Upholding the Principle of Habeas Corpus for Detainees
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Extensions of Remarks E464 HON. TERRY EVERETT HON. HOWARD
E464 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks April 1, 2008 history as well as its 50 years of international ‘‘Peace Through Strength’’ for which he al- father. As Don Thompson’s son, Blaze fellowship. The college and its graduates have ways worked. Bill Dickinson’s legacy is still felt Thompson has inherited his Dad’s talent and not only made a positive impact within the on many fronts, but today he is often credited skill for winning. In his first year as head greater Kalamazoo community and the State with having laid the political foundation that coach of the Blue Devils, the team played the of Michigan, but throughout the entire Nation kept the Second Congressional District in Re- toughest opponents in its division and went and the world at large. publican hands for so long. I add my voice to undefeated, winning its 5th state champion- f those who mourn his passing and remember ship. Blaze has already earned the love and the dedication of this exemplary congressman. respect of his players, fellow coaches, TRIBUTE TO FORMER CONGRESS- f Pahokee’s citizens and everyone who enjoys MAN WILLIAM L. DICKINSON high school football. PERSONAL EXPLANATION Many of the boys Don and Blaze have HON. TERRY EVERETT coached have gone on to successful careers OF ALABAMA HON. HOWARD COBLE in professional football. As the first father and IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF NORTH CAROLINA son to win Florida state championships with Tuesday, April 1, 2008 IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES the same football team, it is fitting that Don was inducted into the Palm Beach County Tuesday, April 1, 2008 Mr. -
\\Crewserver05\Data\Research & Investigations\Most Ethical Public
Stephen Abraham Exhibits EXHIBIT 1 Unlikely Adversary Arises to Criticize Detainee Hearings - New York Times http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/23/us/23gitmo.html?pagewanted=print July 23, 2007 Unlikely Adversary Arises to Criticize Detainee Hearings By WILLIAM GLABERSON NEWPORT BEACH, Calif. — Stephen E. Abraham’s assignment to the Pentagon unit that runs the hearings at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, seemed a perfect fit. A lawyer in civilian life, he had been decorated for counterespionage and counterterrorism work during 22 years as a reserve Army intelligence officer in which he rose to the rank of lieutenant colonel. His posting, just as the Guantánamo hearings were accelerating in 2004, gave him a close-up view of the government’s detention policies. It also turned him into one of the Bush administration’s most unlikely adversaries. In June, Colonel Abraham became the first military insider to criticize publicly the Guantánamo hearings, which determine whether detainees should be held indefinitely as enemy combatants. Just days after detainees’ lawyers submitted an affidavit containing his criticisms, the United States Supreme Court reversed itself and agreed to hear an appeal arguing that the hearings are unjust and that detainees have a right to contest their detentions in federal court. Some lawyers say Colonel Abraham’s account — of a hearing procedure that he described as deeply flawed and largely a tool for commanders to rubber-stamp decisions they had already made — may have played an important role in the justices’ highly unusual reversal. That decision once again brought the administration face to face with the vexing legal, political and diplomatic questions about the fate of Guantánamo and the roughly 360 men still held there. -
Racial Gerrymandering MARK F
Racial gerrymandering MARK F. BERNSTEIN 'HEN the 102nd Gongress convened in January 1991w, the Georgia House delegation was T THEN comprised of nine Democrats and one Republican—Newt Gingrich. Eight of the Democrats were white (as, of course, is the Republican) and one was black. But more than a quarter of Georgia's citizens are black, and, in order to comply with the Voting Rights Act following the 1990 census, two more black-majority districts had to be drawn. Finding blacks around whom to draw those districts proved challenging. But, under pressure from the U.S. Justice De- partment, the legislature adopted what was known as the "max- black" plan, which