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'Peaceful Valley': the Demise of Darwen Football Club, 1885-1899

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'Peaceful Valley': the Demise of Darwen Football Club, 1885-1899 DEATH IN THE 'PEACEFUL VALLEY': THE DEMISE OF DARWEN FOOTBALL CLUB, 1885-1899 Robert Lewis It is hard to imagine today that Darwen EC. was once one of the premier football clubs in England, even playing in Division One of the Football League at one stage. A score of Darwen 3, Everton 1 would be difficult to comprehend in 1996, yet it happened in the First Division in season 1891-2. Darwen had been the first team of working men to challenge the southern amateur gentlemen's hegemony in the F.A. Cup in 1878-9, giving the Old Etonians, the eventual winners, a tough series of games in the fourth round (the last six in those days). However, only 20 years later, in season 1898-9, it collapsed in bankruptcy, never again to regain its Football League status. Why did this happen, when other seemingly similar local clubs such as Blackburn Rovers, Bolton Wanderers, and Preston North End continue to enjoy league status? In the late 1870s and early 1880s such clubs had similar playing strengths and status. Fortuitously, the club minutes for part of this crucial period still survive, although surprisingly they have never previously been used by football historians. This study is based upon that source, and upon local newspapers, and seeks to explain why this and other similar extinctions occurred. First of all, however, it is necessary to explain a little of the demographic and economic theory affecting professional football. A number of economic and environmental factors are involved in the success or failure of professional clubs, including the size of a club's catchment area, local competition, the 152 Robert Lewis competence of its financial management, and the effects of membership of the Football League. J. F. Rooney argues that within a particular 'sports region' there exist certain patterns of fan identification. People who identify with a team in this area constitute a 'fan region', which may overlap with other 'fan regions'. 1 What are the factors which determine whether a club will have a larger catchment area, and therefore potentially greater success? Doyle, Lewis, and Malmisur indicate that 'there is an inverse relationship between the distance to each professional football team's home field and the number of people who claim loyalty to that team', and that fan interest decreases over distance. 2 This could apply to Lancashire between 1880 and 1914, as transport facilities and the relative lack of financial resources among spectators would limit a club's catchment area. There are, however, other factors which might affect the size of the crowd, such as admission prices, ground facilities, current and past performance, and competition from other sports. Catchment areas for individual teams can overlap, but where good quality teams are playing, crowds will increase despite the distance involved. In Lancashire in the 1870s and 1880s, catchment areas overlapped in some towns, particularly Blackburn and Bolton, and it was increased competition which eliminated some clubs.3 In England there is a strong element of spatial competition as smaller clubs are forced to operate within the same area as larger clubs, leading to a concentration of resources and a monopolization of success. 4 Bale argues for a 'cumulative- causation process': clubs in larger towns with greater revenue 1 J. F. Rooney, 'Sports from a. geographical perspective', in Sport and social order: contributions to the sociology of sport, ed. D. W. Ball and J. W. Loy (Reading, Massachusetts, 1975), pp. 58, 78. 2 R. C. Doyle, J. M. Lewis, and M. Malmisur, 'A sociological application of Rooney's fan region theory', Journal of Sports Behavior, III (2) (1980), pp. 54-5. 3 J. Bale, Sport and place: a geography of sport in England. Scotland and Wales (London, 1982), pp. 14-15. 4 J. R. Bale, The development of soccer as a participant and spectator sport: geographical aspects (London, 1979), p. 26; P. J. Sloane, 'The economics of professional football: the football club as a utility maximiser', Scottish Journal of Political Economy, XVIII (1971), pp. 121-46 at 125. Darwen Football Club 153 potential are able to buy better players, thus attracting larger crowds, and so on. 5 Such a concentration was not as pronounced before 1914 as after 1960, preserving the smaller town clubs such as Preston North End, Blackburn Rovers, Burnley, and Bolton Wanderers. Competition needs organization, however, to control its negative aspects. Sloane states: 'In the football service industry in contrast to manufacturing industry, the stimulation for combination derives from natural mutual advantages rather than from the mutual disadvantages of cut-throat competition.' Sporting competition 'maximises uncertainty', thus drawing spectators. Sloane argues that football