The Aboriginal Story of andBurke Wills

This book is the first major study of Aboriginal associations with the Burke and Wills expedition of 1860–61. It is the outcome of an Australian Research Council project and provides a history of Aboriginal cross-cultural exchanges with the expedition, as well as the various relief expeditions.

The book offers a reinterpretation of the literature surrounding Burke and Wills, using official correspondence, expedition journals and diaries, visual art, and anthropological and linguistic research – and then complements this with references to Aboriginal oral histories and social memory. It highlights the interaction of expedition members with Aboriginal people and their subsequent contribution to Aboriginal studies. The book also considers contemporary and multi-disciplinary critiques that the expedition members were, on the whole, deficient in bush craft, especially in light of the expedition’s failure to use Aboriginal guides in any systematic way.

Generously illustrated with historical photographs and line drawings, The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills The Aboriginal Story is an important resource for Indigenous people, Burke and Wills history enthusiasts and the wider community. of Burke and Wills Forgotten Narratives Edited Ian by D. Clark and Fred Cahir

Edited by Ian D. Clark and Fred Cahir

Aboriginal_Story_of_Burke_and_Wills_Cover.indd 1 23/04/13 9:07 AM The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills Forgotten Narratives

Edited by Ian D. Clark and Fred Cahir

The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills Forgotten Narratives

Edited by Ian D. Clark and Fred Cahir © Ian D. Clark and David A. Cahir 2013 Front cover: (top) ‘Portrait of Dick: the brave and gallant native guide’. Ludwig Becker. 21 December 1860. The Royal All rights reserved. Except under the conditions described Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. in the Australian Copyright Act 1968 and subsequent Accession no. H16486. (right, and title page) Detail from: amendments, no part of this publication may be reproduced, ‘No. 40. Mr. Shirt. Mr. Nogood. Missis Mallee. Natives on the stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by Darling. Darling Depot, Jan.12.1861’. Ludwig Becker. The any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of duplicating or otherwise, without the prior permission of Victoria. Accession no. H16486. (bottom) ‘Sketch of route the copyright owner. Contact CSIRO PUBLISHING for all from Balranald to Scot’s station, roughly drawn by dead permission requests. reckoning, 26 Sep. 60’. Ludwig Becker. Watercolour, pen National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication and ink. Ludwig Becker Sketchbook. The Royal Society of entry Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486. The Aboriginal story of Burke and Wills : forgotten narratives / edited by Ian D. Clark and Fred Cahir. Back cover: Detail from: ‘Watpipa the “Old Man”, our guide on Sep. 24. 60. L. Becker’. Ludwig Becker. Watercolour, pen 9780643108080 (hbk.) and ink. Ludwig Becker Sketchbook. The Royal Society of 9780643108097 (epdf) Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession 9780643108103 (epub) no. H16486.

Includes bibliographical references and index. Front endpaper: Illustration by Kellee Frith from map

Burke and Wills Expedition, (1860–1861) drafted by Frank Leahy (after Valmai Hankel and The Friends Aboriginal Australians. of the State Library of South Australia 2007 Finding Burke Explorers – Australia. and Wills). Australia – Discovery and exploration – Back endpaper: Illustration by Kellee Frith from map drafted 1851–1900. by Frank Leahy (after Bonyhady 1991).

Clark, Ian D., 1958– Illustrations from the State Library of Victoria courtesy of Cahir, Fred, 1963– the State Library of Victoria

994 Set in Adobe Lucida 8/12 and Minion Pro

Published by Edited by Adrienne de Kretser, Righting Writing CSIRO PUBLISHING Cover and text design by Andrew Weatherill 150 Oxford Street (PO Box 1139) Typeset by Andrew Weatherill Collingwood VIC 3066 Index by Russell Brooks Australia Printed in China by 1010 Printing International Ltd Telephone: +61 3 9662 7666 CSIRO PUBLISHING publishes and distributes scientific, Local call: 1300 788 000 (Australia only) technical and health science books, magazines and Fax: +61 3 9662 7555 journals from Australia to a worldwide audience and Email: [email protected] conducts these activities autonomously from the research Web site: www.publish.csiro.au activities of the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO). The views expressed in this Published with assistance from the State Library of Victoria publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily 328 Swanston Street, Melbourne, Victoria 3000 Australia represent those of, and should not be attributed to, the www.slv.vic.gov.au publisher or CSIRO. The copyright owner shall not be liable for technical or other errors or omissions contained herein. The reader/user accepts all risks and responsibility for losses, damages, costs and other consequences resulting directly or indirectly from using this information.

Original print edition: The paper this book is printed on is in accordance with Published with assistance from The Business School of the the rules of the Forest Stewardship Council®. The FSC® University of Ballarat promotes environmentally responsible, socially beneficial and economically viable management of the world’s forests. Foreword

Few episodes in Australia’s history have Victoria was fortunate in forming a liaison received as much attention as the Victorian with Professor Ian Clark and Dr Fred Cahir Exploring Expedition of 1860–61. Over 40 from the University of Ballarat. Their previous books, hundreds of paintings, several films, work on Aboriginal history and place names poems, music, numerous public memorials was an essential prerequisite for the task. The and sculptures have all celebrated or University of Ballarat and the Royal Society of commemorated the exploits and fate of Victoria were then successful in obtaining an Burke and Wills. From the contemporary Australian Research Council Linkage Grant to newspaper campaigns of the 1860s, through undertake the project. As part of the project, the Commission of Inquiry, Frank Clune in November 2011, the University of Ballarat and Alan Moorehead to Tim Bonyhady and hosted a symposium at which it became clear Sarah Murgatroyd, authors in successive that we had raised subjects that were long generations have sought to explain, and overdue for examination. in many cases to attribute blame for, the In creating this book Professor Clark and outcome of that expedition. Dr Cahir have brought together participants The Burke and Wills Anniversary at the symposium, including members of the Advisory Committee, established by the project team at the University of Ballarat. Royal Society of Victoria in 2008, identified The authors include scholars who have made major deficiencies in the existing histories. extensive and notable contributions to our Remarkably, no book had been written about understanding of Indigenous people, their the scientific achievements of the Victoria language and their relationship to the land. Exploring Expedition. Nor had any in-depth The introduction provided by Aaron study been made of the interaction between Paterson, a Yandruwandha descendant, Indigenous people and the expeditioners and sets the scene for the examination of the their potential and actual contribution to the interactions between the Yandruwandha expedition. We were determined to rectify people and Burke’s party at Cooper Creek. this through two sesquicentenary projects. Other records of oral histories also provide The first project culminated in the insights into the Aboriginal understanding at publication by CSIRO Publishing of Burke and the time. Wills: The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian The authors of this book provide linguistic Exploring Expedition. This notable work has and anthropological evidence which reminds changed the thinking about the scientific us that, far from being terra nullius, even the achievements of the expedition. most arid areas were populated by Aboriginal In its endeavours to ensure that the communities interlinked by language and Indigenous contribution to the VEE was given protocols and tradition. Although the proper consideration, the Royal Society of linguistic material gathered by the explorers

v The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills was limited, it provides evidence of the path and possessed intellectual tools capable the expedition took as it moved through the of explaining the presence of strange areas occupied by different language groups. humans and animals. The geographical A central theme of this book is the and mythological territory they contrast between the skills, perceptions and inhabited was familiar to them. It was knowledge of the Indigenous people and the Europeans who were out of place, those of the new arrivals, and the extent anxious, aggressive, bristling with arms to which this affected the outcome of the and ready to use them. expedition. The very varied backgrounds To the new, brash and confident colony of the expedition members provide an of Victoria in the 1860s, the country to the opportunity to consider differing perceptions north represented territory to conquer and of the Indigenous people, their capability if possible to exploit. The fact that the land and their communication skills and their was already occupied by Aboriginal peoples knowledge. The diary notes and reports was apparently not of great significance. prepared by members of the expedition The Victorian Exploring Expedition was sent provide material by which the different world forth to cross the continent, equipped with views of the varied expedition members may specially imported camels and supplied be gauged. (probably oversupplied) with goods and Of particular importance were the German stores calculated to make it independent of scientists Ludwig Becker and Hermann Beckler the country it would traverse, but regrettably (and for part of the journey Georg Neumayer). underequipped with a real understanding Steeped in the Humboldtian tradition, they of the task it faced. The instructions to had particular interest in understanding the the expeditioners did not oblige them to land and its people. Their carefully illustrated gain an understanding of the world of the and documented observations were gathered Indigenous people nor to utilise their skills in spite of Burke, rather than because of him. and knowledge of the country. As author Peta Jeffries suggests, Becker’s To Burke, the leader, the expedition background and artistic sensitivity may offered a stage for glory and heroic have attuned him to the task of bridging the endeavour. The inland was a place to be divide between the different cultures. Their conquered. In passing through it he would attitudes may also have been influenced by rely on his supplies and the introduced Becker’s previous contact with Tasmanian animals which carried them, supplemented Aborigines and the fact that the Germans by whatever sustenance his firearms could were themselves aliens in a British colony. bring. It is inescapable that this book is As the authors of this book make clear, concerned not only with the Indigenous the Aboriginal skills in communication, people and the explorers but with the land in tracking and in navigation which were itself, and the different attitudes to the recognised and utilised by other explorers, land held by the different cultures. To the both before and after the Burke and Wills Aboriginal people their country was their expedition, were apparently not recognised dwelling place. Through their skills in by Burke. On the contrary, he perceived navigation, hunting and gathering, honed the presence of the Indigenous people as over millennia, their country provided their a hindrance and potentially a threat to the sustenance and was integral to their being. survival of his party and the success of his As Professor Harry Allen says in Chapter 7: mission. Reliance on pack animals and the Aboriginal people living in the areas supplies they carried resulted in constant traversed by the explorers were at anxiety. Any loss of supplies or animals or home. They were surrounded by kin injury to a member of the party was a threat

vi Foreword to the survival of the expeditioners, whose Australia’s early history. The Burke and Wills supply lines were frail or non-existent. expedition is a notable example, in part In particular, the members of the party because the expedition covered so much who travelled to the Cooper and the Gulf had territory and in part because its leadership little appreciation or understanding of the was even less attuned to the capability of capabilities of the Indigenous peoples. As a Indigenous people than most expeditions. consequence, when the supplies they carried However, in our assessment of Burke we were exhausted and their animals failed, might reflect that he had been in the colony several of the men died. for only a short time and that we as a nation, Perhaps also because the margin between 150 years later, still have difficulties in survival and death was so fine, we cannot reconciling differing perceptions of our land help but feel that even a slightly greater and of its traditional owners. respect for the knowledge and capability This publication of this book is a of the local Aboriginal people might have milestone in an ongoing project. It will tipped the balance. contribute to our understanding of our past The contrasting perceptions of the land and present relationship with this harsh yet as provider, the land as a resource to be fragile land and the people it sustained for exploited and the land as threat run through countless millennia.