stretched the new Eleventh District for 260 miles, snaking block by block through neighborhoods from Atlanta to Savannah in order to collect enough blacks to form a majority. Just over four years later. Newt Gingrich is Speaker of the House, and the only Democrats in the state's delega- tion are the three representing the black-majority districts. All the other Georgia congressmen are white Republicans. If Georgia is the most extreme example of Democratic de- 59 60 THE PUBLIC INTEREST / WINTER 1996 cline following the creation of black-majority districts, it is by no means the only one. Within the last four years, while the Democratic share of the southern black vote has increased to a near-unanimous 91 percent, its share of the white vote has declined to just 35 percent, which has cost the party seats in Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Mississippi, North Garolina, and South Garolina. -
DOCUMENT RESUME Federal Public Library Programs in Alabama, 1995. Alabama Public Library Service, Montgomery. 16P
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 402 941 IR 056 242 TITLE Federal Public Library Programs in Alabama, 1995. INSTITUTION Alabama Public Library Service, Montgomery. PUB DATE 95 NOTE 16p.; For the 1994 program report, see ED 389 308. PUB TYPE Reports Descriptive (141) EDRS PRICE MFO1 /PCO1 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Federal Aid; Grants; *Library Development; Library Funding; Library Services; *Public Libraries IDENTIFIERS *Alabama; Alabama Public Library Service; *Library Services and Construction Act ABSTRACT The Library Services and Construction Act (LSCA) assists the state of Alabama in the extension and improvement of public library services to areas and populations of the state which are without such services or to which such services are inadequate. Federal LSCA monies are spend on statewide projects at the Alabama Public Library Service. Projects include providing reference services, interlibrary loans, audiovisual materials, continuing education programs, and consultant services to the public libraries. This report describes the use of LSCA funds for library programs and services in Alabama's seven congressional districts. A map shows all counties and congressional districts in the state of Alabama. For each district, a table of library names, project names, title number, and grant amount is provided. The district representative's name and a brief paragraph naming the counties in the district and describing the major 1995 grants are provided for each congressional district. Member lists for the 1996 LSCA Advisory Council, the Alabama Public Library Service Executive Board, and the Alabama Public Library Service are also provided. (SWC) *********************************************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. -
Should Lawyers Be Permitted to Violate the Law?
MILITARY LAWYERING AT THE EDGE OF THE RULE OF LAW AT GUANTANAMO: SHOULD LAWYERS BE PERMITTED TO VIOLATE THE LAW? Ellen Yaroshefsky* I. INTRODUCTION “Where were the lawyers?” is the familiar refrain in the legal profession’s reflection on various corporate scandals.1 What is the legal and moral obligation of lawyers who have knowledge of ongoing illegality and criminal behavior of their clients? What should or must those lawyers do? What about government lawyers who have knowledge of such behavior? This Article considers that question in the context of military lawyers at Guantanamo—those lawyers with direct knowledge of the treatment of prisoners at Guantanamo, treatment criticized throughout the world as violative of fundamental principles of international law. In essence, where were the lawyers for the government and for individual detainees when the government began to violate the most fundamental norms of the rule of law? This Article discusses the proud history of several military lawyers at Guantanamo who consistently demonstrated an unwavering commitment to the Constitution and to the rule of law. They were deeply offended about the actions of the government they served as it undermined the fundamental premises upon which the country was formed. Their jobs placed them at the edge of the rule of law and caused consistent crises of conscience.2 These military lawyers typically are not * Clinical Professor of Law and Director of the Jacob Burns Ethics Center at the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law. Sophia Brill, a brilliant future law student, deserves significant credit for her invaluable work on this Article. -
