Falkland Islands, Facts & Fictions
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Connecting Ontological (In)Securities and Generation Through the Everyday and Emotional Geopolitics of Falkland Islanders
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Newcastle University E-Prints Benwell MC. Connecting ontological (in)securities and generation through the everyday and emotional geopolitics of Falkland Islanders. Social & Cultural Geography 2017 Copyright: This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Social & Cultural Geography on 13th February 2017 available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649365.2017.1290819 Date deposited: 21/02/2017 Embargo release date: 13 February 2018 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence Newcastle University ePrints - eprint.ncl.ac.uk Connecting ontological (in)securities and generation through the everyday and emotional geopolitics of Falkland Islanders Matthew C. Benwell School of Geography, Politics and Sociology, Newcastle University, Daysh Building, Newcastle NE1 7RU, UK Abstract: Debates about the security of British Overseas Territories (OTs) like the Falkland Islands are typically framed through the discourses of formal and practical geopolitics in ways that overlook the perspectives of their citizens. This paper focuses on the voices of two generations of citizens from the Falkland Islands, born before and after the 1982 war, to show how they perceive geopolitics and (in)security in different ways. It uses these empirical insights to show how theorisations of ontological (in)security might become more sensitive to the lived experiences of diverse generational groups within states and OTs like the Falklands. The paper reflects on the complex experiences of citizens living in a postcolonial OT that still relies heavily on the UK government and electorate for assurances of security, in the face of diplomatic pressure from Argentina. -
The Sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories in the Brexit Era
Island Studies Journal, 15(1), 2020, 151-168 The sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories in the Brexit era Maria Mut Bosque School of Law, Universitat Internacional de Catalunya, Spain MINECO DER 2017-86138, Ministry of Economic Affairs & Digital Transformation, Spain Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London, UK [email protected] (corresponding author) Abstract: This paper focuses on an analysis of the sovereignty of two territorial entities that have unique relations with the United Kingdom: the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories (BOTs). Each of these entities includes very different territories, with different legal statuses and varying forms of self-administration and constitutional linkages with the UK. However, they also share similarities and challenges that enable an analysis of these territories as a complete set. The incomplete sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and BOTs has entailed that all these territories (except Gibraltar) have not been allowed to participate in the 2016 Brexit referendum or in the withdrawal negotiations with the EU. Moreover, it is reasonable to assume that Brexit is not an exceptional situation. In the future there will be more and more relevant international issues for these territories which will remain outside of their direct control, but will have a direct impact on them. Thus, if no adjustments are made to their statuses, these territories will have to keep trusting that the UK will be able to represent their interests at the same level as its own interests. Keywords: Brexit, British Overseas Territories (BOTs), constitutional status, Crown Dependencies, sovereignty https://doi.org/10.24043/isj.114 • Received June 2019, accepted March 2020 © 2020—Institute of Island Studies, University of Prince Edward Island, Canada. -
The Malvinas/Falklands Between History and Law
THE MALVINAS/FALKLANDS BETWEEN HISTORY AND LAW REFUTATION OF THE BRITISH PAMPHLET “GETTING IT RIGHT: THE REAL HISTORY OF THE FALKLANDS/MALVINAS” by Marcelo G. Kohen and Facundo D. Rodríguez 1 1 Official Seal of the Political and Military Commandment of the Malvinas and Adjacent Islands used by Luís Vernet during Argentine administration 1 To Dora Malvina and Olivia Lea To Santiago 2 About the authors: Marcelo Kohen, PhD, professor of International Law at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva. He is a Titular Member of the Institut de Droit international. Author of more than hundred publications in the field of International Law, in English, French and Spanish. Facundo Rodríguez, Advocate in International Law, graduated from the University of Buenos Aires. Member of the Committee on the Question of the Malvinas, Georgias and South Sandwich Islands of the Argentine Council for International Relations (CARI) and member of several research programmes related to the Question of the Malvinas Islands. 3 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 7 Chapter I ...................................................................................................................... 12 Papal bulls and discovery. British recognition of Spanish sovereignty ........................... 12 A. Papal Bulls and the Tordesillas Treaty ............................................................................. 12 B. Pascoe and Pepper acknowledge -