Dr Peter Thorne Vice-President, The Royal Society of Victoria Chair, Burke and Wills Commemoration Committee

vii Contents

Foreword Peter Thorne . V List of contributors . X Acknowledgements . XI Introduction: a Yandruwandha perspective Aaron Paterson . XIII Responding to Yandruwandha: a contemporary Howitt’s experience Richie Howitt . XVII

Chapter 1 The Aboriginal legacy of the Burke and Wills Expedition: an introduction Ian D. Clark and Fred Cahir . 1

Chapter 2 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition and their prior experience of Aboriginal peoples Ian D. Clark . 15

Chapter 3 ‘Exploring is a killing game only to those who do not know anything about it’: William Lockhart Morton and other contemporary views about the Victorian Exploring Expedition and its fate Ian D. Clark . 47

Chapter 4 The use and abuse of Aboriginal ecological knowledge Philip A. Clarke ...... 61

Chapter 5 The Aboriginal contribution to the expedition, observed through Germanic eyes David Dodd . 81 Appendix 5.1: Extracts from the 1861 Anniversary Address of the Royal Society of Victoria delivered by the President, His Excellency Sir Henry Barkly KCB on 8 April 1861 . 109 Appendix 5.2: English translation of Beckler H (1867) Corroberri: Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis der Musik bei den australischen Ureinwohnern Globus 13, 82–84. . 111

Chapter 6 Language notes connected to the journey of the expedition as far as the Cooper Luise Hercus ...... 115

Chapter 7 Burke and Wills and the Aboriginal people of the Corner Country Harry Allen ...... 129

Chapter 8 ‘Devil been walk about tonight – not devil belonging to blackfellow, but white man devil. Methink Burke and Wills cry out tonight “What for whitefellow not send horses and grub?”’ An examination of Aboriginal oral traditions of colonial explorers Fred Cahir . 149 contents

Chapter 9 How did Burke die? Darrell Lewis . 169

Chapter 10 Telling and retelling national narratives Deirdre Slattery ...... 179

Chapter 11 The influence of Aboriginal country on artist and naturalist Ludwig Becker of the Victorian Exploring Expedition: Mootwingee, 1860–61 Peta Jeffries ...... 191

Chapter 12 If I belong here … how did that come to be? Paul Lambeth ...... 207

Chapter 13 Alfred Howitt and the erasure of Aboriginal history Leigh Boucher ...... 223

Chapter 14 Remembering Edwin J. Welch: surveyor to Howitt’s Contingent Exploration Party Frank Leahy . 241

Chapter 15 ‘We have received news from the blacks’: Aboriginal messengers and their reports of the Burke relief expedition (1861–62) led by John McKinlay Fred Cahir . 261

Chapter 16 William Landsborough’s expedition of 1862 from Carpentaria to Victoria in search of Burke and Wills: exploration with native police troopers and Aboriginal guides Peta Jeffries ...... 279

Chapter 17 ‘I suppose this will end in our having to live like the blacks for a few months’: reinterpreting the history of Burke and Wills Ian D. Clark and Fred Cahir . 301

Index . 305

ix List of contributors

Associate Professor Harry Allen Peta Jeffries Department of Anthropology Business School University of Auckland University of Ballarat

Dr Leigh Boucher Paul Lambeth School of Modern History, Politics and School of Education and Arts International Relations University of Ballarat Macquarie University Associate Professor Frank Leahy Dr Fred Cahir Honorary Principal Fellow School of Education and Arts School of Engineering University of Ballarat University of Melbourne

Professor Ian D. Clark Dr Darrell Lewis Business School Research Fellow University of Ballarat Centre for Historical Research National Museum of Australia Dr Philip A. Clarke Consultant anthropologist Aaron Paterson Senior Research Fellow Yandruwandha descendant Griffith University Court Support Officer Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Legal David Dodd Service (Qld) Ltd Business School University of Ballarat Deirdre Slattery Faculty of Education – Outdoor and Dr Luise Hercus Environmental Education Visiting Fellow La Trobe University Linguistics Department School of Language Studies Dr Peter Thorne Australian National University Vice-President The Royal Society of Victoria Professor Richie Howitt Department of Environment and Geography Macquarie University

x Acknowledgements

We wish to thank the following people for to Russell Brooks for producing the their generous assistance in making this comprehensive index and to graphic artist book possible: Dr Peter Thorne, Dr Robb Kellee Frith and Associate Professor Frank Stanley and David Dodd from the Royal Leahy for permission to reproduce the maps Society of Victoria, for their commitment at the endpapers. We would also like to thank to the Aboriginal history of Burke and Wills the staff at CSIRO Publishing, in particular sesquicentenary project. Without their Tracey Millen, the Editorial Manager, Deepa enthusiasm this project may never have Travers, the Production Manager, and designer been undertaken. Special thanks go to the Andrew Weatherill for creating the cover Research Committee of the Business School and text design. We would especially like to of the University of Ballarat for a research acknowledge the support and encouragement grant to subsidise the cost of publication. we received from CSIRO Books Publishing We would also like to acknowledge the Director John Manger when we first discussed assistance and support we received from the project with him in late 2011. the State Library of Victoria, in particular Dr Finally, we believe we have created a book Shane Carmody, the Director of Development, which offers new perspectives on the story Madeleine Say, Picture Librarian, Margot of Burke and Wills, and more importantly Jones, Publishing Project Manager, Jo Ritale, acknowledges the Aboriginal contribution to Collection Services Manager, and Maxine the Victorian Exploring Expedition and the Briggs, Koori Liaison Librarian. subsequent relief expeditions. The Aboriginal We would like to acknowledge the story is complex and multi-faceted with assistance we received from Emma O’Connell, many interconnected threads – we trust Heritage Databases Officer, Parliamentary that the threads that we tease out in this Library, Parliament of Victoria, and from book contribute to a greater appreciation librarians and archivists at the Royal Botanic of the central role that Aboriginal people Gardens of Melbourne, the State Library of played in the exploration of Australia, and New South Wales, the National Library of in particular their role in the Burke and Wills Australia and the State Library of Queensland. expedition. We look forward to the continued We would like to express our appreciation reassessment of the Aboriginal story of Burke to consulting editor Adrienne de Kretser, and Wills.

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‡7HQ&RPPLWPHQWVSSLQGG $0 Introduction: a Yandruwandha perspective Kindred spirits and Yandruwandha country: a Yandruwandha perspective in 2013 on the Burke and Wills Expedition

Aaron Paterson (Yandruwandha descendant)

Wandering through the trees beside an people of old lived their lives according to ancient creek in the early morning or later a system of rules, some simple and some afternoon makes me really come alive as I complex. The basic rule was ‘respect/protect’. glimpse the long shadows of afternoon as As my fish are cooking I look over my the coolness sets in and the flies disappear, shoulder to the creek to watch the golden prompting me to get my fire started. I grab reflection of the sunset across the creek in a stick and walk to the previous night’s fire the west. I note the nharramindji (freshwater and move the ashes around, then place dry tortoise) precariously perched on a dead log leaves and coolabah seeds on the hot coals in the water. He seems to be looking at his and blow them to life by fanning them with own reflection but I am not sure, I only know a sheet of bark. My store of green leaves is that if I wanted I could try and catch him for close by in readiness for the first sting of breakfast in the morning. a koonti (mosquito) – the smoke will be my As a Yandruwandha man I am proud that repellent tonight should I require it. although I may not practise every single I get the fish I have gutted ready, then custom or method of hunting and gathering place them in the coals to one side to bake I do understand what most of them involve. them. Catfish, yellowbelly and bony bream, I possess the skills to utilise many of them and some mussels pulled out of the mud in and carry the responsibility of passing them the water at the edge of Inimingka waterhole. down to our younger Yandruwandha people. I listen to the hundreds of galahs, cockatiels If someone sees you ‘in the middle of and cockatoos screeching, some with ear- nowhere’ talking to yourself, they might piercing annoyance, bustling in the tree think you are a few bob short of a quid, but branches and hollows, looking for their own we Yandruwandha people are encouraged to camp spot for the night. They are there to do so when visiting our country to announce remind me that I don’t need to set my alarm our arrival to the ngapitja (old spirits) to clock out here in the desert paradise we ensure a happy, safe and harmonious time on Yandruwandha people call Kinipapa and the country. When Yandruwandha people in 1861 rest of the world calls ‘Cooper Creek’. found the poor men who were the remnant Having the ability to speak from my heart of the Burke and Wills party roaming around does not require me to hold a university apparently aimlessly, they felt they were lost degree though I wish I did possess one as either in mind or spirit. The Burke and Wills someone might take me seriously one of party did not know how to communicate these days. But comfort in the knowledge effectively with their surrounds, utilise the that my people lived here and still come here resources at their fingertips or share their over and over again is one of the greatest intentions with the native people with whom satisfactions in my life. The Yandruwandha they came into contact.

xiii The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Bemusement between one person and relative, meaning they were the possessors another can lead to suspicion, resentment of the deceased’s totemic songs and were and a further lack of respect, resulting in the people who must preside over the burial a parting of the ways. Such was the case and mourning rituals. Runners were often with the Yandruwandha people who only used to transport news to other groups that wanted to help the men with Burke along their attendance was required to discuss the creek. Seeing no reciprocity of kindness ceremonial issues such as initiation, increase the Yandruwandha did not attack, although ceremonies, marriage, dispute settling such they did warn in no uncertain terms that you as a pinya (revenge party) formed to punish followed certain behaviours in a proactive murderers or anyone accused of being fashion. Seeing this was not effective, they involved with the death of someone. The then chose to extricate themselves from the expedition leader Burke’s negative interaction company of the men whom they were trying (or his ‘no help wanted’ mentality) certainly to assist. may have played a part in why a friendly To the Yandruwandha men of authority, group of natives might move away. It might William John Wills was seen as friendly and also have been considered by my old people engaging and apparently a good listener to that simply moving away from Burke’s party their stories. Wills himself recorded several might send a clear message to them that they Yandruwandha words in pencil in his diaries, needed to move on? which shows he did pay attention to what Although this incursion by others in he was told. In Yandruwandha custom an Thayipilthirringuda land gave an outlet uninitiated man would not be allowed to for discussion other than the usual, my sleep in the same walpa (humpie) as initiated old people went about as they always did, men; he was shown a walpi where he could principally carrying on as usual in the sleep with as yet uninitiated young men. way they knew, their emotions, feelings of If this was apparent to Wills I cannot say. distrust and bewilderment at why men who He must have made a good impression came from somewhere else could do no more on the Yandruwandha family group with than wander about like ghosts aimlessly up whom he spent several days before being and down the creek in their homeland. It loaded up with fish and food to take back is plain and understandable that the sense to his ngumbuli (mates). One thing Wills of responsibility would be no greater than did not possess was the understanding any human interaction towards another in that Yandruwandha people, like all other trouble. Aboriginal people on the Australian History does not record nor did John continent, never stayed in one place for long King mention that while camped with the periods.They stayed only until it was decided Yandruwandha family group of my great- that moving camp to a fresh place with fresh great-great-grandad Kimi for three and a half resources would allow places where they months, another party of natives arrived at camped previously to be rejuvenated and their camp and, having seen King in their visited again at a later date. midst, argued that he should not be allowed There was a whole host of reasons why to live and should be clubbed or speared. the blacks of Cooper Creek mentioned My old people told this other party of in Wills’ diary moved away from their natives to leave and to say no more about campsites. A death occurring in the camp the walypala (whitefella) who had come into would require the place to be deserted and their care. not revisited. A death somewhere else might John King’s daughter was a result of his require their attendance for funeral purposes sexual liaison with a Yandruwandha woman if the deceased had been a totemic group of my great-great-great-grandad’s family

