its color, it is easy to distinguishcinnabar packageof alien featuresdeveloped in the northand from more commonred colorantssuch as hematite, popularizedby Chavinde Huantar. and, consequently,it was highly valued in pre-His- Whatwould lead membersof a local population panic Peru (Petersen1970:6-7). to identify with alien groupsto the northand break The largestcinnabar deposits in all of LatinAmer- with their own cultural traditionand the ceramic ica occur in the Huancavelicaarea. Historically, the style with which they were comfortable?It is sug- Huancavelicadistrict was the only areaof Peruthat gestedhere that the Atalla ceramic assemblage sym- furnisheda largeoutput of mercuryore. Throughout bolizes the emergence of a social group in the colonialperiod, mercury played a criticalrole in Huancavelica whose prestige and identity were silver production,and while some mercuryoccurs linked to a role as exchange partnerwith the elites naturally,most had to be extractedby applyingheat of more northerncivic-ceremonial centers, particu- to the mercuricsulfide (cinnabar).The Huancavel- larly that of Chavinde Huantar.The ceramic style ica cinnabardeposits were so large and productive that the group at Atalla favoredactively expressed that,in the colonial period,the mercuryfrom these this cosmopolitanidentity. deposits was exportedto Bolivia and Chile; it was even transportedas far northas Mexico (Berryand Cinnabar, Long-Distance Exchange, and the Singewald 1922:21; Lohman 1949). According to Establishment of Atalla American geologists Berry and Singewald, "The On the strengthof the ceramicstyle alone, it is pos- Huancavelicadistrict ranks among the world'sgreat- sible to arguethat Atalla was incorporatedinto the est mercuryproducers" (1922:16). Chavinsphere of interaction.This was an important Between 1571 and 1790, the tax recordsof the change for the Huancavelicaregion, and it is nec- SpanishCrown document an outputof over 104 mil- essary to consider the reason for its incorporation. lion poundsof mercuryfrom Huancavelica, most of At the same time, Atalla is located far to the south which was extractedfrom cinnabar.Some 4,000 of other majorEarly Horizonpublic centers in the indigenouslaborers worked at the cinnabarmine at highlands.The nearestsuch center with a Chavin- its zenith.The silver mines in Potosi and elsewhere relatedartifactual assemblage is the site of Kotosh, in the centralAndes were dependenton the mercury over300 km to the north.Thus, Atalla can be viewed from Huancavelica,and the first indicationsof its as lying on the peripheryof Chavin's core region. depletionset off a searchfor alternativemercury ore If a core-peripheryperspective is adapted,as dis- deposits. Although some small deposits were cussed more fully in the next section, it is reason- encountered,no other mercurymine in Peru ever ableto ask whatresources in theAtalla region would achievedlarge-scale production (Berry and Singe- have been of special interestto the elites of Chavin wald 1922). de Huantarand contemporarycenters. The most The cinnabardeposits of Huancavelicaare found likely factor was the presence in Huancavelicaof in an extensive area of mineralizationsurrounding cinnabar,a scarceraw material highly valuedby the the city. The greatestconcentration of cinnabaris in occupants of Chavin de Huantarand other large a zone runningfor 18 km throughthe mountainsto Early Horizoncenters. the south of the city (Berry and Singewald Cinnabaris mercuric sulfide (HgS), a heavy, 1922:18-20, platesII, V), butmercury ores also occur brightred ore of mercury.It occurs in soft earthy to the northand furtherto the south of Huancavel- massesthat measure only 2.0-2.5 on the Mohs scale ica. Depositsof cinnabaroccur in an areaexceeding of hardness.Cinnabar is usuallyconcentrated in the 30 km2,and, consequently,it would not have been

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Thu, 13 Mar 2014 22:59:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 166 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002 practical to control the mining of this ore at the as "to paint one's face and daub oneself with ver- source. Moreover,the high altitudeand harshcon- milion"(1989:213).2 ditionsof Huancavelicawould have createdlogisti- A detailedaccount of theuse of thebright red pig- cal difficultiesfor supportingthe miningof this rare ment producedfrom cinnabarappears in the work commodity.Thus, local groups accustomedto the of FatherMartin de Morua(1946: 306) . Moruanotes puna environmentand supportedby high-altitude thatin Incatimes, cinnabar or llimpiwas usedas body resourcessuch as herdsof llamaswould havehad an paintor in religiousrituals but not for the extraction advantagein organizingthe productionand distrib- of silverfrom ore. He notes thatthe vermilionpaint ution of the cinnabar. was appliedto the face, hands,arms, and legs for the In the Huancavelicaarea, small pockets and vein- ceremonies. lets of cinnabarare encountered in extensivebeds of The utilizationof cinnabarpigment can be traced fine-grainedsandstone and compactlimestone; it is back to the Early Horizon, and its use duringthis often mixed in a yellow ferruginousclay and some- period has been confirmedon the coast and in the times withbitumen. The best knownplace of extrac- highlands.On thenorth coast, for example,the bright tion in the colonial period was the Santa Barbara red pigment used in Cupisniqueburials contains mine, located 2.5 km south of the city of Huan- traces of cinnabar(Larco 1941:163). Similarly,a cavelica (3,972 masl). GuamanPoma (1980:966) cemeteryto the northof Ocucajein Ica, alongPeru's providesa memorabledrawing of the colonial city south coast, has yielded the valves of two Con- of Huancavelicawith the