Interview with Victor Kuretu

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Interview with Victor Kuretu Interview with Victor Kuretu http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.munoch0007 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Interview with Victor Kuretu Author/Creator Munochiveyi, Munya Bryn (interviewer); Kuretu, Victor (interviewee) Date 2006-08-24 Resource type Interviews Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe Coverage (temporal) 1960-1980 Rights By kind permission of Munyaradzi B. Munochiveyi and Victor Kuretu. Description Interview with Victor Kuretu, Zimbabwean political activist and poltical prisoner/detainee during Zimbabwe's liberation struggle http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.munoch0007 http://www.aluka.org Oral Histories of Imprisonment, Detention and Confinement during Zimbabwe’s Liberation Struggle, 1960-1980 Victor Kuretu, Interviewed and Transcribed by Munya Munochiveyi, Mufakose Township, Harare, Zimbabwe MM: I am speaking with baba (Mr.) Victor Kuretu. He is the national chairman of the Zimbabwe Ex-Political Prisoners, Restrictees, and Detainees Association (ZEPPDRA). As I said earlier, I will start with questions pertaining to your experiences as a political detainee/prisoner of the Rhodesian regime. My first question to you baba, is before you were arrested, where were you living and what was your job? How would you describe your social life before imprisonment: were you married, with children? VK: No, I was not married. I was a teacher – I trained as a teacher in the city Mutare at Mutare Teacher Training School in 1960. After completing my training I taught in a number of schools, including United Methodist Schools in Mutambara, Zimunya, and then I came back to teach in Mutare’s Sakubva African township. Mutare was home for me because I come from the local Ndau ethnic group in Mutambara, which is why our name is Kuretu. My involvement in politics started in the early 1960s, when I was still young and restless. The colonial regime did not want teachers to be involved in political activities, but because of my desire to be in African politics I started in a low-key position. I joined the National Democratic Party (NDP) in 1963, and then later joined the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU). In those days, parties could not last for more than a year, and so we joined whatever party succeeded the banned one. After ZAPU was banned, our nationalist leaders such as Joshua Nkomo made the pronouncement that there was not going to be another party, except for the underground People’s Caretaker Council (PCC). Between 1964 and 1965, we witnessed changes in the Rhodesian government which brought Ian Smith’s hard-line and racist Rhodesia Front party to the helm of government. The government of Ian Smith first appointed Mr. Dupont as the Minister of Law and Order, but Mr. Desmond Lardner-Burke quickly replaced him. The first thing that Lardner-Burke did was to sign Restriction documents for African nationalists. All of a sudden there were heaps and heaps of Detention Orders throughout the country. This led to the establishment of detention centers such as Wha Wha, where some of us were sent. But before I went there, I had been detained for about six-months in Mutare Central Prison in 1964. MM: Why were you in detention – what was your “crime”? VK: I had been accused of mobilizing people to demonstrate and vandalize property in opposition to the government. MM: In your opinion, how were you singled out as one of the people involved in this mobilization? VK: Oh, oh, things were ugly those days. There were informers who had been planted by the police in all urban African townships. You could not do anything that was not reported to the police by these informers. What happened is one morning in the African township of Sakubva, people woke up and found the streets littered with political pamphlets with political messages intended to mobilize people to oppose the government through boycotts, demonstrations, and the like. Informers rushed to the police and said I was responsible. When the police picked me up, several witnesses were lined up to accuse me of being the one who gave them the pamphlets to distribute in the township. It was difficult to deny these allegations because by that time, I had quit my job and become fully involved in the PCC as an Organizing Secretary. I used to go all over Manicaland Province spreading the political gospel of self-rule. So during those politically volatile times, I was fingered as the one urging people to rise against the white regime. We were beaten, with big logs on our legs and so forth. That was the experience of getting arrested. That was the beginning of my years in detention – I was sent to Wha Wha and then released after three months. Immediately after the white regime declared its Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in 1965, I was sent to Gonakudzingwa for detention. MM: And what law did the authorities say you were breaking? VK: It was the Law and Order Maintenance Act (LOMA). That was the law that enabled the Minister of Law and Order to send us to Wha Wha and all