Cultural History of the People in Rayya Qobbo Wäräda (1550S-1943)

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2019-09-03 Cultural History of the People in Rayya Qobbo Wäräda (1550s-1943)

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BAHIR DAR UNIVERSITY

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE PROGRAM

CULTURAL HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE IN RAYYA QOBBO WÄRÄDA (1550s-1943)

BY: MAHDER TADESSE

Bahir Dar,

June 2019

Bahir Dar University

School of Graduate Studies Cultural History of the People in Rayya Qobbo Wäräda (1550s-1943)

By: Mahder Tadesse

Faculty of Social Sciences

A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Bahir Dar

University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Masters of Arts

(MA) Degree in History.

Approved by Board of Examiners:

Fantahun Ayele (PhD.) ______

Advisor Signature

______

Examiner Signature

______

Examiner Signature

Glossary of Terms

Abba- Title particularly to a priest or a monk.

Abe gaz- Father of Gaz or leader of raiding campaign in Rayya

Ato- Civil title given to ordinary people.

Awrajja - Administrative sub-province.

Balabat -Individual with the hereditary owner of rest land.

Däga -Zone with cold climatic condition

Däjazmać -A military title of step below Ras.

Dingay tay- Local sorcerer in Rayya.

Fitawrari - a military title below Däjazmać.

Gazaitè - Raider who participate in Gaz campaign.

Grazmać – Commander of the left, military title

Qeñazmać- Commander of the right, a politico-military title above Grazmać

Qolla - Hot climatic zone

Ras -The highest traditional title

Rest-Usufruct rights owner land

Wäräda - Administrative unit below Awrajja.

Wäynadäga - Moderate climate zone.

Zämäća - Campaign.

Zar- spirit possession cult

Zäwold - Traditional conflict resolution institution.

Was täri- Guarantor

Keys for Transliteration

 Consonants

ሸ sh ሸነቻ Shänäča

ቀ q ቃልቻ Qaleča

ቸ č ጉልቻ Guleča

ኘ ñ ግራኝ Grañ

ጀ j ጃን አሞራ Jane amora

ጠ t ም ጥቻ Meteča

ጨ Ƈ ጨ ንገር Ƈängre

ጸ ts ፀበል Tsäbäl

 Vowels

ኧ ä ወረዳ Wäräda

ኡ u ንጉስ Nguse

ኢ i ዱበርቲ Dubäreti

ኣ a ጋዝ Gaz

ኤ è ቆሌ Qolè

እ e ግርጃ Gereja

ኦ o ቦሇቅያ Boläqeya

Acknowledgements

The completion of this study has been made possible by the direct and indirect contributions of many individuals that need to be acknowledged. First of all, I would like to thanks to almighty

God for his in expressible gifts. Then, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor

Dr. Fantahun Ayälä for his unreserved guidance, supervision and constructive criticism. Without his unbounded insight, genuine guidance, and professional comments, the completion of this research work would have not been possible.

My heartfelt thank also go to my family, for their unreserved financial and moral support towards my academic study. My deepest thanks go to the Rayya Qobbo Wäräda Tourism and

Culture Office staff members, for providing me the relevant information in the course of my undertakings.

I would like to tanks to all my informants for their unreserved source and information, which tell about the history and cultural practices of the study area. Finally, I would like to thank my best friends Ayänä Mäkonän and Muläta Ashagrè for their precious encouragement and support in my overall data collection process.

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Table of Content

Contents Page

Glossary of Terms ...... i Keys for Transliteration ...... ii Acknowledgements ...... iii Table of Content ...... iv List of figure ...... vi Abstract ...... vii Preface ...... viii CHAPTER ONE ...... 1 PHYSICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ...... 1 1.1 Physical and Topographic Features ...... 1 1.2 Socio- Economic Aspect ...... 3 1.3 Settlement Pattern of the Early People in Rayya ...... 5 1.3.1 People and State Before 16th Century ...... 5 1.3.1.1 Doba or Doba‟a ...... 6 1.3.1.2 The Territory of Angot ...... 10 1.3.2 Rayyans ...... 12 1.3.4 The Oromo Expansion Movement and Rayya in the 16th Century ...... 13 1.4 Relation with Central Government ...... 16 CHAPTER TWO ...... 19 HISTORICAL NARRATIVES OF CULTURAL PRACTICES AND VENERATIONS ...... 19 2.1 Marriage Culture and wedding customs in Rayya Qobbo ...... 19 2.1.1 Marriage Culture ...... 19 2.1.2 Mate selection and Betrothal ...... 22 2.1.3 Eji Mäbayya ( Qän Qoräta/Ftetem) ...... 25 2.1.4 Wedding Custom...... 25 2.1.5 Types of Marriage in Rayya Qobbo ...... 29 2.2 Funeral, Burial and Mourning Culture ...... 32 2.3 Customary Dispute Resolution Methods ...... 38 2.4 Heroic Customs ...... 44 2.4.1 Gaz/ Adal Zämäča or Campaign ...... 44

2.4.1 Wäyyanè cultural feud ...... 49 2.5 Traditional Medical Practice and Beliefs ...... 51 CHAPTER THREE ...... 56 SOCIAL PRACTICES, RITUAL AND FESTIVE EVENTS ...... 56 3.1 Religion in Rayya Qobbo ...... 56 3.2 Ritual practices and Traditional beliefs ...... 59 3.2.1 Tufita Ceremony ...... 59 3.2.2 Wädajja ...... 62 3.2.4 Erefo Märäba ...... 71 3.2.5 Dingay Tay ...... 74 3.3 Soläl, Female‟s Festival ...... 75 CHAPTER FOUR ...... 81 THE DEVELOPMENT OF RAYYA QOBBO CULTURE AND CROSS-CULTURAL INTERACTION ...... 81 4.1. The Development of Rayya Qobbo Culture...... 81 4.2. Cross-Cultural Interaction in Rayya Qobbo ...... 83 Conclusion ...... 92 Bibliography ...... 94 List of Informants ...... 100 Appendices ...... 103

List of figure

Fig.1 Source: Ethio-GIS / 2019 ...... 3

Fig. 2 Tefer Qoräta (Cutting of fingernail) ceremony at wedding...... 27

Fig. 3 Golina Hot spring found in Rayya Qobbo wäräda ...... 54

Fig. 4 A Tufta ceremony held in Täkuläsh village, Rayya Qobbo...... 60

Fig. 5 Dubärtis with Qoti, who show stage performance in Mulualäm Cultural center...... 73

Fig. 6 Girls preparation for Soläl festival...... 78

Fig. 7 The church supplies found in Adäbabay Eyäsus church of Zobel, gifed by Yohannis IV. 89

Abstract

Historical enquiry and research in Ethiopia has been for long centered on general themes and historical developments that revolve around the political issues. However, in the present time some attempts have been made to reconstruct the environmental, religious and socio-cultural history of many localities. To this end, apart from some references made in relation to the general historical developments of Rayya, it is difficult to find the history of cultural aspects explained in a relatively detailed way. It is towards filling the gap that the study has been conducted. The study concentrated on reconstructing the cultural history of Rayya Qobbo wäräda from 1550s to 1943. The cultural practices and venerations performed by the people and ritual practice and belief systems are the main themes of analysis for the period between the first half 16th century and the first half of 20th century. Through the interaction of various ethnic and social groups culture overshadowed by the new and the new comers also adopted the existing culture. The population movement and politically motivated settlement influenced on the culture of indigenous and the newly arrived settlers. Accordingly, the study is conducted based on data collected from different sources found in different areas. Archival materials, manscripts, governmental reports, books, theses and dissertation, published primary sources like travelers account are used. Oral tradition and information with interview is also utilized as the main source. Primary data together with oral information are carefully arranged and cross-checked with the already produced materials. Then the data are analyzed, interpreted and narrated thematically and chronologically.

vii

Preface

This study focuses on “A Cultural history of the People in Rayya Qobbo wäräda from 1550s to

1943.” The research area Rayya Qobbo wäräda situated, in the present day Amara Regional

State. As elsewhere in Ethiopia the cultural history of Raya Qobbo wäräda has not been well studied. The researcher ensured that there is the absence of documents related with the history of culture on the case of Raya Qobbo. The study area was identified by its cultural diversity based on proximity with different ethnic groups and hosted important historical events since 15th century onwards.

Therefore the objective of this study is discussed in four main chapters. The first chapter deals with the general background of the study area mainly the physical and historical background, peopling and relation with central government. It starts its historical analysis by exposing the different developments that wäräda had experienced before the advent of Oromo in the area. The second chapter also tries to discuss major cultural practices of the wäräda since the mid of 16th century. Under this chapter the researcher tried to describe the origin and practices of the culture including marriage custom, funereal, burial and mourning ceremony, and conflict resolution mechanism, heroic custom and traditional medicinal practices. The third chapter focuses on major ritual practices and belief system of Rayya Qobbo people. The last chapter deals on the formation of Rayya Qobbo culture and cross cultural interaction.

In conducting this thesis, oral sources from acknowledgeable elders and other available written literatures are utilized. There is the absence of archival sources in the study area that could have support this historical study because the area was remained as peripheral province for Christian highland kingdom until the first half of 20th century. Some few archives are also already destroyed because of the political instability during the period of Därg and before. The study

viii therefore is mainly based on oral sources collected from key informants and to some extent from travelers account. Aiming at overcoming the weakness entailed in using oral sources, necessary efforts have been made in selecting appropriate informants, evaluating information cautiously and in cross checking the collected data efforts have been made to supplement oral information and some few archival materials with available literatures.

Despite this fact, the work is far from being complete but, this is the only a preliminary attempt. I hope that it can motivate and provide hints for other historians who may be interested to conduct further research on Rayya Qobbo wäräda.

CHAPTER ONE

PHYSICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Discussions about the people of Rayya Qobbo on their location, socio-economic activities, political and linguistic background would be beyond the scope of this study. Yet, the researcher would like to suggest that they are readily available in senior essays, some of which can be found in the reference list at the end of this study.

1.1 Physical and Topographic Features

Raya Qobbo wäräda is located roughly between 12° 18' to 11° 56' N latitude and 39° 23' to 39°

47' E longitudes. Administratively, it is located in the northern Wällo Zone of Amara National

Regional State. It is found at a distance of 50 km from the Zonal town Wäldia, 410 km from the regional town, Bahir Dar and 570 km from the capital, Addis Abäba. The total area of the wäräda is estimated to be 1439 km2 of which 29 % is flat plain and the remaining is either mountainous or hilly such as Zobel, Bälago, JanAmora/Jämädo, and Arbät being some of the main uplands of Rayya Qobbo.1 Through different systems of government, the people in this area have experienced a shifting and re-shifting of localities to neighboring administrational states.

During the Därg regime it was named as Rayyana Qobbo Awrajja and incorporates some parts of

Western Afar and some areas which are currently situated in South Tgray. 2Then after, it was named as Qobbo wäräda and currently partitioned in to two separate wärädas namely Rayya

Qobbo wäräda and Qobbo Town. This area is bordered on the East by Afar region, on the West

1 Natan Tadesse et al, “Ground water Management for Irrigation in the Raya and Qobbo Valleys, Northern Ethiopia,” International Journal of Earth Sciences and Engineering, 8, no.3 (2015), p.37. 2 Agäzäw Hidaru, “The Political History of Rayya Qobbo ,1872-1943,” (BA Thesis: , Addis Ababa University, 2000) ,25.

1 by Gedan wäräda, on the North by Tgray region and on the South by Gubalafto and Habru wärädas.3

Rayya Qobbo elevation ranges from 1260 to 3000 meters above sea level. The annual average rainfall is about 750 mm. Rayya Qobbo is part of a mid-altitude area which lies between the

Ethiopian Highlands to the west and the Afar Depression to the east. The northern portion of this area is known as Rayya Azäbo. Rayya is a flat plain which extends north from Rayya Qobbo wäräda into the Rayya Azäbo wäräda in Tgray. Due to its proximity to the Rift Valley the temperature is high with approximate annual average temperature of 22.3 C. Vertisoil (black clay soil) and Fluvisol are the two dominant soil types, characterized by heavy to medium texture, good effective soil depth and high to medium level of chemical fertility.4

Except the above mentioned plateau and mountains most of the Rayya Qobbo is lowland which experienced two type of climate with averagely high rainfall during the rainy season (June, July, and August) and dry season. Four types of agro- ecological zones are moist däga (1.3%), dry däga (9.5 %), dry qolla (27.5 %) and dry wäynadäga (61.8 %). 5

3 Natan, Ground water Management for Irrigation ..., p.37. 4 Ibid., 39. 5 Raya Qobbo wäräda Rural Land Administration office, " Yäqobbo Märètoch bä aynätachäw" local office document , ( 2000), 3.

Fig.1 Source: Ethio-GIS / 2019 1.2 Socio- Economic Aspect

Based on Central Statistic Office (CSO) information, Aynaläm Aduña reported that the total number of population of Rayyana Qobbo Awrajja in 1974 was not more than 80,000.6 According to the 2007 Population and Housing Census of the Central Statistics Agency report, Rayya

Qobbo has a total population of 276,721 of whom 139,577 are males and 147,141 are females.

Among the total population 238,077 and 38648 live in rural and urban areas respectively. The composition of the people in this area is of different ethnic and religious groups and

6 Aynalem Adugna, “ The Spatial Pattern of the Ethiopian Population,” (MA. Thesis, University of Durham, 1984), 202.

3 backgrounds. The largest ethnic group in Rayya Qobbo wäräda is the Amara (93%). All the other ethnic groups make up 7% of the total population.7

It is obvious that language is one of the means of social interaction in different social gatherings: at home, at work, or at weddings, and other different traditional and religious festivals. Amharic is one of the languages dominantly used as a native tongue in Rayya Qobbo wäräda. It is spoken by 93% of the population and the remaining 6.03%, 0.9%, 0.05%, and 0.013% speak Tgreña,

Afarña, Oromiffa and Agäwña/ Himtña languages respectively. Raya Qobbo wäräda Finance office reports shows that currently 83% of the people practices Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity,

16.03% Muslims, 0.03% Catholic and 0.125% Protestants.8

Farming and cattle rearing are the occupation of the majority of the people in the area and infrastructures are still at low levels. The majority of the population lives in rural areas, practicing a mix of livestock and crop farming for subsistence. Besides, cultivating and harvesting so many crops and having lots of cattle are considered as a remark of status and prestige. In dry wäynadäga agro-ecology zone population density is very high and shortage of land is critical. The area is fertile which is suitable to grow different type of crops for the livelihood of the people. The dominant crops grow in the area include sorghum, tèffe, millet, maize, chickpea, chat, barley, wheat, coffee, tomato, onion, pepper, sesame etc., and to breed a variety of livestock including cattle, equines, sheep, goat, camel etc. Thus, the inhabitants are engaged in both animal husbandry and crop farming.9

7 Budget and plan team, Rayya Qobbo wäräda Finance and economic assistance office, “Yäwärädaw hezeb Yäbehèr twatse’o,” local office document,(2009), 8. 8 Budget and plan team, Rayya Qobbo wäräda Finance and economic assistance office, " Yäwärädaw hezeb Atäqalay Märäja,” Local office document, (2009) , 3. 9 Raya Qobbo, “Yäqobbo Märètoch bä aynätachäw,” 5.

1.3 Settlement Pattern of the Early People in Rayya

As far as the history of the beginning of settlement in Rayya, has a not adequate research finding.

Although, historical materials about Rayya Qobbo are also limited and controversial; looking in to some materials about this issue of settlement will hopefully give insight to readers.

1.3.1 People and State Before 16th Century

Two great historical events of the 16th century in Ethiopia were known as the war between

Christian highland kingdom and the Muslim sultanate of Adal and great Oromo population movement. These events had affected peoples, places and ethno-linguistic as well as socio- cultural landscape of the country.10 In this case northeastern Ethiopian people were one of those who were directly or indirectly affected by these events.

The first record of the places Zobel and Azäbo were found in the tradition of Lasta. Based on the tradition Beke asserts that the places such as Zobel and Azäbo (found in Rayya Qobbo wäräda still today named by these names), existed in Rayya since the period of Menilik the First.

According to this tradition, Menilik the son of Solomon, king of Israel, accompanied by his sister

Sälome and her son Sirak, entered Abyssinia from the East, beyond the country of the Rayya or

„Azäbo (i. e. from Azab or Saba),‟ and that his original settlement was in Zobel, before „Ambasäl

(Amba Israel)‟ was made the seat of government.11 Prior to 16th century in the area there were places or people existed in the region.

10 Bahru Zewde, A History of Modern Ethiopia: 1855-1991, 2rd ed., (Addis Ababa, AAU Press, 2002), 8-10. 11 Charles T. Beke, “Abyssinia: Being a Continuation of Routes in that Country,” Journal of the royal Geographical society of London 14, (1844), 55.

1.3.1.1 Doba or Doba‟a

We couldn‟t find any literary works which describe about the exact location of Doba and its people. However, based on the information extracted from traditions, chronicles and travelers account different scholars forwarded their assumption about the location and people of Doba. In this case Doba was the name of a territory on the south-eastern borders of Tgray and northeastern part of Amara which stretched as far as the Afar-inhabited lowlands.12 The first detailed and trustworthy account of the area by Europeans was found on the work of Portuguese Priest

Francisco Alvarez. The place was visited by him in the early 1520s, who reports that the size of the country of Doba was five days journey in length and he did not know what its width, because it enters far into the country of the Moors. He also added Doba was possessed “very fine cows, which cannot be numbered …, and the largest that can be found in the world,” and administratively, it was not a kingdom as other medieval provinces, however, it has divided into twenty four districts, at that time twelve of them were in peace and the others were always notorious. He also described the place as the frontier of the kingdom of Tigrämehon

(Tigrèmäkonen) and as far as the Moor.13 In addition to this Bruce in his description about the kingdom of Abyssinia mentioned Doba one among small provinces which occasionally were annexed and sometimes separated such as, Waldeba, Wälqayit, Tsägädè, Abäregälè, Tämebèn,

Jan Amora and Bur.14

12 Uhilg, Siegbert and Alessandro Bausi. Encyclopedia Aethiopica, Vol.1-5, (2003), p.268, 13 Lord Stanley, Narratives of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia, trans. Father Francisco Alvarez,( London: Hakluyt Society, 1881) , 104-108. 14 James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, Print., J. Ruthven, (Edinburg: London, M.DCC.XC) vol. 5, 261.

According to the gädlä Märqorewos Doba and Wäfla were two lowland peoples who headed by a certain local rulers, fought against the local Christian chiefs in the days of Lalibäla (1186-25).

The name Doba is also used for the non-Semitic group described by Henry Salt as “Negroes.” 15

Gädl of Abunä Bäretälomiwos (founder of Dabrä Zämäda Mareyam monastery) believed to be written around 12th century reveled monastery of Dabrä Zämäda Mareyam and its surrounding areas have a long history. As far as the sources are concerned, the present day Dabrä Zämäda was formerly known by the name Jan Amora and it described the relationship between the people of Jan Amora and the Doba neighbor. Gädel Bäretälomiwos stated as:

…ወእምኣሜሃ፡ተሰምየት፡ደብረ፡ዘመዳ፡ወቀዳሚኒ፡ስማ፡ጃን፡አሞራ፡በእንተ፡ሰምየት፡ሰሜን፡ ዘስሙ፡ሐፀይ፡ረዳኢ።ወአመ፡ዏርገ፡ሇአጥፍኦ፡አረማውያን፡ሶበ፡ቀርበ፡ሇተቃትሎ፡ይቤሎሙ፡ ሇሠራዊቱ፡ስሇ፡አሐዱ፡ሇባህቲቱ፡እንዘ፡ይሚጡ፡ላህመ፡ዘንተ፡ሥጋ፡ንስኡ፡ውስተ፡ሐቊክሙ ።ወእንዘ፡ትኅጽህዎ፡ሇአረሚ፡ንበሩ፡ዲቤሁ፡ወብልኡ፡ሥጋ፡ዘነሳእክሙ፡በሐቊክሙ።ወእም ዝ፡ገብሩ፡ሠራዊተ፡ንጉስ፡በከመ፡ተአዘዙ፡ወፈርሁ፡ኩለ፡አረሚ፡ወጎዩ፡መቅድመ፡እንዘ፡ይብለ፡ መጽአ፡ብነ፡ዘጃን፡አሞራ፡ወበእንተዝ፡ተሰምየ፡ጃን፡አሞራ…16

At that time the place named Däbrä Zämäda and formerly its name was Jan Amora (Eagle of the Majesty) that named after the noble of the north, his name Haṣäy Rada‟e companied to attack the heathens and when he marched to fight with them and ordered his troops as “ you should hold the beef in your waist and while you cleared the heathens ,you should take a rest there and should eat the beef that you hold in your waist‟‟ After that his troops did what their masters‟ ordered and all the heathens shocked and retreat by saying who from Jan Amora came against as and due to this reason the place was named Jan Amora.

Similarly, Alvarez also noted about the existence of a place named by Jan Amora. The conquest of these Moors of Doba was of a great captain named Shum Jan Amora that was captain of that country. The captaincy was named Jan Amora which is a large district with many people subject

15 Encyclopedia Aethiopica, V.2, 185. 16 Gädlä Bärtälomewos: Found at Ethiopian Manuscripts and Microfilm Library (EMML 6843, EMML 79), Manuscripts microfilmed from Dabrä Zämäda Mareyam monastery. The researcher found three copies of gädel of Abunä Bäretälomiwos; the two‟s from EMML and one copy from the monastery of Dabrä Zämäda Mareyam monastery. But, where the original Gädl is found, it needs further investigation.

7 to it and all of it mountainous and good warriors.17 Still, there is a small village of community called Jan Amora in western Qobbo town near Dabrä Zämäda Mareyam Monastery.

In many literary works and narrations the Doba‟s always mentioned as ferocious and barbarians.

They lived in enmity with both the monarchy and their neighbors. In the chronicle of Zära

Ya‟eqob, Doba‟s rebelled against the government. To suppress their contest he sent his famous military regiment known as Ƈewa.18 During the reign of King Zära Ya‟eqob, Jan Amora was in

Doba and it was from there that the king sent them against the insurgency of the Fälashas in the district of Ṣälämet. Later, they were summoned back to Doba by King Bä‟edä Maryam from the district of Ṣälämet to suppress the revolt of the Doba people.19

In the chronicle of Be‟edä Maryam (1467-1478) there were some narrations about the people of

Doba. Due to their settlement in between the long distance trade route of Shäwa and the northern country the people of Doba always hindered the passage of merchants and diplomats of the king.