cinnabarmine (socabon) cholepusconcholelpus shells filled with cinnabar featuredprominently on the mountainoverlooking (Petersen1970:6, figure7). the city. In the illustration,the ore is being hauled In the northernhighlands, the 1989 investigations down from the mine by humanporters and llamas at the EarlyHorizon center of KunturWasi encoun- (Figure 11). tereda seriesof richtombs of men anda womandat- Accordingto traditionalhistorical accounts, the ing to the Early Horizon (KunturWasi and Copa mercurydeposits of Huancavelicawere discovered Phases). Significantly,in both phases, the faces of by EnriqueGarces in 1559 (Lohman 1948). How- the buriedindividuals and some of the gold objects ever, the cinnabardeposits in Huancavelicawere accompanyingthem were covered with cinnabar exploited long before the Spanish conquest, and, (Onuki 1997:80, 82, 89, 96, 110). In only one case, apparently,the Spaniardslearned of them from the possiblythat of an outsider(Tumba 5), was cinnabar local population.When the cinnabardeposits at Mt. absent. The regularity of use and the patterning Chacllatacanasouth of the city were firstexplored, within these tombs suggest thatcinnabar played an the Spanishfound evidence of prehispanicexploita- importantsymbolic role in the mortuaryritual of the tion, datingto before the time of the Incas (Jimenez KunturWasi elite and that face paintingwith ver- de la Espada 1965:118).According to the Spanish milion, as describedin the Spanishchronicles, had chroniclerCantos de Andrade,the Spaniardswere been going on for severalmillennia. particularlyimpressed by evidence that the indige- At Chavinde Huantar,a stone ear spool of pol- nous people had penetratedthe surfacein searchof ished chloritewas recoveredfrom Janabarriuphase cinnabarand had dug caves and deep tunnelsusing refuse in the settlementsurrounding the temple. It only woodenstakes anddeerantlers (Ruiz 1977:30). hadtraces of brightred pigment, and chemical analy- In earlyhistorical writings of the Spaniards,there sis confirmedthat it was cinnabar(Burger 1984: 198). is general agreement that-the principal use of Clearly,cinnabar was knownand valued by the large cinnabarduring prehispanic times was as a pigment northerncenters in the highlands.However, because known by the Quechua term limpi (or llimpi) or the most common prehispanic use of cinnabar paria. This pigmentwas usedby indigenouspeoples appearsto havebeen as fugitivebody paint, we would for facial and body painting (see also Garcilaso not expect it to be encounteredin the archaeological 1991:555-556; cf. Petersen 1970:60;Yacoleff and recordexcept in the case of burialsor in those con- Muelle 1934:157) andthe decorationof ceremonial texts relatedto its preparation.As a consequenceof objects(Acosta 1987:161). The mostimportant colo- this, cinnabaruse has probablybeen underestimated nial Quechuadictionary, by Diego Gonzales Hol- because of its low archaeologicalvisibility. guin,includes the word llimppicuni, which he defines As indicated,the major Huancavelicacinnabar

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to47 ( I VDA}

1

Figure 11. Drawing of the cinnabar mines of Huancavelica by Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (1614). deposits occur near the moderncity of Huancavel- linkcan only be confirmedby systematicexcavations ica, some 15 km west of Atalla.Thus, it can be ques- at the site, we suggest thatAtalla servedas the cen- tionedwhether the establishmentof Atallais related ter for procuringand distributing cinnabar. The pro- to the location of this rare resource.Although this cessing of cinnabarprobably occurred much closer

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Thu, 13 Mar 2014 22:59:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002 168 to the mercurydeposits themselves. In 1966, Rog- environmentadjacent to the mercuryore deposits. ger Ravines (1969-1970) investigated Chun- At the same time, the inhabitantsat Atallahad easy cuimarca,a small site on the lower slopes of the access to rich pasturelandsand the llamaherds that CerroPotocchi near the northernedge of the city of would have been essential in transporting the Huancavelica. Located within the mineralization cinnabarto points north. zone wherecinnabar deposits occur, Chuncuimarca Duringour study of the collection of the Museo yielded thick deposits of Early Horizon ceramics Nacional de Antropologia,Arqueologia e Historia mixed with obsidiantools and other lithics as well (MNAAH),in Lima,we encountereda jar filled with as the bones of deer, viscachas, and camelids. groundcinnabar pigment (#O.C. 197) thathad been Althoughthe potterywas coarserand less elaborate, collected at the archaeological site of Atalla on both Ravines (1969-1970:237) and Matos (1959) August 15, 1955; this is the same day that Espejo have concludedthat the earlymaterials from Chun- madehis surfacecollections at Atalla.It seems rea- cuimarcaare coeval with those fromAtalla. In fact, sonableto presumethat the brightred pigment sam- as alreadynoted, the dominantstyle at Chuncuimarca ple, like the separately accessioned ceramic resembles the small group of pottery at Atalla collections at the MNAAH, was the productof his describedabove, which featuressmall stampedcir- site reconnaissance.The contextin whichthe ground cles (Figure lOa4). cinnabarpowder was encounteredis unknown,but Ravinesconcludes that Chuncuimarca was a per- the quantityis considerable,and this findlends cred- manentagricultural village with a strongemphasis ibilityto the suggestionthat vermilion pigment may on hunting.In his excavations,however, he uncov- havebeen broughtto Atallafor distributionto points ered an abundanceof granite- or basalt-grinding north from the cinnabardeposits and production implementsthat were made by pecking and polish- workshopsat Chuncuimarca. ing. All of these ground-stonetools show evidence If Atalla played a special role in procuringand of havingbeen utilized to preparered colorants, prob- distributingcinnabar for the Chavinsphere of inter- ably cinnabar, rather than foodstuffs (Ravines action, othergoods might have also been involved. 