Boumediene V. Bush and Extraterritorial Habeas Corpus in Wartime
Boumediene v. Bush and Extraterritorial Habeas Corpus in Wartime by RIDDHI DASGUPTA* How did the United States Supreme Court, in Boumediene v. Bush,' come to the conclusion that the detention facility in Guantdnamo Bay, Cuba, is indeed American territory for the purpose of habeas corpus? Why did the Court extend habeas to non-citizens as well? Which legal provisions and precedents guided the Supreme Court's analysis? The U.S. Constitution's Suspension Clause, precluding the suspension of habeas corpus except in well-defined and discrete national security urgencies, is the controlling trump card raised by the detainees. This Commentary sets the stage for a multivariable conversation about the interplay among separation of powers, rejection of executive supremacy, historic status of habeas corpus, and other factors that guided the Court. The federal habeas statute, 28 U.S.C. § 2241, extends to Guantdnamo because of practical considerations, not necessarily formal ones; and the consequences of excluding habeas corpus from Guantdnamo would have been devastating for judicial independence. The Commentary also references English and American legal history transcending pre- and post- 1789 to explore the competing merits on habeas's reach to Guantdnamo. Furthermore, in the end, the cause of judicial restraint would be harmed by the mechanism of governmentally approved trials (with lives and freedom at stake) that treat citizens and non-citizens differently concerning the right of habeas corpus. Finally, this Commentary also advances the overarching theme that Boumediene is essentially a civil liberties case and should be perceived as such for prudential reasons. Boumediene retains three central tenets: the * Doctoral student, University of Cambridge. -
Guantánamo and Its Aftermath
Guantánamo and Its Aftermath u.s. detention and interrogation practices and their impact on former detainees November 2008 Human Rights Center International Human Rights Law Clinic In partnership with University of California, Berkeley University of California, Berkeley Center for Constitutional Rights Guantánamo and Its Aftermath u.s. detention and interrogation practices and their impact on former detainees Laurel E. Fletcher Eric Stover with Stephen Paul Smith Alexa Koenig Zulaikha Aziz Alexis Kelly Sarah Staveteig Nobuko Mizoguchi November 2008 Human Rights Center University of California, Berkeley International Human Rights Law Clinic University of California, Berkeley, School of Law In partnership with Center for Constitutional Rights ISBN# 978-0-9760677-3-3 Human Rights Center and International Human Rights Law Clinic, University of California, Berkeley Cover photos: Louie Palu/ZUMA Design: Melanie Doherty Design, San Francisco Human Rights Center, University of California, Berkeley The Human Rights Center promotes human rights and international justice worldwide and trains the next generation of human rights researchers and advocates. We believe that sustainable peace and devel- opment can be achieved only through efforts to prevent human rights abuses and hold those responsible for such crimes accountable. We use empirical research methods to investigate and expose serious viola- tions of human rights and international humanitarian law. In our studies and reports, we recommend specific policy measures that should be taken by governments and international organizations to protect vulnerable populations in times of war and political and social upheaval. For more information, please visit hrc.berkeley.edu. International Human Rights Law Clinic, University of California, Berkeley, School of Law The International Human Rights Law Clinic (IHRLC) designs and implements innovative human rights projects to advance the struggle for justice on behalf of individuals and marginalized communities through advocacy, research, and policy development. -
Mccain and Obama Could Both Help Alabama Congressional Candidates
