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The Respectable Revolutionaries: Leamington Anti-Racist Anti-Fascist

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The Respectable Revolutionaries: Leamington Anti-Racist Anti-Fascist The Respectable Revolutionaries: Leamington Anti-Racist Anti- Fascist Committee 1977-1981 Doug Lowe LTHOUGH for many people who don’t know core anti-Nazi initiatives undertaken by the ex- A the area, Leamington may still have an image tensive network of ANL branches and activity. A of a genteel spa town full of elderly rich people in handful of local groups developed their own bath chairs, this is far from the truth. It’s a place approaches, putting much more emphasis on ex- very much divided socially and economically – a plicitly socialist anti-racist work. LARAFC was one division broadly represented by the river running such organisation. through it. South of the river there are mainly Although concerned to oppose local fascist working class areas, a cosmopolitan mix of people activity, it considered the most effective way to who moved to the town after the War to work in accomplish this was by addressing the wider issues the medium-sized and large factories in the area – around racism. including Lockheed, Ford, and Flavels. This Underpinning this approach were the broadly mixture contained Indians (mainly Sikhs), Irish, socialist beliefs held by all the activists on the Scottish, Welsh and West Indian. Even in the 1970s Committee, which consisted of members of the Ind- the towns of Leamington and nearby Warwick ian Workers Associations, Labour Party, Socialist were mainly Labour/Liberal voting – it was a Challenge, Socialist Workers Party (of which I was commonly held belief that the Tory MP only got a member), supporters of Big Flame and non- in because of the votes from surrounding villages. aligned anarchists and socialists. In Leamington an anti-racist organisation had Whilst most members of LARAFC were rev- existed in the mid-1970s. This had largely been as olutionaries, the general principles of “united a response to the activities of a high-profile local front” work were upheld. This, though, didn’t lead fascist, Robert Relf. His well publicised campaign to a “watering down” of its core beliefs. It’s often (locally and nationally) to have the right to sell tempting for revolutionaries to believe that this is his house to a white family had caused bitter always necessary because people will be largely divisions in the town. It had also given the green impervious to explicitly socialist ideas. The work light for every tinpot racist to spout their nonsense of LARAFC proves this is not always the case. in the pubs, clubs, workplaces and local press, Individuals from various local political org- hiding behind free speech and individual liberty. anisations (including both Indian Workers Asso- It also tragically contributed to a climate in which ciations) were involved in LARAFC. They were racist attacks (and, in one case, murder) occurred. instrumental in ensuring their own organisations LARAFC itself began in November 1977 as an formally and publically supported LARAFC and immediate response to the shock number of votes its activities. The clear translation of LARAFC’s for a British Movement candidate in a district socialist anti-racism into militant activism never council by-election in Aylesford Ward, Leaming- alienated that support from non-revolutionary ton, earlier that month. I joined it when I moved institutions. Whilst its approach was questioned to Leamington in April 1978. I was an active mem- and challenged from various quarters from time ber of the group until it was disbanded in 1981. to time, its key role in the struggle against racism For socialists in Britain the period in question was ultimately acknowledged and approved of – is often associated with the rise of a mass anti-fascist to the extent that it was perceived as the anti-racist movement based around the Anti-Nazi League body in the Leamington area by all relevant local (ANL). organisations from the Indian and West Indian Throughout the country, though, not all soc- communities and political organisations. The Com- ialists/anti-fascists based their work around the munity Relations Council became a discredited and 23 irrelevant Indian Congress and Tory Party rump. elsewhere, the sitting MP in Leamington and The Newsletter was central to LARAFC’s work Warwick was a right-wing racist. But such a scen- and was used as a key element in raising anti-racist ario didn’t prevent the National Front from putting issues locally. Its circulation was roughly 500-1000 up candidates in other constituencies harbouring for each issue – all sold in the Leamington and Tories with similar credentials. The National Front Warwick area. There were the usual outlets for and British Movement Regional Organisers lived anti-racist activity – the Indian Workers Associa- in Leamington and Warwick, respectively. Yet they tions, Labour Party branches, revolutionary soc- were so demoralised by the activities of LARAFC ialist groups, trade