is a utility 'subject to financial viability', with a self-generating cycle of success. Sporting competition is more profitable than sporting monopoly, however, so clubs cannot drive out all rivals.'' The 'city size effect' was to some extent negated by restrictions imposed by the Football League, particularly the maximum wage of 1901 and the Retain-and-Transfer system, which equalized playing strengths to a degree. However well a club might be placed in terms of catchment area and competition, such advantages could be negated by incompetent management. Before the maximum wage was introduced in 1901, some clubs clearly paid out more than they could afford. In 1895 'Rob Roy' in the Athletic News Football Annual claimed that 'the adroit use of figures in many of the published balance sheets is quite transparent, and must 5 Bale, Development of soccer, p. 27. 6 Sloane, 'Economics of football', pp. 123-8, 136; N. Jennctt, 'Attendances, uncertainty of outcome and policy in Scottish league football', Scottish Journal of Political Economy, XXXI (1984), pp. 176-98 at 176, 178, 181, 183, 194; W. C. Neale", 'The peculiar economics of professional sports, Quarterly Journal of Economics, LXXVIII (1964), pp. 1-14 at 1; B. Walter, 'The demand for professional league football and the success of Football League teams: some city size effects', Urban Studies, XXIII (1986), pp. 209-19; M. El-Hodi'ri and J. Quirk, 'An economic model of a professional sports league'. Journal of Political Economy, LXXIX (1971), pp. 1302-19 at 1303, 1306, 1313; N. C. VViseman, 'The economics of football', Lloyds Bank Review, CXXIII (Jan. 1977), pp. 29-43 at 41; W. Vamplew, 'The economics of a sports industry: Scottish gate money football, 1890-1914', Econ. H.R. 2nd sen XXXV (1982), pp. 549-67 at 560, 562. 154 Robert Lewis be set down to a strong desire to make the assets remove the big margin of debt on the current income'.7 Management of football clubs up to 1914 was dominated by the committee: a group of major shareholders and other prominent local men whose lack of business skills when running a football club was often apparent. In addition, the committee selected the team and chose which players to buy and sell; lacking an expert eye to guide them, they were frequently wrong. Even normally competent businessmen did not always run their clubs on commercial lines. The Official Receiver's report on Newton Heath (later Manchester United) in 1902 stated that for ten years the club had been sustained by loans and had never paid a dividend, with £2,670 owing to various creditors; and this was a club with potential. 8 It was by no means an isolated example. As Gibson and Pickford stated in 1907: At the bottom of the minds of most directors is a powerful love of sport . there seem ... to be few recompenses. There are practically none of a monetary character, and yet we meet men of keen commercial instincts who devote as much time to running a football team and get far more trouble out of it than to [sic] their own private business concerns.'1 The professional manager running a football club was not common up to 1914, although John Cameron (ex-Queen's Park and Everton) became player-manager of Tottenham Hotspur around 1907. In an article entitled 'How to run a football team', Cameron stated that the manager conducted affairs, but 'as regards his status, he is indubitably the servant of the club directors ... All weighty matters are decided by the directors'. The manager's main role was to find good players, but also to instil an 'esprit de corps'. 10 However, many clubs continued to do without a manager in the modern sense until the 1920s or 1930s. 11 Given this lack of football managerial skills, and the unwillingness of directors and shareholders to 7 Quoted in Tony Mason, Association football and English society. 1863-1915 (Brighton, 1980), p. 58. 8 P. M. Young, Manchester United (London, 1960), p. 38. 9 A. Gibson and W. Pickford, Association football & the men who made it (4 vols, London, 1905-6), II, p. 184. 10 Ibid. IV, pp. 128-32. 11 S. Wagg, The football world: a contemporary social history (Brighton, 1984), chapter 5. Darwen Football Club 155 accept normal commercial conditions for the functioning of a club, it is not surprising that many got into difficulties. The importance of membership of the Football League cannot be stressed too highly. The Chester Report claimed in 1968: 'League Football is not a "commercial" operation in the same sense [as a] manufacturing or service industry; but it is subject to financial pressures like any other entertainment business'; however, 'the broad pattern of the top rich clubs getting more profitable and the lower poor clubs getting deeper into debt . appears to be ... established'. 12 This is a situation which has been repeated since the formation of the League: a few wealthy clubs showing a profit on gates alone, the rest subsidizing themselves by other means.
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