British Overseas Territories Law
British Overseas Territories Law Second Edition Ian Hendry and Susan Dickson HART PUBLISHING Bloomsbury Publishing Plc Kemp House , Chawley Park, Cumnor Hill, Oxford , OX2 9PH , UK HART PUBLISHING, the Hart/Stag logo, BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2018 First edition published in 2011 Copyright © Ian Hendry and Susan Dickson , 2018 Ian Hendry and Susan Dickson have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 to be identifi ed as Authors of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. While every care has been taken to ensure the accuracy of this work, no responsibility for loss or damage occasioned to any person acting or refraining from action as a result of any statement in it can be accepted by the authors, editors or publishers. All UK Government legislation and other public sector information used in the work is Crown Copyright © . All House of Lords and House of Commons information used in the work is Parliamentary Copyright © . This information is reused under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 ( http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/ open-government-licence/version/3 ) except where otherwise stated. All Eur-lex material used in the work is © European Union, http://eur-lex.europa.eu/ , 1998–2018. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. -
UK Overseas Territories
INFORMATION PAPER United Kingdom Overseas Territories - Toponymic Information United Kingdom Overseas Territories (UKOTs), also known as British Overseas Territories (BOTs), have constitutional and historical links with the United Kingdom, but do not form part of the United Kingdom itself. The Queen is the Head of State of all the UKOTs, and she is represented by a Governor or Commissioner (apart from the UK Sovereign Base Areas that are administered by MOD). Each Territory has its own Constitution, its own Government and its own local laws. The 14 territories are: Anguilla; Bermuda; British Antarctic Territory (BAT); British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT); British Virgin Islands; Cayman Islands; Falkland Islands; Gibraltar; Montserrat; Pitcairn, Henderson, Ducie and Oeno Islands; Saint Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha; South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands; Turks and Caicos Islands; UK Sovereign Base Areas. PCGN recommend the term ‘British Overseas Territory Capital’ for the administrative centres of UKOTs. Production of mapping over the UKOTs does not take place systematically in the UK. Maps produced by the relevant territory, preferably by official bodies such as the local government or tourism authority, should be used for current geographical names. National government websites could also be used as an additional reference. Additionally, FCDO and MOD briefing maps may be used as a source for names in UKOTs. See the FCDO White Paper for more information about the UKOTs. ANGUILLA The territory, situated in the Caribbean, consists of the main island of Anguilla plus some smaller, mostly uninhabited islands. It is separated from the island of Saint Martin (split between Saint-Martin (France) and Sint Maarten (Netherlands)), 17km to the south, by the Anguilla Channel. -
ISO Country Codes
COUNTRY SHORT NAME DESCRIPTION CODE AD Andorra Principality of Andorra AE United Arab Emirates United Arab Emirates AF Afghanistan The Transitional Islamic State of Afghanistan AG Antigua and Barbuda Antigua and Barbuda (includes Redonda Island) AI Anguilla Anguilla AL Albania Republic of Albania AM Armenia Republic of Armenia Netherlands Antilles (includes Bonaire, Curacao, AN Netherlands Antilles Saba, St. Eustatius, and Southern St. Martin) AO Angola Republic of Angola (includes Cabinda) AQ Antarctica Territory south of 60 degrees south latitude AR Argentina Argentine Republic America Samoa (principal island Tutuila and AS American Samoa includes Swain's Island) AT Austria Republic of Austria Australia (includes Lord Howe Island, Macquarie Islands, Ashmore Islands and Cartier Island, and Coral Sea Islands are Australian external AU Australia territories) AW Aruba Aruba AX Aland Islands Aland Islands AZ Azerbaijan Republic of Azerbaijan BA Bosnia and Herzegovina Bosnia and Herzegovina BB Barbados Barbados BD Bangladesh People's Republic of Bangladesh BE Belgium Kingdom of Belgium BF Burkina Faso Burkina Faso BG Bulgaria Republic of Bulgaria BH Bahrain Kingdom of Bahrain BI Burundi Republic of Burundi BJ Benin Republic of Benin BL Saint Barthelemy Saint Barthelemy BM Bermuda Bermuda BN Brunei Darussalam Brunei Darussalam BO Bolivia Republic of Bolivia Federative Republic of Brazil (includes Fernando de Noronha Island, Martim Vaz Islands, and BR Brazil Trindade Island) BS Bahamas Commonwealth of the Bahamas BT Bhutan Kingdom of Bhutan -
Benwell MC, Pinkerton A. Brexit and the British Overseas Territories: Changing Perspectives on Security
