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Toward a Genealogy of Liberal Governance in Modern Japan

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Toward a Genealogy of Liberal Governance in Modern Japan STATISTICAL VISIONS OF HUMANITY: TOWARD A GENEALOGY OF LIBERAL GOVERNANCE IN MODERN JAPAN A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Akiko Ishii January 2013 © 2013 Akiko Ishii STATISTICAL VISIONS OF HUMANITY: TOWARD A GENEALOGY OF LIBERAL GOVERNANCE IN MODERN JAPAN Akiko Ishii, Ph. D. Cornell University 2013 This dissertation seeks to shed new light on the history of liberal governance in Japan and its overseas territories, primarily colonial Taiwan, from the late Tokugawa period to the wartime periods. It does so by examining the emergence and spread of the statistical concept of population in bureaucratic, social scientific, and literary texts. As a statistiCal artifact, the idea of population endorsed the “scientific” nature of social science, and determined what was and was not sCientifiC—and, therefore, "rational"—government. In particular, the statistical regularity of population led social scientists and policy experts in Japan and Colonial Taiwan to perCeive the limits of CoerCive governance, suggesting new ways of Controlling human ColleCtivities in the territories. This dissertation traCes the formation and transformation of such a concept of population from the arrival of Western statistics in Japan in the mid-nineteenth century to the era in which the concept of population became a core notion in the economic and social welfare thought of wartime Japan. It argues that the modern concept of population offered a speCifiC way of understanding soCial relations in the partiCular historiCal juncture between Western and Japanese imperialisms. Eventually, it became a crucial element of liberal governance, characterized by an approach that was anti- state control yet interventionist, and represented itself as a quasi-universal reference point in economic rationality in the twentieth century. Indeed, it continues to do so, today. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Born in Tokyo, Japan, Akiko Ishii studied soCiology and philosophy at Konan University in Kobe. She studied political philosophy and theory, particularly the philosophy of Hannah Arendt, at Tokyo University of Foreign Studies and received her master's degree in 2005. At Cornell, Ishii received her M.A. in 2008 and Ph.D. in 2013, specializing in modern Japanese history, with a primary focus on intellectual history of modern Japan. iii This dissertation is dedicated to my family. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Numerous individuals and institutions helped to make this dissertation possible. My investigation of modernity began with my ex-advisor and friend Takashi Minatomichi, and particularly his reflections on violence. I would like to thank my committee members who supported me through this exCiting and challenging journey. My advisor at Cornell, J. ViCtor KosChmann enCouraged my ambitious projeCt by trusting my judgment in terms of research and asking countless questions, which helped me to articulate the broader and deeper implications of my research. With her keen insight, Brett de Bary always knew my project better than I did and enabled me to understand its potential. Naoki Sakai's theoretical inquiry into modernity in East Asia inspired me to find how to materialize my project. I particularly appreciate his generous help in the student reading group on Michel Foucault. Beyond my dissertation committee, I am particularly grateful to Minoru Iwasaki, Suman Seth, and Katsuya Hirano, who encouraged and sometimes challenged me to go beyond disciplinary boundaries and see through the politiCal nature of researCh in the humanities. I am particularly grateful to writing group participants, who read parts of this dissertation in the rough draft stage: Sherry Martin, Haiping Yang, Janice Kanemitsu, Chris Ahn, Mina Ahn, Noriaki Hoshino, Takeshi Kimoto, Seok Won Lee, Samson Lim, Masuda Hajimu, Lisa Onaga, Honghong Tinn, and Chunyen Wang. I thank the Society for the Humanities, and the Institute for Comparative v Modernities for providing this great opportunity to discuss my work with these outstanding scholars. In the past five years, parts of this dissertation has been presented at various conferences, workshops, and symposiums. I appreciate all comment, questions, and encouragement that allowed me to rethink and develop my project. I am particularly grateful to Jessamyn Abel, Mark Anderson, Xiangming Chen, Sherman Cochran, Danielle Cohen, Jeffrey DuBois, Miles Fletcher, TJ Hinrichs, Ping-Chun Hsiung, Chris Jones, Hirotaka Kasai, John Kim, Jeffrey Martin, Yuki Terazawa, Ichiro Tomiyama, YiChing Wu, MalColm Thompson, Gavin Walker, Claude Welch, and We Jung Yi. In addition to intellectual benefits, I am deeply thankful to various forms of