xiv Introduction: a Yandruwandha perspective group – others in the family group know their activities, that the natives or blacks of it. When this woman gave birth long hung around. The old people would have after King’s departure with Alfred William wondered what these fellows were doing Howitt’s relief expedition the child had to carving into an old coolibah tree. be protected as she was a padlaka pirtipirti It would not have occurred to these (red body). This child grew up with her strangers on Yandruwandha traditional lands mother and ended up living at Nappamerrie and waters that they were breaching a series Station across the border some 70 km to of customary protocols. Some were simple the east of Innamincka, on the Queensland ones, such as announcing their arrival at a side. The child’s European name was Alice distance, waiting for an invitation to enter King. She ended up being a promised wife camp and waiting for a spot to be picked out to a Yandruwandha man and they later had where they could camp. If they had followed a child named Annie. Annie also grew up these then no rules could have been broken at Nappamerrie Station when John Conrick and a strong level of trust would have was station manager. She had two children been developed. Instead, both groups were to a white stockman at Nappamerrie named suspicious of the other’s true intent. Robert Parker – a son called Yellow Bob The Yandruwandha people would have Parker (aka Barioolah Bob, native name believed that the strangers (thudlali) were Punbili) and his sister Nelly Parker (native indeed ‘strange’ for not knowing how to name, Timpika). Nelly’s first husband was follow protocol, which in Yandruwandha Benny Kerwin, and Benny and Nelly are my terms was so basic, so simple to understand mother’s grandparents. Their children were and which had been honed over millennia, Lenny Kerwin, Edna Kerwin (my maternal reinforced by dire physical consequences grandmother), Benny Kerwin Jnr and Jack for breaching, It is surprising even today Guttie [Kerwin]. King Wilpie of Innamincka to think that our old people did not attack and sandhills of Coongie is the older full Burke’s party. blood half-brother of my great grandad Fifteen years earlier the adult members Benny Kerwin. I am also a relative of King of the Yandruwandha people would have Peter of Nappamerrie (his sister Cora Parker seen their first horses and Europeans when is my great-great-grandmother). Charles Sturt entered their country. He In south-east central Australia lies my noted their lack of fear when he went over people’s country, known to us as padla or a sandhill and looked down to see several ‘ground’. In the centre lies an ancient creek hundred natives gathered on a swale – the called by Yandruwandha people Kinipapa men held coolamons of water up to his and known by Europeans as Cooper Creek. horses to drink from. It is estimated to be 1522 km long, starting Compassion among the Yandruwandha at Windorah in Queensland where two large could be either exceedingly strong or greatly rivers, the Barcoo and Thompson, meet at a lacking, depending on the circumstances. junction which becomes ‘the Cooper’. Benny Kerwin’s grandad and his people Robert O’Hara Burke led a mob of his offered fish and nardoo, other native foods, countrymen into our country and set to Burke, Wills and King only to be treated up a camp beside a coolibah tree on the disrespectfully. Despite this they still gave Cooper. He would not have known that our food, they still watched from a distance Yandruwandha people held the belief that the and when they saw John King languishing ancient coolibahs were our ancient ancestors. they came to his rescue, thinking they Anyone in his camp who put pencil to were only going to assist him to find out paper might had jotted down in annoyance where his mates were. A native either alone that our people were continually watching or in company with others of their group

xv The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills apparently broke a rule by interfering and illicit substances has further inhibited with Wills’ body or possessions. This was our moral values. purported to have occurred after King The true volume of European–Aboriginal left with Burke to look for our people. interaction in Australian history has yet Stealing from a person is a heinous crime to be unearthed and perhaps one day the in Yandruwandha custom, but taking Yandruwandha story, if more widely known, something without permission and leaving may show other Australians, whether something of equal value in its place is not! grassroots or scholars, that a simple sit down A person who committed an offence against and talk around a warm fire and sharing anyone within a family group could suffer food opens understanding and appreciation punishment of a period of banishment, be of other people’s points of view. At least for assaulted (fractured skull, broken bones) me to have had the opportunity to not only from a boomerang blow, or killed as payback. meet Richie Howitt, whose ancestor’s story Such was the severity of Indigenous laws is directly linked to my ancestor’s story, that there was rarely stealing or other tribal is an honour for me and being able to say rules broken. Today our fear of punishment to anyone that ‘Richard Howitt is my good or reprimand has decreased due to factors mate!’ gives me great pride. A collaboration of such as non-life-threatening or physical kindred spirits from different walks of life is a punishment, and the introduction of alcohol perfect example of what truly is Australian!

xvi Introduction: a Yandruwandha perspective

Responding to Yandruwandha: a contemporary Howitt’s experience

Richie Howitt (a Howitt descendant)

John King and Alfred Howitt were common Title with the state government. Aaron’s presences in my childhood imaginaries. family decided I looked like the better-known They were built from fragments in childhood Howitt and gave me his name to carry – history books and the images they used Mangili (sand goanna). I was flattered and a to illustrate the stories. Because I shared a little embarrassed. I certainly looked more name with one of them, there was a sense of like a wombat than a goanna and, while I connection – a sense that this was ordinary felt comfortable with the Yandruwandha history, being lived by ordinary people like families, it took time to explore the links in those I knew in my ordinary life. And like the complex political terrain of the South so much of my ordinary life, this imaginary Australian Native Title processes (Agius et al was somehow mostly devoid of Aboriginal 2004, 2007). people. There were glimpses, to be sure, of Aaron’s powerful discussion above of the unknown others in the background and in ways in which Yandruwandha hospitality childhood play I talked with them, never to John King has echoed in the everyday knowing they were not generic ‘Aborigines’ histories and geographies of Yandruwandha but rather Yandruwandha people – people people differs greatly from the more with their own realities and imaginaries detached and analytical reflections of other that were robust enough to encounter these authors in this important collection. And in ordinary others in the shape of King and our own friendship, Aaron and I recapture Howitt, and move on. Growing up in working- both some elements of that uncommon class Sydney in the 1950s and 1960s, I was moment in 1861 and the subsequent sweep a long way removed from Kinipapa in space of history that has so long obscured and and time as well as social distance. Yet the ignored the Yandruwandha presence in the ghosts of Cooper Creek were perhaps never Burke and Wills stories, and the Aboriginal too far from my path. presence in all Australian landscapes. Elsewhere I have recounted the profound This volume goes a long way in personal and intellectual impact of some of recognising that the Burke and Wills story my own engagements with the persistent took place in the cultural landscapes of presence of the Indigenous in Australian Aboriginal peoples. It was never simply a landscapes (Howitt 2011), but in working failed colonial expedition; nor did Howitt’s with Native Title claimants in South Australia rescue of King occur in a simply hostile in the late 1990s and early 2000s, I met and alien landscape. As Aaron suggests, a young Aaron Paterson and his family, our friendship points to the persistence of who were involved in Native Title claims both colonial and Yandruwandha stories and drawn into statewide discussions to in contemporary Australian landscapes consider negotiating settlement of Native and their links to earlier connections in

xvii The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills which there are everyday stories of racism, Aaron’s families and Yandruwandha opportunism and erasure – addressed in this countrymen continue to narrate their volume. presence and it is high time that we accept Australia’s geographical imagination the hospitality they offer in telling these and historical memory have both been stories of belonging-together-in-country. shaped by narratives of absence, erasure These are stories that have parallels in and denial (Howitt 2012). This volume takes many places. Each challenges the narrative important steps in the effort of scholarship dominance of the legatees of colonial and to avoid discursive re-inscription of postcolonial erasure of Aboriginal rights and these narrative fictions on contemporary ongoing denial of racism and constructions of understanding of the Burke and Wills Indigenous absence in Australian landscapes. story as an element of the settlement of Each of the chapters presented here offers a Indigenous Australia. In the company new opportunity to recognise and respond of such scholarship, the Yandruwandha to what Henry Reynolds (1981) so powerfully presence in this volume remains slim and referred to as ‘the other side of the frontier’, easily elided. We have here careful and and to recognise that the narratives that authoritative explorations of the ways have shaped the Burke and Wills stories both in which the Aboriginal presences in the reflect and construct Australian imaginaries historical accounts are to be understood and realities to this day. and accounted for. In this setting, Aaron’s account might be dismissed as if he were ‘“in the middle of nowhere” talking to himself’. Yet in this juxtaposition, we see much of what constitutes the contemporary challenge References to scholars of Australian landscapes. Aaron Agius P, Davies J, Howitt R, Jarvis S and invites an engagement with Kinipapa and its Willliams R (2004) Comprehensive Native peoples. It invites recognition and sharing. title negotiations in South Australia. In It emphasises the smell, taste and feel of Honour Among Nations? Treaties and country, and the pleasure of being in country Agreements with Indigenous People. (Eds M rather than reading (or writing) about it. Langton, L Teehan, L Palmer and K Shain) It reminds us that the ancestors who are, pp. 203–219. Melbourne University Press, to use Marcia Langton’s (2002) memorable Melbourne. phrase, ‘beyond the edge of death’, remain in Agius P, Jenkin T, Jarvis S, Howitt R and place and enliven contemporary social and Williams R (2007) (Re)asserting Indigenous environmental relations. rights and jurisdictions within a politics In Aaron’s account, there is no need to of place: transformative nature of Native trouble with the reasons why Yandruwandha title negotiations in South Australia. were increasingly deleted from Howitt’s Geographical Research 45(2), 194–202. accounts of their encounter, because in the Yandruwandha narrative they could Howitt R (2011) Knowing/doing. In A not be erased or denied, because they Companion to Social Geography. (Eds VJ were the hosts, they were the carers, they Del Casino Jr, ME Thomas, P Cloke and R were the diplomats and messengers, they Panelli) pp. 131–145. Chichester, Wiley- were present. It was their story, and Burke Blackwell, Chichester. and Wills, King and Howitt, wandered (or Howitt R (2012) Sustainable indigenous blundered) into it and out of it – as so many futures in remote Indigenous areas: others have blundered into and out of relationships, processes and failed state Indigenous lives since. approaches. GeoJournal 77(6), 817–828.

xviii Introduction: a Yandruwandha perspective

Langton M (2002) The edge of the sacred, Reynolds H (1981) The Other Side of the edge of death: sensual inscriptions. In the Frontier: An Interpretation of the Inscribed Landscapes: Marking and Making Aboriginal Response to the Invasion and Place. (Eds B David and M Wilson) pp. 253– Settlement of Australia. James Cook 269. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu. University Press, Townsville.

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‡7HQ&RPPLWPHQWVSSLQGG $0 Chapter 1

The Aboriginal legacy of the Burke and Wills Expedition: an introduction

Ian D. Clark and Fred Cahir

The Aboriginal story of the Burke and Wills tones. As Allen (2011, p. 245) rightly Expedition and relief expeditions is at pointed out: once multi-faceted and complex with many To a certain extent, the Aborigines were interconnected threads that have rarely classified by the Europeans as part of been teased out in historical analyses. In nature rather than culture, as being many respects the Aboriginal story has located within a landscape which itself been overshadowed by the tragedy and was conceived as being empty and misfortune of the expedition in which seven primordial, where European exploration men, including Burke and Wills, died. Yet brought the land into existence and the exclusion of Aboriginal perspectives formed a starting point for Australian is a structural matter, as epitomised in history. However, the explorers were Moorehead’s analysis. The description passing through lands that had resident of central Australia as a ‘ghastly blank’ Aboriginal populations, territories that (Moorehead 1963, p. 1) where the land was were already mapped and named. In ‘absolutely untouched and unknown, and considering the interior of Australia except for the blacks, the most retarded empty, the explorers were unaware of the people on earth, there was no sign of fact that the land, its waterholes, animals any previous civilization whatever’, is and plants, were charged with cultural representative of the exclusion of Aboriginal and mythological meaning, and that people from the narrative and if Aboriginal unseen boundaries were constantly being people are discussed, it is often in racist crossed.