In order prevent an obstacle from the route Be‟edä Maryam sent recurring campaign towards the

Dobas. In one of the campaign Doba‟s already knew the coming of the king‟s army, they reacted by runaway their families and cattle to Danakil. The news heard by the governor of Danakil,

Muhammad Ibin Badly (1445-1471) the governor of immediate eastern neighbor of Doba people.20 He feared the outcome of the campaign could affect his rule. As an appeasement he sent various gifts to the king with a massage „my sir…I heard the Dobas come into my territory

17 Stanley, Narratives of the Portuguese, 117-118. 18 Ƈewa, regiments were organized as an independent mobile military corps. This group was probably organized under King Zära Yaqob who had to confront many political conspiracies from the royal court and from regions to overthrow his throne. To counter all these political pressures, he decided to organize a mobile military regiment known by čh awa. These military groups were garrisoned close to the rebel regions. They were also free to move about easily without any explicit command from the regional chiefs. (Merid, Military Elites, 1997) 19 Alemu Haile, Ya Itiyopia Tarik :Ya Atsè Zäre’a’Yaqob ena Ya Atsè Ba’edä Maryam Zèna Mewa’el, (Addis Ababa : Sirak Printing press , n.d),114-115. Derese Aynachew, “Evolution and organization of the Ƈäwa military regiments in medieval Ethiopia,” Annales d’Éthiopie, Vol., No. 29, (2014), 60-72. 20 Mordechain Abir, Ethiopia and the Red Sea, (Abingdon: Frank Cass and Company Ltd., 1980), 34.

… I am not allowed them to live in my province … give me your permission I will punish them.‟21

The Doba people resisted frequent attack and made victory over the king‟s army. Finally, Be‟edä

Maryam decided to conduct concluding campaign towards the Doba people. Personally he led the regiments named Jan Amora and Jan Käntäfa, the famous Ƈawa military corps in the medieval military history of Ethiopia supported by the ruler of Qäda and Damot, carried humiliated campaign over the people of Doba. Finally, the king killed many people including women and children and looted their livestock.22 The serviving requested his compassion and he gave his forgiveness. They accepted Christianity, and the king set up the Ƈawa army for them known as called „Dawitamba bämangadro.‟ 23 Moreover, Märed wrote about the hostile relationship of the king and the people of Doba. As has been noted, Ba'edä Mariam ordered to return the Jan Amora regiment that already sent by his predecessor against Fälasha of Sälämet a district between the Semen mountains and Shire, and brought back soon after by him to help his force block the incursions up the by the Doba. 24 Märed identified the Doba‟s as a largest confederation of Afar tribes. However it seems fallacy assumption because the Doba‟s already has hostile relation with the Afar. 25 No one considered adversary between the people from the same tribal base.

The unsympathetic relationship of the Doba and the monarchy continued in the next decades.

When the Portuguese missionary Alvarez arrived around 1520s the people of Doba rose against

21 Spencer J. Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, (London: Frank Cass and Company Ltd., 1965), 81 and Alämu Hailè, Yä Itiyopia Tarik, 15. 22 Alemu Haile, Ya Itiyopia Tarik ....., 114-115, and Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, 81. 23 Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, 81. 24 Merid W. Aregay, “Military Elites in Medieval Ethiopia,” Journal of Ethiopian Studies, 30, No. 1, (1997), 45. 25 Stanley, Narratives of the Portuguese, 107.

King Lebnä Dengel. In order to suppress the skirmish the king sent more than 15,000 soldiers,

Alvarez saw their camps near the mountain when he arrived there.26

1.3.1.2 The Territory of Angot

Angot was one of among the states of central highland kingdom. It is mentioned in such a source on the early chronicle of Amdä Séyon as well as in many hagiographic works. Moreover, some travelers also state this place on their account including Alvarez; he stated that people of this state spoke the language that was known as called Angoteña. 27 However, there is no any anthropological records tells about the existence of the language recognized by Angoteña in

Ethiopia history. The researcher understands that Alvarez mistakenly took the dialectical variation of Amharic as a language. In contrast to Alvarez‟s suggestion the inhabitants of Angot were clearly Amharic speakers, like those of Amara to its south. 28

Geographically it was located between the two seas of Hayeq and Ashängä. In 18th century

Scottish traveler Jams Bruce located the territory of Angot between the Danakil to the highland of Amara. Additionally, Angot was the name of an area south of Tgray, east of Lasta and north of Lake Hayq, covering more or less the present districts of Qobbo, Yäjju and Weƈalè but excluding that of Ambassäl which was part of the province of Amara.29 Many literary works indicates that after the war between Christian highland kingdom and Adal followed by Oromo advancement the size of Angot territory gradually reduced in to small area and many part of the region conquered by the Oromo settlers.30

26 Stanley, Narratives of the Portuguese, 5. 27 Ibid. 28 Encyclopedia Aethiopica, 268. 29 Ibid. 30 Bruce, Travel Source of the Nile, Vol, 253.

Apparently the name has not disappeared completely as the places bearing by Angot to the north of Wäldéya and just to the east of Mäkät wäräda of North Wällo. This is probably the same as the villages Tekit Angot and Angot mädehanialäm found in Rayya Qobbo wäräda.

In 1842 Isenberg and Krapf reached in the largest district of Angot. They described about the environment as very cold as it is highland and its territorial coverage as far as Lasta and to the east stretched to the „Rayya Oromo.‟ In the meantime the district subjected by the governor of

Yäjju. Isenberg added that:

I saw a large plain, situated very low between Angot and the mountains of the Rayya Oromo. The beauty of the prospect which I had of this plain, and the high mountains of the Rayya beyond, is truly indescribable. The plain must be very considerable in breadth, and a river runs through it from what I could see and learn from the natives. If this be true, and I believe it is, it must be the river Mille.31 The above description indicates that the territory of Angot forced to shrink in to the highland part of the area by the growth of pressure from Oromo settlement.

The ruler of the country was known as called Angot Ras.32 The people mainly engaged in agricultural activity, harvest different crops and pasturing different animals. Beside agriculture people also engaged in trade, because the country situated on main trade route between the Tegrè and Shäwa.33 In Alvarez‟s narration, the merchants used piece iron and salt as a medium of exchange, one piece of iron likes a shovel equally worth as 10-12 Portuguese Drachms. Salt also used as money because it was current in all the country. The people were highly religious next to the people of Axum; he saw numerous monasteries and churches in the province. He also wrote about the unfriendly relation of Angot with their immediate neighbor, Doba people. In order to

31 Wiliam, Charles Isenberg and Rev. John Ludwig Krapf, “Journals of the Rev. Messrs. Isenberg and Krapf,” (London, Burside, 1843), 454. 32 Bruce, Travel Source of the Nile, Vol 5, 253. 33 Tadesse Tamrat, Church and State in Ethiopia between 1270-1527, (Oxford: Clare don Press, 1972), 82.

11 protect their territory from Dobas, they erected watch tower in the mountain hills. In addition to the above information he also succinctly explained about dietary habit of the people as follows;

…. they make bread of any grain, as with wheat, barley, maize, pulse, peas, lentils, small beans, beans, linseed, and tèffe; they also make wine from many of tiles seeds: and the wine of honey is much the best of all. ……. this country it is the custom to eat only once a day, and that is at night. Besides this their food is raw meat, and they make a sauce for it with cow-dung.34

In spite of the above two territories Märed revealed the existence of another placed named by

Qäda. According to him the area located immediately to the east of Lasta and south of Azäbo plain, comprising the mountain of Zobel and surrounding plains.35 It might be the place located between the Dobas and Afar pastoralists because the lowland was inhabited by the Dobas.

1.3.2 Rayyans

In this section attempts made to introduce the Rayans with regard to the name and their location which are relevant to the study. Yet, based on their cultural patterns and their psychological makeup, it is believed that Rayya covers the area extending from Alaweha (Ala River) in North

Wällo to Wajjrat in Tgray. It is surrounded by Lasta and Wag in the West, Yäjju in the south,

Endärta in the north and Afar Regional State in the East.36

Before 15th and 16th century there was not a place recognized by the name Rayya in the area. As

I already attempt to explain, prior to the advent of Oromo there were places named as Doba and

Angot as well as Qäda. The recurrent humiliated campaign over the people of Doba by the central highland kingdom banished the people in the area. Some places also utilized as battle

34 Stanley, Narratives of the Portuguese, 107-108. 35 Merid Wolde Aregay, “Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom 1508-1708: With Special Reference to the Gāllā Migration and Their Consequences.” ( PhD Diss., University of London, 1971), 32. 36 Moges Belay, “The Struggle for Ethnic Maintenance and Self Administration: Historical and Contemporary Analysis of the Rayyan Case,” (BA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 2005), 7.

12 fields and military camps in the war between central high land kingdom and the Muslim sultanate of Adal. 37 Hence, the war brought cultural interaction and amalgamation in the area.38

A document released from the Qobbo wäräda Communication Bureau on a news paper, Hdasè no. 41 on Yäkatit 30, 2002 E.C., reported that the settlement of the Oromo was an outcome of

Grañs invasion. 39 Due to these reasons when the period of Oromo expansion those people were easily open their door to the newly advanced Oromo culture and language.

The term Rayya refers both community ethnic identity and its homeland: located in the south end of Tgray and northeast of Amara regional state. The term Rayya Qobbo is derived from the two

Oromo words: Raya means vanguard army and Qobbo means agulo or Gulo (caster plant). It was a predominant herbaceous plant in the area. 40

1.3.4 The Oromo Expansion Movement and Rayya in the 16th Century

Written and oral sources indicate that the ancestors of the Oromo settled in the Rayya Qobbo region sometime between the ends of the 16th and beginning of the 17th century. Merid inserted that the first bands of Merewa reached around 1550s preceded the Kereyu in to Angot and the plain of Doba. Merid also assumed that the Merewa clans might have been satisfied to settle in these areas. 41

Different oral traditions, material cultures and legacies indicate there are two directions of expansion of the Oromo people to the Rayya. The first is said to have been through the eastern

37 Beke, “…Routes in that country,” 72. 38 Donald N Levine, Greater Ethiopia: the evolution of a Multi ethnic Society, (Chicago,: Chicago University Press,1974), 69. 39 Qobbo wäräda Communication Bureau on a news paper, Hdasè no. 41 on Yäkatit 30, 2002 E.C 40 Ibid. 41 Merid, “Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom....,.324.

Afar plain. Rayya Oromo they were possibly a fraction of Märäwa clan. It is reported that the

Yäjju Oromo moved via the River Millè, while the Rayya group followed the Alaweha and

Gollina rivers.42 On the other hand another direction also came from Awash valley via Wällo.

These Oromo name the first place they have settled as „Ƈuhän‟ near the present village of Qalim.

This assumption supported by local traditions; Long ago,

At about the time of Mohammed the Left-Handed, a Oromo woman crouched on the banks of the Awash River to drink some water. While cupping her hands for the drink, she saw a mirage of a distant land with cattle roaming wild in the open fields. She gathered her people and told them to follow her to a land far away, rich with cattle and free from any sign of humanity. The woman must have had strange and extraordinary powers because when she raised her hand the Awash River opened to leave a path wide enough for her people to cross. She led them to this strange land, and under her leadership, the Oromo tamed the cattle and lived on the land as cattle-raisers.‟‟43 In addition to the above assumptions another tradition also states the Rayya Oromo were “the offspring of a marriage between the eponyms‟ ancestor of the Tuläma and the former wife of

Muhammad Yusuf, possibly of Afar origin.” 44

There are contradicted reports regarding the genealogical line of the Rayya. According to aläqa

Tayyä Gäbrä Maryam and Bahréy cited by Alemu and Sisay the Oromo people descended primarily from two of the Oromo fathers, Boräna and Barèytuma (Barèntu).45 Of these two ancestors Barèytuma is reported to have had six children namely: Karrayyuu, Marawaa, Etu,

Akitu, Waranesh and Humbana. Humbana is said to have been the father of Rayyaa, Assäbu

42 Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, 81. 43 An interview was conducted with Ato Arbisè Räta. 44 Hussein Ahmed, Islam in the ninetieth century Wollo, Ethiopia: Revival, Reform and Reaction, (Leiden, Boston, Colin, 2001), 19. 45 Alemu Kassa Reta and Sisay Mengesete Adisu, Yäraya hezebe Yämanenät Teyakè ena yämaekälawi mänegesete melashe; katsè Yohannes aratäña esekä ehadège, ( Addis Abäba: Grafic Publisher, 2005), 45.

(Azäbo) and Ašange.46 Amid contradiction Rayya descended from two sons of Borena.Based on tradition Birhanu stated the “genealogical decent” of Rayya as follows,

Waranes

Borena(Boren) Akachu Egu

Oromo Merewa Rayya Anna Barentu ( Barentuma) Kereyu Baric

Ittu Rayya

Hambana Azebo(Assabu)

Ashenge

Oromo „Genealogical decent.‟ 47

Other sources associate the genealogical line of the Rayya people with Märäwa. According to them, Märäwa begot Rayya and Rayya begot the three brothers Egu, Annaa and Bari. (It is also suggested that Rayya fathered only two sons, Egu and Annaa.) These three brothers are reported

46 Getachew Desale, "Ethnic Description in Rayya, " (BA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 2003), 6. 47 Birhanu Tiku, “Cultural influence of Oromo on the people of Rayya,” ( BA Thesis, Mekele University, 2010),20.

15 to have had 15 descendants (Fife from each group) through whom the genealogical line of the

Rayya expanded.48

1.4 Relation with Central Government

As mentioned earlier prior to expansion of Oromo in the area the people such as Doba always had hostile relationship with monarchical government. The people in the area did not want their traditional independence and autonomous or self- rule to be defiled by others. The need of their independence and autonomy made Rayyan hostile against government as well as the neighboring provinces. As we have seen King Be‟edä Mariam and his successors led punitive campaigns against the people of Doba. In 1520s Alvarez in his journey stated that the Doba people rebelled against Libne Dingl; particularly twelve districts among fourteen always characterized as rebellious and they always preferred war.49

During the period of Zämänä mäsafenet (era of lords) Rayyans were relatively remained autonomous existence. Pearce, European traveler who arrived in the area around the early 1800s stated that the people of Rayya ruled by their own traditional rulers. In his narration he explained about the traditional administration of the people and the time given for the ruler as the same as that of Oromo Gäda system as follows:

The Rayya [Oromo] elects their king for seven years only, which office is confined to the offspring of an ancient family. Kecty was the father of Shabo, and after Kecty had been king seven years, his brother Bolento was made king, from whom the mountain of Bolento took its name, as he first fortified the place; but it was after wards take from him by the Christians. After Bolonte came Shabo; Welled Shabo Combally, brother to Shabo, was the next king,

48 Enciclopidia Aethiopican, V, 235. 49 Stanley, Narratives of the Portuguese, 170.

but, dying a short time before his time was out, his son, Welled Combally, the present king, was elected. 50 Usually the Rayyan gave constant support to rulers who faced challenges from central government. For example, Wageshum Gobäzè, the future Atsè Täkelä Gioregise (1868 -1871) took refuge among Rayyans when he was chased by Tèwodros II (1855-1868). The Rayyan also sided with Kassa Merƈa when he prepared to fight against Tewodros II. But latter they supported Täkelä Giorgis when he fought against Kassa Mirƈa.51

Due to this reason in the 1870s, Yohannes IV launched a campaign against the Rayyans with a motto ‘‘ጋላ ይጥፋ ዱር ይገፋ ’’ which means that „clear out the Oromo and forest.‟ As a result they stand against the emperor. As stated earlier, Rayyans dislike any involvement over their traditional administration. Quarrel with central government also continued during the reign of

Menilik II (1889-1913), a few Rayyans lords were victims of Italians subversive policy. 52

Meanwhile, the Rayya people might have been cognizant of such „unintended‟ outcomes of socio-political compartments, while resisting their division into two by various administrative policies of the Ethiopian state since the beginning of 19th century. To suppress the identity of the community that had continued its resistance and was uncompromised with the state hegemony almost throughout its history. In 1930 the whole part of Rayya fell under the Tgrè administrative region for the sake of security purpose. 53 However, this territorial shift created popular resentment against central government. The letters exchanged between the Emperor and the

Crown Prince Asfawosän and governor of Wällo Täqlay Gezat reveals that at this time there

50 J, J. Halls, ed., The life and adventure of Natnaeal Pearce, (London: Henry Colbourn and Richard Bentley, 1833), 94. 51 Alemu and Sisay Mengesete, Yäraya hezebe Yämanenät Teyakè,70. 52 Moges Demeke, “Italian Occupation and Collaboration in Rayya and Kobo (1935-1941) ,”( Bahir Dar: Bahir Dar university,2016), 34. 53 Alemu and Sisay Mengesete, Yäraya hezebe Yämanenät Teyakè, 76.

17 were appeals by the people and local nobles opposed against Rayya fell under Tgrè administrative rule.54

In fact, the Raya people rose against Emperor Haile Sellasie I more than once, even before he became emperor of Ethiopia. The single most crucial confrontation between the Emperor and the

Rayya people that seemed to have a far-reached consequence is said to be the 1943 Wäyyanè rebellion.55 An Archival and scholar source explains the rebellion was regarded as a concerted effort of the Rayyans against the intrusion of the state which would be explained in the coming chapter. The Rayya people led and organized this rebellion, along with northern neighbors, mainly because the centralization process treated their ideals of egalitarianism and justice.56

Rayya‟s resentment towards the central government seems to have persisted during the Därg and the current EPRDF regimes. In this regard, following the transformation of the Ethiopian State into a federal structure, for instance, the Rayya territory has been placed under the jurisdiction of two different regional national states. While the Northern segment commonly known as Rayya-

Azäbo currently forms the southernmost territory of the Tgray National Regional State the other half, also commonly known as Rayya Qobbo is today part of the Amara National Regional

State.57

54 ( NALA) file No. 2.2.86.06 and (NALA) File No. 2.2.4.10. 55 Gebru Tareke, Rural Protest in Ethiopia, 1941-1970, (PhD. Dis., University of Syracuse, 1977), 123. 56 NALA, file no.22.68.030 and Bahru, History of Modern Ethiopia, 215. 57 Alemu Asfaw and Sisay Megersa, “The Politics of Self-Representation in Ethiopia: A Case of the Raya People since the 1930s,” The Internet Journal Language, Culture and Society, LCS- Issue No.44, (2017), 26.

CHAPTER TWO

HISTORICAL NARRATIVES OF CULTURAL PRACTICES AND VENERATIONS

It is difficult to include all the cultural aspects of the people of Rayya Qobbo within this thesis for it is very broad. According to Sherman and Wood, a society is often characterized by the set of beliefs it holds, symbols, norms governing it, and values it purses. This collection of beliefs, symbols, norms and values is usually referred to as the culture of that society.58 Hence, the writer of the thesis has attempted to discuss the following cultural elements of the people understudy.

2.1 Marriage Culture and wedding customs in Rayya Qobbo

2.1.1 Marriage Culture

Traditionally the Rayya Qobbo wäräda people have been practiced marriage ceremony from early time onwards. As we have discussed in the previous chapter among early settlers in the area, the Doba‟s were adherents of either pagans or followers of Islam. Due to this reason the people practiced endogamous marriage arrangement until the last quarter of 19th century. Most compelling evidence found in the narration of Pearce, described as, „„the Rayyans have no regular wives: except such as belonging to the family of their rulers, who always took a relative to wife.‟‟ 59

Inheritance was also common marriage arrangement among the early Oromo settlers in Rayya.60

When husband dies younger brother of the dead person inherits the wives. Based on the tradition,

58 Howard J. Sherman and James L. Wood, Traditional and Radical perspectives, (New York: Harper and Row publishers, 2000), 90. 59 Halls, life and Adventure of Nathaniel Pearce, 96. 60 Kebrom Aseffa, Yäraya hezebe Bahele ena tarik, ( Addis Abäba, Far East Publisher, 2013), 85.

19 inheritance marriage is made to take care of the children of the dead within the deed‟s family.

This culture in the area was known as called Waresa weres.

Be‟edä Maryam settled Ƈäwa regiment in the land of Doba. It is undoubtedly clear that intermarriage with the local Doba must have existed for the settled soldier could not have brought their wives to the area. Predecessors of King Lebenä Denegel (1508-1541) exercised political marriage with the Doba nobles for ease political opposition against them. According to

Täklätsadiq in his book entitled as Yägrañ Ahemäd wärära stated that the rulers before Lebenä

Denegel took two or three wives from Doba noble families.61 After great population settlement in Rayya carried by Yohannis IV the Rayyans start on to married with other ethnicities come from Yäjju, Tgray, Lasta and Wag. 62

Amara in general and Rayya Qobbo wäräda too as a society are acquainted with marriage. In

Ethiopia, marriage is a norm that people should perform when they reach certain age. Similarly, add, “ Marriage is an institution that is common to all human societies. It is a legally and socially sanctioned union between a man and a woman.” 63

Prior to 1940s in Rayya Qobbo, maturity was not enough to get marriage for Rayya men, although participate in Gaz campaign and Wäyannè feud were the key criteria to get marriage alliance, this custom inherited from in the last centuries.64 In addition Alvarez stated that there was a custom amongst the people of Doba that they cannot take a wife without a man‟s being

61 Tekele tsadiq Mekuria, Yägrañ Ahemäd wärära, (Addis Abäba: berehanena sälam qädamawi Hayelä selasè Publisher, 1987), 81. 62 Alemu and Sisay Mengesete, Yäraya hezebe Yämanenät Teyakè, 56. 63 Desalgn Dres and Nibret Gelaw, Bahelawi Yägabča Senäsere’at Bäraya Qobbo, ( Bahir Dar, Mulualäm Cultural Center, 2004 E.C), 9. 64 Kebrom , Yäraya hezebe, 140.

20 able to certify that he has killed twelve enemies.65 This practice continued for the next centuries until the end of Gaz campaign. In order to fulfill those criteria the Rayyans forced to pay great scarifies.

In Rayya Qobbo, as it is in most part of Ethiopia, wedding is considered as an important and basic social phenomenon, and of course it is since it serves as a starting point of family formation and to continue generation in the future. In addition to this it is very important to grow the size of family members as a sign of prestige and fame. In the last century, wedding in Rayya Qobbo most of the time took place in January till the beginning of Lent (a two month long fasting period for Orthodox Christians) and sometimes in April, immediately after Easter. Surprisingly enough, not only the majority Christians, but also the Muslims follow these communal schedules. 66 It is because of the custom that people with different religion celebrate such phenomena together and there is no religious discrimination in the area.

People are accustomed to big feasts during wedding ceremonies. According to one of my informant formerly one could prepare more than 200 Gan (Big pot) of Tälla and slaughtered 10 cattle for specific wedding feast.67 This is because of the custom and attitude of the people that preparing wedding ceremonies in a highly stylized ways and arranging big feasts is considered as a sign of prestige and wealth. 68 In doing so, with the help of relatives and neighbors local food and drinks will be prepared and then follows the wedding ceremony.