Benwell MC, Pinkerton A. Brexit and the British Overseas Territories: Changing Perspectives on Security. RUSI Journal 2016, 161(4), 8-14. Copyright: This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in RUSI Journal on 29/09/2016, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2016.1224489 Date deposited: 01/09/2016 Embargo release date: 29 March 2018 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence Newcastle University ePrints - eprint.ncl.ac.uk Brexit and the British Overseas Territories: Changing perspectives on security Matthew C. Benwell and Alasdair Pinkerton On 23 June 2016 citizens of the United Kingdom (and residents of the UK Overseas Territory of Gibraltar) voted in a referendum to leave the European Union. While the exact modes and timings of this exit remain unclear, the campaign was characterised by increasingly heated debate and sharply contrasting visions for Britain and its relationship with the wider world in the twenty-first century. A coterie of international politicians and world leaders waded into the debate, as a reminder of both the global interest in the referendum campaign and the potential international implications of the UK’s decision – not least of all within the Overseas Territories (OTs) of the United Kingdom. Matthew Benwell and Alasdair Pinkerton argue that the UK’s 2016 EU referendum campaign and the political and economic evaluations that it has invited have exposed a shifting relationship between the UK and its OTs and demonstrate the role played by the EU in fostering their political, economic and regional security – a perspective often ignored by the OT’s so called ‘friends’ and supporters. -
Our Islands, Our History
Our Islands, Our History WHAT Are the FAlklAnd IslAnds? Who are Falkland Islanders and what does it mean to be a citizen of our country? These are questions which Islanders are asked frequently but to which there are no quick answers. Our history goes some way towards explaining what it is to be a Falkland Islander. It is a fairly short history. Settlement is relatively recent: it began in the eighteen century and has only been continuous from the early nineteenth century. Unlike the Spanish and Portuguese colonial empires, we never had an indigenous population, so we have no ancient monuments or romantic mythologies to define our identity as Islanders. Other people have spun their own myths around our history and this explains why there are so many misconceptions about who we are and about our right to call the Falklands our home. The series of events which serve as the foundations upon which the Falkland Islands were built are what Our Islands, Our History aims to set out. Our history is one of long periods of tranquillity, punctuated by flurries of complex activity. The events of the 1760s and 1770s are involved but, with the help of the time line running throughout this publication, hopefully comprehensible. The period 1820 to 1833 is also complex and further complicated by the tendency to weave nationalist myths around the basic narrative. Although not a heavyweight reference document, this book is intended to explain to the interested reader how our diverse community has matured, embracing influences from the many nations whose sailors visited these shores or who settled in the Islands, developing a cultural identity all of our own, but always maintaining a close kinship with Britain. -
Appendix Table 6-32 Regions and Countries/Economies in World Trade Data
Appendix table 6-32 Regions and countries/economies in world trade data North America Europe Middle East Africa Asia Canada EU Israel All others (continued) All others (continued) Mexico Austria Saudi Arabia Mali Kazakhstan United States Belgium Turkey Mauritania Kyrgyzstan Central and South America Czech Republic United Arab Emirates Mauritius Laos Argentina Denmark All others Mayotte Maldives Brazil Denmark Bahrain Mozambique Mongolia Central America Faroe Islands Gaza Strip Niger Nepal Belize Finland Iran Nigeria North Korea Costa Rica France Iraq Reunion Pakistan El Salvador Germany Jordan Rwanda Papua New Guinea Guatemala Hungary Lebanon Saint Helena, Ascension, and Sri Lanka Honduras Ireland Kuwait Tristan da Cunha Tajikistan Nicaragua Italy Oman São Tomé and Príncipe Turkmenistan Panama Italy Qatar Senegal Uzbekistan Chile San Marino Syria Seychelles Australia/Oceania Colombia Vatican City Yemen Sierra Leone Australia Peru Netherlands Africa Somalia Australia Venezuela Poland Egypt Sudan Christmas Island All others Slovakia Kenya Swaziland Cocos (Keeling) Islands Anguilla Spain Morocco Tanzania Heard Island and McDonald Islands Antigua and Barbuda Sweden Southern Africa Togo Norfolk Island Aruba United Kingdom Botswana Uganda New Zealand Bahamas, The All others Lesotho Western Sahara Cook Islands Barbados Bulgaria Namibia Zambia New Zealand Bermuda Cyprus South Africa Zimbabwe Niue Bonaire Estonia Tunisia Asia Tokelau Bolivia Greece All others China Pacific Islands Cayman Islands Latvia Algeria China American Samoa Cuba Lithuania -
BILATERAL EXTRADITION TREATIES FALKLAND ISLANDS (The Treaty