1969-1970:251-252). The high frequencyof tools Obsidian,for example, does not occur naturallyin forgrinding red pigment in theChuncuimarca assem- the north-centralor northernhighlands, but it nev- blage has no known analogueat other"Formative" erthelesswas used for cuttingtools duringthe Early Peruvianarchaeological sites. Given the locationof Horizonin the Mantarodrainage and even at Chavin Chuncuimarcawithin the zone of naturallyoccur- de Huantar(Browman 1975; Burger andAsaro 1979; ringmercury ore, we hypothesizethat Chuncuimarca Burgeret al. 1984). There was a sharpincrease in was a village specializingin the extractionand pro- obsidiandistribution at this time in thenorthern high- cessing of the cinnabarfor export. lands,perhaps as a functionof the incorporationof The naturalroute for distributingthe cinnabar the south-centralhighlands into the Chavin sphere pigment into the central and northernhighlands of interactionand the generalaugmentation of social wouldhave been down the IchuRiver into the Man- contactsand exchange during the apogeeof Chavin. taroValley. As we have noted,Atalla is locatedon a Recently,the majorgeologic sourceof this obsidian, hill overlookingthe Ichu River,less thanone day's knownas the Quispisisasource, was locatednear the walk downstreamfrom Chuncuimarca. Journeys on modernvillages of HuancaSancos and Sacsamarca foot of 15 km are consideredinsignificant by con- in centralAyacucho (Burger and Glascock 2000a), temporaryrural residents of Huancavelica,and it is roughly 100 km southof Atalla.Obsidian from this unlikely that the distance between Chuncuimarca source was being transportedfrom the Caracha andAtalla would have been consideredan obstacle drainage into the Mantaroand, eventually, on to duringthe EarlyHorizon. Atalla would have been in Chavin de Huantar;in small quantities,it reached a good position to control the movementof goods even to Pacopampa.It is unclear whether Atalla being transportedtoward the Mantaro drainage. played a role in this process, but its locationwould Moreover,Atalla is lower in elevation than Chun- have been advantageousin this regard,particularly cuimarcaand closer to productiveagricultural lands. if relatedactivities were alreadyunder way therein Thesefactors would have made its locationmore pro- regardto the more local cinnabardeposits. pitious for a large,permanent center than the harsh Obsidianis commonat sites in Huancavelica,and

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Thu, 13 Mar 2014 22:59:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Burger and Matos Mendieta] ATALLA 169 it was the mostcommon raw material for the chipped culturalchanges, but it does not fully account for lithics recovered from both Chuncuimarca and manyof the socioeconomictransformations associ- Atalla.Based on the popularityof Quispisisaobsid- ated with the Chavinhorizon. While the spreadof ian northof Ayacucho,we have hypothesizedthat religiouscults often createsan ideological environ- the volcanicglass foundatAtalla was procuredfrom mentcompatible with expanded social and economic the Quispisisasource rather than the closerPuzolana interaction,there are otherfactors that must be con- sourcenear the city of Ayacucho(Burger and Glas- sideredin orderto achieve a more completeunder- cock 2000b) or some otherdeposit. As an initialtest standingof the processesinvolved. of this assumption,we analyzeda small sample (n Outsideof the centralAndes, manyinvestigators = 2) of flakes collected at Atalla by neutronactiva- when confrontedby the problemsof workingon a tion at the ResearchReactor Center, University of pan-regional scale of analysis have promoted a Missouri, Columbia (MURR). The results on the "WorldSystems" approachas a productivemodel obsidiansamples recovered by Matosat Atalla con- for dealingwith macroregionalphenomena in com- firmthat the materialwas obtainedfrom Quispisisa plex precapitalistsocieties. Although these scholars (Michael D. Glascock, personal communication vary in theirapplication of this framework,there is 1999). Was Atalla involved in the acquisitionand consensus that by focusing on the differences transportof this volcanic glass from the Quispisisa between the organizationand interestsof the core sourcefor more than local consumption?Once again, elite and those of peoples living in the peripheryof excavationsat Atalla could help providethe answer a WorldSystem, we can begin to explain some of to this question. the patternsof changethat occurred. The termworld in this context is not synonymouswith global but, World Systems and the rather,refers to interconnectionsor divisionsof labor Modeling of the Chavin Horizon that are great in scale and consequentlycross cul- For methodologicalas well as theoreticalreasons, tural and political boundaries.As defined by Hall contemporaryarchaeology has been most comfort- andChase-Dunn (1993), to constitutea "WorldSys- able analyzing socioculturalchange within a nar- tem,"the interactionsbetween societies within the rowly defined universe,frequently that of a single system must be importantfor the reproductionof valley.However, in dealingwith morecomplex soci- the structuresof the internalunits and importantly eties, archaeologists,like historiansand sociologists, affect changes that occur in these local structures; have been forced to recognize that such small ana- the