other detention camps. MM: Were you tried before a court of law? VK: No, there was nothing like that. We had a lawyer who represented nationalists at that time who tried his best to get us released but he failed because there was no court that could hear our cases. That is why we had to be sent away to detention centers since we could not be convicted in any court of law for any offence. Our only “crime” was that we were regarded as “agitators” and of bad influence to the public. At Gonakudzingwa, I spent about five to six years. MM: And how would you describe the environment of these detention centers? VK: When I went to Wha Wha, the detention area was very small and crowded because that was the time when thousands of people had been given detention orders. When I got to Wha Wha, there were thousands of people. Gonakudzingwa was different because there was a lot of space, but it was a place of banishment, near the border with Mozambique. Gonakudzingwa was very hot and very far from any town. When we went there, we dropped off at a point that was called Villa Salazar, in honor of a Mozambican colonial governor called Antonio Salazar. Gonakudzingwa was near a Mozambican place called Malvernia, so-called in honor of a one-time Federation of Rhodesia prime minister called Lord Malvern. MM: How did you feel the first time you got to Gonakudzingwa? VK: I wondered whether we were still in the same country or not. The place was unbearably hot and we used to pass black sweat during the first days. Most nationalist leaders such as Joshua Nkomo, Joseph Msika, Josiah and Ruth Chinamano, were already there. I stayed in the same camp as Nkomo and I remember he told us at our arrival that we had to run the detention camp along the lines of a “government”. Some of us who had administrative posts in our party were given the task of running the administrative needs of the detention camp. We kept intricate records of every inmate, with details about their names, places of origin and so forth. We generated a number of records that filled books, some of which we received from well-wishers. Those of us who were teachers were further drafted into the education program for detainees. We taught a number of people, some of whom were illiterate but who later came out of detention very literate. Some of the people we taught ended up writing letters to their wives, requesting them to come and visit them. Most could not believe it when they were able to write letters! That is what we were doing in detention. We taught detainees every level of education, depending on what level one had attained before coming to detention. Some even attained higher level education such law degrees and others. I had only reached the Form Two level (Lower Secondary School level) but I went ahead and did my “O” Levels (Middle-Secondary School Level) and even passed courses on the British Constitution, Commerce and Accounts. I would do my own schooling later in the day, after I had taught others doing lower level schooling. We used materials from Amnesty International, Christian Care of Rhodesia, etc. Joshua Nkomo also used to write to other well-wishers to provide us with additional educational material. We accomplished a number of things during those days, even though our lives were difficult there. MM: And this is how you would spend your typical days? VK: We had time-tables of how to productively spend our days.
Recommended publications
  • Fake Heroines and the Falsification of History in Zimbabwe 1980 - 2009
    African Journal of History and Culture (AJHC) Vol. 1 (5), pp. 076-083, December, 2009 Available online at http://www.academicjournals.org/ajhc © 2009 Academic Journals Full Length Research Paper Fake heroines and the falsification of history in Zimbabwe 1980 - 2009 Dorothy Goredema1 and Percyslage Chigora2* 1Department of History and Development Studies, Midlands State University, Gweru, Zimbabwe. 2Department of History and Development Studies, Midlands State University, Private Bag 9055,Gweru, Republic of Zimbabwe. Accepted 10 December, 2009 The ideology of femocracy is so entrenched in Zimbabwean politics that it has become a tradition. It started as a tendency during the liberation struggle of making room and integrating a few women into politics. After independence, it developed into a habit of promoting the same women who had been exposed during the liberation struggle into political offices. Finally, at independence it became a tradition whereby the state confers heroine status to the very women who had held position during the war. However, one feature that stands glaring at the national heroes’ acre is that the heroines who were lay, are all related to men in political positions in both current ruling party and the state. This paper will demonstrate that most Zimbabwean heroines are forgotten. It also proves that even at death the patriarchal nature of Zimbabwean politics manifests itself when one considers that the number of male heroes vis-à-vis the heroines who lay at the acre. Finally the paper will show how femocracy as an ideology has led to the falsification and misrepresentation of historical facts all in an attempt to promote nationalist history.