65 Stanley, Narratives of the Portuguese, 110. 66 Desalgn and Nibret, Yägabča Senäsere’at Bäraya Qobbo, 6. 67 An interview was conducted with Ato Sämaw Därbäw, Wodajjo Assefa, Mersha Abera. 68 An interview was conducted with Ato Desale Fentaw and Mengesha Yilma.

2.1.2 Mate selection and Betrothal

The crowning happiness for the people of Rayya is to see his child or children married. Because of this, the parents and the nearest relatives of a young man take great pains, before betrothal, to choose a wife for him. The upbringing and parentage of a girl are the two major criteria for selection. 69 With this intention previously believed circumcised girls were good upbringing wives in Rayya Qobbo. According to the tradition uncircumcised girl is can not to be a good wife. As outlined by informants the following reasons are commonly suggested by the people for undergoing female circumcision for marriage. First, sexual sensitivity and response are reduced if a female undergoes mutilation. Women who are not circumcised are believed to have a strong desire for sex and it is believed may indulge in extra-marital sex to satisfy their needs. 70

Secondly, to „calm‟ a girl and make her decent, a girl who is not circumcised is believed to be unreserved (Ayn’awta, breaks utensils), be wasteful and becomes absent minded.71 Furthermore, there was a custom of tied huge iron (Gerja, a kind of anklet) on the foot of the girl before she makes marriage. It helps the girl to be calm and decent, because her foot heel stay on the ground.

This custom was introduced by the Oromo settlers. 72 Thirdly, to increase matrimonial and marriage opportunities, woman has to be circumcised pre-martially to find a husband. A circumcised woman is said to have a tight perineum that increases the pleasure of a man during intercourse. Beauty, as such, is of relatively little importance. 73

Marriage mostly organized by the parents of both the bride and groom with a great deal of negotiation. Traditionally, as in most part Amara the people in Rayya Qobbo groom‟s parents

69 Cultural Value Development Team, Raya Qobbo wäräda Culture and Tourism Office, " Yägabeča Bahel," local office document, (2014), 8. 70 An interview was conducted with Ato Sämaw Därebäw, Wodajjo Assefa, Mersha Abera. 71 An interview was conducted with Ato Kebede setegn and Assefa Gubssa 72 Kebrom , Yäraya hezebe, 142. 73 An interview was conducted with Ato Kebede Setegn, Assefa Gubssa

22 seek a girl to be bride for their son. 74 In this regarded, most of traditional marriage in Rayya

Qobbo begins with Lejehen läleèje, literarily mean your child of my son, it is a kind of betrothal arrangement in the area. The bride and bridegroom usually did not recognize each other, because marriage arranged through their parents. In Rayya people, this union is not considered for the bride and groom only, but it is also for their families. According to the culture of the study area, when two persons marry they become kin and their families will also be tied by kinship. The parents make use of the marriage to create a new kinship within others.

Lejehen läleèje may begins since the bride and groom in their mother‟s womb. As we have seen the selection of fiancé for the boy leave for the hands of his relatives, although sometimes the boy indicate the girl what he loved when he saw on the religious festivals and wedding ceremony of others However, his selection should approved by his family. 75 After the period of consensus and committed oath both the parents of bride and groom support each other in any social and economic activities.

Marriage among the people from the same blood (ancestor) is unacceptable. The groom‟s parents investigate to make sure that both families have no blood relationship; the writer of this paper consider blood screening might be more practical after the expansion of Christianity in the area since the 1870s, because as I already indicate, Pearce reported that Rayyans carried out endogamous marriage in the late 19th century.76 It is done by the boy‟s parents before they make any contact with the girl‟s family. However, the case is different in Rayya Qobbo, the father has no responsibility to take in the betrothal process. The father‟s duty begins after the end of

74 Desalgn and Nibret, “Yägabča Senäsere‟at Bäraya Qobbo,” 8. 75 Raya Qobbo Culture and Tourism Office, “Yägabeća Bahel,” 21. 76 Ibid.

23 betrothal, his duty will be to prepare feast.77 According to the culture of wäräda, the girl‟s parents do not get involved in any discussion to search a husband for their daughter even if she is aged and set for marriage. In other words, they are obliged to waiting for until someone knocks at their door and raise the famous request of marriage of their daughter to a selected son.78

The parents, after making sure that the girl would fulfill aforementioned criteria, choose three to five Amaće or Shimaglè (mediators) who will go to the girl's parents to propose the betrothal.

These elderly men are respected by an acquainted with both families. Then after the Amaće or

Shimagloč (mediators) goes to the home of the girl‟s parents on behalf of the boy‟s parent to ask their daughter will marry the son.79 After the girl‟s parents listen attentively, they would brood over it for a period of time. That is instead of giving an immediate feedback, they would ask for few days to think it critically. If the bridegroom fulfills these criteria such as wealth, good social values, origin, and location of residence and braveness, his quality in Gaz campaign and

Wäyyanè feud, the girl‟s parents will explain their willingness on the second appointment.

After they reach an agreement, before parents directly ask about the engagement, as an introduction, the discussion would advent by talking about different seasonal conditions, health status of the family‟s, the existing situations such as the products, trade and the security of their cattle.80 After the discussion is concluded, the boy‟s parents give a dowry for the girl‟s parents.

Dowry might be given after engagement or during the wedding ceremony. In most cases, the

77 An interview was conducted with Ato Ayalew Alemu, Wodajjo Assefa, Mersha Abera. 78Yä Rayana Qobbo Awrajja Yä Temehret Ma‟ekl, "Yä Rayana Qobbo Hezb Aƈir Tarik.” (NP, 1975), 15. 79 An interview was conducted with Ato Asäffa Gubssa, Kebede Mhrete. 80Ibid.

24 amount of dowry was decided based on the number of livestock that would be bridegroom‟s parent give to their daughter.81

2.1.3 Eji Mäbayya ( Qän Qoräta/Ftetem)

After the girl family accepts the marriage request they obliged to prepare small feast for the close relatives of a boy, including father, mother, aunt, uncle and his brother and sisters. The feast is known as called Eji Mäbayya or Qän qoräta. 82 During this day the family of the boy carries powder, butter and honey to the invitation. Once the girl's parents approve, further negotiations continue through the parents as to the exact dates of the engagement and the wedding ceremony.

Since this day the bride and bridegroom parents begin to make the necessary arrangements for the ceremony.83

2.1.4 Wedding Custom

After the harvest collected and the marriage wealth has been accumulated, the wedding ceremonies begin with the couple‟s being there at great feast held at the groom‟s home. A similar feast will be given at the bride‟s home in the same day. When the actual wedding day is near, the invitation message distributed from those who are in charge of an affair by sending trusted individuals to transmit the message orally. 84 Fathers of bride and bridegroom announce the massage in church, mosque and conciliation events.85 Currently, an invitation is being made through written on pieces of papers serving as wedding cards/using telephone can transmitted a message to different people within the short period of time.

81 Yä Temehret Ma‟ekl, Yä Rayana Qobbo Hezb Aƈir Tarik, 43. 82 An interview was conducted with Ato Käbädä Ali, Arbise Reta and Yimam ali. 83 An Interview conducted with Ato Berhanu Molla and Wodajjo Assefa. 84 Rayya Qobbo Culture and Tourism Office, “ yägabeća Bahel,” 27. 85 An interview was conducted with Ato Käbädä Ali and Yimam Ali.

In wedding preparation, the near relatives and neighbors have the duty to construct a tentative guest house called Dass or pavilion on the eve of the wedding day. Large pavilion considered as the sign of wealth and largest family size. There is poem to describe the above sentence;

እከሌ አባበለ ደስ ይበሇህ ደስ: Man let be happy be happy,

ፈረስ ያስጋሇባል ያሰራከው ዳስ:: 86 the pavilion that be you made is enough for Galloping.

The above poem expresses the size of the pavilion compared with the largest field enough for hours riding. Female neighborhoods of the bride or the groom also help the parents of the bride and grooms in fetching water, collecting firewood, brewing Tälla, preparing household activities, carrying out some other similar works. When they finish their work, at the same time, they can sing songs or discuss about various issues.87

Moreover, on the wedding day, larger amount of food and beverage are prepared in each parent‟s home and the relatives of the bride and the bridegroom engaged in different tasks cooperatively to make the wedding ceremony more attractive. The close relatives like grandparents, aunts and others commendation parents by offering different kinds of gifts such as cloths for the newlyweds, providing local drinks, sheep, goats, oxen, mule bread and Enjära. Sometimes, the bride‟s close relatives offer a reward for the bride and vice versa. 88

In Rayya Qobbo there is a custom of cutting toenail of bride and groom before the day of nuptial.

The process conducted in corral, the legs of the bride and groom soaking in the plate filled

86 An interview was conducted with Ato Berhanu Molla and Arbise Reta 87 Yä Temehret Ma‟ekl, Yä Rayana Qobbo Hezb Aƈir Tarik, 48. 88 Desalgn and Nibret, “Yägabča Senäsere‟at Bäraya Qobbo,” 12.

26 though large amount of milk, and the nail would be done by his/ her sisters and Dubärtis (female ritual leaders). The process is known as called Tefer Qoräta (cutting of fingernail). 89

Fig. 2 Tefer Qoräta (Cutting of fingernail) ceremony at wedding.

Source: from RQWCTO documentation.

On the wedding day, bridesmaid of the girl already formed since they were teenagers. They grow together by celebrating religious festivals like Soläl as permanent team, (Mizè in local language).

When approaching the day, girls make all necessary preparation both psychologically and materially. This includes preparing new closes and shoes, hairdressing and preparing drum for music. In the same way, the best men of bridegroom already formed as girls. 90 The first groomsmen played the main role until the last day of honeymoon. He is selected among batsman based on the degree of relationship, good at singing and dancing, charismatic personality and negotiating skills. 91 When the time to go to the bride‟s home approaches, he is responsible, make sure that the bridegroom is fit, well-dressed, well- groomed and have responsibility to

89 Desalgn and Nibret, “Yägabča Senäsere‟at Bäraya Qobbo,” 12. 90 An interview was conducted with W/ro Tirngo Hassän and Manale Ahebir. 91 Ibid.

27 managing the misbehaved companion. Additionally, at the end of the ceremony the best man carries the brides on his shoulder. 92

In Rayya Qobbo tradition virginity is highly respected. As a matter of fact every first time marrying female must be a virgin. Pre-marital sex was a thing unheard of in the past. It applies to both sexes although it is very stringently applied on females. 93 Pre-marital sex was a taboo and as such, if a girl by some accident got pregnant and gave birth at home, it was considered as a great threat to the social order. In the past, if a girl got pregnant at home before marriage, it was taken as a very horrible breach of mores and the girl would be treated very contemptuously. No one would marry her except an old man, or a widower, she would live her life as a shameful and despised person. 94 On this fact taking of virginity by bridegroom is considered as the most exciting moment in the wedding celebration. Moreover, it makes the honeymoon period pleasant.

Early the next morning, the three best men go to the girl's home and tell her parents, in the time- honored way, that their daughter has lived up to their expectations of her virginity. This is indicated by the presentation of a piece of cloth shaded by the blood. The members of the mission are then entertained at breakfast with porridge. The best men‟s enter the girls‟ home sing a song as;

ብራንባር ሰበረልዎ(2) ሆሆ፤

ጀግናው ልጅዎን፡፡ Brave boy deflowered your daughter virginity. 95

After being deflowered the groom‟s mother, sister or relatives healing the girl through boläqya, porridge with butter and feeds the bride because she has never had sex before with any person so

92 Desalgn and Nibret, “Yägabča Senäsere‟at Bäraya Qobbo,” 20. 93 Belay Desalegn, “A Social History of Rayya Oromo,” (MA Thesis, Mekelè University, 2014), 53. 94 An interview conducted with W/ro Tirngo Hassän and Manale Ahebir. 95 An interview was conducted with Ato Wodajjo Assefa

28 this is supposed to strengthen the back bone of the bride. 96 During the time of honeymoon, the friends of the newly married couple have different duties to accomplish starting from the day of engagement. The best man of groom‟s obliged to feed the bride and groom by stealing goats, sheep and hen from distant villages. The total number of the companions is in between 15 and

25. 97 Some of them are responsible to wash the dress of the bride, to prepare food; others are responsible for food preparation. According to the custom of the people of Rayya Qobbo, after the end of the honeymoon period, the girl and her husband with his companions have to go to the house of the girl. That is known as called Mellash/Mäls.

2.1.5 Types of Marriage in Rayya Qobbo

In the diverse cultural and multi- diversified society of Ethiopia marriage arrangements vary greatly. Different marriage arrangements take place among different ethnic groups. Like any other societies, in Ethiopia there are various types of marriage practiced in the society of Rayya

Qobbo. These were: abduction, religious marriage and traditional/customary marriages.

The first kind of marriage practiced among Christians is religious marriage, based on its religious stands God who has decreed marriage in the Old Testament (Genesis) and has also confirmed it in the New Testament saying “so they are no longer two but one and people must not separate, then, what God has joined together”. 98 A religious marriage is also called church marriage. This because it is takes place in the church by priests. In such marriage divorce is not allowed. It is true that the nobles were always conducting marriage in the church; they were not only these aristocratic classes who were conducting their marriage in church but all the persons which fulfill the churches criteria could also marry in the church. According to the teachings of priests

96 Raya Qobbo, “Yägabeća Bahel,” 35. 97 Ibid. 98Math, 19:6.

29 religious marriage is a law given by Almighty God. After creating the first man and woman, God did not leave them without a law.99 Moreover, from the time of Emperor Yohannis IV up to now this kind of marriage is acceptable and respected in the study area by the followers of Orthodox

Täwahedo.100

Traditional or customary marriage is the second type of marriage, which is family arranged divorce, is easy. The wife or husband can get a divorce merely by negotiating through the family.

If the two members of the party accept, the marriage hence- forth becomes invalid and neither party has any further claim. Both the man and the woman have the customary right to marry again.101

Marriage by abduction also another type practiced in Rayya Qobbo wäräda. “In Ethiopia and other African countries unlawful marriage (marriage by abduction) is a common practice.” 102

This occurs by kidnapping a girl without the knowledge of the girl or family. It is sometimes known to the girl that abduction will happen. It occurs when locally accepted form of marriage arrangements difficult, people opted for the other alternative means. It is locally known as Täläfa which means abduction. It also willingly occurs if the girl is in love with the kidnapper or vis- versa and the kidnapper is not the one to be selected by her family.103 In this case marriage by abduction occurs and her family is informed. When the girl is willing and ready the process of abduction and its consequences are usually less complicated. The abductor waits a favorable

99 An interview was conducted with Like Tguhan Bälay Dässyä and Priest Sisay Ferede. 100 Yä Temehret Ma‟ekl, Yä Rayana Qobbo Hezb Aƈir Tarik, 51. 101An interview was conducted with Priest Mogäs Alämu and Sisay Ferede 102 Ethiopian Public Health training Initiative, Harmful Traditional Practice, (USAID-No. 663), Dawit Aseffa and Eshetu Wase etal., (Awassa, 2005), 36. 103 An interview was conducted with Like Tguhan Bälay Dässyä, Priest Sisay Ferede and Käbädä Ali.

30 time and place, ambushes the girl when she goes out for water fetching, keeping goat and sheep, collecting firewood etc.104 He, accompanied by his associates, would abduct the girl.

In most cases rape follows the forced marriage. Rape is a guarantee that the abductor will most likely succeed in keeping the girl after some negotiation through local elders or by paying some compensation to the girl. It is believed that once this has happened the girl is less likely to get another husband.105 Abduction is committed under the situation in which the girl is helpless to protect herself. In the study area, when girls were so beautiful it was difficult to escape from this type of marriage. Some have died during abduction due to the suffering from forceful handling.

At times, clashes take place between those who abduct the girl and her relatives.

In addition to the above kinds of marriage arrangement there was also another kind of marriage in Rayya Qobbo wäräda. That was known as called Etan Gba. As we have seen in the above narration there are different criteria‟s to hold marriage partner in Rayya Qobbo. On the other hand, there was a custom in Rayya if women couldn‟t find a husband her family arranged traditional mechanism. The technique started by enter the girl in to Boläkiya (smoke barrow), sit on stool, wear mass or Nät (a kind of traditional blanket made from skin) in order to absorb heat and put butter on her head as oil, burn selected woods under her leg in small pit and smoke throughout her body. The news announced by her parents to the village and the person who didn‟t have any wife went to her house and married immediately. Unlike other marriage type this kind of marriage not needs any kind of mediator and feast.106

There is one saying in Amharic by the local people which magnifies the stigma and discrimination among the society of Rayya Qobbo wäräda, „Gebiačen Aydäläm‟ that means he is

104 An interview was conducted with Ato Käbädä Ali, Mersha Abera 105 Raya Qobbo Culture and Tourism Office, Yegabeča Bahele, 35. 106 Desalgn and Nibret, “Yägabča Senäsere‟at Bäraya Qobbo,” 56.

31 not belonging to our race. This shows that it is important each family be of yätära däm which means (clean blood) to mean that: free from the stigma of having ancestry (family) relatives who free from Buda or evil eye, Sälabi, an infected skin like, leprosy were served as a slave, and blacksmiths. 107 Marriage culture in Rayya Qobo wäräda is allowed slave with slave and blacksmith with blacksmith. Even though, the degree of discrimination and stratification is small and rare however such beliefs are still practicing in the people of Rayya Qobbo.108

2.2 Funeral, Burial and Mourning Culture

As we know, there is nothing that will live forever in this world, whether he is rich, poor, or physician. Different races, different countries, different religions celebrate death in different ways. In this sub topic the researcher describes the funeral, burial and the mourning customs commonly observed by the people in Rayya Qobbo wäräda. The customs are believed to have existed for centuries although no precise period can be conjured, and many of them are still practiced.

In Rayya Qobbo wäräda as the rest part of Ethiopia Särra/Edir played a vital role in all aspects of funeral, burial and mourning activities. The head of this social association is known as Aba haga (father of Edir).109 He has responsibility to inform the news of lamentation for the people through round the village and stands on raised ground and yells about the death news. Sometimes the Aba haga, who makes it his duty to send messengers to the relatives and friends of the family as well as to those whom he thinks good manners demand that they should be present at the

107 An interview was conducted with Ato Wädajjo Assäfa, Kebede Setegn, Mersha Abera 108 Raya Qobbo Culture and Tourism Office, “Yegabeča Bahele,” 42. 109 An interview was conducted with Ato Mengäsha Ashäbr and Mersha Abera

32 funeral: which takes place towards the evening if the person dies in the morning or next day if he dies in the afternoon. 110

The dead body or corpse will stay secretly at home till his or her relatives come from the distant area without telling for religious leaders. While the other relatives and neighbors stay at the mourning house to share the sorrow. Until the relatives living at farther distance arrive, the neighbors and nearest relatives stay in the dead persons home. The dead person will not be buried until all are gathered. In addition the relatives not cry loudly until the pumped the

Turunba (Trumpet).111

The dead body or corpse is washed by one of the local elders and sometimes by relatives. This helps to remove the waste fluids in its body so that it will not have bad smelling. Then the dead body is perfumed, covered with white cloth and wrapped up with a mat and put in to a coffin.

Finally, all families are gathered from different places close relatives express their grief by plucking their faces and foreheads. Additionally, they expresses their bitter sadness by carrying the cloths of the dead persons on their shoulder, wearing black clothes, caps, by crying loudly and shave off their hair.112 The possessions of the death person are offered to the poor on their behalf and they give alms to the poor people for the souls of the dead, killing and dividing up cattle for them with Enjära and much of Tälla. This is on the 3rd, 7th, 30th, 40th days and a year after death. This kind of memorial feasts is known as called Täzekar or commemoration. 113

In Rayya Qobbo the dirges are not the same for all people. It varies according to the wealthiest, status, braveness and sex of the individuals. For instance, when Etègè Mänän died in 1954 the

110 An interview was conducted with Ato Mengäsha Ashäbr, Assäfa Gubssa. 111 Ibid. 112An interview was conducted with Ato Assäfa Gubssa, Mengäsha Ashäbr and Wodajjo Assefa. 113 Ibid.

33 people in Qobbo wäräda organized special lamentation ceremony. The letter sent via telegram reported that above 30,000 peoples attended in mourns with four well known manners that lament through poem and slaughtered twelve cattle.114 In this instance the dead person was brave, rich and has many families then the people lament special dirges, which can express their bravery. 115 If the heroic father is departed from his family his relatives lamenting as the following way;

እስኪ እናሇቃቅስ እንባችን ይውረድ: Let us weep our tears drop,

መመኪያ አባታችን ሲሇየን በግድ:: 116 Dedicated father has already departed.

In the first line of the poem their father has already died and they felt sadness. Even their tear flowed willingly across their cheeks. Especially in the second line, the poem indicates their father‟s brevity and show commitment to them. The message of the poem links with deep sorrow and left unforgettable scare to the families. Within the two lines the deepest meaning of separation has explained. If mother was died, her children lament special dirges. For example,

እናት አሇሚቱ ተይ አትራቂብኝ: Dear beloved mother don‟t far away from me,

በዚህ አሇም ስኖር ያላንቺ ማን አሇኝ ? 117 I don‟t have anything in this world except you?

In the first line, the poet wants to express the love of his or her mother and requests her not to die. In the second line living without mother is nothing in this broad world. Totally, the dirge reflects the bound of emotional tendency between son and mother.

If the dead person was rich and generous, the people might lament special funeral song which can express his wealth and compassionate.

114 Personal collection, a telegram sent by Fitawrari Yilma Meshesha to Algawerash Asfawosen 300/344302 in 1954 115 An interview was conducted with Ato Mängäsha Ashäber, Tegegne Alkemu,, Semw Derbew 116 Ibid. 117 An interview was conducted with Ato Tägäñä Alämu.

እንዲህ እንዲህ እንበልሇት: Let say something, something better about him,

ቢሆን ማር ይገኛል ያሇበሇዚያ ወተት :: 118 We can get honey if not milk.

In the poem they wanted to express the wealth of the dead person. In the second line the intention of the singer is to express the generosity of the dead person and they were beneficiaries from him.

Like the people living in other area of the Regional states of Amara the people of Rayya Qobbo have similar culture of burial and mourning ceremony based on their religions they follow. This is mainly they perform activities of burial and mourning ceremonies connected with the religion they adhere. The Christians perform it in relation to their religion. Some of the prayers dig the grave of the dead person, accompanying the corpse starting from the home, the feasts conducted during and after the funeral ceremony all are practiced based on the principle of their religions.119

The Christian women and men accompany the deceased individual until it reaches to the church.