BILATERAL EXTRADITION TREATIES FALKLAND ISLANDS (The treaty applicable to the Falkland Islands was signed with the United Kingdom.) United Kingdom Of Great Britain And Northern Ireland Extradition Treaty, protocol of signature and exchange of notes signed at London June 8, 1972; Ratification advised by the Senate of the United States of America June 21, 1976; Ratified by the President of the United States of America September 10, 1976; Ratifications exchanged at Washington October 21, 1976; Proclaimed by the President of the United States of America November 17, 1976; Entered into force January 21, 1977. With exchange of notes Signed at Washington October 21, 1976. BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA A PROCLAMATION CONSIDERING THAT: The Treaty on Extradition between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, a Protocol of Signature, and an exchange of notes were signed at London on June 8, 1972, the texts of which Treaty and related documents, are hereto annexed; The Senate of the United States of America by its resolution of June 21, 1976, two-thirds of the Senators present concurring therein, gave its advice and consent to ratification of the Treaty and the related documents; The Treaty and the related documents were ratified by the President of the United States of America on September 10, 1976, in pursuance of the advice and consent of the Senate, and were duly ratified on the part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland; It is provided in Article XVI of the Treaty that the Treaty shall enter into force three months after the date of the exchange of instruments of ratification; The instruments of ratification of the Treaty were exchanged at Washington on October 21, 1976; and accordingly the Treaty and the related documents enter into force on January 21, 1977; NOW, THEREFORE, I, Gerald R. -
Executive-Order-No.-422-Re.-Travel-Policies-And-Procedures.Pdf
Republic o-r Palau 0/iice oi die <:Presi"iJent P.O. Box 6051, Palau, PW 96940 Tommy E Remengesau, jr. Tel. (6801 767-2403/2828 !lJ~ Fax. (680)767-2424/1662 Email: rop. [email protected] EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 422 Revising the Republic ofPalau Travel Policies and Procedures for the Executive Branch ofthe National Government WHEREAS, it is necessary to establish and maintain travel policies and procedures for the Executive Branch of the National Government in a single, accessible, and comprehensive document; and WHEREAS, such travel policies and procedures need to reflect current management practices, desires and terminologies; and WHEREAS, it is thus necessary to periodically update and revise the travel policies and procedures to reflect the changing needs and realities of managing travel funded by the Executive Branch; and WHEREAS, the Executive Branch's comprehensive travel policies and procedures were last revised in February of 2017 and require adjustments to account for circumstances that have changed during this time, including an adjustment of the applicable per diem rates to accurately reflect the present cost of travel; NOW, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested in me as President of the Republic of Palau, and pursuant to the Constitution and laws of the Republic of Palau, I do hereby order that the document entitled "Republic of Palau Travel Policies and Procedures for the Executive Branch of the National Government," as revised on April 2019, be put into effect as of the date of this Executive Order. This Executive Order supersedes all previous orders and directives regarding travel policies and procedures, including specifically Executive Order No. -
Yougov/ Ibarómetro
YouGov/ Ibarómetro - Falklands/Malvinas Survey Results Sample Size: 1800 Argentine Adults, contacted by automated telephone interview 2nd April Sample Size: 1744 GB Adults, contacted online 2nd-3rd April British Argentinian Respondents Respondents %% What is your general opinion of Argentina/Britain? %% Very positive 1 7 Fairly positive 21 12 TOTAL POSITIVE 22 19 Fairly negative 37 35 Very negative 16 29 TOTAL NEGATIVE 53 65 Don't know 25 16 Generally speaking, how much do you know about Argentina/Britain, its history, and people? %% A great deal 1 8 A fair amount 20 25 TOTAL KNOWLEDGE 21 33 Not very much 63 47 Nothing at all 12 13 TOTAL NO KNOWLEDGE 75 60 Don't know 3 7 How important an issue, if at all, do you think the Falkland Islands are to the UK? %% Very important 25 29 Fairly important 37 28 TOTAL IMPORTANT 62 57 Not very important 22 20 Not at all important 5 13 TOTAL NOT IMPORTANT 27 33 Don't know 11 10 And how important an issue, if at all, do you think the Falkland Islands are to Argentina? %% Very important 30 56 Fairly important 35 31 TOTAL IMPORTANT 65 86 Not very important 15 9 Not at all important 3 2 TOTAL NOT IMPORTANT 18 11 Don't know 16 3 How legitimate, if at all, would you say the UK's claims to the Falkland Islands are? %% Very legitimate 33 7 Fairly legitimate 29 5 TOTAL LEGITIMATE 62 12 Not very legitimate 14 29 Not at all legitimate 4 51 TOTAL NOT LEGITIMATE 18 80 Don't know 20 8 And how legitimate, if at all, would you say Argentina's claims to the Falkland Islands are? %% Very legitimate 4 66 Fairly legitimate