1 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

The Aboriginal story is concerned with of the landscape from their research. The the bushcraft of expedition members and same criticisms may be levelled at much of their flawed use of Aboriginal ecological the recent historical study of the Burke and knowledge; it is the story of the Aboriginal Wills Expedition, despite the richness of the guide Dick who ensured that trooper Lyons Aboriginal side of this story. Yet this was and McPherson did not perish at Torowoto; it not always the case. During the expedition’s is the Yandruwandha adoption of John King jubilee years (1861–1911), Indigenous and the colonial response in thanking these peoples occupied an important place in people with gifts that included breastplates historical accounts of the Expedition. In the and the establishment of a reserve for title of this book we emphasise this point Moravian missionary activity on the Cooper; through the use of the subtitle ‘forgotten it is the contribution of various members narratives’. Aboriginal people and Aboriginal of the original expedition and relief parties themes were more prominent in early to knowledge of Aboriginal societies and writings compared with later 20th-century the development of anthropology; and it histories. This is particularly evident in the is Yandruwandha and other Aboriginal oral flourish of publications around the centenary histories of the expedition including one that years (Fitzpatrick 1963; Hogg 1961; McLaren concerned the death of Burke (see Figure 1960, 1962; Moorehead 1963; Southall 1.1). The authors of the chapters in this 1961), which are remarkable for the fact book have found that the historical records that although they are keen to discuss what concerning the Burke and Wills Expedition went wrong with the expedition, they are and subsequent relief expeditions are relatively silent on Aboriginal people. The capable of yielding a considerable quarry of basic truths about exploration that were material from which Indigenous perspectives evident to contemporary commentators such can be gleaned. It follows that the barriers as William Lockhart Morton, Marcus Clarke, that have for so long kept Indigenous George Rusden and Henry Turner had been perspectives out of the Burke and Wills story left out of the studies that emerged at the were based not on lack of material but rather time of the centenary celebrations. Taking on perception and choice. A literary curtain Ian McLaren’s (1960, pp. 235–236) analysis has been drawn across Burke and Wills as representative of this excision, we can historiography since the early 20th century see that he neglects to include Aboriginal – Indigenous perspectives have been seen as themes in his summary of the tragedies and peripheral to the central task of the historical mistakes that caused the death of seven writings. With this publication we are pleased expedition members. While recent studies to contribute to a re-emergence – Indigenous have begun to consider the contribution Australians who had been ‘out’ of the Burke of some of the scientific members of the and Wills story for over a century are now expedition and subsequent relief expeditions returning to centre stage. It needs to be to the broader field of Aboriginal studies acknowledged that while much of this ‘new’ (Tipping 1979; Taylor 1983; Bonyhady 1991; evidence is derived from non-Indigenous Beckler 1993; Allen 2011), there has not yet exploration records, it has also been possible been any systematic attempt to construct an to uncover Aboriginal perspectives in those Aboriginal history of the expeditions. records that complement Aboriginal oral Jan Fullerton, the Director-General histories. of the National Library of Australia in In the 1960s Australian historians were 2002, considered the Burke and Wills criticised for being the ‘high priests’ of a cult transcontinental expedition to be ‘one of of forgetfulness, for neglecting Aboriginal Australia’s great stories. The deaths of history and for excluding a whole quadrant seven members of the exploration party,

2 The Aboriginal legacy of the Burke and Wills Expedition: an introduction

Figure 1.1: ‘Memento of the Burke and Wills Expedition: William Brahe’s tree, Cooper’s Creek, 1911’. Sydney Mail, 11 October 1911, p. 33. National Library of Australia. According to Bonyhady (1991, p. 275) this is a ‘photograph originally published in the Sydney Mail in 1911, showing the site of the depot camp on Cooper’s Creek with the tree marked by the explorers, an Aboriginal man said to have been “a young tribesman at the time of the expedition”, and the remains of the stockade built by Brahe and his companions’. Aaron Paterson (pers. comm. 15 September 2012) noted that this Yandruwandha man was known as ‘Baltie’ and that he spoke a dialect of Yandruwandha known as Parlpa.madra.madra (‘stony tongue’ or ‘heavy tongue’). He died at Karmona Station, which was once part of Nappamerrie Station. despite the expedition achieving its goal they have never lost interest in it. The very of reaching the Gulf of Carpentaria, have complexity of the expedition, always the been transformed in the past 150 years stuff of conflicting accounts, has made it into a national myth of heroic endeavour’ ripe for interpretation and reinterpretation’. (Bonyhady 2002, p. iii). Tim Bonyhady Marcus Clarke (1877, pp. 201f) took the view (2002, pp. 6–7) argued that, apart from the that the expedition was part of: bushranger Ned Kelly, no other colonial figures have loomed as large in Australian … a most glorious era in history of culture: ‘While successive generations have Australian discovery. Within two focussed on very different aspects of the years of the death of the leaders from expedition and assessed it very differently, starvation on Cooper’s Creek, tierces of

3 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

beef were displayed in an intercolonial Drama of Central Australia. The centenary of exhibition at Melbourne, salted down the expedition in 1961 produced a number of from cattle pasturing on the spot historical revisions including Oakley’s (1959) where they perished! Settlement has short story ‘O’Hara 1861’, McLaren’s (1960) followed their track right across the essay, Garry Hogg’s (1961) With Burke and continent … But it is sad to think that Wills across Australia, McKellar’s (1961) Tree a few forgotten fishhooks would have by the Creek, Ivan Southall’s (1961) Journey preserved their lives. It is lamentable to into Mystery, Alan Moorehead’s (1963) read of the blunders of some, the gross Cooper’s Creek and Kathleen Fitzpatrick’s neglect of others, and of the series of (1963) lecture ‘The Burke and Wills appalling disasters which followed from Expedition’. Writing about the Aboriginal inexperience, incapacity, and rashness. people of the Torowoto district, Southall Ernest Favenc (1908, p. 186) considered (1961, p. 40) explained to his readers that the Burke and Wills expedition was ‘of greater they ‘were very primitive, but they knew how notoriety than that of any similar enterprise to kill. They were brave and skilful hunters in the annals of Australia’. Ernest Scott (1928, and they no more trusted the white man than p. 231) noted that the Burke and Wills story the white man trusted them’. is one of the most famous of Australian Several authors have published accounts inland exploratory enterprises, and that the of their attempts to retrace the tracks of ‘éclat with which it started and the tragedy Burke and Wills, in particular Thallon (1966), of its ending have invested it with an Judge and Scherschel (1979) and Bergin atmosphere of romance’. (1981). Bergin’s retracing is of interest as he Roy Bridges (1934, p. 367) argued that enlisted the services of two Aboriginal guides they ‘won undying fame not less by tragedy to accompany him on his journey, Nugget than by achievement’. The Historical Gnalkenga, a Pitjantjatjara chilbi (elder) Subcommittee of the Centenary Celebrations and an experienced cameleer, and Frankie Council (1934, p. 214), in its historical survey Gnalkenga, his Arunda son. Recent histories of Victoria’s first century, noted that although include Bonyhady (1991) and Murgatroyd ‘the continent was crossed by a remnant (2009). Bonyhady’s (2002) catalogue was of the party, dissensions, faulty leadership published to accompany an exhibition staged and organisation, want of tact, foresight, at the National Library of Australia. There and judgement, ignorance of bushcraft have also been studies of particular members and pitiful blundering, joined to a series of of the expedition, such as Ludwig Becker fatalities resulting from divided forces and (Blanchen 1978; Tipping 1978a,b, 1979, faulty communication and contact, made 1991; Heckenberg 2006; Edmond 2009), it a tragedy in which seven lives were lost’. Hermann Beckler (Voigt 1991; Beckler 1993), Colwell (1985, p. 9) commented that while King (McKellar 1944; Attwood 2003; Turnbull Burke succeeded in crossing the continent, 2011) and Wills (McLaren 1962; Van der Kiste he ‘discovered that the limitless arid 2011). Joyce and McCann (2011) edited a regions, the natural home of Aboriginal food volume exploring the scientific legacy of the gatherers and hunters, denied life to white expedition. men unable to capitalise on the shifting Many of the early histories of Victoria and pockets of wild life and fickle water holes’. Australia were concerned with the tragedy Early histories of the expedition include and misfortune of the expedition which Andrew Jackson’s (1862) historical account, saw the death of seven members, including Puttmann (1862), Foster (1863), Grad (1864), Burke and Wills. Many sought explanations Pyke (1907), Watson (1911), Birtles (1935), for the demise of Burke and Wills and put Dow (1937) and Frank Clune’s (1937) Dig: A the blame on poor choices, human failings

4 The Aboriginal legacy of the Burke and Wills Expedition: an introduction or simply ‘bad luck’. With the exception of Creek depot ‘A large tribe of blacks came Henry Turner (1904) and George Rusden pestering us to go to their camp and have a (1897), who considered the decision not to dance, which we declined. They were very take Aboriginal guides and the expedition’s troublesome, and nothing but the threat to inexperience in dealing with Aboriginal shoot them will keep them away … from the people were critical factors in its demise, little we have seen of them, they appear to most early commentators focused on other be mean-spirited and contemptible in every issues. Some critics argued that Burke and respect’ (Wills 1863, pp. 179–180). According Wills should have been able to survive at to Brahe, who had been left in charge of the Cooper Creek: ‘where untutored Aborigines depot at Cooper Creek, the instructions from were able to pick up a living’ with their Burke, concerning the Aborigines, were that spears and stone tomahawks, a ‘white man if any annoyed the depot they were to be should not starve with his rifle and iron one’ shot at once. (Bonyhady 1991, p. 218). Henry Reynolds (1990, p. 33) believed that Rusden thought that Burke lacked the a fundamental shortcoming of the expedition kindly fatherly control needed to win the was its failure to profit from Aboriginal affection of the native race, and lamented expertise; he considered this surprising that the expedition was ‘unaccompanied given the widespread private use of by an Australian native whose skill as a Aboriginal guides in all parts of the continent hunter would have spared the carried food from the earliest years of settlement. In the for emergencies’ (Rusden 1897, vol. 3, last few weeks of their lives, when Burke and p. 112). Turner (1904, vol. 2, p. 105) took Wills attempted to live like the Aborigines, the view that Burke, as leader, ‘proved to they learnt too late one of the basic truths of be deficient in the necessary qualifications Australian exploration. John Greenway (1972, of tact and patience’ and that he ‘knew p. 142) called the Burke and Wills tragedy nothing of bush-craft or surveying, and ‘an impossible truth’. Colwell (1985, p. 71) was without any experience in dealing with mused that when Burke, Wills, Gray and King the aborigines’. Although Aboriginal guides were en route to the gulf they were ‘never far were usefully employed at various stages from inquisitive human eyes’. between the Darling and the Bulloo rivers What the Central Australian Aboriginals they were not taken on to Cooper Creek. thought of the lumbering evil-smelling Between the Bulloo River and Cooper Creek, camels and their strange white expeditioners sought to avoid contact with attendants will never be known. Their Aboriginal groups they met along the way territory and possibly sacred ground and reached for their guns when Aboriginal was being invaded by creatures who people attempted to interact with them. carried strange weapons and spoke in a On their journey to the Gulf of Carpentaria mysterious tongue … The Cooper’s Creek and back to Cooper Creek, Burke and Wills natives may or may not have encountered came to appreciate the value of Aboriginal other explorers, but even if they had not, tracks and wells, but they continued to resist they soon realized that the intruders were Aboriginal attempts at communication. indeed human. Their halting progress Reynolds (1990, p. 11) noted that Burke and and amateurish attempts to interpret Wills learnt the value of following Aboriginal the signs of nature gave them away as tracks when returning from Carpentaria; men who were struggling to survive in a floundering in a bog they came upon a hard, strange environment. well-trodden path which led them out of Colwell’s assertion that Aboriginal the swamp and on to drinking water and perspectives of the expedition and its yam grounds. Just after leaving the Cooper camels will never be known is symptomatic