However, if the dead person is Muslim women will stay at home until the men put it in to the grave. Because according to the belief of the society women are afraid of and they cannot deliver a child.120 During the burial day, the relatives of the dead person have to prepare of roasted grain

(Qolo) to be eaten by the people after burying the dead person. Water will also be ready to them.121

Strictly speaking, all the braved, such as the husband or the wife, the son and daughter, father or mother, as the case may be shou1d be in mourning for a year. The community has its own principle in which people has to apply in mourning. There are three intervals to weep. First,

118 An interview was conducted with Ato Tägäñä Alämu and Belay Desye. 119 Yä Temehret Ma‟ekl, Yä Rayana Qobbo Hezb Aƈir Tarik, 22. 120 An interview was conducted with Ato Mängäsha Ali and Kubi arrarsa 121 An interview was conducted with Ato Arbisä Fäntaw and Kebede Mhrete.

35 when he or she passed away second, when he or she moving out of his or her house and finally, when the corpse is gently lowered in to the grave by two men and when the corpse entered in to the grave and covered by soil and stones. 122 After that, people carry food like Enjära, bread, coffee for breakfast, lunch and dinner to the mourning house to eat with the relatives and then to entertain the relatives of the dead person for about seven days. Sharing money, grains or flour through the Sèra or Edir is another way of supporting the family of the deceased person.123

In the case of a death in Islam, they have their own burial principles. Funeral and mourning culture of Islam in some steps are similar with Christian. However, the funeral ceremony of the

Muslim societies of Rayya Qobbo is varying from Christians. The dead body is carrying to the mosque and the sheikh, the relatives and the neighbors of the dead person praying for the dead person. The praying is takes place in the mosque by sitting arrangement of the mourners in three lines. The line is arranged in front of the dead body the sheikh and the three lines of the mourners are behind the sheikh. The praying is starts by the sheikh by saying “Allah Wakbär”. 124

Muslim communities after the end of the praying they moved to the place of burial. The grave is not in the mosque like the Christians in the church. The grave itself is an oblong ditch about 7 feet by 4 feet and 5 feet deep. At the bottom of the grave on the right side as you face north,

(since all the Rayya, Muslim graves, on religious principle, are dug facing Mecca) horizontally another oblong cave is dug about the size of the adult man. The corpse is lowered slowly and carefully into the grave, and from this outer grave it is forced gently into the little den, the inner grave, in a sleeping condition face upwards. This chamber is then walled with blocks of stone and mud, to separate it from the outer grave which is then filled with the soil and leveled to the

122 An interview was conducted with Ato Arbisä Fäntaw and Yimam Ali. 123 An interview was conducted with Haji Seid Yimär, Yimer Edris and Yimam Ali. 124 Ibid.

36 ground.125 As the researcher already indicates unlike the Christian only males are allowed to move to the burial place in the Islam society. Women are stayed in the home of the dead body until the men return from the burial place. The hollow or gully for the dead body has two ranks.

The first rank is the depth of the hollow is until their knee. The second rank of the hollow also make gullies in the center based on the size of the dead body until their elbow. Finally, they buried the dead body in the center hollow which its deepness is until the elbow in one side eastward towards the holy land of Mecca.126

In Islamic society of Rayya Qobbo the mourning time is varied in terms of sex and age. Elder female family and neighbors sorrow for 40 days, and 15 days for young females. However, men‟s sorrow is only for three days and then they moved to their work field. In the three day of the mourn they make a ceremony to close the sorrow by inviting their Sheikh. This is in order to pray to obtain forgiveness from God for the soul of the dead person.127

Currently, there are a little bite changes in funeral and mourning ceremony in the society in plucking their face, foreheads and shave off their hair. The change brought by religious leaders, they created awareness for the society about the effect of bitter sadness on their life at different meetings and religious areas.

125 An interview was conducted with Haji Seid Yimer and Abdulwahab Abdulnasir. 126 An interview was conducted with Ato Yimer Edris Seid Yimer 127 Ibid.

2.3 Customary Dispute Resolution Methods

Conflicts and disputes within a society and individuals over different issues are part of human history.128 It is often argued that conflict is inevitable, normal, positive and even sometimes necessary and useful for social changes.129 Fisher points out that in our day-to-day interaction with others we either observed or pass through conflicts which range from the very interpersonal quarrel, family and neighbors dispute, ethnic and inter- state conflicts to the global war.130

There were various traditional principles of handling conflicts to maintain peace and stability in

Africa. These traditional mechanisms worked well as they were performed within the indigenous

cultures and environment.131 Similarly, most of Ethiopian people solve their conflicts in a way

that fit with their cultural, religious and social practices. They tend to manage conflicts at local

level rather than forwarding to government authorities. One of the most known traditional

conflict resolution mechanisms is the gathering of village elders to settle the conflict and easing

tensions at various levels.132

Yet conflict resolution in Rayya Qobbo wäräda divided in to four major institutions namely:

Zäwold, Kiflo, Snyä Sägäd and Mäzard. The term Zäwäld has come to be used to refer collective

128 Burtone, J. W, Conflict resolution: its language and process, ( London : The Scarecrow Press, 1996),12. 129Jacob Bercovitch, V. K, Introduction: the nature of conflict resolution, (The hand book of conflict resolution, 2009) , 1. 130 Fisher, et al., Working with Conflicts: Skills and Strategies for Action, (Zed Books, 2000), 45. 131Tsega Endalew, Conflict Resolution Through Cultural Tolerance: An analysis of the Michuu Institution In Matakal Region, Ethiopian Organization for Social Science and Research in Eastern and Southern Africa, Social Science Research Report. 2002), 25. 132Berehun Mebirate, The Past in the Present: The Dynamics of Identity and Otherness among the Gumuz of Ethiopia‟‟, (PhD Dis., Norwegian university of Science and Technology, 2004), 34.

name of all institutions. According to local tradition this social and communal experience has a

long age of history beginning from Zämanä Mäsafnt or era of lords (1769 – 1855).133

The mechanism used in these institutions accompanied by ritual symbol of reconciliation. This ritual of various kinds shows the final outcome and tries to create new and revitalized relationship among the conflict parties. It also tends to heal guilty mindsets of the parties. The ritual process in conflict resolution is made with the belief to further strengthen the terms of reconciliation and to limit its reoccurrence. The ritual performance implies the successful completion of the reconciliation and symbolizes the integration of the wrongdoer with the wronged.

Zäwold had got its name from a known wise leader and administrator who had been voluntarily

serving the people by intelligently judging cases and managing disputes. His name was known as

Azaz Zäwold. 134 He also had known as Talaqu Zäwäld Madärie.135 According to Alämu Aräki

and Asäffa Ayalèw (Yäwonz Abatoč) told me, Zäwäld established by four brothers namely:

Zäwold, Kflo, Snyä Sägäd and Mäzared.136 On the other hand some elders believed that the last

three were sons of Talaqu Zäwäld. 137 Nevertheless, those persons were political rulers in

different places in present Rayya Qobbo and established their own institutions in their respective

domain. Zäwäld due to his seniority considered as a supreme court. Present Rayya Qobbo

divided in to four domains from west to east line. As a result Zäwäld covered the places (Wonz,

or river in the local definition considered as the village or community settled in the specific

place) of Qobbo and Mäkdäla/Täkuläsh and Zobel, Kflo also cover the places that included

Qalim, Guraworqè and extended to the Afar border of southeast, Snyä Sägäd practiced in from

133 Alämu Addisè, “The History of ritual Practice of the people in Rayya Qobbo,” (BA Thesis: Wällo University, 2015), 41. 134 An interview was conducted with Ato Asäffa Gubsa, Fenta Chane and Kebede Mhrete. 135 An interview was conducted with Ato Wodajjo Assäfa and Assefa Ayyalew. 136 An interview was conducted with Ato Alämu Aräqi and Ato Assäfa Ayalèw. 137 An interview was conducted with Ato Assefa Gubssa.

39 that included Arbät to the Aradom to the Afar border. The last Mäzared also covered the northern plane part which includes from Qobba, Wajja, and Bädäna läko to the Afar.138 On their sphere of influence the leaders settled the law of justice to rule the society fairly and equally.

Käbbädä, further maintains that, in times when there were no modern courts this social institution has played different roles in bringing about peace in the society. Even these days, it is legally granted recognition and is still active in Rayya Qobbo wäräda. 139 The mediators in

Zäwäld are known as Yäwonz abat (father of the river). Yäwonz abatoč are always elderly men and those who inherited from their families and considered as icons in the society.

Before 1920s there was other actor participated in the conflict resolution process. Those actors were known as ‘Nur nägari’ literarily mean tellers of the past experience. 140 As the other indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms in Ethiopia Zäwäld do not have written law and well organized structure in resolving conflict and to enforce its decision. Therefore, in Rayya Qobbo

Nur nägaris were considered as cross-reference or indicators when the mediation progress might unfair or unjust.141 They were consisted from the local elders mainly from former Yäwonz abatoč replaced by the fresh elders because of their elderliness.

The most common causes for conflict in Rayya Qobbo were assassination, abduction, insulting, and stealing of cattle. Not only these but also slaughtering of cattle, goat and sheep, beating, and damage of agricultural fields (crops) by cattle etc., also sources for conflict between individuals and social groups.

138 An interview was conducted with Ato Alämu Aräqi and Ato Assäfa Ayalèw. 139 An interview was conducted with Ato Käbädä Mhrätè and Assefa Gubssa. 140 Cultural Value Development Team, Rayya Qobbo wäräda Culture and Tourism Office, " Bahlawi ye’erq Snäserat," local office document, (2012), 12. 141 An interview was conducted with Ato Käbädä Mhrätè.

As the elder key informants revealed that the most serious and awkward kinds of conflict for elders to address were assassination and abduction. It needs much time to resolve the conflict up to six years to reconcile a conflict caused by killing. In Rayya Qobbo, if an individual is killed deliberately, the crime is known as Tequr däm that means black blood. On the other hand if the killer is killed accidentally or unintentionally, it is called Qäy däm, means red blood. These two kinds of crimes decided the difficulty of the mediation process. In Tequr däm the relatives of the dead person mainly his father, mother, sisters and brothers have never express their sadness by crying loudly and they keep silent and shut their mouth or they cry internally. This shows the need of the relatives to avenge by killing the suspected individual or his brothers or sons.

Sometimes, they never stay at home until the dead body of their relatives buried and they go to the forest areas and anticipated that the criminals are hiding in the jungle area.142

Depending on the culture of the people the close relatives of the dead person specially mother and sister plays a great role in initiating and motivating her near relatives to take an immediate reaction against the criminal and his family. Besides, the mother and sister of the dead person think day and night a plot how to realize the revenge up on the criminal.143

After days the close relatives of the criminal send Yäwonz abatoč/ mediators including religious fathers to convince the family of the dead person to accept the negotiation and to beg the family of the dead person in the name of God. In solving murder cases it needs commitment, patience, and skills.144 In most cases such treaties are accomplished with success because the elders used different enforcement mechanisms. Among those mechanisms if the relatives of deceased person

142 An interview was conducted with Ato Käbädä Mhrätè, Wodajjo Assefa and Fenat Chane. 143 Ibid. 144 An interview was conducted with Ato Alämu Aräqi and Ato Assäfa Ayalèw.

41 challenged the elders, well known Sheikhs resided in the near distance of their home.145 My informant says, “ሸህ ድንኳን ከጣሇ በአካባቢው እርግማን ይጥላል ተብሎ ስሇሚታሰብ

ህብረተሰቡ ግፊት በማድረግ እንዲታረቁ ያደርጋል ፡፡” It means if they ignored the request of elders sheikh drop curse on the community though after everything else they used this mechanism to enforce the relatives of deceased person.146 Furthermore, a person who was not willing to be abided by the decision of the elders would be socially isolated and prohibited from taking part in community affair as well as remained alone in any problems he faced in his life.

This custom is known as Embädädè or discriminated from the society. 147

The elders could not get a positive feedback in the reconciliation process immediately. The relatives of the deceased might say we need time till our tears dried up. According to the culture of the wäräda when elders immediately attempted to negotiate the conflict the dead person relatives have a negative feeling and they assumed the elders are as the ardent supporters of the criminals and the main enemies of the deceased relatives respectively. 148 After many ups and downs the elder‟s fix a particular place and date of meeting. In the meeting all the close relatives must be involved in the final reconciliation ceremony.

The elders may decide a punishment against the offender most of the time the elders passed the decision to pay the compensations to the deceased family. After the family of the deceased person accepted the decision of the elders the offender would come and bend down and put the stone on their shoulder in front of each of the members of the deceased family and say „please

145 An interview was conducted with Ato Alämu Aräqi, Fenta Chane and Ato Assäfa Ayalèw. 146 An interview was conducted with Ato Yimam Ali and Yimer Edris. 147 An interview was conducted with Ato wodajjo Assäfa and Assefa Gubssa. 148 Rayya Qobbo Culture and Tourism Office, “Bahlawi ye’erq Snäserat,” 16.

42 forgive me‟ and each of them give their reply by saying „we apologize you‟.149 This kind of requesting forgiveness costumed since the early time. Most compelling evidence about this found in Alvarez‟s narration, he stated that during the period of Emperor Lebenä Dengel (1508-

1541) “ The captains of peace captaincies always come to the kings tenet, each of them carried a stone up on their shoulder holding it both their hands, as assign of peace and that they come to use for mercy.‟‟150 Elders have sophisticated art and they have many mechanisms how to resolve conflicts depending on the situation. For instance, when the offender is unable to pay the compensation he will have a manacle ( as a sign of affirmation) given by the elders that indicates the amount of money decided to pay and the relatives of the killer move from place to place to beg money. His relatives also contribute their share.151

The elders used to arrange marriage relationship in between the two hostile families in order to wipe out the conflict and to have an over lasting harmonious relation. In addition if the conflicting families have no boys and girls to be married, the elders used another method to solve the dispute. For instance; they may tie the relationship by creating Abälij/god-child or daughter.

After all circumstance, the criminal may not leave his village and pay compensation as well. 152

Forceful marriage or abduction of a girl was also another source of conflict resolved by elders among the people of Rayya Qobbo.153

149 An interview was conducted with Ato Käbädä Mhrätè and Assefa Gubssa. 150 Stanley, Narratives of the Portuguese, 109. 151 An interview was conducted with Ato Yimam Ali, Kebede Mhrete and Ato Assäfa Gubssa. 152 Ibid. 153 Ibid.

2.4 Heroic Customs

2.4.1 Gaz/ Adal Zämäča or Campaign

Although difficult to fix its origin, raiding was a common practice among the Dobas since the medieval period. Until their eventual amalgamation with the Oromo the Doba were great challenges to both the neighbors and merchants. 154 Making a foray on their neighbors might have had great value among the Rayyas as pastoralists and raiding were their life. 155 They had been carrying it out for economic, social and psychological motives organized a massive raid on the adjacent lowland Afar population, carrying of hundred of head of livestock and killing those

Afar who resisted. 156 This campaign was known as Gaz/ Gomäji campaign and it was also called

Ye’adal zämächa which means raiding against Adal. 157 The word Gaz derived from Arabic word which means raiding or looting.158 The Afar also had counter raid over the Rayyas known as

Galla Qarim which means raid against the Galla or highlanders. 159

Since time immemorial relations of the Rayya and Afar communities have historically been full of hostility. There is no conclusive evidence when and how the raid started, but it continued until the first Wäyyane rebellion in 1943.160 They had long been intertwined in prolonged violent conflict which has been involving a range of causes, motives and actors at different epochs. Jams

McCann wrote about the massive raid carried out by Azäbo and Rayya people against their

154 Tbäjè Molla, " The Rayyas: From Raiders to Collaborators, 1870s- 1936 " (BED. Thesis, Bahir Dar University, 2004), 13. 155 Ibid. 156 Kibrom, Yäraya Hezbe,156. 157 Adal, at the end of the war between Christian highland kingdom and Muslim sultanate of Adal, traditionally there was an assumption by the tradition all the people from the east recognized as Adal. Due to this reason the Afar lowlanders known by Rayyans as Adals. 158 Getachew Mersha, “The Gaz Tradition among the Rayya and Afar," (BA. Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 1998), 4. 159 Bälay, “Social History of Rayya…,” 60 . 160 Mc Cann, J., From Poverty to Famine in North Eastern Ethiopia: A Rural History, 1900-1935(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987), 601.

44 adjacent Afar neighbors around the beginning of 1928.161 Alterations in the contexts of conflict have been contributing to the nature and dynamics of the campaign. This resulted in human and material loss on both sides of the communities. The causality estimated by local elders as follows:

The Aba gaz would blow the horns and six or seven thousand of them would gather ready to fight the Adals. Four thousand of them would return home while the other two or three thousand were left dead or dying in the wilderness without proper burial. The women would stay at home and cry, and often a mother lost both her husband and children.162

Indeed, the raid could include people of the whole land of Raya-Rayuma, Azäbo and Wajjerat.163

In the Edith report around 1956 argues “The Rayyans fought constantly with their neighbors, the

Afar, and that was when they practiced the hideous work of testical-gathering. A man practiced this, just to prove he had killed so many Afar and rightly deserved the spoils, and for no other reason.” 164 However, contrary to the above judgment the campaign initiated from different social and economical motives. According to McCann interviewed one of the Zämach or

Gazaitè/raider who participate in the August 1928 campaign, main object appears to have been livestock and stocks of sorghum available in some of the more fertile lowland river valley.165

Due to these raiders profited economically through their looting of cattle, sheep, goats and camels. Socially it was a stabilizing factor. The Rayya men who had waged in Gaz and killed an

Adal make use of it to get social acceptance and extended his prestige over his family.

Especially, his wife, who would, for example, receives priority over all other women when fetching water at spring, or would be the first to receive food and beverage at ceremony. Raiders

161 Mc Cann,” From Poverty to Famine…,” 602. 162 Lord, Cultural Pattern in Ethiopia, 122. 163 Getachew desale, "Ethnic Description in Rayya, " ( BA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 2003), 20. 164 Lord, 123. 165 Mc Cann, 609.

45 and their wife were distinguished them by wearing and hear style.166 If he is not married he able to get marriage partner easily. As opposed to this there was a custom that marginalized the persons those who could not participate in Gaz campaign and who had deserted his fellow raider during the battle. Cowardly men in Rayya could not get marriage partner. He could not participate any social gathering and ceremonies and would be dressed as and considered a woman and his property would be destroyed, his cattle slaughtered and his house burned.167

Gaz may prepared by either small or large communities. There were different hierarchies in such

Gaz operation. The head of the campaign was known as called Aba gaz or Abo Gaz (father of the raid) below him there were also different deputies such as Alänega tay ( one who flogs with a whip) Wase Täri ( the guarantor) and Got Azmač (village commander). The criteria to posses these power decided by their performance in the Wäyyanè fighting. Anyone reputed for his fighting skill could be elected on the basis of his performance in Wäyyanè feud.168 In the first quarter of 20th century the most notable Aba gazs were included: Wädajo Abäsha and Bälay

Zägäyä of Zobel, Fitawrari Yimär Mäshäsha of Qobbo, Alämu Libän of Mäsno Qäläwa/ Bädäna

Läko, Abi Halilo and Fänta Aliyu of Wajja and Bäkaris Kawyä in Ngus gallè. 169

This institutionalized campaign was carried out after large scale preliminary preparations. Above all, the time for the campaign was arranged wisely. Extensive campaign were held either

‘‘አልጋው ሲናጋ‟‟ (when there happened political tension in the government) or during hamper harvest. Otherwise, small scale raiding campaigns were made nearly yearly between February and April, after the harvest time.170 All members of the community including, elders, spiritual

166 An interview was conducted with Ato Assäfa Gubssa, Arbise Rettta 167 An interview was conducted with Ato Assäfa Molla and Abebe Meles. 168 An interview was conducted with Ato Kubi Arrarsa and Alemu Ayalew. 169 An interview was conducted with Ato Wodajjo Assäfa. 170 Tbäjè, "From Raiders to Collaborators…,” 21.

46 leaders, women, and veterans would participated in different activities. The ritual fathers, elders and Dubärttis or female prayers pray and blessed the warriors. Additionally, when there come

Gaz campaign, those who will partake in the battle will be blessed through Tufita/Shänäča

(blessed through poet ceremony) to bring about victory. In this context historical events and war places are also recited in Shänäča poems. 171 The following examples elaborate the issue in hand.

አንተማ ጠ ላትህን Trampled your enemy with your feet; በጫማ ጠ ቅትቀው: /Amen/ /አሜን/ በወረንጦ ጠቅጥቀው: Pull him out with tweezers; /አሜን/ /Amen/ የጎመጅ አሞራ: And let the vultures of Gomäjj, /አሜን/ /Amen/ አትንቱን ይጋጠው :: Snatch on his corpus. /አሜን / 172 /Amen/.

In the above poem the speaker makes two points. The first is a blessing for absolute victory and the other is the circumstance of the death of the foe. In the first three lines of this poem, superiority over ones enemy is echoed; for the speaker says “tramped on your enemy …” which reflects an absolute victory over his rival. In the last two lines it is also the circumstance of the death of the host‟s enemy which is stated in relation with historical event and place. According to the researcher‟s informants, this place, Gommäj, is a historical site in which wars between nomads of the Afar and peasants of Rayya were fought. 173 The speaker uses this historical phenomenon to create a vivid image in his recitation of the poem to show the circumstance that he wish to the death of his host‟s enemy; i.e. his corpus will not be buried, rather it will be left to vultures. Thus, victory over ones enemy is the message that the above poem is conveyed.

171 An interview was conducted with Ato Fänta Ƈannè, Kubi Ararsa and Assefa Gubssa. 172 An interview was conducted with Ato Yimam Ali and Mengesha Ashebir 173 An interview was conducted with Ato Wodajjo Assäfa.

The exact time for raiding was fixed by Dingay tay (those who throws a stone). He was ritual agent in the campaign or a sorcerer may use a ritual involvement. I will discuss about it in the next chapter. The casting of pebbles in order to predict the success and failure of the campaign, in the latter case it was postponed.174

In different time local and central government attempted to abolish this traditional customary practice. For instance, in early September 1929, Italian consular officials in the north reported that the Rayya raiders begun their campaign against Afar. Negus Täfäri responded almost immediately by ordered Ras Gugsa Wälle, Ras Gugsa Are‟aya of Tgray, Dajazmač Ayalèw Biru of Begèmdir, Fitawrari Bäzzè of Lasta and Wagshum Käbädä of Wag to attack Rayya in different directions. 175

Particularly, Fitawrari Bäzzè on 16 October, 1929 marched with his army of highland Lastans on Wajja (15 km north of Qobbo town), where he expected to recapture raided livestock. There they encountered some small bands of raiders returning from Gaz campaign with captured livestock. Bäzzè 's forces captured the rebels, disarmed them, and confiscated the captured cattle.