financial support that made this dissertation possible. Indeed, I could not have completed it without generous support from the East Asia Program, History Department, and Graduate School at Cornell. They have provided me with precious time to develop and refine my project though the Sage Fellowships, Robert J. Smith Fellowships, and Bolt Fellowship. Travel grants from the East Asia Program and the Walter LaFeber Graduate Study Grant made my research in Japan possible. As an international student, I am most indebted to my editors and language instructors. I express sincere thanks to: Jay S. Winston, Ingrid M. Arnesen, and Chris Ahn. Kyoko Selden provided me with generous assistance in reading classical Japanese. vi Above all, my family has contributed to my project enormously. Masuda Hajimu taught me the importance of writing every day and how to keep listening to my own voice when I was overwhelmed by the enormous accumulation of brilliant researCh by other sCholars. Tomoaki and Kimie Ishii supported my research in Tokyo and helped with securing Japanese materials. Hajimu and Hiroaki Ishii gave me the most fundamental support by being and thinking with me. This dissertation, thus, is dediCated to my family. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS BiographiCal Sketch iii Acknowledgements v List of Figures ix Introduction 1 Chapter 1 Statistics and a New Vision of Humanity: Politics of Population in Meiji Japan 13 Chapter 2 Statistics and the Location of Hygiene: The Concept of Hygiene in Meiji Japan 41 Chapter 3 Policing the Colony: The First Census in Colonial Taiwan 73 Chapter 4 The Concept of Human Resources and the Creation of “Functional Man” 108 Conclusion 127 Bibliography 135 viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Map 3 "Population Increase" in Kakkoku seisui kyojaku ichiranhyo: tsuketarizu (Tables of comparison among Western countries: Their rise and fall as well as strength and weakness, with figures) (Tokyo: Chugaido, 1869). Translation of MairiCe BloCk’s Statistique de la France, comparée avecles divers pays de l'Europe. Translated by Kato Kozo. ix Introduction In The Human Condition, political theorist Hannah Arendt analyzes the way in which the necessities of human life gradually came into political discourse and beCame a fundamental rationality in modern politiCs. She affirms this as a specifically modern phenomenon through describing the influx of what were considered for a long time to be concerns of physical life and, thus, private— family, body, health, and labor for sustaining life—into the public sphere, and calls this “the rise of the social.” When the care for life, in the sense of well-being, preoccupies politics, Arendt believed, the dignity of human action and its singularity in history will lose its meaning, and statistically processible mass behavior will be Considered to have greater relevance to the world. SoCial science—particularly modern economics, according to Arendt—was itself grounded in this shift: [T]he assumption that men behave and do not act with respect to each other, that lies at the root of modern science of economics, whose birth coincided with the rise of society and which, together with its chief technical tool, statistics became the social science per excellence.1 In introducing this distinction between action and behavior, she emphasizes that, as soon as Concerns for life Came to gain top priority in politics, statistical thinking beCame the most useful framework for understanding human nature.2 About twenty years after the publication of The Human Condition, 1 Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition (ChiCago: The University of ChiCago Press), 41-42. 2 Arendt, The Human Condition, 42-43. 1 philosopher Michel Foucault, without referring to Arendt, pointed out that the collective of human beings as a speCies and individuals as living bodies emerged on the stage of modern politics and became an object of governance. He names this phenomenon “bio-politics.” More precisely, Foucault argues that collective human life, which he often calls “species” and “population,” and individual lives mutually artiCulate each other, and have transformed the system of reasoning in politics:3 Wars are no longer waged in the name of a sovereign who must be defended; they are waged on behalf of the existence of everyone; entire populations are mobilized for the purpose of wholesale slaughter in the name of life necessity.4 On the one hand, it was tied to the disCiplines of the body: the harnessing, intensification, and distribution of forces, the adjustment and eConomy of energies. On the other hand, it was applied to the regulation of populations, through all the far-reaching effects of its activity. It fitted in both categories at once, giving rise to infinitesimal surveillances, permanent Controls, extremely meticulous orderings of space,
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