interactions cannot be trivial or intermittent. lytical units are insufficientto the task. At the very According to this perspective, societies on the least, the broaderterritory of a polity or state needs peripherywill be modifiedin theirstructure by their to be taken into account. But what of those phe- incorporationinto the World System and, ultimately, nomenathat appear to transcendpolities and ethnic experienceradical modifications with the declineof groupsjust as they crosscutdrainages and regions? the macroregionalsystem. As researchon the Chavinhorizon advanced over The relationbetween the core and the periphery the lasthalf century, it becameevident that the spread is assumedto revolvearound the acquisitionof val- of this "horizonstyle" was associatedwith profound ued resourcesthat can be used by the core's domi- changes in religious ideology, social identity,eco- nantgroups for political advantage.Those living in nomicinteraction, and sociopolitical organization in the peripherymay likewise find benefitsfrom their manyparts of whatis now centraland northern Peru. relationswith core societies, althoughthe linkageis One of the authors,Burger (1988, 1992, 1993), fol- inherentlyasymmetric in character.Unlike the inter- lowingthe leadof severalcolleagues (Cordy-Collins actionsphere concept (Caldwell 1964; MacNeishet 1976; Patterson1971), has hypothesizedthat some al. 1975; Streuverand Houart 1972) or the peer- of these changescould be the resultof the spreadof polity model (Renfrew1996), the WorldSystem or a religious cult from its center at the Temple of core-peripheryapproach recognizes that the pres- Chavinde Huantarto branchshrines in distantpor- ence of inequalityboth within and between societies tions of the highlandsand coast. Drawingon ethno- is criticalto analysis,as is geopoliticalposition within historical and ethnographicanalogies, this model a WorldSystem. offersa partialexplanation for some of the observed The popularityamong archaeologistsof World

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Systems modelsover the last two decadesis attested Is a core-peripheryapproach applicable to the to by an abundantliterature (e.g., Blantonand Fein- AndeanFormative? The answerto this questionwill man 1984; Champion1995; Chase-Dunnand Hall be determinedby whetherthe insightsprovided by 1991; Hall and Chase-Dunn1993; Patterson1990; such an orientationare greaterthan its drawbacks. Peregrine and Feinman 1996; Sanderson 1995), Clearly, much unwantedintellectual luggage was despite objectionsby its principaladvocate, the soci- intimatelytied to the specific Old Worldhistorical ologist and historianImmanuel Wallerstein (1995) case forwhich World Systems was developed.As one (see also McGuire 1996). While many anthropolo- departsfrom this particularinstance in time, space, gists, archaeologists,and sociologists believe thatit and culture,it becomes necessary,as we have done is possible to apply a WorldSystems frameworkto earlierin this section,to offer a litanyof caveatsdis- the precapitalistworld, most also have recognized associatingthe modifiedWorld Systems perspective the need to modify the WorldSystems approachas from the specifics of Wallerstein's(1974) model. set forwardby Wallersteinso thatit can appliedto a Althoughthe creationof a moregeneric and anthro- broaderrange of sociopoliticalcontexts and histor- pologicallyinformed version of WorldSystems has ical transformations.Such modificationsacknowl- seemedjustified and attractiveto many scholars,to edge that a patternof multiplecores, ratherthan a othersthese efforts seem forcedand misguided. Ulti- single core, characterizesmost of the ancientworld, mately,whether it should be done is a question of includingthe prehispanicAndes. They also takeinto intellectual taste and the willingness to treat the account that in precapitalistsettings the long-dis- modelas a flexibleheuristic device rather than a doc- tance exchangeof prestigegoods can be of consid- trineset in stone. One could finesse the situationby erable importancebecause of the specialplace these usingother terms, such as centersand fringes, and itemshad in the consolidationand maintenanceof by avoiding explicit referencesto Wallersteinand alliances andpoliticalpower(Schneider 1977). Most otherantecedents; to adoptsuch an option,however, anthropologistsand archaeologistsalso recognize wouldlack intellectualintegrity, for the model pre- thatwithin most, perhaps all, precapitalistWorld sentedhere is anoutgrowth of Wallerstein'sproposal Systemsthere were multipleforms of sociopolitical andthe constructivedebate that ensued. andeconomic organizationand thatthe articulation Perhapsthe othermajor concern about utilizing of these differentpatterns with each other was one thisapproach in the case of Atallais a concernabout ofthe dynamic forces for changeof a WorldSystem whether"Formative" central Andean societies, such (Patterson1990). Given the large numberof these asthose of the "Chavin"centers of the EarlyHori- modifications and their significantdifference from zon,have the structuralfeatures that would resultin theoriginal WorldSystems framework proposed by theestablishment of core-peripheryrelationships. Wallerstein,it mightbe moreappropriate to referto Somescholars have attemptedto "type"the Forma- theresulting frameworkas a core-peripheryper- tivesocieties of the centralAndes as "chiefdoms"or spectiverather thanan archaeologicalapplication of "complexchiefdoms" (Stanish 2001), and many World Systems theory. assumethat nothing less than state-level societies Archaeologists workingin the centralAndes, in wouldbe compatiblewith a WorldSystems frame- contrastto those in NorthAmerica,Mesoamerica, and work.Many other scholars, including the senior