On their ascent above Qobbo town, Bäzzè 's force met a large group of well armed Rayyans. In two days of fighting on 22-23 October, the rebels reinforced by local peasants surrounded and annihilated the Bäzzè 's army. The raiders killed Bäzzè and emasculated the bodies of the men who had fallen with him. Over 2,000 Rifles and 22,000 Cartridges fell into the hands of the

Rayyans. The news heard by the government and promoted the further breakdown of state

174 Yä Temehret Ma‟ekl, Yä Rayana Qobbo Hezb Aƈir Tarik, 27. 175 Mc Cann, “From Poverty to Famine…,” 621.

48 authority in the region. 176 The government reacted aggressively by re-ordered huge army recruited from Tgray and Wag, the villages burned and many Rayyans also killed by the soldiers.

Although the Gaz seems resumed in the Italian occupation period (1935-1941), spontaneously it was continued until 1990s. For the reason that such kinds of quarrel continued between the peoples lived in the border area. For instance the police reported the clash of the Afar and Rayya people since 1950s.177

Ironically, the neighboring Afar had good relations with Rayya people via täkäyysa a form of friendship and the Rayya also kept the door open to include the distant Afar communities.

Because of this, like the neighboring Afar communities, the distant Afar could also join the long- established and deep rooted communal institution of täkäyysa to address inter-communal problems together. Inclusively, the täkäyysa has become a form of friendship related the two communities.

2.4.1 Wäyyanè cultural feud

When someone termed the word Wäyyanè everyone bear in mind with the northern peasant rebellion against imperial rule in 1940s. Because Tgray insurgents called their struggle as

Wäyyanè by borrow the name from a traditional feud performing by young Rayya men around the river banks.178 According to James McCann also Wäyyanè described as ritual war games had long been practiced by adolescent males.179 Mostly the fighting had been held at the river banks and fighters were come from the opposite side of the river. Lapiso similarly compared the feud

176 Mc Cann, “From Poverty to Famine…,” 602. 177 (NALA), File No 3.8, 3.27.8, 3/288,3/28. 178 Lapiso G. Delebo, Yeeteyopiya Yegäbar sre’atna Jmer Kapitalizm 1900-1966, (Addis Ababa, 1983),145. 179 Mc Cann, 608.

49 with Luba clan fighting among young Oromo. 180 The feud mainly performed for different reasons. According to my informant, the main motive of the fight was drive from ritual reason that means to satisfy the blood thirsty water- spirit, Wafa, they fought and shaded their blood so that the waters of the river could be productive. They believed that the Wafa spirit would bring wealth, happiness and prosperity for the entire society. 181 Therefore to prevent any kind of outrage they would fight each other and pay great scarifications. The fight which involved the use of stick, sword, dagger, or spear, beyond its function as initiation rite it was helpful to prove their fighting ability.182 It has been an important phenomenon which prepared young people for warfare against their rivals. It was intended to test courage and improve fighting skill, which means when the person participates in such kind of feud he able to become one of the members in Gaz military campaign.183 Every matured Rayya men were obliged to grow as a soldier in order to protect the society from external attack.

There is scholarly evidence about Wäyyanè practiced in other part Wällo. Such fighting used to take place between warrior of Qallu and Tähulädärè at Mutiqollo in the outskirt of Kombolča town and by Ƈäleqa River. The Islamic teachers tried to bring to an end this feud through different ways. For instance, the Ulama of the time tried to abolish these practice by threatening not to perform funeral prayers for those who died while fighting.184

One of the informant of Hussein says, his name was Sheikh Säyyed Mohammed b. Faqih Zubay travelling to the land of the Rayya in about A.H 1230/1814 A.D, he reached near Qobbo where he witnessed barbarous and furious Wäyyanè feud. Persuaded by the saints to stay on and arrange

180 Lapiso, Yeeteyopiya Yegäbar sre’atna Jmer Kapitalizm, 145. 181 Käbrom , Yäraya hezebe, 123. 182 Tbeje,” From Raiders to Collaborators….,” 14. 183Agezew Hidaru, “The Political History of Rayya Qobbo ,1872-1943,” (BA Thesis: , Addis Ababa University, 2000) 184 Hussèn, Islam in Wällo, 135-136.

50 reconciliation between the feuding factions the sheikh had them take on oath not to take apart in such a fratricidal war in the future. Although there was a temporary lull as a result of his initiative, the fighting resumed not long after his departure, and led to the loss of many lives. In the time of Ras Michael in the late 19th C, the Wäyyanè was prohibited by law. 185 Nevertheless, the practice continued until it was strictly banned by the police in 1970s. 186

2.5 Traditional Medical Practice and Beliefs

The World Health Organization (WHO) defines traditional medicine as “Health practices, approaches, knowledge and beliefs incorporating plant, animal and mineral based medicines, spiritual therapies, manual techniques and exercises, applied singularly or in combination to treat, diagnose and prevent illnesses and maintain well-being.” 187 Traditional medical treatment has two broader classifications namely, natural folk medicine and magical or spiritual healing system. The former is produced from observable elements such as plant, animal and mineral objects, while the later is healing through spiritual techniques by magicians and witchdoctors,

Asmatäñas, Däbtäras and Qalichas.188 The people in Raya Qoboo wäräda have had certain traditional perceptions, beliefs and customs about disease causation and treatment, and many of them continue to use well tried and accustomed traditional treatment. According to Rayya Qobbo wäräda Cultural and Tourism office study, the people in the area believed that various cultural illness or cultural syndromes such as Megaña/lekeft caused by demons (Ganèl or Ginni), Balä eji

185 Hussèn, Islam in Wällo, 136. 186 An interview was conducted with Ato Birhanu Molla and Assefa Gubssa. 187 WHO, Legal Status of Traditional Medicine and Complementary/Alternative Medicine: A World Wide Review. Geneva, (2001), 3. 188 Alämayähu Erkihun Engida, “Mapping the socio-cultural landscape of the Gumuz Community of Mätäkäl, Northwestern Ethiopia,” African Journal of History and Culture,7 No.12, (2015), 216.

(watchcraft) or Buda (evil eyed), madness and epilepsy cannot be cured by modern medicine. 189

In this case the people in the area believed that Kitabs (amulets containing a written script), arm rings, hair style and eye make-up (antimony or Kul) are also supposed to protect from the evil eye.190 Kitabs among Muslim Rayyans are also used for the purpose of protecting an individual against evil eye, as well as snake and scorpion bites. 191

Cures against spirit possession traditional healers exorcise or drive out evil spirit by smoking, wiping and performing elaborate healing ceremonies. Counter- irritation and cauterization were also other methods used by traditional healers to treat their patients. 192 Moreover, religious practices play a large part in the healing process for Ethiopians such as praying and going to church. Holy water for Orthodox Christians (called 'Tsäbäl' in Amharic) or 'Mau zämzäm' 193 in the case of Muslims is also frequently used for a wide verity of illnesses. The local people believe that holy water cures when it is drunk or bathed in.

Most of the population went to the traditional healers, wizards home ( Tänquay bät) and got some pretexts and strategies to prevent the disease. The people also thought that the disease could be reduced or eliminated from the area if they prayed to their gods. Their gods were big and branched trees, caves, rivers, animals and mountains. Still other medicines are available for use as charms against an enemy. One of my informants told me; prior to 1940s the local sorcerers produced various medicines to protect warriors from Shäwa and Adal bullet.194

189 Cultural Value Development Team, Raya Qobbo wäräda Culture and Tourism Office, " Yäwärädaw Hezeb Hagär bäqäl Ewqätoch," local office document, (2012), 13. 190 An Interview conducted with Ustaz Abdulwhab Abdelnasir and Yimer Edris. 191 Ibid. 192 Rukya Hassèn, “Pragmatics of Spiritual Rituals for Healing in Wällo,” Global Journal of Archeology & Anthropology, 3, No. 5 ( 2018), 5. 193 Ustaz Ustaz Abdulwhab Abdelnasir. 194 Raya Qobbo wäräda, “…Hagär bäqäl Ewqätoch,” 6.

The Rayyans also treated them from illness using natural folk medicines which are largely derivatives from the natural world; from plants and animals. Many patients went to traditional healers like expert herbalists (Yäbäsha mädhanit awqi or Ketäl bätash), who prepared traditional medicine through crushing and pounding for treatment. For instance, to treat Woläta or

Wäba/malaria patients, they drenching the blood of Aloe Vera plant (Erèt), Wart-hog‟s urine

(Yekerkero shint) and Katikala (areqi). 195

The majority medicine are made from mixture of different plants species with water and different additive substance like honey, sugar, butter salt and milk. These additive substances have different functions. That is to reduce poisons, improve flavor and antidotes during adverse affect such as vomiting and diarrhea. In addition to give drinking, eating and fumigating medicines,

Rayya traditional healers treated serious fever and headache by drawing the patients‟ blood to the surface of the body by use of cup, which is known as Waggämt or cupping. 196 Moreover, people were bitted their arms in order to removed unwanted blood from their body, it considered as the cause of chronic headache as they call it Moy/Moñ bageñ.197

Since the early time the people in Rayya Qobbo wäräda used hot spring for curing the disease like itch and bone disease. Congruent with the information from 1962 letter, it was written from

Rayyana Qobbo Awrajja to Wällo province and another letter from Wällo province to Minister of Interior in 1963 were reported about the number of hot spring found in the province.198

195 Adis Sisay, „„Historical survey of Epidemics in Rayya Qobbo wäräda in the 20th century‟‟ ( MA. Thesis, Bahir Dar University, 2015), 75. 196 Raya Qobbo, “Hagär bäqäl Ewqätoch…,” 8. 197 An interview conducted with W/ro Manale Ashebir and Tringo Hussien 198 Woldä Mesqel Tariku Mimorial cultural Archive, ( Wällo Kiflä hagär) Folder no.468. File no. 12. መ. ዘ. 185/1955 E. C.

Fig. 3 Golina Hot spring found in Rayya Qobbo wäräda

Source: Field work date Feb. 2019.

A further healing technique in Rayya is known as Boläkeya. Its etymological root drives from two Oromo words Boläk (fire) and Eya (burrow). In addition to healing it is also very important for skin treatment. Boläkiya is entirely used by woman for the sake of sustain their beauty, protecting dryness of the skin, promote healing, brushing and tearing of the perineuium used as an antiseptic, make flexible the vagina and uterine tissues, and when a woman give birth, her womb is cold and needs heat to restore the chi for correct healing. It is also very important for

54 ease pain in joints and used as an appetizer for patients.199 Boläkiya prepared in the (Guada) bedroom through digging a small barrow on the floor.200

Traditional healers in Rayya Qobbo applied several disease prevention techniques. In the 1960s, the spread of highly infectious diseases followed to famine, such as scabies was prevented by deserting places where the epidemics occurred. Sweeping or covering floors with particular plants is another way of disease preventive mechanism. Other methods of disease prevention include isolating people with contagious diseases, prohibition or controlling movement and taking children away from the affected areas. 201

199 Heritage Research and Conservation Authority," ANRS: North and South Gondär, North and South Wällo and Oromo Nationality Zone Recorded Intangible Cultural Heritage," (heritage inventory inspection directorate, 2009) V.8, No.2 (Ethiopia, Addis Abäba), 170. 200 Ibid., 170-174. 201 Raya Qobbo ,” Hagär bäqäl Ewqätoch…,” 15.

CHAPTER THREE

SOCIAL PRACTICES, RITUAL AND FESTIVE EVENTS

3.1 Religion in Rayya Qobbo

Traditions claim that the early settlers in Rayya were followers of Christianity, that is to say

Christianity in to Rayya Qobbo wäräda had a long history traced back to the coming of the nine saints in Ethiopia at the end of fifth century.202 According to the monastic tradition of Rama

Kidanä Mihrät, Abba Guba (one of the nine saints) came to the area and founded the monastery.

But, the monastery said to have suffered much by Yodit and subsequently during the invasion of

Ahmad Graň.203 On the other hand, basing himself on Trimingham‟s conclusion Hussein has argued that the early settlers before 16th century in the area were originally followers of traditional relgion; they were later converted to Islam and Christianity. 204 Alvarez also recognized the existence of Islam and Christianity in the area. He told us about the war between the Doba Moors (Islam) settled in the eastern plain and Christians who settled in Jan Amora, the western highland part of Rayya.205

The chronicle of King Ba‟edä Maryam (r.1468-78) described the Doba‟s as pagans. He led punitive campaign and converting the surviving Doba to Christianity and built a church dedicated to St Marry.206 He also stationed Ƈäwa regiments who were most probably followers

202 Rama Kidanä Mihrät Aƈir tarik, A Brochure prepared by Rayya Qobbo Wäräda Culture and Tourism Office, (2008), 7-8. 203Selamawit, Mecha, “Hagiography of Ethiopian Female Saints :With Special Reference to Gädlä Krestos Sämra and Gädlä Fqertä Krestos, ” Journal of African Cultural Studies, 18, No.2, (2006),153-157. 204 Hussien, Islam in Wällo, 8. 205 Stanley, Narratives of the Portuguese,116. 206 Alemu Haile, Ya Itiyopiā Tārik, 114-115.

56 of Christianity. As a result, Christianity seems to have made inroads in to the area with Zobel as its center.207

According to Fiqadu Beňa in his thesis entitled “Land and the peasantry” and some oral traditions, Emperor Libnä Dengil (1508-1541) had built forty four churches in Zobel. But, during the war of Ahmad Graň those churches built by Libnä Dingil were burnt and Christianity suffered much in the region and the people were Islamized. On the footsteps of Graň, followed the new Oromo settlers in the region and they seem to have opted for Islam.208 By the same token, the war of Imam Ahmed and the conquest events brought forced conversion of the Doba people to Islam. Muslim Afar pastoralists who were loyal to Imam Ahmed were to have settled in the area of Rayya Qobbo and its surrounding. 209 This brought about the domination of Islam once again to the area. Christians were forced to evacuate and ancient and medieval churches were burned.

Graň war paved the way for the introduction of traditional religious practices by Oromo settlers in the region.210 However, Yäjju northern neighbors of Rayya were already Muslims at the time of Oromo settlement. “Only in the case of Rayya it is known beyond doubt that their

Islamization.” 211 In 19th century, Rayya Oromo show that it was under Christian influence though, also as a consequence of the coming of Tgrian settlers that the Rayya abandoned their traditional political organization, some of their ritual and belief system.212

207 Merid, “Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom…,” 68-71. 208 Fiqadu Begna, “ Land and The Peasantry in Northern Wällo: Yäjju and Rayya Qobbo Awrajja, 1941-1972,” (MA Thesis, Addis Ababa University , 1990), 104-105. 209 Moges Demeke, “ Italian Occupation and Collaboration …,” 9. 210 Kebrom , Yäraya hezeb, 163. 211 Merid, “Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom….,” 169. 212 Hussien, Islam in Wällo, 26.

During the reign of Emperor Yohannis IV, he made several campaigns in Rayya lands in the

1870s. He led forceful conversion of the people to Christianity and ordered the churches to built,

Christian soldiers from Lasta and Tgray were given land and settled in the district of Zobel and his generals were granted Gult (fief) lands. It seems that Yohannis‟ Christianization drive was strongly resisted. Nonetheless, Yohānnis succeeded in Christianizing the people.213

At this time both Orthodox Christianity and Islam are the dominant religions which are believed to have the dual qualities of offering comfort especially in times of uncertainty and of explaining why events happen. The religious practices found in Islam and in Christianity do not overlap.

They are appropriate in their own way. The two belief systems provide their own explanations of events in terms of God‟s will. Both of them consider the premise of a fair judgment and possible reward in the afterlife based on their doctrine. Though people in these two religions have different religious beliefs, they usually are known to have close social interactions. Respecting their religious differences they usually co-operate in their agricultural activities and share their happiness and adversaries. During weddings even during religious festivals such as epiphany and

Mäwlid they enjoy the ceremony with different traditional songs and games.

In addition to these two dominant religions there have been some traditional rituals, which usually call for social gathering in Rayya Qobbo wäräda. Though, through pressures from religious clerics and political administrators, now, the practice of these rituals is declining. Yet, people have practiced them as a way of appeasing angry spirits, exorcising spirits from a victim, or praying for rain, health, rearing children and welfare of their cattle.

213 Agezew, “Political History of Rayya Qobbo…,” 34-38.

Due to the above reasons various kinds of ritual customs practiced by the people in Rayya

Qobbo. These rituals include celebrations for Tufta, Zar, Erfomäräba/Dubärtti, Wädajja and

Dingay tay etc.

3.2 Ritual practices and Traditional beliefs

3.2.1 Tufita Ceremony

In Rayya Qobbo there is a social folk custom (ritual) known as Tufita. No one can speak with confident about when the practice was started. The term Tufita has been used by the people to refer the actions of the Tuftäñas (performer) i.e. then after a full round of blessing through customary folk poetry will breathe on the drink which is given to the one who is in possession of the blessing.214 A folk poetry composed, recited and performed in Tufita is known as Shänäča.

However, most people in the area used the terms Shänäča and Tufita, interchangeably. But sometimes the former is used to mention the folk poetry recited and the latter to the folk custom or ceremonial process. 215

In spite of blessing Tuftäñas used the ceremony for curse their rivals or enemies and praise or glorify their hosts. In addition to these also the people used to commenting on the socio-political realities they face and express their outlook and desires to maintain the stability of socially accepted attitudes, institutions and general cultural heritage. 216 According to the custom and belief in this area it is believed that those who are blessed through Tufita will succeed in every aspect of life.217 Consequently, the performances in this social element vary according to the

214 An interview was conducted with Ato Abäbä Mäläs, Wodajo Assefa, Abära Kubi. 215 Ibid. 216 An interview was conducted with Ato Abäbä Mäläs and Asäfa Gubsa. 217 Ibid.

59 reasons and occasions of its presentations. Accordingly, ceremonies may be prepared inside homes, under trees or around farm places.

Fig. 4 A Tufta ceremony held in Täkuläsh village, Rayya Qobbo.

Source: From RQCTO Documentation

In Tufita, most of the time elders (all males) will be invited to pray for those people who are responsible for the preparation of the ceremony. Hence, local drinks like Tälla and Täj local foods like Enjära with Wät and bread will be prepared and served. Besides, a coffee ceremony is a must one. On the day of ceremony Tuftäñas, invited elders who can compose and recite

Shänäča will arrive soon after lunch time. 218 According to the custom the number of these

Tuftäñas should be three, five or seven; because it is believed that odd numbers call for good sprit. In addition relatives and neighbors who are invited will join the party.

218 Cultural Value Development Team, Raya Qobbo wäräda Culture and Tourism Office, " Bäwärädaw Yäminägäru Senäqaloč ena Mesalyawi Anägaäeroč," local office document, (2016), 19.

The Tuftäñas at their arrival will elect the elderly one among them as temporary leader of the whole performance. Soon after, following their leader, the Tuftäñas will put a small lath of olive tree each around the door and spread out fresh grass on the floor for it is believed that such things are signs of hope and calls for good sprit too. Then, the Tuftäñas will sit in a half circle in front of those who are going to be blessed (most of the time male, sometimes with their wife and children) and will start drinking Tälla.219

In Rayya Qobbo, when people sees someone who is prosperous it is a common experience that they say “ተመርቆ ነው” (he has been blessed by elders). In the case of Shänäča, blessing for wealth focuses on cattle herding, successful in harvest and war, trade and other aspects of socio- economic realities. With regard to blessing for successful harvest and cattle herding, the following poems can be mentioned.

ሀብታም ገበሬ ሁን፤ May you become a wealthy farmer, አሜን ! /Amen/ ሀብታም ገበሬ ሁን፤ May you become a wealthy farmer, አሜን ! /Amen/ የጊደር ወተቱን፤ Milk, from your heifer, አሜን ! /Amen/ የወይፈን እሸቱን፤ Fruit, from the farming of your bull, አሜን ! /Amen/ የምኩት ደረቱን ይስጥህ፡፡ May God gives you: And Beef, from your fattened goat አሜን ! 220 /Amen/ In the first poem the Tuftäña is blessing the man who is in possession of the ceremony, to become a prosperous farmer. The Tuftäña wishes his host to have milk-cows which are heifers,

219 An interview was conducted with Ato Assäfa Gubssa, Abära Kubi. 220 Rayya Qobbo , “Senäqaloč ena Mesalyawi Anägaäeroč…," 23.

61 for heifers are full of milk. Besides, in the fourth line he maintains his wish by claiming bulls for farming than oxen. In Rayya Qobbo it is believed that bulls are more strong and energetic than oxen, and those who plough their farm lands with bulls are successful than those who use cows and oxen. The blessing also goes further and the speaker wishes this man to enjoy meals of beef from fattened goat all the way through life. In Rayya Qobbo as it is in many parts of Ethiopia, slaughtering fattened goat is considered as a sign of wealth and respect.

During the performance of Shänäča when one of the Tuftäñas recite a poem every audience has to participate by saying „Amen‟ or „Yehun‟ to mean „let it happen.‟ 221 The recitation of Shänäča will continue by the Tuftäñas by taking turns, and sometimes male audiences are also allowed in the recitation of poems.