al.com's Printer-Friendly Page Page 1 of 2 McCain and Obama could both help Alabama congressional candidates Sunday, November 02, 2008 By BRIAN LYMAN Capital Bureau MONTGOMERY - Alabama will probably go for John McCain in Tuesday's presidential election, observers say, but Barack Obama's presence on the ballot might help Democrats in three competitive congressional races. Reflecting the unusual dynamics of the national race this year, experts say both candidates could have coattails for down-ballot nominees. Observers say McCain's likely landslide in Alabama will help Republicans, but that increased registration among Democratic-leaning black voters should aid Democrats on the ticket. A SurveyUSA poll published Oct. 29 showed McCain leading in Alabama 61 percent to 39 percent. "In a presidential election, Republican voters are going to come out and vote anyway," said Bruce Oppenheimer, a political science professor at Vanderbilt University. "Even if not enthused, they're going to come out and vote. "(But) there's a clear feeling nationally that ironically, Obama may be helping (Democratic) candidates," even if Obama loses the state to McCain, Oppenheimer said. In north Alabama's 5th Congressional District, Democrat Bud Cramer is retiring. State Sen. Parker Griffith, D-Huntsville, is squaring off against Republican Wayne Parker. Meanwhile, Democrat Bobby Bright, the mayor of Montgomery, is running neck-and-neck with Republican state Rep. Jay Love of Montgomery to replace retiring U.S. Rep. Terry Everett, a Republican, in the 2nd Congressional District, a GOP stronghold since 1964. Montgomery attorney Joshua Segall, a Democrat, is also mounting a campaign against U.S. -
Democratic and Despotic Detention Abstract
2504.METCALFRESNIK.2549_UPDATED.DOCX 7/1/2013 12:49:51 PM Hope Metcalf & Judith Resnik Gideon at Guantánamo: Democratic and Despotic Detention abstract. One measure of Gideon v. Wainwright is that it made the U.S. government’s efforts to isolate 9/11 detainees from all outsiders at Guantánamo Bay conceptually and legally unsustainable. Gideon, along with Miranda v. Arizona, is part of a democratic narrative shaped over decades to insist that, unlike totalitarian regimes, the United States has constitutional obligations to equip individuals with third parties—lawyers—to inhibit (if not to prevent) coercion. Both Gideon and Miranda recognize the relationship between the dignity of individuals in their encounter with the state and the legitimacy of state processes. Both decisions locate enforcement authority in courts. Both rely on lawyers, deployed as witnesses to interrogation and as advocates, and both impose obligations that, when necessary, governments subsidize lawyers. Conflicts in the post-9/11 era over the boundaries of Gideon and Miranda illuminate what is at stake: whether aspirations remain that detention and interrogation of individuals—even the reviled—could possibly merit the adjective “democratic” to reflect constitutional commitments that all persons are rights-bearers who cannot be left alone and subject to state power closed off from public oversight. authors. Hope Metcalf is the Director of the Arthur Liman Public Interest Program at Yale Law School; Judith Resnik is the Arthur Liman Professor of Law at Yale Law School. Both have been participants in some of the litigation discussed. Metcalf filed civil actions on behalf of detainees including José Padilla and serves as co-counsel in a habeas action on behalf of several men held at the Bagram Prison in Afghanistan. -
James I. Wallner
JAMES I. WALLNER Home Address: Office Address: 101 W. Augusta Pl. 1212 New York Ave. NW Greenville, South Carolina 29605 Suite 900 202-536-7663 Washington, D.C. 20005 [email protected] [email protected] ACADEMIC APPOINTMENTS Professorial Lecturer, Department of Government, American University, 2018-Present. Adjunct Professor, Department of Politics, Catholic University of America, 2012-2020. Lecturer, Department of Politics, Catholic University of America, 2010-2012. PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE Governance Project Senior Fellow, R Street Institute, 2017-Present. Editor-in-Chief, Legislative Procedure, 2018-Present. Host, Politics In Question, 2019-Present. Group Vice President for Research, Heritage Foundation, 2016-2017. Executive Director, Senate Steering Committee, 2012-2016. Legislative Director, Senator Pat Toomey, 2011-2012. Legislative Director, Senator Jeff Sessions, 2008-2011. Legislative Assistant, Senator Jeff Sessions, 2007-2008. Legislative Assistant, Congressman Terry Everett, 2005-2007. FELLOWSHIPS & OTHER EXPERIENCE FELLOWSHIPS: Member, Task Force on the Judicial Nomination and Confirmation Process, The Constitution Project and the Project on Government Oversight, 2019-present. 