    [Show full text]
  • Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(S), 1957-1965
    Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(s), 1957-1965 Joshua Pritchard This thesis interrogates traditional understandings of race within Zimbabwean nationalism. It explores the interactions between socio-cultural identities and belonging in black African nationalist thinking and politics, and focuses on the formative decade between the emergence of mass African nationalist political parties in 1957 and the widespread adoption of an anti- white violent struggle in 1966. It reassesses the place of non-black individuals within African anti-settler movements. Using the chronological narrative provided by the experiences of marginal non-black supporters (including white, Asian, coloured, and Indian individuals), it argues that anti-colonial nationalist organisations during the pre-Liberation War period were heavily influenced by the competing racial theories and politics espoused by their elite leadership. It further argues that the imagined future Zimbabwean nations had a fluid and reflexive positioning of citizens based on racial identities that changed continuously. Finally, this thesis examines the construction of racial identities through the discourse used by black Zimbabweans and non-black migrants and citizens, and the relationships between these groups, to contend that race was an inexorable factor in determining belonging. Drawing upon archival sources created by non-black 'radical' participants and Zimbabwean nationalists, and oral interviews conducted during fieldwork in South Africa and Zimbabwe in 2015, the research is a revisionist approach to existing academic literature on Zimbabwean nationalism: in the words of Terence Ranger, it is not a nationalist history but a history of nationalism. It situates itself within multiple bodies of study, including conceptual nationalist and racial theory, the histories of marginal groups within African nationalist movements, and studies of citizenship and belonging.
    [Show full text]
  • NATIONAL HEROES (4Th Series) Issued 5Th August, 2008
    NATIONAL HEROES (4th Series) Issued 5th August, 2008 (Extracted from Philatelic Bureau Bulletin No 3 of 2008)2 Z - Johanna Nkomo Born: 18th September 1927 in the Matobo District; Died: 3rd June 2003; Buried at Heroes Acre on 7th June 2003 Johanna Nkomo was a princess of the Nguni Clan Royalty in Lupane District, although she was born in Matopos (Fort Usher). She adopted the name MaFuyana as an indication of her origin. She was a devout Catholic all her life. She married the "Father of the Nation", Joshua Nkomo on 1st October 1949, whilst working as matron of a children's orphanage run by the Dominican Convent in Bulawayo. Johanna was an example of a steadfast mother maintaining traditional family principles. She supported her husband in every aspect of his life, despite being often separated physically from Joshua throughout his political life. She was devoted to the children of Zimbabwe and beneath her quiet dignity was a figure who troubled the colonial authorities of Southern Rhodesia, and this made her a prime target of successive colonial regimes. All her life she worked for the unity of all Zimbabweans, and as well for the welfare of the under privileged children through the Child Survival Foundation. Her steadfast commitment to the cause of the Zimbabwean people made her departure a sad loss. (Her husband, Joshua Nkomo, was commemorated in a separate issue of stamps in June 2000) A - Ruth Lottie Nomonde Chinamano Born: 16th February 1925, Griqualand Cape Province RSA; Died: 2nd January 2005; Buried at Heroes Acre on 6th January 2005.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe News