In Rayya Qobbo Tufita performances take place throughout the year. However, there are common occasions in which the Tufita rituals performed. To mention the major occasions for the performance of Tufta in Rayya Qobbo; in wedding ceremonies, in the preparation of Gaz campaign, Zäwäld erq (conflict conciliation), the coming of farming and harvesting seasons,

Wänfäl or Däbo (cooperative work) and construction of new houses are identified. In this ritual practice there is no external identified spirits involvement. The performers pray towards their

God.222

3.2.2 Wädajja

Wädajja is another form of ritual practice in Rayya Qobbo wäräda having a procedure and objectives similar to that of practices explained before. It was one of the oldest traditional ritual practices in Rayya. The meaning of Wädajja was derived from Amharic word which means

221 An interview was conducted with Ato Yimam Ali, Assäfa Gubssa, Abära Kubi. 222 Ibid.

Wädajj or friend.223 Most of my informants agreed that it was highly related with the religion of

Islam. 224 Contrary to this notion Isenberg and Krapf suggested that the ceremony held in Adbar was a common for both Muslims and Christians.225 Some stated that it was a practice which was introduced in to Rayya following the arrival of pagan Oromo in the region.226 According to

Turmingham Wädajja was pagan rites practiced by Oromo settlers, though with Islamic introductions since this is a ceremony which can be Islamized. 227 The researcher found that

Turmingham wrongly claimed that traditional religious practice among Oromo as well as in

Ethiopia considered as pagan. Because paganism has not any ritual practices. Based on the tradition its role was mediating between human and divinity. The participant was solely that of men, who pray for the purpose of healing a man who was suffered from a diseases caused by bad spirit, Satan or Jinni and sorcery.228

European travelers whose names were Isenberg and krapf had put their observation of wädajja practice in Wällo around 1810s as follows:

The Wällo [Oromo] are much engaged in saying prayers and in blessing the country. They observe a custom which I have never seen with other „Mahomedans‟ (Muslims). They assemble early in the morning, say their prayers, take coffee, and Tohjid (maybe it is currently known as Hawza, sort of tea boiling from chat), and smoke tobacco. This ceremony is called Wodacha. It lasts on Wednesday and Friday till after midday. They behave that they receive revelations from Allah (God) on the Wodacha.229 The ritual ceremony for Wädajja was held more often during the night that the day accompanied with chat chewing and praying. Praying was not conducted calmly rather than pray through

223 Kebrom , Yäraya hezebe,168. 224 An interview was conducted with Ato Assäfa Gubssa, Abära Kubi. 225 Isnberg and Krapf, Journals of the Rev. Messrs. Isenberg and Krapf, 439-440. 226 An interview was conducted with Ato Assäfa Gubssa, Yimär Endris,Yimam Ali 227 Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, 207. 228 Kebrom , Yäraya hezebe, 169. 229 Isnberg and Krapf, 323-324.

63 shouting. The number of participants in Wädajja ceremony particularly the experts

(practitioners), depend on the capacity of the host to cover the cost of the undertaking. 230

Wädajja ceremony was led by a group of experts comprising 2 to 3 men or 5 to 7 and their numbers were usually odd as that of Tufita. 231 Leaders of this ritually ceremony were known as

Abägare. Abägare is an expert in leading Wädajja ceremony. Porridge and chat were abundantly served during the ceremony. The Wädajja ritual ceremony was oriented towards achieving a sound health status, good harvest, peaceful life,232 a successful Gaz or other raiding campaign233 and healing the sick person from his illness.234 Months selected for performing Wädajja were only the month of October, December and May. Because it was believed that the months mentioned were characterized by the occurrence of disease like malaria, Satan (Jinni), sorcery and other undefined ones.235 People who host the Wädajja prepared chat, coffee, porridge, butter, honey, incense, and if necessary some food. Abägar then performed his praying for a full night.

If there is a patient he spends with him getting his blessing for a night. The expert continuously beats the sick man with leaf of chat with a conviction that he will recover from sickness.236

Men who become Abägar were always from the Muslim communities. According to informants,

Abägar can be selected because of the will of Allah and/or through inheritance. There was a general belief that, if a boy involves in preparation of coffee and related activities since his early

230 An interview was conducted with Ato Yimam Ali. 231 An interview was conducted with Ato Yimam Ali and Alämu Addiè, “The History of ritual Practice of the people in Rayya Qobbo,” (BA Thesis: Wällo University, 2015), 24., and Kebrom , Yäraya Hezb Tarik, 168. 232 Hussien, Islam in Wällo, 40. 233 Kibrom, Yäraya Hezb Tarik, 168. 234 Alämu, The History of ritual Practice..., 25. 235 An interview was conducted with Ato Yimam Ali. 236 An interview was conducted with Ato Yimär Endris, Assefa Gubssa

64 age, it is the will of God to make him the future Abägar. Emanating from the service they deliver, Abägars were well respect by the community. 237

The ceremony of Wädajja had its own rules and regulations. First the place where the ceremony was performed should be clean and wearing shoe was also not allowed. Those who do not want to put butter on their hair were not allowed to be around at all. A women preparing coffee for the ceremony was not permitted to enter into the place reserved for the Abägar draped with a red curtain.238 Wädajja is performed either within the house or in the shadow of old and big tree

(Adebar or Qolè), it was highly respected tree considered as keeper or watchman. 239 If it was an individual based ceremony, it had to be performed inside the house; whereas, if it was for the village, the ceremony was performed in the shadow of Adäbar. The praying of the Abägar may be different according to the aspirations and interests of the people who host the ceremony. For those who lack health, harvest, peace, offspring and wealth. Abägars performed the healing practice through poem and other sayings. The following verses were examples to be uttered by

Gätačäw based on one of the Abägar and to be responded by audience:

አማን አማን ጀባ! Peace may reign peace may reign be it on the patron sprit of ours, የተሰማራው ውሎ ይግባ the dispatched be return safe, የራያው አርጋኖ መጀን on the behalf of Rayyan Argano, በላው ተብሪድ ይሁን may peace and tranquility reign, የታመመው ይዳን the sick may get cured, የተሰማራው ውሎ ይግባ the dispatched be return safe, ሸጋ ሸጋውን ሇኛ ጀባ!240 may the spirit proffer us all the beautiful and the lovely ones !

237 An interview was conducted with Ato Yimär Endris and Assefa Gubssa 238 An interview was conducted with Ato Mängäsha Yilma. 239 Isnberg and Krapf, Journals of the Rev. Messrs. Isenberg and Krapf, 439-440. 240 Getachew Desale, Ethnic Description in Rayya, 48.

The poem like presented in the above a pray of Abägar to bring peace for the people and health for the sick from God. Here is also another pray in the form of poem for the sake of getting good harvest. አድርገው እነዲበጅ: Please make it convenient,

ሰፊ ነው ያላህ ደጅ: since the mercy of Allah is much,

በሬና ገበሬ ቢጣለም አይበጅ: it would not be good if a farmer and an ox remained enemies,

እንዳው ሰተት ብሎ ይጠመዳል እንጅ:: 241 rather than being ready for plough.

In general Wädajja was a practice which highly related to Oromo. However, the people in Rayya

Qobbo practiced this ritual parallel with their monotheistic religion.

3.2.3 The beliefs and Practice of Zar

Zar was a spirit possession cult widely spread in the horn of Africa and some countries in the

Middle East. It was originally driven from the neighboring Cushitic Agäw people. 242 As an illustration of existing traditions, since the ancient time before they accepted monotheistic religion Agäw people prying for their sky god through this kind of ritual activities. Based on the tradition of Ethiopian Jews Monika wrote the following story for the beginning of Zar:

Tells of the thirty children of Adam and Eve and how the fifteen most beautiful children become invisible. Thinking to protect her most beautiful children from divine envy, Eve tried to hide them in the Garden of Eden, out of God‟s sight. God all-seeing and angered by Eve‟s actions, declared that these children would remain invisible for eternity. The fifteen unhidden children become the ancestor of humanity, while the invisible children become the forefathers of a class of envious and unpredictable spirits called Zar. Since that time, humans have been plagued by the caprice of the Zar, subjected to illness and misfortune at the jealous whim of the spirits. 243

241 Kebrom , Yäraya hezebe Tarik, 174. 242Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, 253. 243 Monika D Edelstein, “Lost tribes and Coffee ceremonies: Zar spirit possession and Ethno- Religious Identity of Ethiopian Jewish in Israel,” Journal of refuge studies, 15, no. 2, (2002), 155.

Gradually the practice spread towards the neighboring people. 244 Rural people of the study area believed that spirits or supernatural being are the root causes of illness for most of the people.

For instance if an individual is victim of spirits and being sick with disease, it simply attribute to the Zar spirit. According to my informants Zar can be forced to go out of the body of the possessed by the performance of communal rites. Through the performance of this rite, it is believed that the spirit would be contented and appeased.245 The head of this cult is known as called baläzar which means the person who possessed Zar spirit. 246 He led every aspect of the ceremony and performed ritual activities on behalf of the hosts.

Zar spirits are not only an illness but also a healing ritual that is treated by pacifying the intruding spirits. Some people still practiced the Zar cult during labor and delivery even though today it has declined its role. According to some of the informants, the beliefs there are nonhuman spirits and extra-human forces lying outside the physical control of human beings.247

There is a common perception that pregnant women may be affected by Zar spirits. A key informant from Zobel argued that at “Some patients did not desire to take medicine because they believed that the Zar dislikes any modern medicines. Then, they refuse to the medication”.248

This belief prevents peoples from utilizing modern health services that is an essential one for the survival of human being.

As indicated above some scholarly works and oral traditions believed that the Rayya people absorbed Zar cult prior to the Oromo settlement from their Agäw neighbors. However, Oromo

244 Trimingham, 257-259 and Hussien, Islam in Wällo, 28-29. 245 An interview was conducted with W/ro Zämuyè Ali, Manale Ashebir. 246 Cultural Value Development Team, Raya Qobbo wäräda Culture and Tourism Office, " Bäwärädaw Yämigñu Goji Lemadawi dergitoč," local office document,(2016), 40. 247 An interview was conducted with W/ro Manalè Ashäbir. 248 An interview was conducted with Ato Ali Gälo, Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, 235.

67 settlers introduced in to it different cultural and religious elements and modified its elements.

According to Tirimingham “drinking of the blood of the sacrificial animals and grinding of the head with its peritoneum was most certainly added by [Oromo].” 249 What Turmingham‟s report makes true is there was a tradition of using animals for the purpose of worshiping in Rayya

Qobb. In relation to this, key informants said there was a cultural practice of encircling of a hen around the patient or birthing woman‟s head which is called Meteča spirit in local language.250

In most of the cases, animals are prescribed to be used as sacrifices for the Qollè or chief spirit by Baläzar. The purpose of this practice was to exorcise the bad spirit from the person which regards as treatment seeking behavior.

Moreover, Baläzars or communal prayers gathering which is accompanied by feasts of bread or roasted grain and coffee, Tälla, a portion of which is offered to Qollä or Adebar. What the spirit wants to heal the sick person is prescribed by the witch who is assumed to know what is the unknown because either it was in the past or because it is in the future.251 It is believed that the sickness may be inherited or the spirit may just jump on somebody s/he likes and would not let go unless the sick person makes regular sacrifices. Many believe in the power of such spirits and the animal sacrifice to heal the sick which, of course, is caused by the whisper of the spirit.

When there is a sick person who is suspected of being infected by such spirit, his family would take him/her to a knowledgeable person who would do appeal for the relief of the sick person.252

For those kinds of Zar rituals the performer would also be made ready. If it is a female, she would have her hair done „Shuruba‟ (Braid her hair), color her hands and feet with special plants

249 Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, 235. 250 An interview conducted with W/ro Zämuyè Ali, Manalè Ashäbir, Tringo Hussien. 251 Belay, “Social History of Rayya Oromo..,” 59. 252 An interview was conducted with Ato Ali Gälo.

68 known as ‘Ensosela & Gushrit’ and she would get dressed in white traditional cotton dress. If he is male, he would wear clean clothes and have a clean and white „Gabi‟, a local garment.253

The surrounding is also made clean. Incense is burnt and grass is sprinkled on the floor. There are particularly required incenses that are used to call for and welcome the spirit. These include

„Kärbe‟, „Adäs‟ „Käbärčo‟ and others. 254 According to Rayya Qobbo wäräda cultural and tourism office report there are five major kinds of Zar spirits found in Rayya Qobbo, including

Rahèlo, Ƈänger, Anebäso, [Oromo] and Zäbänya, excluding other minor spiritual performances.

Key informants of the researcher shered the above classifications. 255 Each of the above sprits has their own specific characteristics. The color and kinds of scarifying animals vary from one to the other.256 For instance in Anebäso Zar the animals that will put for scarifies are one adult rooster, a white adult rooster and red adult rooster or red male sheep. The symptoms of Anebäso’s affliction are back pain with difficulty in sitting, and stomachache. As prescribed by a witch, the sacrifice is made in November or April on a Tuesday or Thursday. They make an appointment with a performer for the ritual. The family, friends and neighbors are informed of the date in advance. In the mean time, foods and drinks are prepared. 257

Traditionally Anebäso Zar was assumed to be a Muslim spirit. They beg him by recognizing his powers and the sacrifices they have presented. Then the performer says, “We have banned you from requiring such sacrifice for the next four years.” 258 Then sacrifices are offered from each kind of food and drink, and a portion is put aside for the third day. Then, from each kind of food and drink, a portion is sprinkled around. The practice is known as called Wärariw Kämäs. As

253 Ibid. 254 Rayya Qobbo wäräda , “Goji Lemadawi dergitoč…,” 43. 255 Rayya Qobbo wäräda , “Goji Lemadawi dergitoč…,” 43., Informant: Zämuye Ali. 256 An interview was conducted with W/o Zämuye Ali, Manalè Ashäbir, Tringo Hussien. 257 Ibid. 258 An interview was conducted with Ato Wodajjo Assäfa, Assefa Gubssa.

69 they sprinkle, they say “ከአመት አመ ት አድርሰነ ይኸው ምስህ” it mean “may you allow us live until next year: here is your sacrifice.” 259 Then the roasted grain (Qolo) is mixed with „Nug‟

(Niger seed) given to the attendants. Then bread and coffee are served. The right side of the meat of the sacrificed animals is reserved for the sick person or the person who prepared the ceremony. Those who did not enter at the time of the ritual would not enter the house for the next three days so that the spirit would not affect them. The ritual would be repeated on the third day and that would be the end of it for the next four days. 260

Another major Zar sprit also known as called Ƈängär; the performance of Ƈängär Zar or

„Wuqabi‟ is assumed to be a male Zar spirit. The animals that are offered as sacrifice include one grey rooster cock, one brown rooster cock, one white and one red rooster cock or a red male sheep. The person who is possessed by a Ƈängär Zar is assumed to get sick with sharp pain on the ribs, the back and the thigh.261

Commonly animals are sacrificed in the above subscribed order each year. The first year, the grey adult rooster, the next year the white and the third year the red cock are sacrificed. Then on the fourth year, a four legged animal is required. So, instead of the fourth red adult rooster, a red male sheep is bought and presented to the possessed person to caress it. It would grow until the fourth year and the sheep is sacrificed with all the other roosters. The ritual is done on a Tuesday or Thursday in April or May. The other food and drink prepared for the ritual are served in the same way as mentioned above. At mid-day, people are gathered and the person who leads the

259 Kebrom , Yäraya hezebe Tarik, 175. 260 Rayya Qobbo , “Goji Lemadawi dergitoch…,” 44. 261 An interview was conducted with W/ro Zämuye Ali and Tirngo Hussien.

70 performance begins chanting before eating food. In general the rest Zar spirits also have their own distinct characteristics. 262

Based on the study conducted by the culture and tourism office of Rayya Qobbo wäräda,

Baläzars has been singing together using special songs with unique sound and rhymes in the ceremony. The following song is suppose to as a good example..

አባይ በወተት ደፈረሰ ፤ The Abay River mudded with milk,

አቤ በወተት ደፈረሰ ፤ Abe mudded with milk,

የባታው ገበሬ ምን ጊዜ ደረሰ ፤ The Bata farmer fast to appear soon,

ወርደ አለ በበረሃ ፤ He is gone in the wilderness,

ወርዱል አለ በበረሃ ፤ He is gone in the wilderness,

አቢገም ጥቁሩ በበረሃ ፤ Abigum the black in wilderness,

እሱን ጠጅ አስይዞ ፤ Mead to himself,

እኛን ወሐ ፡፡ 263 Water to ours.

Nevertheless, all of Zar sprits have the common way of practice, in the first day they celebrate in the house of Baläzar. In the next day they scarified animals in early morning. When they slaughter animals all participants in the house stand and smear their head by butter.264

3.2.4 Erefo Märäba

Erefo Märäba or Dubärti is also another communal prayer ceremony which is practiced in

Rayya Qobbo wäräda. Throughout this section the researcher use the terms Erefo Märäba‟ and

„Dubärti‟ interchangeably. It is the traditional ritual practice that is actively run by group of

262 Rayya Qobbo , “Goji Lemadawi dergitoć...,” 44-46. 263 Ibid., 52. 264 Ibid., 32.

71 women in the study area. To do so, the lead woman begins singing a special song called Erefo

Märäba which carries messages to Allah/God. The word Erefo Märäba means „on behalf of somebody let it happen.‟ The cult completely practiced by females. Traditions believed that the beginning of the cult associated with the coming of Oromo settlement. The early Oromo settlers coming from Awash valley first arrived in the place called Arbät. When they reached in the area they encountered bad spirit unsuitable for their cattle. In order to eliminate this spirit they began to prepare feasts and performed this ritual practice.265

The female prayers also known as called Dubärti, involves in praising and glorifying the sky-

God and seeking his spiritual assistance to the person or community who needs health, prosperity and peace. 266 According to the researcher interviewee‟s, the days of praying vary as per the request and utility that are deemed necessary by those whom request the service. For instance,

Monday is for marriage related cases, Tuesday is for wealth related service, Thursday is suited to have a child and pregnancy related cases and Saturday is for conflict resolution purpose as per the traditional norms of the people in the area. 267 The ritual act begins, as to the argument of informants, by begging God/Allah to solve inter-individual and enter-ethnic conflicts, to bring a good harvesting season, to sweeping any kinds of plague and disease and rescue the mother from pregnancy related illness, disease and delivery related deaths by using „Qoti‟ a slight stick by the practice leader.268

265 Rayya Qobbo, “Goji Lemadawi dergitoć...,” 52., and An interview was conducted with W/ro Maritu Hussien. 266 An interview was conducted with W/ro Maritu Hussien, Zämuyè Ali and Manale Ashebir. 267 Ibid. 268 Rayya Qobbo, “Bahelawi Ye‟erq snäsere‟at,” 25.

Fig. 5 Dubärtis with Qoti, who show stage performance in Mulualäm Cultural center.

Source: from ANRS Culture and Tourism Bureau Information Desk

In the ceremony one woman lead the team by singing a song and the other women followed and repeat it. As a ritual start-up the leader with Qoti begin her blessing and praying sitting in the shadow of a tree. The tree is known as Adebar. As we have seen in the previous discussions

Adebar gave great importance in all ritual practice of the people in Rayya Qobbo. Erefo Märäba as a ritual practice have multiple function- one among this function is its spiritual function to strengthens the social bond and social acceptance among those adhere it and go in line to the tradition and the Dubärtis also played a vital role in the conflict resolution.

There are different criteria set in the ceremony of Erefo Märäba. The members of Dubärtis must be free from physical disability as well as their age should be 40 years old and does not marry and they should have to be reached in nepotism. They are far from any kinds of gossipry. Young and unmarried girls not allowed participating in the practice. 269

269 Kebrom , Yäraya hezebe Tarik, 170.

3.2.5 Dingay Tay

Dibgay tay means, sorcerer who used pebbles to casting everything internally. Dibgay tay was not an institution but he was considerd as the last frtune teller of every aspect of the society. As we seen in the previous chapter Rayya warriors went to this sorcerer, in order to know about their fate in the battle field. He predicts the destiny of the war and decides the day when they fought with their enemy. In addition to this Dingay tay also perform the following activities.

Firstly, he indicates where the lost animals are found. Secondly, predict the future aspects of the person. Thirdly designate the mechanism to encourage different economic activities. Fourthly, indicate what work is preferable to the given person.270

He used thirty six white and black strong pebbles. The numbers of white pebble are greater than black pebbles. The pebbles are strong, because they selected from the river. 271 The performance mainly proceeded by the person, the sorcerer with his pebbles and the person who want to know his destiny put in front of each other. The sorcerer prepared his pebbles and began to classify in to four categories on the flattened cloth of his customer. Initially he put six pebbles on the 1st category and in the next three categories he throws the rest pebbles randomly. Next to these, again he takes two pebbles from each category. He repeated the action and he leave one or two pebbles from one of any categories. Finally, depending on the setting of remain pebbles he perform sorcery activities. 272

270 Yärayna Qobbo, Hezb Aƈir Tarik, 35. 271 Alemu Addise, “History of ritual Practice…,” 16. 272 Yärayna Qobbo, Hezb Aƈir Tarik, 36.

3.3 Soläl, Female‟s Festival

The name Soläl is mainly given for the festival what the girl upheld on the occasion of the days.

It also the words that they repeatedly uttered when they sing with an apparently attractive slow body movement or dance. The song sings like ‘So…lä... lälä…So… lälälä,’ this is the same for the first individual singers at the middle and the group that say in return.

Soläl is known by Ashända throughout Tgray, Shadäy in Wag, and Ashändyä in Lasta

Lalibäla.273 The researcher saw these interrelated words. Ashädya in Rayya Qobbo is the grass like long and flat material for the festivity but in the case of Tgray Ashända is the name of the festivity. This may indicated all the festivals except regional variations they are closely related.

Soläl is widely perceived to be a religious holiday. Its historical background was mostly linked with the ascension of the St. Mary during the 1st century A.D. Märegèta Kassa Alämu claims that Soläl is one of the religious holidays of the Orthodox Christianity by providing some contextual evidences.

በየ ዓመቱ ነሐሴ 16 የሚከበረው የሶሇል በዓል የቅድስት ድንግል ማርያምን እርገት ምክኒያት በማድርግ ነው፡፡ በተጨማሪም በዓለ በልጃገረዶች ብቻ የሚከበርበት ምክኒያት በድንግልና ፀንሳ በድንግልና የወሇደችው የቅድስት ማርያም ተምሳሌት ነው፡፡274 The commencing date of the festival, August 16 E.C, signifies the day when St. Mary ascended. Besides, the reason why that the cultural festival is originally celebrated by unmarried small girls is to show their representation to the virgin St. Mary. Another priest strengthens the above assumption and gave detail argument about its historical background which is associated with the ascension of St. Mary. Ethiopian Orthodox Church

273 Yäashändyä Bahilawi Ƈäwata: Documentary film, CD ROM, (AMRS Culture, Tourism and Park Development Bureau 2008), disc-1. 274 An interview was conducted with Mägeta Kassa Alemu.

75 venerates all scriptures and histories which were written during and after the lecture of Jesus

Christ. Some of those scriptures expounded about the ascending of St. Mary during the 1st century A.D, the priest stated that, the one from the twelve apostles named Thomas was not lucky to watch the ascension of Jesus beloved mother, because of this all the twelve apostles congregate for retreat and long fast to call Mary from heaven to ensure him her ascending. After fifteen days of praying and fasting she appeared; this was the background of the festivity. 275To commemorate this event Orthodox Church declare fifteen days of fasting called Feseläta/Filsäta, so as peoples attend on churches and spending those days through fasting; praying; kowtow and other religious duties.276 After accomplishing those ritual duties locals feast at home individually and then on street.

However, the religiosity of the festival seems to be argumentative. Masräshaw Abära and Akälä

Andargè who are from the same religious background, Orthodox Christian, posits that Soläl is purely a secular cultural festival.