1 Kluge Fellow, John W. Kluge Center, Library of Congress, 2019-2020 (conducted research for forthcoming manuscript, American Socrates: James Madison and the Virtue of Political Conflict). Fellow, Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies, American University, 2018-Present. Senior Visiting Fellow, Center for the Study of Statesmanship, Catholic University of America, 2019-2020. Julia Araiza and James Rosenthal Fellow, Claremont Institute, 2017. OTHER EXPERIENCE: Contributor, Law and Liberty, 2017-Present. Contributor, Washington Examiner, 2017-Present. Contributor, Daily Caller, 2020-Present. EDUCATION Ph.D. Politics, Catholic University of America, awarded with Distinction, 2012. M.A. Politics, Catholic University of America, awarded with Distinction, 2009. -
Racial Gerrymandering and Republican Gains in Southern House Elections
Journal of Political Science Volume 23 Number 1 Article 4 November 1995 Racial Gerrymandering and Republican Gains in Southern House Elections Donald Beachler Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Beachler, Donald (1995) "Racial Gerrymandering and Republican Gains in Southern House Elections," Journal of Political Science: Vol. 23 : No. 1 , Article 4. Available at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops/vol23/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Political Science by an authorized editor of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RACIAL GERRYMANDERING AND REPUBLICAN GAINS IN SOUTHERN HOUSE ELECTIONS Dona!,dBeachler, Ithaca College Introduction During the 1980s, southern House elections were characterized by two important results. 1 First , the Republican party made no net gains in southern House seats over the course of the decade. In the 1980s Democrats dominated congressional and state politics in the South by constructing bi-racial coalitions. Southern Democratic nominees were moderate enough to win white votes which, when combined with overwhelming African-American majorities , produced electoral success in many cases. 2 The failure to gain seats in the South, a region where the GOP had dominated presidential politics in most elections since 1972, 3 was a major reason Republicans failed in their drive to gain a majority in the House of Representatives during the Reagan-Bush years. However, the House elections of 1992 and 1994 proved a boon to southern Republicans as they gained nine southern House seats in the election of 1992 and an additional 16 seats in 1994. -
Edwina S. Campbell
Strategic Studies Quarterly An Air Force–Sponsored Strategic Forum for Military, Government, and Academic Professionals VOLUME I FALL 2007 NUMBER 1 Editorials Ideas––The Essential Elements for Strategic Security in an Uncertain Future . 3 Lt Gen Stephen R. Lorenz, USAF Welcome to the First Issue of Strategic Studies Quarterly! . 5 Anthony C. Cain Feature Articles Airmen and the Art of Strategy . 7 Gen T. Michael Moseley, USAF Arguing for a Comprehensive Space Protection Strategy . 20 Terry Everett From Kosovo to the War on Terror: The Collapsing Transatlantic Consensus, 1999–2002 . 36 Edwina S. Campbell Back to the Weinberger-Powell Doctrine? . 79 Jeffrey Record Through the Glass Darkly: The Unlikely Demise of Great-Power War . 96 James Wood Forsyth Jr. Col Thomas E. Griffith Jr., USAF Busting the Icon: Restoring Balance to the Influence of Clausewitz . 116 Phillip S. Meilinger Book Reviews Beyond al-Qaeda: Part 1, The Global Jihadist Movement; Part 2, The Outer Rings of the Terrorist Universe . 146 Angel Rabasa, Peter Chalk, Kim Cragin, Sara A. Daly, Heather S. Gregg, Theodore W. Karasik, Kevin A. O’Brien, and William Rosenau Reviewed by: Lewis Griffith The Future of Europe: Reform or Decline . 147 Alberto Alesina and Francesco Giavazzi Reviewed by: Douglas Peifer America’s Environmental Report Card: Are We Making the Grade? . 149 Harvey Blatt Reviewed by: Lt Col Thomas N. Williams, USAF Postwar: A History of Europe since 1945 . 151 Tony Judt Reviewed by: Capt Gilles Van Nederveen, USAF, Retired Ideas—The Essential Elements for Strategic Security in an Uncertain Future Welcome to the first issue of Strategic Studies Quarterly (SSQ)—the US Air Force’s forum for exchanging ideas that matter for our nation’s security.