    Zimbabwe News LET \JS FIGHT AND Official Organ of ZANU(PF) Department of Information and Publicity, 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harare REBUILD ZIMBABWE Volume 21 No, ,1, J 989,,Reaistf red.at ttie G,P,0. asa N.e.^spafj^r... , , . "7QC (incl. sales tax) DAM CONSTRUCTION -r THE ONLY SOLUTION TO DROUGHT THE HISTORIC CONGRESS r Suppliers of Comet Trucks, Parts and Serv^ice Leyland (Zimbabwe) Limited Watts Road Phone: 67861 Soutlierton Telex: 26387 ZW •1th Tlje«aa»i)#tii» NBtioB is Sound and Itam tORstmction in Chivi - The Song-qonteit i Only Soiution to End Drou^t . Zimbabwe' has won the Common• In HIS Second State of the Mation ad• The drought and powwty stricken Ch^ wealth song contest against 55 other dress last December President Mugabe vl District in Masvingo may soon be entries. The young Zimbabwean mu• said the political and economic rescued fromthi s situation fcdlowmg sical group. Christians Against Racial atmosphere the construction of dams which would DisCnmination,(C/«lD), won the Com- of the nation is very soundy and supply water to this arid land which mwiwealth song competition with healthy and said Zimbabwe goe^ into falls under natural farming region tfjeir number, 'Our Rainbow' 1990 with hope and confidencei four page 40 ^-pagelS -page 31 CONTENTS ,|pN thre«t«a«d «s clampdown on Khool's costs bcf^s Editorial ... 2 ' Letter to the Editor . 3 • fMe general woAers at St Peters Editor's Message . ' XtAatana, aeKondary School are ^ * i^ir^i pay rise, the school's- Unity Accord ends Division .. ... 5 !Qf ttustees is waiting for an ap- President Afmoupces Presidium of National Congress _ .
    [Show full text]
  • I the REPRESENTATION of FEMALE POLITICIANS in ZIMBABWEAN PRINT MEDIA: 2000-2008 by MANDIEDZA PARICHI Submitted in Accordance W
    THE REPRESENTATION OF FEMALE POLITICIANS IN ZIMBABWEAN PRINT MEDIA: 2000-2008 By MANDIEDZA PARICHI Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF LITERATURE AND PHILOSOPHY In the subject of COMMUNICATION at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA Supervisor PROFESSOR K.B. KHAN November 2016 i DECLARATION I, MANDIEDZA PARICHI, Student Number: 5063-849-1, declare that The representation of female politicians in Zimbabwean print media, 2000-2008 is my work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. ______________ 18/11/2016 (Ms M. Parichi) DATE i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to acknowledge the assistance I got from my supervisor, Professor K. B Khan. Thank you for everything, I appreciate. My sincere gratitude goes to Professor Andrew Manyawu who spent a lot of sleepless nights editing my work. I will forever be indebted to you and God bless you. I also want to thank all my family members: Zorodzai, Sukutai, Tafadzwa, Chido, Rangarirai and Haruna for the support you gave me on this long journey, particularly my brother, Rangarirai, for being my daughter’s father and mother as I spent sleepless nights in the office. To Chacha, thank you for stabilising me my dorste. To my faithful friend, Farai Ngwerume, I will always remember. Last but not least, my lovely daughter, Mazvita Aisha Ozara: every step I take in this life is motivated by you. I love you. ii ABSTRACT This study is motivated by the realisation that, in post-2000 Zimbabwe, while the contest pitting one political formation against another has been given prominence in the media, an important struggle that has attracted little attention during this period has been that of the genders, in particular the competition between men and women for the right and power to govern the country.