በመጀመሪያ ሶሇል ሐይማኖታዊ ስሇመሆኑ የሚያስረዳ መረጃ ከመፅሐፍ ቅዱስም ይሁን ከልሎች ቀደምት መፅሃፍቶች የሇም፡፡ ሌላው ደግሞ በዓለ በሌሎች አሇማት በሚገኙ የኦርቶዶክስ አማኞች እና ከትግራይ እና ከተወሰኑ የአማራ ክልል አካባቢዎች በስተቀር በአለ አይከበርም፡፡277 For one thing there is no single religious manuscript, including the bible, which states about Soläl and its religious background. For the other Soläl is not celebrated not only in other countries where Orthodox Christianity is exercised, but also in other regions of Ethiopia except in Tgray and very some parts of the Amara region that are found in the border areas. What Masräsha and Akele further claims is that, Soläl probably is a “pre-Christian culture” which as they speculates is manipulated to serve as a means for the expansion of Christianity;

275 An interview was conducted with Priest Sisay Ferede, Priest Melkamu Abere. 276 Paulos Yohannes, “Filsata: the feast of the assumption of the Virgin Marry and the Mariological Tradition of the Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahdo Church " ( PhD. Dis. Princeton Theological Seminary, 1988), 205-206. 277 An interview was conducted with Ato Märsha Abära, Akälä Andargè

76 and thereby through the course of time Christianized. It is a common phenomenon of religiousindoctrinations that cultures are key instruments to get the heartbeat of the target society and by which preaching missions can be realized at ease.

Soläl can, therefore, be taken as cultural festival at least for the following reasons. First, no religious manuscript including the Bible speaks of the religiosity an even the very existence of the Soläle festival. Second, it is exceptional to North Wällo, Wag and bordering region of Tgray; no other Orthodox Christian societies, outside and within Ethiopia, celebrate the festival. Even the geographical proximity of the two regions‟ peoples can signal that this festival is cultural as it likely that it has been shared, as any other cultural exchange, through their long-lived cultural interaction. Third, even within the North Wällo and Wag, the festival varies in its nomenclature

(Soläl, Ashänedyè, shadäy, etc.), and in Tgray (Ashända, Ayniwari, Marya) commencement date, and duration from place to place; and, thus, these and other distinctions show us that it is not clearly determined by religious principles or commands. Rather, it is determined by cultures of specific societies. And, fourth, Soläl unlike other religious holidays has been celebrated by

Muslims.

Contrary to these in Rayya Qobbo however, it is on that day of the festivity, possibly the first day, which children‟s who are born months or some years before are destine to be seen by their god-fathers or god-mothers with bread and cloth. Hence the festival seems like religious and gives more concern to babies and girls. Even though there is no consensus, Soläl is a cultural and religious festival that is celebrated by a group of girls in at a place called Rayya Qobbo wäräda and other places in a different name and festivity. It takes place annually lasting for three days on average August 16-18 E.C.

Fig. 6 Girls preparation for Soläl festival.

Source: From RQCTO Documentation

Nevertheless, there is a big question which needs to be addressed by historians, social anthropologist and others about its historical background. But the researcher believed that it is religious and if it is cultural by all its standards as it started with the ethnic intermixing of the people of the Doba‟a and Angot with Agäw‟s. According to Addisaläm, the term culture has various meanings, however, most of the definitions show that culture is shared and transmitted.278 Therefore, If the reseacher speculation are not strong enough to be nearer to the fact with the Agäw‟s as the festival is still lively than other places, it will be with the Oromo‟s by reconsidering their Ƈhälè on their forehead, nick and arm as a sign of integrity. Moreover, their

278 Addisalem Legesse, “A content of analysis on EBC “WUBÄTAČIN” entertainment TV programs,” ( MA. Thesis, Adis Abäba, 2017), 11.

78 strong link with grasses on the riverside and other cultural inheritance what the Rayyan‟s inherited from the Oromo‟s the researcher can say that, It might be also started after the coming of the Oromo‟s.

When the festival approaches, girls make all necessary preparations both psychologically and materially. Girls in between 5-21 years were active participants of the event, those girls summon and begun the celebration from the church and then door to door respectively.279 Locals embrace them with cheering and acclaiming then give something gifts and celebrate the event together with a high pleasure. In one or other way young boys also part of the feast in which they strive to seize opportunities to choose their kismet and the future fiancé from the participants. Onlookers also ware traditional cloths, shawls and decorated themselves with a variety of knick knacks.

Finally, this event will be the best opportunity for those who want to discover quaint culture and the way of life of the people of Rayya Qobbo.280

In this regard, parents and elder brothers and sisters play a great role in identifying and fulfilling the preconditions for their daughters. This includes buying new cloth and shoes, hairdressing, preparing a drum, bringing the Ashända leave from a field where it naturally grows, and tie it with a rope in a fashionable pattern, and allowing them a free time to play, finally. 281

Even though there is no such a fundamental difference, Soläl slightly varies in some of its aspects from place to place. In Rayya Qobbo, the culture is different in the dressing style (Teftef) and the accent of their songs, among other things. In Tgray, such as in Tämbèn, for example,

Ashända (as they call it) owns contextual dancing styles called Awris which is unique to the

279 Yäsoläl Bahilawi Ƈäwata : Documentary film, CD ROM, (AMRS Culture, Tourism and Park Development Bureau 2008), disc-3. 280 Ibid. 281 An interview was conducted with W/ro Manalè Ashäbir and Maritu Hussien.

79 area.282 In Agamè (around Adigrat) it is celebrated at night: girls settle at a certain house and play almost all night long for a week. In Axum and its surroundings, the festival is known as

Ayni-wari or Marya; and starts from August 24 E.C and lasts for almost a month up to

September 17 E.C or Mäsqäl (Finding of the True Cross). The same is true for Shadèy in Säqota

(Wag).283

282 Mebrahtu G.Maryam, „„Media culture: A case study of Ashända as portrayed in Tigreña Television programs,‟‟ (Ma thesis, Addis Ababa University, 2011), 18. 283Ibid., 25.

CHAPTER FOUR

THE DEVELOPMENT OF RAYYA QOBBO CULTURE AND CROSS-

CULTURAL INTERACTION

4.1. The Development of Rayya Qobbo Culture

The interaction and integration of different ethnic group in Rayya Qobbo brought about the cross- interaction of cultures. As Defined by Greertz “ Culture is historically transmitted pattern of embodies in symbols of a system of inherited conceptions formed by means of language.” 284

Levin also say “through the various form of interaction Ethiopia of diverse traditions become acquainted and developed customs for relate to one another.” 285 These concepts are crucial to clearly understand what cultural intermixing brought in Rayya Qobbo wäräda.

Rayya Qobbo culture is basically a product of the centuries old inter-influence and amalgamation process of the interaction among different ethnic groups, such as Oromo, Amara, Agäw, Afar and Tgrè, who trace distinct ancestors past but who now subscribe to an all- inclusive Rayya

Qobbo culture. Scholars who conducted research on the area agreed that much of the cultural system today is a product of long years of successful cross cultural interactions. Due to the long- years‟ co-living and mutual inter-influencing of the different ethnic and social groups the present

Rayya Qobbo culture formed. Early settlers, Dobas and Angot as well as late comers including

Oromo, Afar, Agäw, Tgriè and other ethnic and social groups long years of existence in the present land, these distinct groups brought their own unique experiences and institutions of culture. In this instance the Agäw gave their traditional ritual rites such as Zar to the Rayyans.

284 Clifford Geertz, The interpretation of Culture, ( New York, Basic Book, 1973), 87. 285 Donald N. Levine, Greater Ethiopia: the evolution of a Multi ethnic Society, (Chicago,: Chicago University Press, 1974), 47.

These experiences and cultures have over the years forged into a unified cultural system through dynamic interactions. To put it another way cultural history of Rayya Qobbo has been decisively influenced through its interaction with its nearby and distant ethnic groups and socio-political sets over the long period of time.

However, there is a definite imprint from some ethnic groups such as the Amara and Oromo that highly outweighs the share of others in the cultural history of the region. Over the years, many other ethnic groups have, either voluntarily or otherwise, contribute into the cultural system of the Rayya. The Amara and Oromo ethnic groups have played by far the greatest role in the

Rayya cultural system and the formation of the present day Rayya Qobbo culture. 286 Scanty information we had on the cultural systems of the pre-16th century, particularity the Doba and

Angot. The information available could not help us as such to present any detail pictures of culture including, the marriage and mourning custom, religion, ritual practice and festivities in pre-16th century period in the land. The extinction of indigenous culture is carried out by systematic act of war, and sometimes it is a less extreme process of assimilation.287 In fact, the

Doba had made a complete shift, assimilation and internalization of the culture of the new settlers. 288 Needless to mention, the history of culture of the pre-16th century populations of the

Rayya land could not be genuinely studied in this thesis for obvious reasons of lack of information.

Over the years, the different groups have come to assimilate and internalize the menu of cultural values, mores and institutions that were presented to them, as a historical chance, by the dominant groups. Interaction between various cultural groups can bring great change to all

286 Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, 82. 287 Richley H. Crapo, Cultural anthropology: Understanding ourselves and others, 4th ed. , (Dish kin: McGraw- Hill Companies, 1996), 50. 288 Belay, “Social History of Rayya…,” 27.

82 societies or especially to one of them when they area superior in economic and political power.289

In spite of the generation‟s long interaction that the Rayans made with their neighboring ethnic groups, they have managed to maintain different language, way of dressing, ritual ceremonies

(Wädajja, Zar, Tufta), belief system, etc., which differentiate them from their neighbors. 290

4.2. Cross-Cultural Interaction in Rayya Qobbo

The cultural history of Raya Qobbo wäräda has passed through a distinct discernible epochs whereby a progressive emergence of a Rayya cultural system happened. In the history of the cultural system which may be located presumably somewhere prior to Oromo population movement, in the 15th and 16th centuries, different ethnic and social groups have managed to continue espousing their own distinctive cultural identities. This trend continued until different groups gradually were brought into unavoidable mutual interactions whereby their distinct socio- cultural elements begun to be subjected to effective hybridization process.

In the process of the cultural intermeshing of the different groups, some of the parts of the cultural systems of indigenous people managed to survive fitting to the changing conditions of the environment and cultural landscape. Some were in the process befallen with the fate of obsolescence. Thus, today, we can rightly assume that many elements of the cultural systems of the people in Rayya Qobbo wäräda have become extinct, or at best have become modified, changed or hybridized. For instance among the marriage arrangement in Rayya Qobbo one was

Etan Gba. This traditional arrangement is today totally extinct from the area.291 In addition,

289 Crapo, Cultural anthropology, 50. 290 Belay, “Social History of Rayya…,” 27. 291 An interview was conducted with Ato Wodajjo Assäfa, Assefa Gubssa and Kebede Mhrete.

83 wäyyanè feud and Gaz raiding custom of Rayyan against their neighbors are mentioned as extinct cultural practices.292 Over the process, certain discernible Rayya Qobbo cultural elements have emerged in which all people now participate, taking it as their own way of life. These cultural systems include: the various religious festivals, ritual practices and beliefs, customary conflict resolution methods etc.

The unique cultural aspects of Rayya Qobbo are now even the more being rapidly overshadowed by the ever-increasing reality of the common, encompassing cultural forces of the contemporary time. 293 Thus, the socio-political unification and division factors are influenced the existing cultural practices. The exposure of the different groups in the same forces of ideologies, such as religious ideologies (e.g. Orthodox Christianity and Islam which are powerful unifying factors socio-culturally, at least in principle) is a good example.294 Rayyans and their Tgre and Agew neighbors followed Orthodox Christianity. As a result these peoples celebrated religious festivals relatively with the same color. On the other hand the Rayyans and their Muslim Afar neighbors also performed various cultural practices based on Islamic dogma. What the researcher present below thus needs to be understood how much population settlements and other historical events contributed for cultural assimilation and interaction.

“Culture is a dynamic system, and every culture is a constant state of flux.” 295 In Rayya Qobbo wäräda different historical events considered as a turning point for cultural change and cause of interaction. In the 15th and 16th centuries, the land of Doba and Northern Angot experienced great demographic changes. The first Christian settlers appeared in the region probably in the 15th

292 Kebrom , Yäraya hezebe,156. 293 Raya Qobbo Culture and Tourism Office, “Yägabeča Bahel,” 5. 294 Belay, “Social History of Rayya…,” 70. 295 Crapo, Cultural anthropology, 50.

84 century in the form of military corps. To safeguard the caravan route that run across the Doba territory, King Zära Ya‟eqob (r. 1430-68) and King Ba‟ede Maryam (1468-1478) were believed to have stationed Ƈäwa regiments at the heart of Doba. 296 Although he converted Dobas‟ to

Christianity, Bä‟de Maryam also forced them to become sedentary agriculturalists and thereby put an end to their incursion in to the highlands.297 Ƈäwa soldiers introduced various cultural elements and the Doba‟s forced to adopt the new religion and livelihood strategies. For instance

Ba‟ede Mariam decided the day January 21 as holyday and ordered the Doba‟s to celebrate it annually.298 This festive day continued as a holyday of Christians until today as astäryo maryam.

In the same way, the latter coming of Atsè Lbnä Dngl (1508-41) escalated the settlement of people from other side of the country on the area. He built forty four monasteries around Zobel and his followers had also influenced the socio-cultural situation of the area. 299

The war between Christian highland kingdom and Muslim sultanate of Adal, particularly Grañ war (1527-1543) was also one of the reasons for cross- cultural interaction in Rayya. The war devastated almost all of Ethiopian and paved the way for the various population movement followed by cultural intermixing.300 In spite of their unfriendly relation with highland kingdom, the Doba‟s accepted Ahmed Grañ with great confrontation. They challenged him in different battle fields. For instance Imam sent off the army led by Wazir Addoli via the height of the

„Awas‟ against the Doba to forage for supplies.301 Grañ war had also affected the socio-culture condition of Doba and Angot in many aspects. The people, Christians, might have been prey to

Gragñ’s persecution in his five months stay in the mount Zobel. Arab Faqih, the famous Grañ

296 Alemu, Ya Itiyopia Tarik, 24 297 Merid, “Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom…,” 105. 298 Alemu,24. 299 Yerama Kidane Mihret Achir Tarik, 2. 300 Belay, “Social History of Rayya…,” 21. 301 Lester, p. Stenhouse, The Conquest of Abyssinia ( Futih al- habassa), trans., Sihab ad-Din Ahmed bin Abd al- Qader bin Salem (Arab Faqih), ( Addis Abeba, Thehi Publisher, 2003), 121.

85 chronicler, wrote about the war between the „Idol-worshipers‟ (as he named Christian‟s) and

Islam in the land of Doba, he reported that 4000 soldiers led by the son of Degllham ( well known Libne Dingl Commander) captured by Imam. Imam converted them to Islam, however, the son of Deglham escaped after having spent four months in Zobel.302 Written accounts and oral sources claimed that the war of Grañ were persecuted Christians and destroyed churches including the famous Rama –Kidanä Mehrät Monastery of Zobel.303 In addition as other part of the country many ancient manuscripts and work of art exemplifying the splendor of local culture were stolen or destroyed.304

Following the war of Imam Ahmed, Muslim Afar pastoralists who were loyal to Imam Ahmed, should have had their own contribution in the cultural assimilation and amalgamation. Their settlement brought about the domination of Islam once again to the area and assimilation of indigenous culture. 305 Moreover, various political cultures brought by the new settlers, for instance, Sheikhs and Wälys become political leaders beyond their religious responsibility.

Another event that had taken place in the area which seems to have had a permanent effect upon the cultural intermixing of the region was the Oromo population movement. In chapter one, we have discussed about Oromo expansion and settlement in Rayya. In this section an attempt to make discussion about their cultural influence in to the area. In spite of their influence, they adopt certain aspects of the cultures of indigenous people, or even to become fully integrated in to those cultures. 306 In the course of the amalgamation the Oromo must have been numerically dominant over the Dobas and the people of northern Angot. As a result some writers call the

302 Stenhouse, “Conquest of Abyssinia…,” 342. 303 Täbäjè, “From Raider to Collaborator..,” 6-7. 304 J. Asa, Davis, “The Sixteenth Century Jihād in Ethiopia and the Impact on Its Culture (Part One),” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, Vol. 2, No. 4 (December 1963), 576. 305 Moges Demeke, “Italian Occupation and Collaboration…,” 9. 306 Hussien, Islam in Wällo, 21.

Rayyans as the Raya Oromo even these days overlooking their previous identity. However, despite the fact that the Wällo, Yäjju and Raya had a closely related history and the same Oromo ancestor, the Rayans remained peripheral to the politics of the highland Kingdom of Ethiopia.307

In their nature, the Oromo were “opportunists” rather than persistent pastoralists. Through their expansion those who come in to contact with the Muslims converted in to Islam, other embraced the religion Christianity.308 However, they introduced their traditional ritual elements in to the newly accepted religions and social orders. 309 When we see this the effect was reciprocal not only limited towards the Oromo. This fact can be summarized as; they were either assimilated or diluted with the Doba and Angot peoples, nomadic pastoral life of the Oromo was dislocated by settled agriculture and mixed farming in Rayya, their language Oromiffaa was in some areas lost and replaced by other languages like Amharic and Tigrña.310

Currently, the dominance of Afan Oromo is proven by the fact that all place names and most names of the people are either directly an Oromo word or they at least have the influence of it.

As the researcher of this thesis heard from the local people among the names of persons the few are: Barènto, Hamdè, Arebessè, Kubi, Araresè, Märesè, Robeso, Muläta, Lèncha, Mänashu,

Shäntämo, etc and few among the place names are: Babokorema, Mukaläncha, Garaläncha,

Gändä-Mäyu, Gändä -adoyä, Gäbisa, Qobbo, Rayya, Märäwa and Kerewrena, Gändä -Abagobe,

Gändä -Chäfè, etc. Another sphere of influence of Oromo over the people of Rayya Qobbo is in the area of administrative and political tradition.311 As we discussed in chapter one the Rayya and Azäbo adopted traditional socio- cultural system- the Gada. In supporting this argument,

307 Fiqadu Begna, “Land and the Peasantry in Northern Wällo…,” 12. 308 Belay Desalegn, “Social History of Rayya…,”179. 309 Hussien, Islam in Wällo, 22. 310 Belay Desalegn, 180. 311 Hussien, 21.

Agäzäw claims prior to 1940s the Rayyan people used to experience the traditional Oromo people “popular and democratic socio - political system - the Gäda, dubbed in Raya as “Gäda

Märäwa” 312

In 1870s, socio-cultural and demographic composition of the area was ones again changed. For the reason that, the second and most important population settlement in Rayya took place in the second half of 19th century carried by Emperor Yohannis IV. It brought that profound cultural interface between the indigenous Rayyans and new settlers from Agäw, Tegry, Yäjju and Laseta.

Atsè Yohannis IV seemed to be determined to avoid the depravity among the Rayyas who were operating banditry activities. Accordingly, he had made frequent punitive campaigns against them. Following to the campaign he attempted to introduced and spread Christianity in the region. Thus he rebuilt churches, burnt by Ahmed Grañ and encouraged settlements of Christians of the nearby highlands in the region. By doing so, “the emperor might have sought to replace the wild Muslim Oromo by relatively „civilized‟ Christian highlanders and thereby to restore peace and order.” 313 However, this was because of the unification policy of the emperor his attribution was to unify the country in the frame work of the Christian faith.

To this effect the emperor ordered the Tgrè, Wadela, Yäjju, Lasta and Wag to come to Rayya carrying extra Tabots from each church in their localities. The king himself offered various church supplies including Communion, Apparel, Crosses and crucifixes, Stamps etc. Today these materials found in various churches of Zobel.314

312 Agezew, “Political History of Rayya Qobbo….,” 13. 313 Tebeje,” From Raider to Collaborator…,” 23. 314 Angot Mädhanealäm Church, Ethiopia (Zobel, Church store, 2019), “ Communion and Stamp”

Fig. 7 The church supplies found in Adäbabay Eyäsus church of Zobel, gifed by Yohannis IV.

On the material there is a Geez text written as ߪ ዝፃሕል፡ ንጉሰ ነገስት፡ ዮሐንስ፡ ንጉሠ፤ ጽዮን፤ ዘኢትዮጵያ፤ ዘወሃቦ፤ ኢየሱስ፤ ዞብል ߪ It mean the communion gifted for Eyasus Church of Zobel from King of King Yohannis he is King of Zion of Ethiopia.

Source: from RQWCTO Documentation

As a result Yohannis, forcefully and peacefully settled about 12,000 Christians with the decree

“ዞብልን ሣቀና ያልመጣ ከፍ ብየ ባቱን ዝቅ ብየ እግሩን እቆርጠዋሇሁ.” Following the decree a great number of people including soldiers, priests, merchants, servants and farmers settled in the fertile lands of Rayya.315 The new settlers inhabited with the Rayyans peacefully and established their own villages. It is evident that today some places found in Rayya Qobbo wäräda call by the names, Tegrè mänedär, Agäw qäbälè, Ras Alula, Mäqdäla, etc. The emperor appointed Ras

Gäbrä Kidan as governor of the area at the center of Zobel. As a result of this the Rayyans lost

315 Alemu and Sisay Mengesete, Yäraya hezebe Yämanenät Teyakè, 19.

89 communal ownership of land, land privatization introduced as a new way of life. 316 The traditional characteristic hierarchy by age grouping class of the Oromo of Rayya has now despaired.317

On due course of time, however, intermarriage become inevitable and their relationship got improved. This preeminence of the late settlers was clearly manifested by the replacement of once dominant language of the people after 16th century, Affan Oromo- by Amharic and

Tigrña.318

These settlement processes were followed by amalgamation of peoples of different origin. As a result, new cultural elements along with shift of economic activities emerged. For instance, in trade, Agäw settlers introduced Mäshäta Bèt (Tälla Bèt), and Tegrè also engaged on a trade of clothes and jewelries.319 Moreover, Christianity was spread and there develop bilingualism. The unique Rayyas dressing style could also attribute to this population interaction.

The Rayans had also centuries‟ long contact with the Afar lowlanders. Their relations were based on raiding and counter raiding till recent times. The Rayans took the initiative and raid their Afar neighbors. As we seen in the previous chapters the raiding and counter-raiding existed for a long time until it was stopped by the government agents. According to Gètaćäw the culture of raiding and counter-raiding stopped by the unreserved effort of Yämanä Hassèn- the governor of Rayya in 1945. During the reconciliation ceremony there was a grand ritual where three hundred oxen were slaughtered and consumed. 320 Although the Rayyan and Afar preserve their identity, they interact with each other widely in various socio-cultural and economic concerns. The area of

316 Alemu and Sisay Mengesete, Yäraya hezebe Yämanenät Teyakè , 43. 317 Agezew, Political History of Rayya Qobbo, 18. 318 Belay, “Social History of Rayya…,” 23. 319 Alemu and Sisay Mengesete, 32 320 Getachew Desale, “Ethnic Description in Rayya,” 57.