5 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills of historical writings that have excluded as it travelled northwards. Some 10 members Aboriginal voices. As this book shows, it is had some experience of interaction with possible to learn Aboriginal perspectives, Aboriginal peoples – Wills, Becker, Beckler, both during the time of the expedition Cowen, Bowman, Ferguson, Wright, Stone, and more recently. In recent histories, Purcell and Smith. Smith, a man of Aboriginal if the authors had only spoken with the descent, was hired by Wright at Menindee. descendants of the Aboriginal families who Five of the seven men who died during the interacted with the expedition they would expedition – Becker, Gray, Purcell, Stone, have gained unique perspectives into the Patten, Burke and Wills – had varying degrees well-known story. of bush experience and some experience of dealing with Aboriginal people; Burke Bushcraft and Aboriginal and Patten were the exceptions, who had ecological knowledge possessed neither. Ian Clark, in Chapter 3, extends this Bonyhady (1991, p. 311) observed that ‘More discussion through an analysis of William than any other event in nineteenth-century Lockhart Morton’s contemporary critique Australia, the deaths of Burke and Wills that the various expedition members should at Cooper’s Creek have come to represent have possessed sufficient bush craft to both the unwillingness of Europeans to have survived the expedition and that they learn from the Aborigines and their more should have been able to have lived as general inability to understand the land’. well as local Aboriginal people. A second He also noted (Bonyhady 2002, p. 27) that contemporary critique, that the expedition the Exploration Committee established by should have included Aboriginal guides as the Royal Society of Victoria showed no expedition members from its beginning, interest in asking the expedition to collect Aboriginal cultural materials. Ludwig Becker, is also presented. It is often unspoken, when he applied to join the party, wanted but nevertheless remarkable in terms of to be its ‘ethnographer’ as well as its artist, stark contrast, that where members of the zoologist and geologist but the committee expedition were dying Aboriginal families ignored his Indigenous interests. Yet the were living in abundance. Indeed, when failure of the expedition to utilise Aboriginal Howitt arrived at the Cooper he identified bush craft in any concerted way cannot be many sources of food including fish, yabbies, entirely due to the expedition members’ mussels and birds such as pigeons. lack of experience. Ian Clark, in Chapter In Chapter 4, Philip Clarke discusses 2, undertakes a biographical analysis of the importance of knowledge transfer – the bush experience of the 30 men who at especially the transfer of landscape-based various times were members of the Victorian knowledge from Indigenous occupants to Exploring Expedition. Its aim is to quantify European travellers. He concludes that if the and analyse the experience that each member explorers had gained greater intelligence was known to have had with Aboriginal of local plant foods and their preparation, people prior to joining the expedition. It they may well have avoided sickness and shows that it is overly simplistic to suggest death. Greater knowledge of the climate that every member of the expedition was cycles of the interior may have tempered unsuited to the task of exploration. Twelve Burke’s decision to make a dash to the Gulf. men had bush experience – Becker, Beckler, As shown in the dramatic events surrounding Cowen, Drakeford, Ferguson and Fletcher, the rescue of trooper Lyons and McPherson at who were part of the original expedition, and Torowoto, the presence of Aboriginal guides Bowman, Gray, Purcell, Stone and Wright and with an understanding of regional languages presumably Smith who joined the expedition would have helped with the communication

6 The Aboriginal legacy of the Burke and Wills Expedition: an introduction of ecological knowledge to the stranded Walker left Nagoa River on 15 September explorers at Cooper Creek. Clarke argues 1861, and finally a Queensland relief party, that if Burke, Wills, Gray and King had an which included two Aboriginal members and experienced guide, such as Dick, the chances was led by William Landsborough, journeyed that all of them would have survived may southward from the Gulf of Carpentaria on have been significantly greater. 16 November 1861. David Dodd, in Chapter 5, explores the Perspectives on the expedition Aboriginal contribution to the Burke and and its results Wills Expedition through the writings and artwork of the four Germans – Becker, Analysis of Aboriginal interaction with the Beckler, Brahe and Neumayer – who were expedition must be broken into several participants in the expedition. Showing how phases. The first phase concerns the the scientists Beckler, Becker and Neumayer expedition travelling from Melbourne on 20 were influenced by Humboldtian practice, August 1860 and arriving at Menindee on 23 Dodd reveals how unique and valuable their September 1860, where Burke established insights and observations were, whether a depot under the charge of the medical expressed in artwork or in formal written officer Dr Beckler. The story of the survival reports and journal entries. Dodd has of trooper Lyons and McPherson belongs to examined the 35 pencil sketches Beckler this phase and is an important story that intended to include in his proposed account provides a contrast to the fate of Burke, Wills of the expedition, which was published and Gray, for it shows how Aboriginal people in English in 1993 (Beckler 1993) and we were able to prevent Lyons and McPherson publish three of them in this volume – from perishing. The second phase is the the first time they have been published journey from Menindee on 19 October 1860 to Cooper Creek on 11 November 1860, (see Ch. 5, Figures 5.2, 5.3 and 5.6). We where Burke left Brahe in charge of a second also publish, for the first time in English, depot comprised of McDonough, Patten Beckler’s (1868) German journal article on and Mahomet. The third phase concerns Aboriginal corroborees (see Appendix 5.2). the journey of Burke, Wills, Gray and King Dodd considers in some detail the argument to the Gulf of Carpentaria on 16 December that the Burke and Wills Expedition failed 1860, the return of all but Gray to Cooper to utilise Aboriginal guides and shows that Creek on 21 April 1861 and the subsequent this discussion requires careful analysis, deaths of Burke and Wills in June 1861. King especially of the role played by the survived at Cooper Creek by living with local Aboriginal guides, Dick and Peter, in guiding Aboriginal people until his discovery by Beckler’s party and saving trooper Lyons and Howitt’s party on 15 September 1861. McPherson. The final phase of interaction concerns Luise Hercus, in Chapter 6, discusses the Aboriginal interaction with the various linguistic contribution of the expedition. relief expeditions organised to search for Initially, she overviews the Aboriginal Burke and Wills. These were the relieving languages in the Cooper Creek region and expeditions led by A.W. Howitt, the first of then provides an analysis of the Aboriginal which left Melbourne in June 1861. Also, place names and personal names in the the Victorian government despatched HMCS expedition literature. Where possible, she Victoria under the command of W.H. Norman locates place names within the mythological to the Gulf of Carpentaria to assist in the ancestral stories that explain the creation search on 4 August 1861, a South Australian and naming of country. This is an party led by John McKinlay left Adelaide on important chapter, that also corrects some 16 August 1861, a party led by Frederick misunderstandings that have crept into some

7 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills interpretations of the linguistic records analysis he shows how the documentary generated by the expedition (Tipping 1979, record reveals how Aboriginal people p. 58; Jeffries in Beckler 1993, p. 129). perceived non-Aboriginal people, then he Harry Allen’s chapter (Ch. 7) presents examines Aboriginal perspectives into the a history of the Aboriginal peoples of the Burke and Wills Expedition and the relief Corner Country that includes Cooper Creek. expeditions. His chapter shows that there He shows how the Aboriginal people living were many recorded Aboriginal memories of in the areas traversed by the expedition were the expedition, many of which challenge the ‘at home’ where they were surrounded by kin usual version of the last days of Gray, Burke and where they possessed the intellectual and Wills. Cahir has recovered a name given tools that could explain the presence of to Gray – warugati wiltfella (‘emu-whiteman’). exotic humans and animals. They were in He has found sufficient evidence to reveal country and it was familiar to them – it the bind that the Yandruwandha found was the Europeans who were out of place, themselves in – that of aiding and assisting anxious, aggressive, bristling with arms outsiders in accord with cultural obligations, and ready to use them. Allen reinforces against the need to repel these future eaters the observation that neither the Aboriginal who often ignored their advice and succour people nor the explorers arrived at the and did not abide by kupara (the reciprocity Cooper in a vacuum. The Aboriginal people of exchange). had knowledge of Europeans through their Darrell Lewis (Ch. 9) examines one contact with other tribes who had experience particular oral account – that from an of explorers and pastoralists, and they had Aboriginal woman on the Cooper, recorded an established set of cultural protocols that by a visiting squatter in 1874, that recounted dictated how they should deal with strange how Burke had died at the hand of another events. Similarly, the explorers had some 70 white man. He examines the evidence for years of colonial exploration and experience this, looking at various questions such as in dealing with Aboriginal peoples. Allen whether the squatter made up the story, observes that ‘what is remarkable is how whether the woman’s memory could be little of this experience the explorers appear wrong, whether the woman made up the to have drawn on, with disastrous results’. story, or whether it was confused with some He also presents a history of missions in other event. Lewis concludes that there are the Lake Eyre Basin from 1866 to 1915 that major objections to the story – especially the were initiated partly as a response to the fact that Howitt was not told about it, despite humane care shown by the Yandruwandha his time spent with the Yandruwandha – to John King. Allen provides an overview of however, until he can explain how or why the emergence of scientific interest in the this story ever occurred to the woman Aboriginal peoples of the Lake Eyre Basin and and why she held to it, despite persistent the contribution of Alfred William Howitt, questioning from the squatter, he is prepared who led relief expeditions to the region, to to keep an open mind about the possibility that scientific interest. that Burke died from a gunshot.

Aboriginal oral histories Representations of the expedition Fred Cahir in Chapter 8 and Darrell Lewis The expedition has been the subject of many in Chapter 9 are both concerned with poems and fictional accounts. For example, aspects of Aboriginal oral history. Cahir Adam Lindsay Gordon’s (1867) ‘Gone’, in examines Aboriginal narratives that attest to Sea Spray and Smoke Drift, was written to encounters with European explorers, such mourn the death of Burke (Gordon 1913), as Burke and Wills. In the first part of his Henry Kendall’s (1861) ‘The Fate of the

8 The Aboriginal legacy of the Burke and Wills Expedition: an introduction

Explorers’ was concerned with Burke and response offer new ideas about how we Wills, ‘At Euroma’ (Kendall 1995) dealt with explore and extend Australian identity. the death of Charles Gray. Joseph Furphy’s Peta Jeffries, in Chapter 11, explores one (aka Tom Collins) (1903) fictional work Such of Ludwig Becker’s paintings in which he is Life discussed the death of Burke and interpreted a water reservoir at Mutwanji in Wills and was critical of their bush skills: 1861. She argues that the subjective nature ‘there ain’t a drover, nor yet a bullock driver, of the work offers an understanding of nor yet a stock-keeper, from ‘ere to ‘ell that Aboriginal connection to country. Becker’s could n’t ‘a’ bossed that expegition straight artwork is unique in that he is the only through to the Gulf, an’ back agen, an’ never artist in the expedition who was inspired turned a hair – with sich a season as Burke by German Romanticism and the Romantic had. Don’t sicken a man with yer Burke. Sublime. In Water reservoir at Mutwanji, He burked that expegition, right enough’. Jeffries considers Becker has created a work Since then there has been Bill Reed’s 1968 that reveals the challenge that confronts play, ‘Burke’s Company’. In 1985 two movies many landscape artists – the desire to find were released: Burke & Wills, directed by and express the interconnection between Graeme Clifford, starring Australian actor people and place, self and other – that is, to Jack Thompson as Burke and English actor understand country. She contends that, in Nigel Havers as Wills, and a spoof entitled this picture, Becker reveals the beginning of Wills & Burke, directed by Bob Weis, in which an alternative perspective to the naturalist Australian comic actors Garry McDonald and way of perceiving landscape, and argues that Kim Gyngell played Burke and Wills. Peter it is possible that Aboriginal ways of relating Oliver (1985) published his novel Burke & to country influenced this transition away Wills to coincide with the movie release of from naturalism. What is revealed in Water the same name. Bonyhady (1991) has made reservoir is a new aesthetic understanding of an extensive study of the representation of beauty and a new way of relating to the land. the expedition in Australian high art and Paul Lambeth’s chapter (Ch. 12), is popular culture. a personal investigation of the truism Deirdre Slattery, in Chapter 10, examines that we are living in an Aboriginal land, some of the mythic narratives about using the Burke and Wills expedition as a Australian culture that concentrate on the point of departure. He contributes to the Burke and Wills Expedition – especially development in our cultural understanding its heroic and tragic meanings – and by offering his own representation of the overshadow other interpretations such as events of the expedition. Standing at the relationships with the land and its Aboriginal Dig Tree, he reflected on what it means to peoples. She explains how these myths value be non-Indigenous in an Indigenous land, conquest and discovery but disdain slow and saw an opportunity for a contemporary reading of the Burke and Wills tragedy. His and careful observation and adaptation to intention was to transform a personal history place and to another culture. The alternative of artistic practice into a cohesive body of versions of heroism and achievement work with both written and visual outcomes in Burke and Wills narratives express an which are reproduced in this chapter. admiration for a certain openness to the external world – a state of mind in which curiosity is a source of intrinsic interest – The relief expeditions something she finds encapsulated in the The next four chapters are concerned with attitudes of Becker, Beckler and Howitt. In various relief expeditions. Leigh Boucher this context, Indigenous skills, knowledge, (Ch. 13) is concerned with Howitt; Frank empathy, perception and environmental Leahy (Ch. 14) with Edwin Welch, who was