    [Show full text]
  • Participation of Women in Zimbabwean Politics and the Mirage of Gender Equity
    See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/314368303 Participation of Women in Zimbabwean Politics and the Mirage of Gender Equity Article · January 2015 CITATION READS 1 7,375 3 authors: Mandlenkosi Maphosa Nevel Tshuma National University of Science and Technology, Bulawayo National University of Science and Technology, Bulawayo 9 PUBLICATIONS 10 CITATIONS 8 PUBLICATIONS 8 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE SEE PROFILE Gracsious Ncube University of the Witwatersrand 8 PUBLICATIONS 22 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: international trends in development View project Transnational migration and families in Tsholotsho View project All content following this page was uploaded by Nevel Tshuma on 09 March 2017. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. Ubuntu: Journal of Conflict and Social Transformation Volume 4, Number 2, 2015 Pp 127-159 Special Issue: Elites, Institutions and Socioeconomic Inequalities in Africa Participation of Women in Zimbabwean Politics and the Mirage of Gender Equity Mandlenkosi Maphosa Institute of Development Studies, National University of Science and Technology, Zimbabwe. [email protected] Nevel Tshuma Institute of Development Studies, National University of Science and Technology, Zimbabwe [email protected] Gracsious Maviza Institute of Development Studies, National University of Science and Technology, Zimbabwe [email protected] Abstract Zimbabwe has signed and ratified a number of regional and international instruments that call for gender equality in various spheres of life. However, in spite of the existence of these supportive instruments, the country has not fared well in advancing the participation of women in politics.
    [Show full text]
  • NATIONAL HEROES (8Th Series) Issued 25Th July, 2014
    NATIONAL HEROES (8th Series) Issued 25th July, 2014 (Extracted from Philatelic Bureau Bulletin No 3 of 2014)2 30c: Sabina Gabriel Mugabe Born: 14th October. 1929, Kutama Village. Zvimba. Died: 29th July, 2010, Harare. Buried: 1st August, 2010, Heroes Acre. Tete Sabina, was the younger sister of Robert Gabriel Mugabe and was born in Kutama Village on the 14 October 1929. She attended Kutama Mission School in Zvimba run by the Catholic Priests and completed her primary education in December 1946. She trained for teaching at Empandeni Teachers Training College and taught at Benhura and Ngezi schools in Mhondoro before transferring to Mhandu in her home area. She helped in Highfield community school where she and her sister bought a house. In the late 1960s she went to Battersea College, England. In 1977, she and her husband, Johannes Zhuwawo went to Nova Scotia in Canada where she obtained a diploma in Fashion Design and another in Social Development. Returning in 1978 she served for twenty years at Chishawasha Catholic Silvera House where she became head of Applied Nutrition and Development. During the 1960s she assisted detained nationalists and freedom fighters with food and clothing paid for by her modest proceeds from different commodities. As an informal enterprise, she also provided a communication conduit between imprisoned nationalists and the external wing of ZANU led by Herbert Chitepo. In this she was assisted by her younger sister Bridget, Victoria Chitepo and Ruth Chinamano, sometimes carrying vital letters all the way to Gatooma (Kadoma) for posting so as to minimise risks of detection.
    [Show full text]
  • SI 2020-050 Names (Alteration) (Amendment of Schedule)