theNear East (Peregrineand Feinman 1996), have author,Burger, are fundamentallyskeptical of such beenslow to explorethe applicationof this perspec- concernsbecause of theirreservations about the term tive(for exceptions, see Burgerand Matos 1989;Pat- chiefdomand their perceptionthat it has become terson1990), and someexplicitly rejectit. Forexample, moreof an obstaclethan a tool. It is importantto note ina recentarticle, Goldstein(2000) has argued that this thatthe so-calledchiefdoms of firstmillennium B.C. approachis not usefulfor understandingthe presence Perudo not resemble, in any material sense, the ofPucara and Paracas-Nascaceramic and textile traits ethnographiccases on which this "stage"has been inthe MoqueguaValley.While Goldstein may be cor- constructed.Moreover, it hasbeen arguedthat chief- rectin regardto prehistoricMoquegua, the core-periph- doms,as currentlyformulated by Wrightand others, eryperspective does seemto havepotential in thecase donot precedethe emergenceof states but, rather, ofthe Chavinhorizon, particularly for understanding arealternate trajectories to it (Yoffee 1997). casessuch as Atalla. Moreimportantly from the perspective of thisarti-

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cle, by the middleof the firstmillennium B.C., cen- ity suchas cinnabaropened up new opportunitiesfor ters such as Chavinde Huantarappear to have been the residentsof the peripheryto acquireideas and incipientsmall-scale states judging from theircom- goods that they wanted,and, in the case of Atalla, parativelylarge residentpopulations, social stratifi- the end result may have been mutuallybeneficial cation,economic specialization, active long-distance ratherthan exploitative. exchange programs, and other features (Burger In a recentformulation, Gil Stein (1998:228)has 1992:165-227). It was the existence of real socioe- suggested that, in many cases, a distance-parity conomic inequality and an elite that consciously model has greaterexplanatory value than a World workedto maintainits power and prestigethat cre- Systemsmodel because of the diminishingpower of atedthe structuralconditions during the EarlyHori- the core at a greatdistance under preindustrial con- zon thatled to the searchfor rare raw materials outside ditions.He recognizesShowever, that the World Sys- the multiplecores in the northernhighlands of Peru. tems model still has utility in those cases in which The identificationof such rarenatural resources and thereis considerabledifference in the technological the incorporationof these crucialresource areas into anddemographic levels of the two interactingzones. a World System resulted in a situation in which He also acknowledgesthat the presenceof low trans- unequaldevelopment became a criticalfeature in the portation costs likewise favors a World Systems transformationof both the multiple cores and the ratherthan a distance-paritymodel. Giventhe avail- periphery.In contrast,the "Formative"societies of abilityof llamasfor long-distancetrade caravans at the second millennium (also known as the Initial a "low cost," because the animals could graze on period)do not displayevidence of suchconspicuous availablepuna grasses and can be herdedwith only inequality,and we would be wary aboutapplying a a small investmentof human labor (Flores Ochoa core-peripheryperspective to these societies. 1968), and the considerabledemographic and tech- One of the most frequentcriticisms of a World nological differencesbetween Atalla and sites such Systemsperspective is aboutits assumptionof a fun- as Chavinde Huantar,there would seem to be justi- damentalasymmetry in powerrelations between the ficationin consideringa WorldSystems model even core and the periphery.In the case of Atalla, such from the criticalperspective of Stein. asymmetrywould seem justifiedgiven its small size AlthoughStein (1998) maybe correctin his claim andpopulation compared with those of northerncen- thatWorld Systems theory and its variantsmay be ters such as Chavin de Huantar,Pacopampa, and overusedand, in somecases, inappropriately applied, KunturWasi. Despite this, it wouldbe unjustifiedto a World Systems perspective does seem to have assume that asymmetrynecessarily translates into potentialin explainingthe natureand chronology of complete domination,particularly given the large the earlyoccupation at Atalla.This is not to say that distancethat separatesthe two areas.The freedom it offers a comprehensiveanalytical framework for thatdistance provides would have favoredconsider- all the multiple modes of interaction subsumed able agency on the partof the Atalla residents,and withinthe Chavinhorizon. In manycases, the char- the city's emulation of cultural features such as acterof EarlyHorizon centers and their relationship ceramic style and cut-stone masonry probably to Chavinde Huantarcan be understoodusing mod- reflectedinternal volition ratherthan external coer- els of religious networks(Burger 1988) and peer- cion. Indeed, it might be accurateto describe the polity interaction (Renfrew 1996) rather than a relationshipbetween the two areas,in the words of core-peripheryperspective (Burger 1993). The fact MichaelDietler, as "acomplex history of interaction thatthis may be the case, however,does not under- and entanglement"(1998:298). Yet our rejectionof mine the value of applying a World Systems per- a"mechanisticallyreductionist, structurally overde- spectiveto specific instancessuch as Atalla, where termined"version of WorldSystems does not dimin- it does seem totshed light on the processesat work. ish the fundamentally asymmetric nature of the relationshipor the critical role that the production Conclusions and Discussion and transportof a rareraw materialprobably had in Theevidence presented in thisarticle confirms the con- therelationship between a site on the periphery,such clusions of Matos and otherearly investigatorsthat as Atalla,and centers in the core area,such as Chavin Atallaconstitutes an unusually imposing center whose de Huantar.Of course,the need for a rarecommod- historyis closely linkedwith that of Chavinde Huan-