9 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills a member of Howitt’s relief expedition and lifelong reflections on his involvement the first of that party to ‘find’ John King; Fred in the Burke and Wills story. Given the Cahir (Ch. 15) with John McKinlay; and Peta circumstances of his finding King, it is not Jeffries (Ch. 16) with William Landsborough. surprising that Welch befriended King and Leigh Boucher (Ch. 13) begins his chapter his comments on the rumours that circulated by tracing how Howitt represented his in colonial newspapers in the 1870s that engagements with Aboriginal people in his Burke had contributed to the death of diaries published in 1861, which included Gray are particularly revealing. Leahy a deep acknowledgement of his party’s considers the evidence for these claims and obligations to Aboriginal people. He then concludes that ‘King’s secret’ is likely to moves on to consider how Howitt gradually be about his experiences while living with removed that acknowledgement from his the Yandruwandha and the possibility of public recounting of the expedition, in the a daughter being born to King after he left years from 1862 to his death. Boucher traces Cooper Creek. The concluding section on the disappearance of Aboriginal people John King’s daughter brings us full circle from the public memorialisation of Howitt’s to the book’s introduction where Aaron involvement with Burke and Wills through Paterson, a Yandruwandha man, attests visual art, another important site of cultural that Alice King was the result of a sexual memory. He argues that, ‘Unlike the failures liaison between King and a Yandruwandha of judgment, leadership and arrogance woman of Aaron Paterson’s great-great-great- that seemed to plague the Burke and Wills grandfather’s family group. expedition, Howitt provided a nourishing Fred Cahir, in Chapter 15, examines imaginative counterpoint of competence the role of Aboriginal messengers in and territorial comfort. Here, finally, was an conveying news and their place in Australian explorer who seemed able to take possession exploration history, in particular their of Australia. Not only did he provide a importance in the 1861 South Australian chance to perform a melancholic attachment relief expedition led by John McKinlay. He to Burke and Wills, he also provided a includes an analysis of the news relayed by way for settler culture to take possession Aboriginal messengers about the progress of a space that usually defeated so many of the McKinlay expedition, as published in others.’ Furthermore, it ‘seems important, colonial newspapers. then, to remember that Aboriginal people In Chapter 16 Peta Jeffries examines were crucial participants in this history of the relief expedition led by William exploration, and Howitt’s individual skills as Landsborough, who set out from the Gulf of a bushman do not come anywhere near to Carpentaria southwards towards Victoria. explaining his success on the other side of She focuses on the role of Aboriginal guides, the frontier’. their relationship with country and with the Indigenous peoples they met, their Frank Leahy, in Chapter 14, researches relationship with Landsborough and in Edwin Welch, the surveyor to Howitt’s particular how these aspects influenced a Victorian Contingent Exploration party, the series of encounters along the Barcoo in first relief expedition led by Howitt. Welch March, April and May 1862. is generally remembered for his ‘discovery’ of John King among the Yandruwandha at Cooper Creek, but Leahy makes a strong References case that he should be remembered for more Allen H (2011) The space between: Aboriginal than this – for example, his observations people, the Victorian Exploring Expedition of Aboriginal peoples and his collections and the relief parties. In Burke and Wills: of Aboriginal cultural materials and his The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian

10 The Aboriginal legacy of the Burke and Wills Expedition: an introduction

Exploring Expedition. (Eds EB Joyce and DA Favenc E (1908) The Explorers of Australia McCann) pp. 245–274. CSIRO Publishing, and their Life-work. Whitcombe and Melbourne. Tombs, Melbourne. Attwood A (2003) Burke’s Soldier. Penguin, Fitzpatrick K (1963) The Burke and Wills Melbourne. Expedition and the Royal Society of Beckler H (1868) Corroberri: ein Beitrag zur Victoria. Historical Studies of Australia Kenntniss der Musik bei den Australischen and New Zealand 10, 470–478. Ureinwohnern. Globus 13, 82–84. Foster T (1863) Review of the Labours of Beckler H (1993) A Journey to Cooper’s Creek Several Explorers of Australia. Also the (trans. and eds S Jeffries and M Kertesz). Narrative of Mr. John King, the Sole Melbourne University Press and State Survivor of the Burke and Wills Expedition. Library of Victoria, Melbourne. Clarson, Shallard and Co., Melbourne. Bergin T (1981) In the Steps of Burke & Wills. Furphy J [aka Tom Collins] (1945) Such is Life. Australian Broadcasting Council, Sydney. Bulletin Newspaper Co., Sydney. Birtles F (1935) Battle Fronts of Outback. Gordon AL (1913) The Poetical Works. Ward Angus and Robertson, Sydney. Lock and Co., London. Blanchen BJ (1978) From Melbourne to Grad C (1864) L’Australie Interieure: Menindie: a tourist’s guide based on the Explorations et Voyages a Travers le diaries of Ludwig Becker. La Trobe Library Continent Australien de 1860 a 1862. Journal 34–46. Arthus Bertrand, Paris. Bonyhady T (1991) Burke and Wills: From Greenway J (1972) The Last Frontier: A Melbourne to Myth. David Ell, Sydney. Study of Cultural Imperatives in the Bonyhady T (2002) Burke and Wills: From Last Frontiers of America and Australia. Melbourne to Myth. National Library of Lothian, Melbourne. Australia, Canberra. Heckenberg K (2006) …bringing facts into Bridges R (1934) One Hundred Years: The some connexion with each other …’ Romance of the Victorian People. Herald Ludwig Becker’s narrative strategies in and Weekly Times, Melbourne. his Burke and Wills illustrations. La Trobe Journal 77, 68–88. Centenary Celebrations Council (1934) Victoria the First Century: An Historical Hogg G (1961) With Burke and Wills Across Survey. Robertson and Mullens, Australia. Frederick Muller, London. Melbourne. Jackson A (1862) Robert O’Hara Burke and Clarke M (1877) History of the Continent of the Australian Exploring Expedition of Australia and the Island of Tasmania, 1787 1860. Smith Elder, London. to 1870. F.F. Bailliere, Melbourne. Joyce B and McCann D (Eds) (2011) Burke and Clune F (1937) Dig: The Burke and Wills Saga. Wills: The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian Angus and Robertson, Sydney. Exploring Expedition. CSIRO Publishing, Colwell M (1985) The Journey of Burke and Melbourne. Wills. Lansdowne Press, Sydney. Judge J and Scherschel JJ (1979) The journey Dow EB (1937) On the Burke and Wills Track: of Burke and Wills. National Geographic The Giles Inscriptions. Edmund B. Dow, 155(2), 152–191. Broken Hill. Kendall H (1861) The fate of the explorers Edmond M (2009) The Supply Party: Ludwig Burke and Wills. Empire, 9 December 1861. Becker on the Burke and Wills Expedition. Kendall H (1995) Letters from Australian East Street Publications, Adelaide. Forests: The Poetical Works of Henry

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Kendall [1869]. Lansdowne Press, Sydney. Aborigines. Anthropological Society of McKellar J (1944) John King: Sole Survivor South Australia Journal 21(3), 5–10. of the Burke and Wills Expedition to the Thallon K (1966) Return to Coopers Creek: Gulf of Carpentaria. Victorian Historical in the tracks of Burke and Wills and their Magazine 20, 106–109. predecessors. Proceedings of the Royal McKellar J (1961) Tree by the Creek: An Society of Queensland 8(8), 286–316. Account of Suffering and Adventure Tipping M (1978a) Becker’s portraits of in Central Australia. F.W. Cheshire, Billy and Jemmy (Tilki). La Trobe Library Melbourne. Journal 6(22), 1–7. McLaren I (1960) The Victorian Exploring Tipping M (1978b) The life and work of Expedition and relieving expeditions, Ludwig Becker (1808–1861): with a critical 1860–61: the Burke and Wills tragedy. analysis of his Australian oeuvre and an Victorian Historical Magazine 29, 211– appreciation of his contribution to artistic 253. and scientific developments in Victoria. McLaren IF (1962) William John Wills 1834– Unpublished dissertation. 1861. Victorian Historical Magazine 33(2), Tipping M (1979) Ludwig Becker: Artist 332–350. and Naturalist with the Burke and Wills Moorehead A (1963) Cooper’s Creek. Hamish Expedition. Melbourne University Press, Hamilton, London. Melbourne. Murgatroyd S (2009) The Dig Tree: The Tipping M (1991) Ludwig Becker and Eugene Story of Burke and Wills. Text Publishing, von Guerard: German artists and the Melbourne [first published 2002]. Aboriginal habitat. In From Berlin to the Burdekin. (Eds J Tampke and D Walker) Oakley B (1959) O’Hara 1861. Southerly 20, pp. 81–107. University of New South Wales 147–156. Press, Sydney. Oliver P (1985) Burke & Wills. Budget Books, Turnbull M (2011) John King: The Story of Melbourne. the Only Member of the Burke and Wills Puttmann H (1862) Geschichte der Deutschen Expedition to Cross Australia from South Expedition zur Erforschung Australiens to North and Return to Melbourne Alive. unter Burke’s Leitung. Puttmann, Carlton Community History Group, Melbourne. Melbourne. Pyke WT (1907) Australian Heroes and Turner HG (1904) A History of the Colony of Adventurers. Scott, London. Victoria. 2 vols. Longmans, Green and Co., Reynolds H (1990) With the White People: London. The Crucial Role of Aborigines in the Van der Kiste J (2011) William John Wills: Exploration and Development of Australia. Pioneer of the Australian Outback. The Penguin, Melbourne. History Press, Stroud, Gloucestershire. Rusden GW (1897) History of Australia. Voigt JH (1991) Die Musik der Aborigines im 3 vols. Melville, Mullen and Slade, sudlichen Queensland: eine fruhe Quelle, Melbourne. in Das andere wahrnehmen; beitrage Scott E (1928) A Short History of Australia. zur europaischen geschicte; August Humphrey Milford Oxford University Nitschke zum 65. geburtstag gewidmet/ Press, London. herausgegeben von Martin Kintzinger, Southall I (1961) Journey into Mystery A Wolfgang Sturner, Johannes Zahlten. Story of the Explorers Burke and Wills. Bohlau Verlag, Koln. 547–552. Lansdowne Press, Melbourne. Watson MJ (1911) The Story of Burke and Taylor A (1983) Burke and Wills, and the Wills: With Sketches and Essays. William P.

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Linehan, Melbourne. Melbourne to the Gulf of Carpentaria: from Wills W (ed.) (1863) A Successful Exploration the Journals and Letters of William John Through the Interior of Australia, from Wills. Richard Bentley, London.