union branches and the West that they couldn’t even summon up the effort to Indian Association. What gave the Newsletter its make a token gesture of standing a candidate. In relatively large circulation was sales around the fact, the local Indian Workers Associations even working class areas. Combatting racist ideas tried to persuade the Committee to stand a cand- amongst the white working classes was key to our idate of its own. Potentially the first possible “soc- work and reaching them in every way possible ialist unity” candidate in Britain. with sound socialist anti-racist ideas was central Despite the post-election disintegration of fasc- to LARAFC’s approach. ist activity locally (and, to a large extent, nation- The Newsletter also reflected another vital ally), anti-racist work continued unabated – it had concern – not to be (and be seen to be) merely been the core of LARAFC’s work anyway. The reacting to fascist initiatives. Challenging racist prevalence of organised racist activity and overt ideas of all kinds by explaining their roots and expressions of racist views e.g. graffiti, letters to implications for the working classes would provide local papers, declined substantially during the ammunition for readers to use in their everyday period of LARAFC’s existence. Before then, local lives, with their families, friends, workmates etc. sympathy and support for Robert Relf had been Another aspect of LARAFC which, again, the quite widespread (aided and abetted by the Tory Newsletter reflected, was the “professionalism” of MP speaking out in his support when he went on its approach to anything it produced. Sufficient hunger strike etc.). By 1980, the key fascists were resources were always found to ensure that the so marginalised they withdrew from any activity. Group were not forced to produce material that Relf left the area, two died in the early 1980s and was on poor quality paper or not very "easy on one rejoined the Labour Party in Warwick – whe- the eye". Not only was it seen as insulting to the ther this reflected a change of heart/views is another readers, it was felt that sub-standard literature matter. Their attempts to build a fascist core around didn’t reflect well on the organisation – building them had failed dismally. I think LARAFC can up credibility in every way possible was vital. rightly claim much of the credit for this. Also, rather than keep the local media at arm’s The revolutionary groups represented on the length (a perhaps natural knee-jerk instinct for Committee attracted only small numbers of new many activists) LARAFC actively “courted” them. members directly as a result of LARAFC’s anti- This paid dividends. The Committee frequently racist activity. Remember, though, the wider poli- reached a large local audience through quotes tical context – mass unemployment and a trade given to (but rarely altered by) local newspapers union movement in retreat and disarray under and by publicity for various events and activities Thatcher’s onslaught. (which complemented the highly visible advertising The organisation was successful in a key used by LARAFC). Press releases were regular and objective, though – to isolate the fascists from the on certain occasions (appearances by local fascists widespread “soft” racism in the area. LARAFC also in court, for example) press/information packs were succeeded in mobilising all anti-racist sentiment provided for any journalists present. and activity around it, establishing credibility even I have to emphasise – despite these approaches amongst clearly non-revolutionary (and even non- (which provided ample opportunities to “com- socialist) organisations in the Leamington area, promise”) – LARAFC’s socialist principles and mil- despite the overt socialism of its campaigning. The itant anti-racism were never undermined. I believe Community Relations Council was a discredited that the main reasons for this were (1) the support irrelevance. There was no room for softer anti- and encouragement its work received from the local racist versions that sprang up elsewhere i.e. black and Asian communities (which saw LARAFC Liberal/Church/CP-based groups, splitting the as a genuinely effective anti-racist force) and (2) anti-racist movement. Potential supporters and the forging of increasingly strong links with white participants in such groups had little choice but working class people who we reached mainly thro- to back LARAFC (formally and publicly). It became ugh selling the Newsletter in work-places/at home. the only show in town. Despite the reservations At the General Election of 1979, a right-wing they almost certainly had about LARAFC’s overtly Tory Party under Thatcher undermined the Nat- militant socialist anti-racism, to not support it ional Front, stealing much of its racist appeal. The would have utterly marginalised them in the area, success or failure of LARAFC can only really be particularly as far as the Indian and West Indian judged at local level. Like most of his counterparts communities were concerned.
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