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and Pacopampa tarand the sphereof interactionassociated with that Chavinde Huantar,Kuntur Wasi, Shady 1970). The centerduring the Early Horizon. The research that has (Morales1998b; Rosas and stratificationat beencarried out in thecentral highlands sinceAtalla's processof increasedsocioeconomic unequaldistribu- discoveryin 1955 has only reinforcedthe impression thesecenters, as evidencedby the 1992;Miller and thatAtallais larger than other coeval sites in theregion tionof highlyvalued goods (Burger of elaborateelite andthat there is no local antecedentfor the public Burger1995) and the presence 1995, 1997), architectureat this site. Since Atalla's discovery, tombswith rich grave goods (Onuki raw materials numerousfull-coverage site surveysand excavations stimulatedthe searchfor and tradein the sta- havebeen carried out, particularly in theDepartments thatcould be used to enhanceand reinforce elites and could ofJunin (Parsons et al.2000) andAyacucho (Lumbr- tusof the newly institutionalized ideology eras1974, 1981; Ochatoma1998). In a synthesisof serveas exotic symbols of the religious individuals.Accord- theinformation available for the centralhighlands, underlyingthe statusof these Hirth(1978:37), an Burger(1992) has characterizedthe entireregion as ingto anthropologistKenneth tradegoods by acultural backwater during the Initial period and Early increaseddemand for long-distance to the estab- Horizonand has contrastedit with the moredensely theelites of stratifiedcenters often led locatedalong nat- populatedand culturally advanced northern highland lishmentof gatewaycommunities Such gateway andcoastal regions.A more recent review of pub- uralcorridors of communication. passagesnear lishedinvestigations of the Formative(i.e., Initial communitiesoften occur at the critical and at the inter- periodand Early Horizon) in thecentral highlands led areasof high mineralproductivity levels of socio- JeEreyParsons andhis colleagues (2000:101) to con- face of different technologies or of gateway cludethat the existingsettlement pattern data support complexity.While Hirthuses the concept of Chal- thisposition. In Junin and in northernhighlandAyacu- community to explain the emergence of interaction,he cho,Formative sites are remarkablyrare, and settle- catzingowithin the Olmec sphere of a moregen- mentsthat can be definitelydated to the Initialperiod recognizesthat this case is anexample are almost absent. Parsons and his colleagues eralphenomenon. of Atalla, which (2000:102) arguethat this pattern,which reoccursin The locally producedceramics potteryfrom numerousstudies, cannot be explainedas a resultof appearto emulatethe Janabarriuphase local population the surveymethodology employed and that it sug- Chavinde Huantar,suggest that the is now Huan- gestsa lightpopulation. Moreover, Initial period and living in the high grasslandsof what with the EarlyHorizon sites are rareor absentin the cejade cavelicaconsciously attemptedto identify the north. selva(eastern slope cloud forest) as well as in the peoplesliving at the monumentalcenter to Atalla of circular punaand kichwa(lower valley) habitatsof the cen- At the same time, constructionat burialswith these tralhighlands. dwellings and the associationof of the set- The conclusion that Burger(1992) and Parsons dwellingsdemonstrate the local character datingto the et al. (2000) reach is that prior to and during the tlement'sinhabitants. Circular dwellings the Huancavelica EarlyHorizon, the lifeways in the centralhighlands Early Horizon are known from Man- stood in markedcontrast to those among the flour- area(Ravines 1969-1970) andthe neighboring the highlandsnear ishing intermontanevalley culturesof the northern taro (Browman1977:2) but not coast (Burger highlandsand adjacentcoast. Evidence of the con- Chavinde Huantaror the neighboring Similarly,house tinuoususe of punacaves andlakeside sites suggests 1984;Pozorski and Pozorski 1987). Chavinde Huan- a small populationdependent on a mixed strategy burialshave no knownanalogue at centers duringthe that probablyincluded herding,hunting, high-alti- tar or any of the other northern thatAtallawas not tude farming,and the continuedcollection of wild EarlyHorizon. Thus, it is evident Huantaror one resources.These autonomoushigh-altitude groups a "colony"or "enclave"of Chavinde left little evidence of developing more complex of the othernorthern centers. centerduring the socioeconomicorganization as the resultof internal Atalla'semergence as a public have been a func- processes. EarlyHorizon is hypothesizedto procurement The establishmentof Atalla appearsto be a local tion of the role of its residentsin the producedat response to stimuli provided from the rapidly and distributionof vermilionpigment km to the west in expandingcenters in the northernhighlands, such as the massive cinnabardeposits 15