    Statutory Instrument 50 of 2020. Names (Alteration) (Amendment of Schedule) Notice, 2020 S.I. 50 of 2020 [CAP. 10:14 Names (Alteration) (Amendment of Schedule) Notice, 2020 Old name New name Mt Darwin District Complex George Rutanhire Building IT is hereby notifi ed that the Minister of Local Government and Chinhoyi Provincial Complex Chinhoyi 7 Heroes Building Public Works has, in terms of section 4(1) of the Names (Alteration) Gweru Provincial Complex Cephas Msipa Building Act [Chapter 10:14], made the following notice:— Mazoe District Offi ce Joseph Musika Building 1. This notice may be cited as the Names (Alteration) Gutu District Complex Moudy Muzenda Building (Amendment of Schedule) Notice, 2020. 2. The Schedule to the Names (Alteration) Act [Chapter 10:14] is amended in Part VII by the insertion in the item relating to buildings of the following— Old name New name New Government Composite Offi ce Building Mgandane Dlodlo Building Immigration Building Chingaira Makoni Building Central Registry Building Muchecheterwa Chiwashira Building Ambassador House Queen Lozikeyi House Quality International Hotel Chinengundu Mashayamombe House Education Services Centre (Mt. Pleasant) Mtshane Khumalo Complex Defence House Hashim Mbita House Thomlison Depot Chimoio Camp Depot Morris Depot Mkuhusi Camp Depot Harare Central Hospital Sally Mugabe Central Hospital CID Headquarters Building Ethan Dube Building Harare (Cecil House) Ruth Chinamano House Gwanda “Governor Complex” Stephen Jeqe Nkomo Building Tsholotsho District Offi ce John Landa Nkomo Building Kezi District Offi ce Joana Mafuyana-Nkomo Building Lupane Provincial Goverment Complex Welshman Mabhena Building Hwange District Offi ce Thokozile Mathuthu Building Chipinge District Complex William Ndangana Building Mutare Provincial Complex Rekayi Tangwena Building Mutare Provincial Hospital Victoria Chitepo Provincial Hospital Supplement to the Zimbabwean Government Gazette dated the 21st February, 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • Women and the Remaking of Politics in Southern Africa
    Geisler.book Page 1 Wednesday, July 7, 2004 3:46 PM Women and the Remaking of Politics in Southern Africa Negotiating Autonomy, Incorporation and Representation Gisela Geisler NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET 2004 Geisler.book Page 2 Wednesday, July 7, 2004 3:46 PM Indexing terms Gender equality Liberation Political participation Women’s organisations Women’s participation Southern Africa Cover photo: Jørn Stjerneklar/PHOENIX ANC supporters at an election meeting ten days before the first free elections in South Africa. Language checking: Elaine Almén Index: Margaret Binns © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2004 ISBN 91-7106-515-6 Printed in Spain by Grafilur Artes Gráficas, 2004 Geisler.book Page 3 Wednesday, July 7, 2004 3:46 PM Contents Acknowledgements . 7 Introduction . 9 CHAPTER 1 African Women in/and Politics Issues and Realities . 17 CHAPTER 2 Women’s Participation in Nationalist Movements and Liberation Struggles Fighting Men’s Wars . 39 CHAPTER 3 Asserting Women’s Liberation within National Liberation The Case of the South African Women’s Movement. 64 CHAPTER 4 The Women’s League Syndrome A Non-Decision-Making Machinery . 88 CHAPTER 5 Ambitious but Marginalised Women’s Desks and Ministries . 117 CHAPTER 6 Women’s Organisations and Movements Sometimes Autonomy but Often No Unity. 143 CHAPTER 7 Struggling on All Fronts Women Politicians. 173 Conclusion . 206 Persons Interviewed . 217 References . 221 Abbreviations . 234 Index. 236 Geisler.book Page 4 Wednesday, July 7, 2004 3:46 PM Geisler.book Page 5 Wednesday, July 7, 2004 3:46 PM I never wanted to be a senator, because I did not know what a senator is in the first place… When I go back to my small place in Mpumalanga I make a point of going to the school where I used to teach.
