Merchant Representatives and the French River World, 1763-1803 Author(S): Robert Englebert Source: Michigan Historical Review, Vol
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Merchant Representatives and the French River World, 1763-1803 Author(s): Robert Englebert Source: Michigan Historical Review, Vol. 34, No. 1, Emerging Borderlands (Spring, 2008), pp. 63-82 Published by: Central Michigan University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20174258 Accessed: 14-08-2014 19:13 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Central Michigan University is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Michigan Historical Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 137.142.122.74 on Thu, 14 Aug 2014 19:13:18 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Merchant Representatives and the French River World, 1763-1803 by Robert Englebert came to an The French empire in North America abrupt end with a the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1763.1 With the "scratch of pen," as Colin G. Calloway has explained it, the map of North America was drastically altered.2 New France and the Illinois Country on the east side of the Mississippi River became British territory, and the Spanish took possession of the west side of the Mississippi and New Orleans. These were a the first in series of changes that would dramatically transform North America's geopolitical landscape in the years between 1763 and 1803. The Royal Proclamation, the Quebec Act, the American Revolution, Jay's Treaty, and the Louisiana Purchase led to a continual of territorial to redrawing boundaries and various attempts control these new as not borders. However, Calloway notes, "Imperial politics did or always immediately alter existing social realities. On the peripheries of same as empire, many of the people continued business usual."3 on was The social reality the ground slow to change, and French as a setdements continued much they had before?tied together by commercial system of traders and merchants traveling along the waterways of North America to form what was in essence a French river an world. For entire generation, the numbers of Spanish, British, and Anglo-Americans in the heart of North America remained modest. By the time of the Lewis and Clark expedition (1803), however, the territories west of the Mississippi had begun to enter the mainstream of American consciousness, which ushered in a new era of American I would Uke to thank the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Counc? of Canada for generously supporting my research and making this article possible. 1 Despite keeping Haiti and various smaller islands and briefly regaining Louisiana to to an prior its purchase by the Americans in 1803, France ceased be imperial power in North America after 1763. 2 a CoUn G. CaUoway, The Scratch of Pen: 1763 and the Transformation ofNorth America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), xi. 3 Ibid., 131. Michigan Historical Review 34:\ (Spring 2008): 63-82 ?2008 by Central Michigan University. ISSN 0890-1686 AU Rights Reserved. This content downloaded from 137.142.122.74 on Thu, 14 Aug 2014 19:13:18 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 64 Michigan Historical Review western The was a to the waves of expansion. expedition precursor western migration that eventually flooded the interior of North America. was In the face of these changes, the French river world notably pliant, as adapting and transforming itself needed. Many of the social and commercial linkages that defined the French river world persisted into the 1830s, buoyed by the hundreds of French Canadian voyageurs who were hired by the American Fur Company of St. Louis.4 Because the French river world sustained a remarkable continuity of social and on a to commercial exchanges the ground, it took nearly century for it come was more apart. One might argue that the French river world far resilient than the official geopolitical French Empire in North America ever had been. Historians have traditionally dealt with the post-1763 period in North America within the confines of politically defined boundaries, as studying the British, Spanish, and American territories separate entities.5 Although recent interpretations have reunited the histories of the east and west sides of the Mississippi?erasing the imaginary line that separated the French people who lived in Spanish Upper Louisiana from their compatriots who lived in the British and American Illinois Country and the Ohio River valley?the U.S.-Canadian border has remained remarkably well-entrenched in the historiography.6 Eric Hinderaker argues that after 1763 French fur-trade merchants of the to Ohio and middle Mississippi River valleys chose deal primarily with New Orleans to the south, rather than Montreal to the north.7 Others, 4 Nicole St-Onge, in coUaboration with WiUiam Swagerty, "Trade, Travel and to Tradition: St. Lawrence VaUey Engages the American Fur Company, 1818-1840. at Paper presented the British Association for Canadian Studies Annual Conference, April 2007. 