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Atalla's hinterland.Atalla's involvementin chan- "temple"on the site summit,are innovations from a neling obsidianfrom the Quispisisa source area, a localperspective and can be seen as symbolicexpres- majordeposit of volcanic glass located 100 km to sions of the new andunprecedented status of Atalla's the south in what is now centralAyacucho, into the residents.It is not surprisingthat such a groupchose Mantarodrainage and beyond, may have been an to incorporatethe alientechnique of cut-stonearchi- additionalfactor. tectureinto its publicconstructions, much as the res- The insights providedby a core-peripheryper- idents favoreda ceramicstyle thatemulated that of spectivemay be relevantin modelingthe asymmet- theirmore prestigious exchange partners to thenorth. ric relationshipbetween the stratifiedsocieties of the The abandonmentof Atallaat the end of the Early northernhighlands at sites like Chavinde Huantar, Horizon is roughly coeval with the decline of the which consumedthe cinnabarand obsidian, and the Chavinde Huantarcenter and the abandonmentof less developedgroups of the centralhighlands that its public architecture.This correlationdoes not wereresponsible for the building of Atalla.The social appearto be coincidental,and it suggeststhe degree differentiationimplied by the appearanceof the cen- to whichAtalla'sprosperity was dependent on its spe- ter at Atallacan be interpretedas a responseto stim- cial exchange relationshipwith the largerChavin uli createdin the Chavin heartlandas the priestly sphere of interaction.If this conclusion is correct, elites sought exotic products that could serve as cinnabarpigment should be rare or absent in the emblems of their statusand as distinctivesymbols remainsof the post-Chavinoccupations at Chavin for theirreligious ideology. These exotics could also de Huantar. be employed strategicallyas gifts to consolidateor Given the lack of excavationat Atalla, the fore- createalliances. Rare and easily recognizableitems going discussion should be consideredas a source like cinnabarand obsidian, which, under normal cir- of hypothesesfor futurestudy. We hope that it will cumstances,could not be obtainedby populations serveto stimulateinterest in moreintensive research outsidethe centralhighlands, would havebeen ideal at the site and help formulatequestions that can be in this regard,particularly given the generallack of tested throughsuch additionalinvestigations. For contactbetween the northernand centralhighlands example,how muchsocial differentiation was engen- before this time. The formationof a gatewaycom- dered at Atalla as a result of its articulationwith munity like Atalla at the entry into the Mantaro Chavin de Huantar?How long did this new, more drainagecould have helpedresolve the challengeof hierarchicalconfiguration last after the collapse of insuringa dependableflow of cinnabar,obsidian, the centers in the core area and the exchange net- and other exotic goods from the centralhighlands work associated with them? What products were into the northerncore area. being procuredor producedby the people of Atalla Although this hypothesis identifies a macrore- for export, and how did these new demandsaffect gional scale of analysisas essentialin makingsense the local subsistence strategy? What was being of Atalla,the site is still understoodas a local adap- acquiredby the peoples of Atalla in exchange for tationto a new social andeconomic setting.Not sur- these goods? prisingly,the form and architecturalfeatures of the Matos (1999) has observed that in the central site reflectthe culturalhistory and aspirationsof the highlands,the most significantdevelopments during local leaders.Thus, Atalla resemblesneither north- the EarlyHorizon occurred in the high grasslandsof ern centers like Chavinde Huantarnor nearbyvil- the puna and that the neighboring lower valleys lages like Chuncuimarca.On the contrary, Atalla was appearto have been of secondaryimportance. The a materialexpression of socioculturaland economic emergenceof Atalla,the firstmajor public center in innovationby a local population.The coordination thisregion, within the lowerportion of the punazone andregulation of the procurementand long-distance is eloquenttestimony to the importanceof thesehigh trade in cinnabarand other products would have grasslands,and future study of Atallashould consider requiredthe emergenceof a distinctivesocial group the special role of those living in this environment with a new set of relationsto the morerural peoples in the productionof high-altitudecultigens such as involvedin the actualmining of these materials.The oca, ulluco, mashua,quinoa, potatoes, and caniwa; creationof largeperimeter walls andconstruction of processed foods, such as ch'arki and chunu; and publicbuildings of dressedstone blocks, such as the leatherand woven products.In addition,high-alti-

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Thu, 13 Mar 2014 22:59:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 174 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002 tude herdersfrom this zone may have played a crit- Janabarnuphase pottery style of Chavinde Huantar ical role in the procurement,processing, concentra- referto the pelage markingsof the jaguar,a central tion, and transportof rare raw materialsto more figurein Chavinreligious cosmology, but it cannot developednorthern centers. be assumedthat the inhabitantsof Atallawere aware Some of the issues raised here will requirethe of this symbolicmeaning when they emulatedthese application of new methods in order to test the motifsin the productionof theirlocal pottery.Hope- hypotheses in question. Among the problemsthat fully, excavationson Atalla's summitwill someday must be addressedis how to determinewhether the provideus with the answerto this and some of the vermilionpigment found at Early Horizon sites in other questions raised in this article. Ultimately, northernPeru was broughtfrom the cinnabardeposit futurestudies at Atalla and coeval Early Horizon vil- in Huancavelicadescribed in this articleor fromone lages will also makeit possible for us to contextual- of the minor deposits documentedbut never inten- ize