    [Show full text]
  • Rhodesia” Was Zimbabwe’S Colonial Name from 1890 to 1979, in Recognition of Cecil Rhodes Who Engineered British Settlers’ Occu- Pation of the Country
    Notes 1 Introduction: Suffering for the Nation: The Prison as a Site of Struggle during Zimbabwe’s Liberation War 1. “Rhodesia” was Zimbabwe’s colonial name from 1890 to 1979, in recognition of Cecil Rhodes who engineered British settlers’ occu- pation of the country. After the end of settler colonial rule in 1980, the country’s name became Zimbabwe, in recognition of one of the country’s pre-colonial empires, Dzimbahwe. 2. See Peter Zinoman, The Colonial Bastille: A History of Imprisonment in Vietman, 1862–1940, University of California Press, Los Angeles, CA, 2001, pp. 2–3. 3. For an important discussion on this, see Terence Ranger, “Historiography, Patriotic History and the History of the Nation: The struggle over the past in Zimbabwe,” Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 30, No. 2, 2004, pp. 215–234. In this paper, Ranger reflects upon a certain nationalist rendering of Zimbabwe’s past that has seen a “narrow historical narrative gain[ing] a monopoly and [has been] endlessly repeated.” See p. 3. Here Ranger refers to a particular post-independence nationalist history that has mutated into what he calls “patriotic history” that is driven by the urge to laud a narrowly defined group of “liberation war heroes” whilst at the same time excluding people who are perceived to have not contributed anything to the struggle for independence. 4. Here I am referring to the obsession by most liberation war schol- ars to either concentrate on the histories of guerrillas or guerrilla movements, without providing space for other historical actors such as Rhodesia’s hostages—most of whom were neither guerrillas nor involved in guerrilla movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Gender and War: Zimbabwean Women and the Liberation Struggle
    EnterText 6.2 Patricia Chogugudza Gender and War: Zimbabwean Women and the Liberation Struggle In revolutionary war situations there is often no defined front line and both women and children can come directly under attack: thus the stereotyped image of men going off to war, and women staying at home away from the conflict, has to be radically revised.1 In such revolutionary conflicts, women are not merely victims but also actively work side- by-side with men in support of the war effort. The position of women in liberation struggles shows that wars have to be judged not just from the position of men, but also from the position of women who incessantly struggle to sustain the force of the revolution. This paper argues, therefore, that the story of a liberation struggle cannot be complete without an analysis of the role women play in guerrilla warfare revolutions. Using an African feminist approach to women and war, this paper explores the involvement and the terms of women’s participation in the guerrilla war in Zimbabwe. The discussion analyses the suffering caused to Zimbabwe women former freedom fighters not only by the imposition of war, but also by the male centred demands of the nationalist movement, the Zimbabwean male fighters, and the Zimbabwean society as a whole during and after Zimbabwe’s war of liberation. Patricia Chogugudza: Gender and War 31 EnterText 6.2 Focusing on the role of women fighters in Zimbabwe, this article argues that in revolutionary struggles, women encounter conflict in different ways to men. As armed conflicts affect the revolutionary cadres and non-participatory civilians, the coping strategies adopted under the pressure differ by, and to a large degree, are determined by gender.
    [Show full text]
  • La-Rochelle-Visitors-1954-1970-E
    Copyright © Nina Bauer and Heather White 2021 The right of Nina Bauer and Heather White to be identified as the authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright Amendment (Moral Rights) Act 2000. This work is copyright. Apart from any use as permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part may be reproduced, copied, scanned, stored in a retrieval system, recorded, or transmitted, in any form by any means, without the prior written permission of the publisher. ISBN: 978-0-6450843-0-6: PDF copy ISBN 978-0-6450843-1-3: Print copy Cover Art Work by Margie Grobelaar, used with permission Cover Design by Brian Maunze Malakai Enquiries to National Trust of Zimbabwe: [email protected] http://ntoz.org/ www.facebook.com/pages/National-Trust-of-Zimbabwe FOREWORD THE NATIONAL TRUST OF ZIMBABWE “Heritage is precious: treasure it” This very important historical document was officially published to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the National Trust of Zimbabwe (the Trust) in 2020 and in memory of Mr. Darrel Plowes (4 April 1925–19 October 2016). The Trust has achieved so much to be proud of in its 60 years, including a remarkable and beautiful property portfolio, a range of activities and campaigns, cultural heritage and environmental education programmes, cataloging scientific information and publishing educational and historical material. Our Mission Statement is as follows: ‘To be the custodians of those properties and sites of cultural heritage and natural beauty which we hold in trust and to maintain and manage them for the benefit and enjoyment of the people of Zimbabwe and our friends now, and as a legacy for future generations’.
    [Show full text]