5 are to as There exceptions this of course, such the works of Charles J. Balesi, W. more J. Eccles, and recendy Gules Havard and C?c?e Vidal. However, these authors' works on focus primarily the geopoUtical history of the French Empire, portraying the as one period after 1763 of decline after conquest. See Charles J. Balesi, The Time of the French in theHeart ofNorth America, 1673-1818, 3d ed. (Chicago: AUiance Fran?aise, 2000); rev. W. J. Eccles, The French in North America, 1500-1783, ed. (Markham: Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 1998); GiUes Havard and C?c?e Vidal, Histoire de FAm?rique Fran?aise (Paris: Flammarion, 2003). 6A of this is on the good example Jay GitUn's work French bourgeois and their role in the to emergence of mid-America, in which he attempts reintegrate the story of the French who Uved in the interior of North America into the American national narrative. the Jay Gidin, "Negotiating Course of Empire: The French Bourgeois Frontier the and Emergence of Mid-America, 1763-1863" (PhD diss., Yale University, 2002). 7 Eric Hinderaker, Elusive Empires: Constructing Colonialism in the Ohio Valley, 1673 1800 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 177. This content downloaded from 137.142.122.74 on Thu, 14 Aug 2014 19:13:18 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The French RiverWorld, 1763-1803 65 as on such Carl J. Ekberg, have focused the grain and flour trade to as New Orleans the predominant economic activity operating out of towns like Ste. Genevi?ve in the middle Mississippi River valley.8 The one story of the French in the postconquest period has thus been of either tragic d?nouement or of renewal within the creation and expansion of the American nation-state, but neither of these interpretations captures the great continuity of French social and commercial interaction across these newly formed but weakly enforced territorial borders. There are, however, studies that have moved a on beyond national paradigm. Focusing primarily fur-trade and M?tis histories, some researchers have explored kinship networks. Susan Sleeper-Smith's study of Catholic kinship groups and Heather Devine's exploration of the extensive M?tis genealogy of the Des jar?ais a family have revealed peoples who were part of vibrant northern trade, exporting furs and importing British goods.9 For example, hundreds of French traders arrived each year at Michilimackinac to a trade pelts and goods in Great Lakes trade dominated by Indian women and their French husbands.10 Between 1763 and 1805 approximately six hundred fur-trade contracts were issued from an Montreal for voyageurs bound specifically for the Illinois Country, additional six hundred contracts were issued for voyageurs headed to Detroit, and another three thousand were distributed to voyageurs destined for Michilimackinac.11 In 1803 Nicolas de Finiels complained on at length about the lure of the fur trade the Mississippi River and its continued connection with the North in his report to the Spanish governor at New Orleans. He grumbled that traders would "ascend the 8 on CarlJ. Ekberg, Colonial Ste. Genevi?ve: An Adventure theMississippi Frontier (Gerald, Mo.: Patrice Press, 1985), 126-76. 9 on Susan Sleeper-Smith, Indian Women and French Men: Rethinking Cultural Encounter the Great Takes (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2001); Heather Devine, a People Who Own Themselves: Aboriginal Ethnogenesis in Canadian Family, 1660-1900 (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2004). 10 a CaUoway, Scratch of Pen, 128-29. 11 Nicole St-Onge, Voyageur Database Project (University of Ottawa, 2007). This at the is ongoing research project, currently being conducted University of Ottawa, at a at least notarized fur-trade aimed producing database of thirty-five thousand contracts voyageur signed in the Montreal-Trois Rivi?res corridor between 1755 and 1870. This project is funded by the M?tis National Council of Canada and is directed was by Nicole St-Onge. I the architect and project manager of the Voyageur Database from its inception in 2004 until 2007. The numbers used in this article represent contracts, not individuals. This content downloaded from 137.142.122.74 on Thu, 14 Aug 2014 19:13:18 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 66 Michigan Historical Review Illinois River and trade atMchilimackinac for merchandise that arrives every year from Canada."12 Between 1763 and 1803 French merchants and voyageurs freely crossed the newly formed boundaries, not only maintaining but also expanding upon well-established systems of commercial and social on exchange in North America.