Atalla'sinteraction with the northerncenters and sively exploited during colonial times. Although understandit from the standpointof the social and thereis no historicalor archaeologicalevidence for culturallogic of the punasocieties of Huancavelica the use of the latterin prehispanictimes, in contrast with theirown cosmologies, institutions,and com- to the Huancavelicacase, it would be prematureto plex histories(Dietler 1998). assumea priorithat all of the cinnabarutilized before the Spanishconquest necessarily came from Huan- Acknowledgments.Special thanks go to Jorge Silva, former cavelica.Recently, cinnabar was identifiedin chrono- director of the Museo de Arqueologfa y Antropologia de la logically later elite burialsat Batan Grandein the UNMSM, and Hermilio Rosas Noire, former director of the Museo Nacional de Antropologfay Arqueologfa(MNAA), for Lambayeque-LaLeche drainage,but the excavator permission to study their collections; to the InstitutoNacional believesthat the sourceof thebright red pigment may de Cultura for permission to export archaeological samples; be in the Azogues-Cuenca region in southern and to Michael D. Glascock for permission to utilize our Ecuador(Shimada 2000:58) ratherthan in Huan- unpublished analyses of obsidian samples at MURR. cavelica.Because cinnabardeposits were formedat Likewise, we thank Isabelle Druc for access to the results of her unpublishedanalysis of Atalla ceramics.Thanks also go to differenttimes in dissimilargeological settings, it Luis Caballero(UNMSM) for his drawingsof the Atalla pot- shouldbe possible to distinguishamong sourcesof tery; RosemaryVolpe and George Lau for preparingthe maps; cinnabar(mercuric sulfide) through the studyof rare Benjamin Guerrero (MNAAH) for bibliographic support; metalsand otherimpurities linked to the local geol- Lucy Salazar for help with the Spanish abstract; Jeffrey ogy; these shouldbe presentin traceamounts in ver- Quilter, Robert Zeitlin, Kathy Schreiber,and the anonymous reviewers for stimulating thoughts on the theoretical model milion pigment. Such sourcing studies, utilizing utilized here; Jay Ague for his insights into the geology of instrumentalneutron activation, X-ray fluorescence, cinnabar;and Sharon J. M. Rodriguez for her assistance in or some otheranalogous technique, have been suc- preparingthe manuscript. cessful in dealing with a rangeof materials,includ- ing obsidian,jade, turquoise,and ceramics, but they References Cited have yet to be appliedto the study of cinnabar. Acosta, Jose de 1987 [1590] Historianatural y moral de las Indias.Historia As noted, some scholarshave attemptedto par- 16, Madrid. tially explainthe spreadof "Chavininfluence" as a Berry,Edward W., and JosephT. SingewaldJr. result of the expansion of a religious cult. Such 1922 The Geology and Paleontology of the Huancavelica MercuryDistrict. Johns Hopkins Studies in Geology No.2. regionalcults played important roles in creatingnew JohnsHopkins University Press, Baltimore. patternsof interactionand in providingan ideolog- Blanton,Richard, and GaryM. Feinman ical basis for modifying the preexisting cultures 1984 The MesoamericanWorld System. AmericanAnthro- pologist 86:673482. (Burger1988). In many historicalcases, increased Browman,David L. tradefollowed the spreadof majorreligions ("trade 1970 EarlyPeruvian Peasants: The Culture of a CentralHigh- follows theHadj"), but in othercases increasedsocial landValley. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,Department of Anthropology,Harvard University. and economic interactionset the stage for the intro- 1975 TradePatterns in the CentralHighlands of Peru in the ductionof new religioussystems (Burger1993). At FirstMillennium B.C. WorldArchaeology 6(3):322-329. the presenttime, we do not know whetherthe peo- 1977 ExternalRelationships of the Early HorizonCeramic Style from the Jauja-Huancayo Basin, Junfn.El Dorado ple of Atallaever adoptedthe Chavincult. The con- 11(1):1-16. centric circles and other geometric motifs on the Burger,Richard L.

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1984 ThePrehistoric Occupation of Chavinde Huantar,Peru. 2001 Ancon andGaragay Ceramic Production at theTime of Universityof CaliforniaPress Publications inAnthropology. Chavin de Huantar.Journal of Archaeological Science Universityof CaliforniaPress, Berkeley. 28(1):29-43. 1988 Unity andHeterogeneity within the ChavinHorizon. In Espejo Nunez, Julio PeruvianPrehistory,editedby Richard Keatinge, pp.99-144. 1958 Vestigiosarqueologicos "tipo Chavfn" en la cuencadel CambridgeUniversity Press, Cambridge. Mantaro.La Vozde Huancayo,January 10. 1992 Chavinand the Originsof Andean Civilization. Thames Flores Ochoa,Jorge and Hudson,London. 1968 Los pastores de Paratia: Una introducciona su estu- 1993 The Chavin Horizon:Stylistic Chimeraor Socioeco- dio. SerieAntropologiaSocial 10.Instituto IndigenistaAmer- nomic Metamorphosis.In LatinAmerican Horizons, edited icano, Mexico City. by Don Rice, pp. 41-82. 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1997 Too Many Chiefs? (Or, Safe Texts for the '90s). In match the materials in the collection donated to the Museo Archaeological Theory:Who Sets the Agenda? edited by Nacional de Antropologfay Arqueologfa on March 16, 1974, NormanYoffeeandAndrew Sherratt, pp. 60-78. New Direc- by an individual identified only with the initials "R.C.Z." tions in Archaeology.Cambridge University Press, Cam- 2. The original reads: "Pintarsecon bermellon la cara y bridge. embijarse." Notes

1. Sherds from the 1955 surface collection made by Julio SubmittedJuly 24, 2001; accepted January24, 2002; revised Espejo are illustrated in Espejo 1958, and these drawings March 20, 2002.

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