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‡7HQ&RPPLWPHQWVSSLQGG $0 Chapter 2

The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition and their prior experience of Aboriginal peoples

Ian D. Clark

Introduction of their experience and interaction with Aboriginal people. It will concentrate on The consensus of many 19th-century those men who at one time or another were commentators, such as Tenison-Woods paid members of the expedition.1 (1865), Grimm (1888), Rusden (1897) and When the expedition left Melbourne on 20 Turner (1904), on the Victorian Exploring August 1860 it comprised 22 men, however, Expedition was that, almost to a man, its by the time of its final reorganisation at various members were unsuited to the task Menindee in October 1860, some 30 men that lay before them. Bonyhady’s (1991, had been employed. Burke reorganised p. 60) assessment resonated with the views the expedition membership on numerous of these early commentators, in that of occasions, hiring new men when members those who set out from Melbourne ‘none of had resigned or had been fired. For example, them had worked on the frontier, let alone Creber and Fletcher were dismissed by Burke ventured beyond the settled districts on the day before the expedition departed and previous expeditions. Only one or two were Cowen on the day of departure; they were experienced bushmen. None had been born replaced by McIlwhaine, Lane and Brooks. in Australia.’ The purpose of this chapter is Samla, one of the four Sepoy cameleers, left to test this view through assessing, where three days out of Melbourne. Polongeux was possible, biographical documents and other recruited at the Mia Mia Hotel on 26 August sources on the bush skills possessed by each and dismissed at Swan Hill on 6 September. member of the expedition and quantification Brooks, Lane and Esau Khan were dismissed

15 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills at Swan Hill, as well. In their place, Bowman, or bushman, was ignorant of navigation’ Hodgkinson, Gray and Macpherson were and had never ventured beyond the settled recruited. Bowman, McIlwhaine, Langan districts (Bonyhady 1991, p. 30) (see and Ferguson were dismissed at Balranald Figure 2.1). He had shown little interest in on 18 September 1860. Drakeford was exploration prior to his appointment. Born dismissed and Landells and Beckler resigned in Ireland at St Clerans, County Galway, in at Menindee in October 1860, although 1820 to an old Galway family, he joined the Beckler agreed to remain until a replacement Austrian army in 1841 and was posted to could be secured. Wright was recruited northern Italy with the 7th Reuss Regiment of by Burke at Menindee. At Menindee Burke the Hungarian Hussars, where he advanced decided to divide the expedition, which to the rank of lieutenant. He resigned from now numbered 17 men, into two parties: the army in 1848 and returned to Ireland one group comprising Beckler, Becker, where he joined the Irish constabulary. He Hodgkinson, MacPherson and Belooch was arrived in Melbourne in March 1853, joined left at Menindee under the charge of William the Victorian police force and served at Wright with orders to bring supplies to the Jika Jika, Carlsruhe and Beechworth. After depot at Cooper Creek (Stone, Purcell and a brief leave of absence he was appointed Smith were recruited at Menindee by Wright); Superintendent of Police at Castlemaine in the second group, led by Burke, comprised December 1856. Wills, King, Gray, Brahe, Patten, McDonough We cannot be certain of Burke’s interaction and Mahomet and went on to Cooper Creek. with Aboriginal people, but Allen (2011, Once at the Cooper, Burke divided that p. 247) considered it possible that he group, leaving Brahe in charge of Patten, ‘may have had some limited experience of McDonough and Mahomet, while Burke, Aborigines living in the [Castlemaine] area’. Wills, Gray and King set off for the Gulf of Castlemaine fell within Djadjawurrung Carpentaria. country, however, by 1863 only about 30 It is possible to group the various adults and seven children were known to members of the expedition into four clusters be living across traditional Djadjawurrung based around their primary experience: lands and the Galgalgundidj clan belonging those who worked on pastoral stations, to the Castlemaine district had been reduced those associated with goldfields, those to one survivor (Clark 1990, p. 150). with experience of working with camels George Harrison, the police magistrate at and a fourth group whose bush experience Castlemaine, was one of the respondents is unknown. It is not possible to learn of to the 1858 Victorian government’s Select each member’s association with Aboriginal Committee inquiry into the condition of peoples; however, on the basis of known Victorian Aborigines. He reported that there Aboriginal settlement patterns in the 1850s existed no regular tribe in the Castlemaine that saw Aboriginal people gravitate around district, although a few natives ‘hang about the pastoral runs and goldfields that formed the diggings and are employed by dairymen on their traditional lands, we may assume and slaughtermen, and occasionally a that members with experience of pastoral straggler comes in from beyond the Loddon’. stations and goldfields would have had He confirmed that eight cases of drunkenness some opportunity to interact with Aboriginal against the Aborigines had been heard at people. The office-bearers Burke, Landells, the Castlemaine bench in the previous three Wills, Beckler and Becker are discussed years (Victoria 1858–59). This confirms that separately. the opportunity for Burke to interact with Robert O’Hara Burke, the leader of the local Aboriginal people during his years expedition, ‘had no experience as a surveyor at Castlemaine was somewhat limited and

16 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition

Figure 2.1: Robert O’Hara Burke. Davies & Co., c. 1855–60. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. H88.50/1.

17 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills probably confined to court appearances and was appointed second-in-command and policing. This probably goes a long way in was in charge of the camels. Moorehead helping to understand his interactions with (1963, p. 34) asserted that ‘Landells is Aboriginal people during the expedition; something of an enigma in the story of the when these are examined, it is clear that expedition. Apart from the fact that he was Burke did not trust Aboriginal people and an Englishman who was supposed to be an nor did he have any understanding of or expert on camels, that his family had been respect for Aboriginal customs such as the settled in Australia since the forties, that he usual protocols that were followed when had a wife … we know very little about him’. meeting strangers for the first time. Allen’s Landells resigned at Menindee on 14 October (2011, p. 256) analysis was that Burke’s 1860. With Landells’ resignation, Wills policy in relation to Aboriginal people was became second-in-command. principally one of avoidance, as evidenced William John Wills was appointed by the instructions he gave when he left surveyor, astronomical observer and third- Brahe in charge of the depot party at Cooper in-command. Born in Totnes, Devon in 1834, Creek: Brahe was to construct a substantial Wills had been in Australia since January stockade and attempt to have as little to do 1853 and had spent some time working with the Aboriginal people as possible. ‘Burke as a shepherd on the Edward River at maintained his policy of having as little to do Deniliquin on a station owned by the Royal with the Aborigines even after the explorers Bank Company (see Figure 2.3). Wills left became reliant on Aboriginal gifts and they Deniliquin and eventually joined his father’s realised that their only chance of survival newly formed medical practice in Ballarat was to locate the Aborigines and live with in late 1853. Van der Kiste (2011, p. 25) them’ (Allen 2011, p. 256). Burke died at suggested that he spent the next couple of Cooper Creek on or about 30 June 1861. years working simultaneously as a digger George James Landells was born in on the Ballarat goldfields and as assistant Barbados and arrived in Australia in 1856 surgeon in his father’s practice, looking after (Phoenix 2011a, p. 12) (see Figure 2.2). He patients in his father’s absence and running

Figure 2.2: George Landells. 1860. Pencil. William Strutt. Burke and Wills Sketchbook, Victorian Parliamentary Library.

18 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition

Figure 2.3: William John Wills. Photographed T.A. Hill, Engraved H.S. Sadd. Not dated but 1860. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. H5412.

19 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills an assaying office in Ballarat in which he provides insights into his views of Aboriginal analysed specimens of gold and quartz. In people: January 1855 he worked for a short time on A large tribe of blacks came pestering us William Skene’s Kanawalla Station, Hensley to go to their camp and have a dance, Park, on the Wannon River near Hamilton which we declined. They were very before returning to Ballarat and devoting troublesome, and nothing but the threat himself to surveying and working in the to shoot them will keep them away. They Ballarat Survey Office. In the summer of 1853 are, however, easily frightened; and, he studied field-surveying at Glendaruel, although fine-looking men, decidedly near Tourello, under the supervision of not of a warlike disposition. They show assistant surveyor Frederick J. Byerley. In the greatest inclination to take whatever February 1857 he was working at Bullarook they can, but will run no unnecessary Creek camp and in March was surveying risk in so doing. They seldom carry any at Kingower near Inglewood; from April to weapons, except a shield and a large kind June 1858 he was surveying at St Arnaud. In of boomerang, which I believe they use July he returned to Ballarat where he took for killing rats, &c. Sometimes, but very occasional surveying contracts for Clement seldom, they have a large spear; reed Hodgkinson, the deputy surveyor-general. spears seem to be quite unknown to them. In November he obtained a temporary They are undoubtedly a finer and better- appointment at the magnetic observatory in looking race of men than the blacks Melbourne, then a permanent appointment on the Murray and Darling, and more with Professor Neumayer, the government peaceful; but in other respects I believe meteorologist, at the Melbourne Observatory. they will not compare favourably with All the rural localities that Wills was them, for from the little we have seen of associated with fell within the countries them, they appear to be mean-spirited of dialects of the Kulin continuum of and contemptible in every aspect (Wills languages, for example Deniliquin was 1863, pp. 179–180). Madimadi; Bullarook Creek, St Arnaud, Four days later Wills noted a large camp Glendaruel and Inglewood (Djadjawurrung), of 40 to 50 blacks near where they camped Kanawalla (Djabwurrung) and Ballarat for the night. The Aborigines gave the (Wathawurrung). In these locations, Wills explorers presents of fish, and in return were would have had some opportunity to interact given beads and matches. Wills noted, ‘It is with Aboriginal people and learn something a remarkable fact, that these were the first of their ways. For example, in 1858, C.W. blacks who have offered us any fish since Sherard, the Resident Warden in Ballarat, we reached Cooper’s Creek’ (Wills 1863, reported to the 1858 Victorian Legislative p. 184). The following morning the party Council’s Select Committee inquiry into the attempted to induce one or two of the blacks Aborigines that there were approximately to accompany them but were unsuccessful in 40 Aborigines living in the Ballarat district. their efforts. In Wills’ correspondence with his family, On 19 January 1861, Wills surprised an while based at Deniliquin, his father noted Aboriginal family: that he spoke of the ‘blacks in that district; … a man who, with a young fellow of their habits and ideas; but expresses a apparently his son, was upon a tree, low opinion of their intellectual powers, and cutting out something; and a lubra with thinks little can be done with them’ (Wills a piccaninny. The two former did not see 1863, pp. 23–24). me until I was nearly close to them, and The following extract from Wills’ Field then they were dreadfully frightened; Book No. 1, dated 16 December 1860, jumping down from the trees, they

20 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition

started off, shouting what sounded to and in July 1859 arrived in Melbourne, where us very like ‘Joe, Joe’. Thus disturbed, pursued his passion for botany with Mueller the lubra, who was some distance from at the Royal Botanic Gardens. He spent time them, just then caught sight of the camels in the field gathering botanical specimens and the remainder of the party as they in New England from September 1859 until came over the hill into the creek, and June 1860 and, according to Bonyhady (1991, this tended to hasten their flight over the p. 51), gained ‘considerable experience as stones and porcupine grass (Wills 1863, a bushman’. Wills Snr, however, considered pp. 206–207). Beckler was ‘nothing of a bushman, although On 6 May 1861, Wills wrote in his diary, he had had so much travelling’ (Wills 1863, ‘I suppose this will end in our having to live pp. 93, 114). Jeffries (in Beckler 1993, like the blacks for a few months’ (Wills 1863, pp. xvi–xvii) noted Beckler’s ‘opportunities to p. 282). On 26 June 1861, Wills noted that undertake serious botanical collecting were Burke and King had gone up Cooper Creek few and he never travelled into uncharted ‘to look for the blacks – it is the only chance territory. But throughout his stay in Australia we have of being saved from starvation’ from 1856 to 1862 he was an enthusiastic (Wills 1863, p. 302). Wills Snr considered his and careful observer’. In his application son’s account of this period ‘shows how well to join the expedition, Beckler noted that my son had established himself in the good he was ‘not wholly unprepared to share graces of the natives. Had it been his fortune the trials of the contemplated enterprise, to have survived, we should probably have having made myself acquainted with the had an interesting account of these simple requirements for such a purpose by studying aborigines and their doings’ (Wills 1863, the published accounts of Australian p. 294). Wills died on or about 30 June 1861 explorations, and by having performed an at Cooper Creek. There is some irony in the overland journey from Queen’s Land to this fact that at the outset of the expedition Wills colony, accompanying a friend who brought had little regard for the Aboriginal ways of life and showed little respect for them, yet at the end when he was dying on the Cooper he recognised, somewhat belatedly, that the only way he was going to live was by adopting Aboriginal ways. Dr Hermann Beckler was the expedition’s medical officer and botanist (see Figure 2.4). He was born in Hochstadt, Bavarian Swabia, in 1828. Like Becker, he was influenced by the work of Alexander von Humboldt. He arrived in Australia in February 1856 and spent some time in the Ipswich, Tenterfield and Warwick districts working as a doctor and running a pharmacy for a short time in Warwick, all the while attempting to collect botanical specimens and make observations. In February 1859 he joined a droving party from south-west Queensland along the tributaries of the Figure 2.4: Hermann Beckler. Darling River through New South Wales to Courtesy of the Archives, Royal Deniliquin. He left the party at Deniliquin Botanic Gardens Melbourne.