90 interaction includes, market and trade, resource sharing and marriage. Trade exchange in the area dominated mostly by local markets. In 1966, one parliament agent wrote a letter about the existence of market centers Gugubdo on the border between Ƈärƈär (Rayya Azäbo) and Afar and

Fokisa in Zobel at Rayya Qobbo wäräda were well known market places.321 In addition to commodities, such as salt, livestock, armaments, agricultural products etc, the people of the two communities exchanged various cultural elements. Despite the breaking out of sporadic conflicts, these market centers have been serving both ethnic groups since their inception. 322

321 Getachew Desale, “Ethnic Description in Rayya,” 57. 322 An interview was conducted with Ato Wodajjo Assäfa.

Conclusion

Before the realization of modern historiography our ancestors were developed their own indigenous means to preserve their history. Among the Ethiopian people, the Rayya people were able to preserve their history for long period of time though they had passed through different hybridization. Initially, the medieval kings of Christian highland kingdom campaigned towards the people who lived in the land of Doba. The campaign followed by the settlement of military corps that made tremendous impact on the culture of native population. The war between

Christian highland kingdom and Muslim sultanate of Adal also contributed for cultural amalgamation and hybridization of different ethnic groups in the area. Like their fellow citizens, bands of Oromo arrived in to the area of Rayya around the second half 16th century which previously was inhabited by the native people of the Doba and Angot. Having disposed and intermixed with the natives Oromo came up with new way of life and socio-cultural practices: some became Muslims others Christians. Some continued cattle keeping and the majority adopted mixed farming techniques, through time the Oromo also began to speak either Amharic or Tgreña language. This whole process came up with general cross fertilization of cultures that makes the present territory of Rayya unique in terms of the dialect and accent of language, dressing and haring style and feeding habit. Similarly, in Rayya Qobbo we can also find other ethnic groups intermingling with the native people. Among them the Agäw, Tgriè and Afar can be considered as good examples. The territory inhabited by these ethnic groups become known as Rayya Rayyuma where as the people call themselves as Rayyans. Another interesting history of Rayya is its continuous and fierce resistance against Ethiopia rulers for the purpose of not losing their autonomy and culture of self- governance. Hence Rayya is a name which refers to the place found in south Tegray and North Wällo respectively.

The opposition was highly intensifies especially after the time of emperor Yohannis IV in the second half of 19th century. The emperor attempts to convert the Muslim of Rayya in to

Christianity. Attempt of forceful encroachment of the consecutive governments and resistance against it continued in the latter periods until the 1940s. Side by side with this political turmoil and the people were able to maintain their ritual practices which are highly linked to their economic well being and life. To get good harvest, peace to be reigned, conflict to be stopped, the gazettè ( participants in the Gaz raid) to return home safely, children to be healthy, cattle to become productive and the disease to be healed, the people of Rayya Qobbo wäräda practiced ritual practices such as; Tufta, wädajja, Erfo Märäba and Zar cult. Besides, to test their strength the youngsters in Rayya were participated in ritual fighting called wäyyanè. It was after the wäyyanè wrestling a man was allowed to participate in the campaign of Gaz. All ritual and traditional practices were participated by both the Muslims and Christians in the pre 1940s.

However, due to external and internal historical factors such as interference from the governments, backward attitudes towards these and lack of preserving these practices today some of the cultures are non-existent. Because of the factors mentioned the progress retarded from time to time. But, dressing, feeding and hair styles are on the stage of revival and have wide spread use and tradition with multitude of modern styles. These exquisite‟s indigenous cultural practices of the past may be base to the present life style. In the country new style of clothing and haring culture should be integrated in the current reality of the system and should take in to consideration cultural revivals as a means of transferring various indigenous handicrafts and incredible heritage associated with them to posterity.

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I. Archival and Manuscripts National Archives and Library Agency (NALA) Folder No. 212, File No. 22.68.030 ______Folder No. 212, File No.22.3.27/1943E.C ______Folder No. 212, File No.2.2.86.15/1949 E.C ______Folder No.212, File No. 3.228 /1956 E.C ______Folder No. 212, File No.3.27.8/1965 E.C ______Folder No. 221, File No. 2.2.86.06/1956 E.C ______Folder No 221, File No. 2.2.4.10/1955 E.C ______Folder No 221, File No. 2.2.4.10/1954 E.C

Woldä Mäsqäl Tariku Memorial cultural Archive ( Wällo Kiflä Hagär), Folder no.468. File no. 12. መ. ዘ. 185/1955 E. C. Gädlä Bärtälomewos; Found at Ethiopian Manuscripts and Microfilm Library (EMML 6843, EMML 79), Manuscripts microfilmed from Dabrä Zämäda Mareyam monastery. Yä Rayana Qobbo Awrajja Yä Temehret Ma‟ekl, "Yä Rayana Qobbo Hezb Aƈir Tarik.” NP, 1975.

II. Government Documents and Reports Budget and plan team, Raya Kobo wäräda Finance and economic assistance office. "

Yäwärädaw hezeb Atäqalay Märäja.” Local office document, 2009. ______, Raya Qobbo wäräda Finance and economic assistance office. “Yäwärädaw hezeb Yäbehèrtwatse’o." Local office document, 2009. Cultural Value Development Team, Raya Qobbo wäräda Culture and Tourism Office." Yägabeča Bahele." Local office document, 2014. ______, Raya Qobbo wäräda Culture and Tourism Office." Yäwärädaw Hezeb Hagär bäqäl Ewqätoch." local office document, 2012. ______, Raya Qobbo wäräda Culture and Tourism Office, " Bäwärädaw Yäminägäru

Senäqaloč enaMesalyawi Anägaäeroč." local office document, 2016. ______, Raya Qobbo wäräda Culture and Tourism Office. " Bäwärädaw Yämigñu Goji Lemadawi dergitoč." local office document,2016. ______, Rayya Qobbo wäräda Culture and Tourism Office, " Bahlawi ye’erq Snäserat." Local office document, 2012. Däsalñ Däräs and Nibrät Gälaw. “Bahelawi Yägabča Senäsere‟at Bäraya Qobbo.” Bahir Dar, Mulualäm Cultural Center, 2004 E.C Ethiopian Public Health training Initiative, Harmful Traditional Practice, (USAID-No. 663), Dawit Aseffa and Eshetu Wase etal. Awassa, 2005. Heritage Research and Conservation Authority," ANRS: North and South Gondär, North and South Wällo and Oromo Nationality Zone Recorded Intangible Cultural Heritage," (heritage inventory inspection directorate, 2009) V.8, No.2. Ethiopia, Addis Abäba. Raya Qobbo wäräda Rural Land Administration office. " Yäqobbo Märètoch bä aynätachäw." Local office document , 2000. WHO, Legal Status of Traditional Medicine and Complementary/Alternative Medicine: A World Wide Review, Geneva, 2001.

III. Thesis and Dissertation Addisaläm Lägässä. “A content of analysis on EBC “WUBÄTAČIN” entertainment TV programs.” MA thesis, Adis Abäba University, 2017. Adis Sisay. „„Historical Survey of Epidemics in Rayya Qobbo wäräda in the 20th century.‟‟ MA Thesis, Bahir Dar University, 2015. Agäzäw Hidaru. “ The Political History of Rayya Qobbo, 1872-1943.” BA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 2000. Alämu Addiè. “The History of ritual Practice of the People in Rayya Qobbo.” BA Thesis, Wällo University, 2015. Alämu Addisè. “The History of Ritual Practice of the people in Rayya Qobbo.” BA Thesis: Wällo University, 2015. Assäfa Jaläta. “The Question of Oromia: Euro Ethiopian Colonialism, Global Hegemonism and Nationalism.” PhD. Diss., State University of New York, 1989.

Aynaläm Aduña. “The spatial pattern of the Ethiopian population.” MA. Thesis, University of Durham, 1984. Bälay Däsaläñ. “A Social History of Rayya Oromo.” MA Thesis, Mekele University, 2014. Berehun Mäbiratè. “The Past in the Present: The Dynamics of Identity and Otherness among the Gumuz of Ethiopia.‟‟PhD Dis., Norwegian university of Science and Technology, 2004. Birhanu Tiku. “Cultural influence of Oromo on the people of Rayya.” BA Thesis, Mekele University, 2010. Fiqadu Beňa. “Land and The Peasantry in Northern Wällo (1941-1972): Yäjju and Rayya Qobbo Awrajja.” BED Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 1990. Gäbru Taräkä. “Rural Protest in Ethiopia, 1941-1970.” PhD. Diss., University of Syracuse, 1977. Gètačäw Däsalä. "Ethnic Description in Rayya. "BA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 2003. Gètachèw Märsha. "The Gaz Tradition among the Rayya and Afar." BA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 1998. Mäbrahtu Gebre Maryam. „„Media culture: A case study of Ashända as portrayed in Tigreña Television programs.‟‟ MA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 2011. Merid Woldä Aregāy. “Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom 1508-1708: With Special Reference to the Galla Migration and Their Consequences.” PhD Diss., University of London, 1971. Mogäs Bälay. “The Struggle for Ethnic Maintenance and Self Administration: Historical and Contemporary Analysis of the Rayyan Case.” BA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 2005. Mogäs Dämäke. “Italian Occupation and Collaboration in Rayya and Kobo (1935-1941). ” MA Thesis, Bahir Dar university, 2016. Paulos Yohannes. “Filsäta: the feast of the assumption of the Virgin Marry and the Mariological Tradition of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahdo Church." PhD. Diss., Princeton Theological Seminary, 1988. Tbäjè Molla. "The Rayyas: From Raiders to Collaborators, 1870s- 1936." MA. Thesis, Bahir Dar University, 2004.

B. Published Sources I. Books Alämu, Kassa Räta and Sisay Mängesetè Adisu. Yäraya hezebe Yämanenät Teyakè ena yämaekälawi mänegesete melashe; katsè Yohannes aratäña esekä ehadège. Addis Abäba: Graphic Publisher, 2005. Alemu Haile. Ya Itiyopia Tarik :Ya Atsè Zäre’a’Yaqob ena Ya Atsè Ba’edä Maryam Zèna Mewa’el. Addis Ababa : Sirak Printing press , n.d. Bahru Zewde. A History of Modern Ethiopia: 1855-1991, 2rd ed. Addis Ababa: AAU Press, 2002. Bercovitch, V. K Jacob. Introduction: the nature of conflict resolution. The hand book of conflict resolution, 2009. Bruce, James. Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile. Print., J. Ruthven. Edinburg: London, M.DCC.CX. Burtone, J. W. Conflict resolution: its language and process. London: The Scarecrow Press, 1996. C, James McCann. From Poverty to Famine in North Eastern Ethiopia: A Rural History, 1900- 1935. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987. Fisher, et al. Working with Conflicts: Skills and Strategies for Action. Zed Books, 2000. Geertz, Clifford. The interpretation of Culture. Neyork, Basic Book, 1973. H, Richley Crapo. Cultural anthropology: Understanding ourselves and others. 4th ed., Dishkin: McGraw-Hill Companies, 1996. 50. J Halls, J. Esq. ed. The life and adventure of Natnaeal Pearce. London: Henry Colbourn and Richard Bentley, 1833. Hussein, Ahmed. Islam in the ninetieth century Wollo, Ethiopia: Revival, Reform and Reaction. Leiden. Bosten, Colin, 2001. Kebrom, Asäffa Molla. Yäraya hezebe Bahele ena tarik. Addis Abäba: Far East Publisher, 2013. Lapiso, G. Delebo. Yeeteyopiya Yegäbar sre’atna Jmer Kapitalizm 1900-1966. Addis Ababa, 1983. Lester, Paul Stenhouse. The Conquest of Abyssinia ( Futih al- habassa) trans. Sihab ad-Din Ahmed bin Abd al-Qader bin Salem (Arab Faqih. Addis Abeba, Thehi Publisher, 2003.

Levine, N. Donald. Greater Ethiopia: the evolution of a Multi ethnic Society. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1974. Mordechain, Abir. Ethiopia and the Red Sea. Abingdon: Frank Cass and Company Ltd., 1980. Sherman, J Howard and James L. Wood. Traditional and Radical perspectives. New York: Harper and Row publishers, 2000. Spencer, J. Trimingham. Islam in Ethiopia. London: Frank Cass and Company Ltd., 1965. Stanley, Lord. Narratives of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia, trans. Father Francisco Alvarez. London: Hakluyt Society, 1881. Tadässä, Tamrat. Church and State in Ethiopia between 1270-1527. Oxford: Clare dons Press, 1972. Täkelä tsadiq, Mäkuria. Yägrañ Ahemäd wärära. Addis Abäba: Berehanena sälam qädamawi Hayelä selasè Publisher, 1987. William, Charles Isenberg and John Ludwig Krapf. Journals of the Rev. Messrs. Isenberg and Krapf. London, Burside, BDCCCXLIII.

II. Journal Articles Alämayähu, Erkihun Engida. “Mapping the socio-cultural landscape of the Gumuz Community of Mätäkäl, Northwestern Ethiopia.” African Journal of History and Culture, 7, no.12, (2015): 209-218, DOI: 10.5897/AJHC2015.0251 http://www.academicjournals.org/AJHC. Alämu and Sisay Mägersa. “The Politics of Self-Representation in Ethiopia: A Case of the Raya People since the 1930s.” The Internet Journal Language, Culture and Society, LCS no.44,(2017): 22-30. URL: http://aaref.com.au/en/publications/journal/ ISSN 1327-774X Deresse, Ayenachew. “ Evolution and organization of the čä wa military regiments in medieval Ethiopia,” Annales d’Éthiopie, Vol.-,no.29, ( 2014) : 60-72. J. Asa, Davis. “The Sixteenth Century Jihād in Ethiopia and the Impact on Its Culture (Part One).” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 2, no. 4 (Dec., 1963) :567- 592. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41856679 . Accessed: 02-09-2017 12:13 UTC.

Märid, W. Arägay. “Military Elites in Medieval Ethiopia.” Journal of Ethiopian Studies XXX, no. 1, (1997): 31-75. Monika D Edelstein. “Lost tribes and Coffee ceremonies: Zar Spirit Possession and Ethno- Religious Identity of Ethiopian Jewish in Israel.” Journal of refuge studies, 15, no. 2, (2002): 153-170. Natan ,Tadesse. “Ground water Management for Irrigation in the Raya and Qobbo Valleys, Northern Ethiopia,” International Journal of Earth Sciences and Engineering 8, no.3(2015). Rukya, Hassèn. “Pragmatics of Spiritual Rituals for Healing in Wällo.” Global Journal of Archeology & Anthropology 3, no. 5 (2018): 555623. DOI: 10.19080/GJAA.2018.03.555623006 https://juniperpublishers.com/ Sälamawit, Mecca. “Hagiography of Ethiopian Female Saints :With Special Reference to Gädlä Krestos Sämra and Gädlä Fqertä Krestos.” Journal of African Cultural Studies, 18, No.2, (2006),153-171. T, Charles Beke. “Abyssinia: being a continuation of Routes in that country.” Journal of the royal Geographical society of London 14, (1844): 254-269. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/ 1798150. Accessed: 20/12/2008 08:35. Tsäga, Endaläw. Conflict Resolution Through Cultural Tolerance: An analysis of the Michuu Institution in Mätäkäl Region, Ethiopian Organization for Social Science and Research in Eastern and Southern Africa, Social Science Research Report. 2002. Brusher and Newspaper Rayya Qobbo wäräda, Rama Kidanä Mihrät Aƈir tarik, A Brochure prepared by Rayya Qobbo Wäräda Culture and Tourism Office, 2008. Rayya Qobbo wäräda Culture and Tourism Office, Hdasè no. 41 on Yäkatit 30, 2002 E.C

Electronic sources Yäashändyä Bahilawi Ƈäwata: Documentary film, CD ROM, (AMRS Culture, Tourism and Park Development Bureau 2008), disc-1. Yäsoläl Bahilawi Ƈäwata : Documentary film, CD ROM, (AMRS Culture, Tourism and Park Development Bureau 2008), disc-3.

List of Informants

N.o Title Name of Se Age Place of Date Remark Informant x Interview s 1. Ato Abäbä M 79 Qobbo Jan.29/2019 He has very important oral Mäläs information on the cultural Practices and way of practices during the imperial region. 2. Ato Abära M 72 Qobbo Feb. 8/2019 Member of traditional conflict Kubi. resolution institution (zäwold). 3. Ato Akele M 70 Qobbo Feb. &/2019 story teller and local elder Andarge 4. Ato Alämu M 71 Qobbo Feb 8/2019 Member of traditional conflict Aräqi resolution institution (zewold). 5. Ato Ali Gälo. M 81 Zobel Feb.25/2019 Baläzar, Zar ritual performer.

6. Ato Arbisè M 74 Qobbo Feb.14/2019 History teller and local elder Räta. 7. Ato Asäffa M 89 Qobbo Feb.14/2019 He was one of the members of Gubsa. yäwonz abat during imperial regime. He has a good memory on the Wäyyanè feud and Gaz raiding campaign. 8. Ato Assäfa M Qobbo7 Feb.14/2019 Member of traditional conflict Aylèw. resolution institution (zäwold). 9. Ato Assäfa M 65 Tekulesh Feb.27/2019 Local elder with extensive Molla. knowledge about the history of Rayya. 10. Ato Ayaläw M 82 Dino March. 2/2019 Merchant, consular of law and have Alämu. knowledge about the history of Rayya Qobbo 11. Ato Berhanu M 61 Qobbo April. 6/2019 An informant with knowledge on Molla. the history of the region particularly on the marriage custom in Rayya. 12. Ato Däsalä M 36 Qobbo April. 6/2019 He is coordinator in cultural value Fäntaw team of Rayya Qobbo wäräda

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culture and Tourism office. 13. Ato Fänta M 65 Qobbo April. 6/2019 Member of traditional conflict Ƈannè. resolution institution (zäwold). 14. Ato Käbädä M 70 Qobbo Feb. 5/2019 He has very crucial information on Ali. the Tufita and wädajja practice. 15. Ato Käbädä M 90 Qobbo Feb. 5/2019 One of the members of traditional Mhrätè. conflict solving (zäwold) leaders. 16. Ato Käbädä M 62 Jemedo April. 5/2019 Member of traditional conflict setegn resolution institution (Snyä Sägäd). 17. Ato Kälämu M 48 Woldia May 2/2019 He is a teacher and have knowledge Wedu specifically about the history of Culture 18. Ato Kubi M 72 Wajja April 5/2019 He was one of the members of Arrarsa. parliament during Hile silassie regime. He has a good memory on the famine and coup up mechanism of the people. 19. Ato Mängäsha M 58 Qobbo Feb. 5/2019 Member of traditional conflict Ali resolution institution (Kflo). 20. Ato Mängäsha M Qobbo7 Feb. 5/2019 History teller and local arbitrator. Ashäber. 1 21. Ato Märsha M 55 Täkuläsh April 5/2019 History teller and has extensive Abera knowledge about the history of culture in Rayya. 22. Ato Mängäsha M 30 Qobbo Jan.6/2019 He is one of expert of culture in Yilma Rayya Qobbo wäräda cultural and tourism office. 23. Ato Märsha M 61 Wrqe Jan.16/2019 History teller and local arbitrator. Abära. 24. Ato Sämaw M 76 Qobbo Feb. 14/2019 Local elder with extensive Därebäw. knowledge about the history of Raya Culture. 25. Ato Tägäñä M Tekulesh7 Feb. 27/2019 History teller and local arbitrator Alämu. 6 26. Ato Wädajjo M 74 Qobbo Jan15/2019 Member of traditional conflict Assäfa. resolution institution (Mäzared) and has a good knowledge about the

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history of Oromo in Rayya. 27. Ato Yimam Ali M 91 Gende-Meyu Jan. 15/2019 Baläzar, Zar ritual performer. 28. Ato Yimär M 62 Wärqè Jan.16/2019 He is a knowledgeable man about Edris. the history of the region. 29. Ato Arbisè M 69 Wajja Feb. 5/2019 He is well known traditional healer Fäntaw or Qtäl Bätash in Jämädo qäbälè. 30. Priest Mogäs M 92 Zobel Feb. 5/2019 He has a good memory about the Alämu war between Rayya and central government in 1930s. 31. Haji Säid M 75 Gende-Meyu Jan. 15/2019 He has very crucial information on Yimär. the marriage and mourning practice. 32. Priest Melkamu M 65 Debre Jan. 12/2019 He is the teacher and member of Abere zemeda Debre zemeda monastery council 33. Priest Sisay M 54 Qobbo February He is knowledgeable in the Ferede 5/2019 marriage culture . 34. Like Bälay M 91 Qobbo Feb. 26/2019 Religious leader and Qenè teacher Tguhan Dässyä. has extensive knowledge about Adal zämäća. 35. Märgeta Kassa M 68 Qobbo Feb. 15/2019 Religious leader and history teller Alämu. and good knowledge about Zobel and its surrounding. 36. Ustaz Abdulwha M 35 Qobbo Feb. 8/2019 Religious leader local elder and b who has knowledge about the ritual Abdelnasir practices. . 37. W/ro Manalè F 77 Qobbo Feb. 5/2019 She is one of the members of Ashäbir. Dubärti, Female ritual elders 38. W/ro Maritu F 66 Qobbo Feb. 5/2019 She was active participant in the Hussien. traditional Zar ceremony. 39. Ato Mersha M 70 He was the head of local justice Abera court and he has a good knowledge about the culture of the people. 40. W/ro Tirngo F 72 Qobbo Feb. 5/2019 She was active participant in the Hassän. traditional Erfo Märäba ceremony. 41. W/ro Zämuyè F 75 Qobbo Feb. 5/2019 Duberti, Local ritual performer Ali.

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Appendices

Appendiex -1

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Appendix-2

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Appendix= 3

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Appendiex-4

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Appendix-5

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Appendix-6

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Appendiex-7

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Appendix-8

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Appendix-9

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Appendix-10

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Appendix-11

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Declaration

I, the undersigned declare that the thesis is my own work, has not been presented for a degree in any other University and that all the sources for the thesis have been duly acknowledged.

Signature______Date______

Address: Phone- 0911281110

Email- Matagen.79@ Gmail.com

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Approved by Board of Examiners:

Fantahun Ayele (PhD.) ______

Advisor Signature

______

Examiner Signature

______

Examiner Signature

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