21 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills a large flock of sheep from the north to Port a native that the artist held a solution of Phillip’ (Beckler 1993, p. 195). Referring to a colour in his mouth and sprayed it over his recently completed collecting expedition, he or another’s hand, which was held spread out explained that he had ‘travelled all over the over the rock. These people paint with their Hastings, the MacLeay parts of New England mouths, and their oral cavity also forms their and parts of the Clarence- and Richmond – palette. However, there were also a few finger River districts, including the eastern coast paintings, mostly incomprehensible symbols ranges and the elevated country on the upper and figures, and one of which seemed to Hastings, the MacLeay and the mountains represent a rider on horseback’ (Beckler known as the Guy Fawk’s ranges in New 1993, p. 52). England’ (Beckler 1993, pp. 195–196). Beckler At Torowoto, Beckler described his group’s resigned at Menindee in October 1860 but meeting with 16 Aborigines. His description agreed to remain until a suitable replacement showed a clear interest in Aboriginal people, could be secured. He spent the next three as well as his powers of observation: months collecting botanical specimens and They seemed to be astonished to see us in January 1861 started north with Wright’s and our animals [and] were very friendly supply party. and talkative. They were nearly all Jeffries (in Beckler 1993, p. xxiii) noted daubed with clay and were ugly, wretched Beckler’s interest in Aboriginal matters, ‘an creatures. Most of them were bathed in interest stimulated when he first attended sweat and even at some distance their a corroboree in March 1858 at Warwick. odour was extremely unpleasant, like Whenever the opportunity arose, he noted that of all natives. We gave them various down fragments of Aboriginal music things to eat and they immediately set up with great care’. Once he had returned to camp close to ours. They were noisy and Germany, Beckler published a paper on this in high spirits until late that night. Our corroboree (Beckler 1867) and a second in artist, Mr Becker, was of the opinion that which he discussed the expedition (Beckler two women with pendulous breasts and 1872).2 Jeffries considered that for Beckler of unkempt appearance, both incidentally the discovery of Aboriginal rock paintings very ugly, frequently presented at Scropes Range was a significant moment. themselves in the attitude of the Venus de Beckler ‘acknowledged the assistance Medici. In the opinion of others, they were provided by [Aboriginal] guide Peter, who merely standing there quite casually, directed him to Torowoto Swamp where they holding one arm over their breasts to found trooper Lyons and McPherson. Even protect them from the flies, while the when his life was threatened, he recognized other was constantly swung so as to fend the Aborigines’ right to their own land and he off these pests (Beckler 1993, p. 112). admired the skilful diplomacy of Shirt, leader On 1 March 1861, at Torowoto, Beckler of the Aboriginal attack’ at Bulloo on 27 noted the following transaction with local April 1861 (Jeffries in Beckler 1993, p. xxxv). Aborigines: Beckler’s discussion of the rock painting Natives had been here and they had demonstrates an interest in Aboriginal gesticulated and talked a great deal. culture; for example, after describing in A few of them were smeared with fat some detail the Aboriginal paintings he and had recently painted themselves, was unable to ‘think how the natives could obviously with great care. Stone was create these paintings in which their own alone in the camp, and one of the natives hands, represented as hands of the most had gone up to our bags of dried meat varied sizes down to those of small children, and taken out a large piece before his formed the stencil. Later I was informed by very eyes. Stone understood little of what

22 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition

they were saying, but from his many Aboriginal people, which shows that he had years of dealing with the natives on the knowledge of the fundamental tensions in Darling he could tell that it concerned the Aboriginal society between groups with no following complaint. Hodgkinson was a cultural or kinship connection: passionate hunter, but for all his desire My greatest worry was for Beludsch, to kill some of the numerous wild ducks who was now alone with the camels here, the natives were just as desirous in Duroadoo, for it is well known that of such quarry. The natives lived almost Europeans have far less to fear from exclusively on ducks at this time, which the natives than do native people. The they caught in their own fashion. They natives’ hatred falls specifically on those accused Hodgkinson with his frequent natives or half-blacks (half-breeds or half- shooting of driving the ducks away from castes) from other tribes who accompany the creek. They were quite correct in this. Europeans. They would soon discover However, they finished their passionate that Beludsch, who as almost as dark as demonstration by demanding that we a negro, was completely different from leave Duroadoo and return to the Darling their own race. He was therefore in some or to Bulla (Beckler 1993, p. 126). what less danger, but I was agitated Beckler gave a detailed description of the nonetheless. I could hardly wait for the way these Aboriginal people hunted ducks. moment when I would reach our camp He also described the way a young native in Duroadoo. Late in the night a single boy made a fire to cook a raven Beckler native had come past his campfire, but had given him: ‘The youngster lit himself a had only exchanged a friendly ‘Nelgo’ fire, something I had seen only very rarely. with him – ‘Good night!’ (Beckler 1993, In a similar fashion to the natives on the p. 134). Murray, he took a large piece of wood and On the Bulloo, Aboriginal men offered a small, short, smooth stick with a sharp their women to Wright’s party; rather than edge and in rapid strokes he cut a furrow seeing this ‘wife-lending’ as an attempt to into the larger piece of wood, pressing with use sexuality as a means of establishing and both hands. After two to four minutes the maintaining sociality (Allen 2011, p. 255), furrow began to smoke and soon there were Beckler considered the offers were motivated sparks. From the hardly visible glow the by hostile intent and designed to lure the youngster set alight some dry grass with a Europeans from the safety of their camp virtuosity alien to us’ (Beckler 1993, p. 128). (Beckler 1993, p. 154). Beckler noted that the ‘natives of Duroadoo Dr Ludwig Philipp Heinrich Becker belonged to two different tribes, calling was appointed artist, naturalist and geologist themselves Macquarra and Killparra’ (Beckler (see Figure 2.5). In his application to join 1993, p. 129). Rather than tribal or language the expedition, Becker confirmed that he names, these are in fact Paakantyi moiety had been living in Australia for more than names (see Howitt 1904, p. 99, Makwarra nine years and had a good knowledge of its = eaglehawk and Kilpara = crow). Very few climate, meteorology, geology and natural early observers of Aboriginal societies learnt history, that he was accustomed to bush life of moiety divisions in Aboriginal societies and never lost his way as his instinct as well and, even though Beckler didn’t understand as calculation and a good sense for tracking its significance, the fact that he learnt this always brought him to his destination, fundamental division is testimony to his that he was a good horseman and that he relationship with Aboriginal people. Further could withstand hardship and privation and evidence is found in Beckler’s observation exist on the most simple fare. He was born that Belooch was at risk of being killed by in Offenbach-am-Main, Germany, in 1808.

23 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Figure 2.5: Ludwig Becker. F. Schoenfeld, c. 1850–1860. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. H84.273/2.

Opposite Figure 2.6: ‘Woannadie (Jungfrau) [young woman] V.D. Land Fiel [Van Diemen’s Land] vom baum Eingeborne 1852’. Ludwig Becker. Watercolour. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. H24662/1.

24 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition

25 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Becker arrived in Tasmania in March 1851 (Tipping 1991, p. 90). He asked the cause and spent 18 months travelling throughout and Tilki informed him that ‘I was a child the island, sketching and painting miniatures and on my mother’s back, when she, with to make a living (see Figure 2.6). He also other black women, searched for mussel- sketched some miniatures of Aboriginal fish on the Murray near Mount Dispersion. women at Oyster Bay. He was a guest at There some men belonging to Mitchell’s Government House in Hobart. He arrived exploring expedition fired into us, and a in Melbourne in November 1852 and spent musket ball carried off part of my thumb, some time on the Bendigo goldfields from which never grew afterwards so as well as 1853 to 1854 before settling in Melbourne the one I have left here on my right hand.’ (Cusack 1998, p. 126). He met William Tilki was referring to the May 1836 ‘clash’ at Buckley, the famed ‘wild white man’ who a place Major Thomas Mitchell named Mount lived with the Wathawurrung people from Dispersion, in which at least seven Aboriginal the Geelong district for over 30 years, and people were killed. painted an oil portrait of him which is now in Becker is believed to have accompanied the La Trobe Library, Melbourne. Becker was William Blandowski, a zoologist and the one of the first artists to depict life on the Museum of Victoria’s first curator, and Bendigo goldfields. He avoided inflammation zoologist Gerard Krefft to the Lower Murray of the eyes, a common affliction among and Darling rivers in 1856 on a collecting gold diggers, by smearing ‘oil on his face, trip (Tipping 1991, p. 96). At Kulkyne they appreciating that Aboriginals had long since witnessed the initiation ceremony of some learned how to protect their whole bodies young men. against both those persistent flies and the In 1858 he contributed to the Select glare produced by the reflected heat of Committee of the Legislative Council’s solar rays from the quartz and the white inquiry into the condition of Aborigines in tents’ (Tipping 1979, p. 13). Phoenix (2011b, Victoria. He reported that the Aborigines p. 298) noted, ‘Over the next few years ‘were not below the average intelligence of Becker took meteorological observations for all the other uneducated masses of nations, Neumayer as well as working as an illustrator whether belonging to the black, coloured or for Mueller and Professor Frederick McCoy’. white races of man’ (Tipping 1991, p. 93). In Becker returned to Melbourne in 1854 September 1858 he showed three Aboriginal and contributed to the Paris Exhibition skulls3 and displayed his Aboriginal portraits of 1855, where he showed, among other at a meeting of the Philosophical Institute things, a pencil drawing and two portraits (later the Royal Society of Victoria), and of Aborigines and ‘part of a necklace made noted that ‘our own aborigines in Australia of native seeds and worn by a chief of are of a much higher class than is usually the Murray Tribe’ (Tipping 1979, p. 13). and wrongly stated in works treating of the In 1854 he made a journey to the Murray same subject’ (Tipping 1979, p. 19). Tipping River, visiting Kulkyne Station held by his considered that ‘Some of his best miniatures friend Dr Richard Youl in partnership with were of Aboriginals, and he observed and Robert Orr. There he met Tilki (sometimes sketched corroborees and wrote a detailed known as Jemmy) a local Tati-tati man, and description of one for the Illustrated sketched his portrait, along with one of Melbourne Post. One of these sketches he Billy, a Port Fairy native, who was a servant gave to the tribe which had sent him a nest of Dr Youl (see Figure 2.7). These portraits and a lyrebird egg, wrapped in a possum were exhibited in the 1855 exhibition. skin.’ While drawing Tilki, Becker observed that Inspired by the views of Alexander von the thumb of his left hand was damaged Humboldt, Tipping (1979, p. 21) considered

26 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition

Figure 2.7: ‘Billy’. Ludwig Becker, 1854. Watercolour. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. H6154.

27 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills that Becker ‘was a diligent observer of squatted soon round a far off camp fire nature’s treasures’, who ‘was astonished and of their own, conversing in their native delighted with everything he found in the tongue; probably about the character New World’. Becker was the only member of of these illustrious strangers. If this first the Royal Society who was a formal member interview between natives & camels might of the expedition. He was among the party be used as a criterion when coming in who remained at Menindee under Wright’s contact with the blacks in the course of leadership. He died at Bulloo on 29 April our future journeys, then, surely, we 1861 from ‘what was probably a combination might spare the gunpowder so long as the of scurvy and beri-beri’ (Bonyhady 1991, mesmeric power of our ‘Bunjibs’ remain p. 152). with them (Tipping 1979, pp. 194–195). Tipping’s (1979, p. viii) observation One interesting note in Becker’s of Becker’s contribution to Australian observation is that the Aboriginal people at Indigenous studies is that ‘His observations Terrick Terrick Plains referred to the camels and sketches of Aboriginals in particular, as bunyips. On 13 September 1860 Becker studied alongside the exciting archaeological noted that the name of his camel was ‘Bunjib’ discoveries of recent years in western New (Tipping 1979, p. 197), possibly after the South Wales, will become more and more famed mythical creature. Bunyips are the interesting to those working in anthropology amphibious monsters that Aboriginal people and prehistory. He was one European who believed inhabited waterways (Dixon et al. never underestimated the intelligence of the 1992, p. 109). Nineteenth-century Australian Aboriginal people.’ During the expedition writers often wrote accounts of bunyips. Becker sent to Melbourne ‘the specimen Mereweather, during his ministry in the of a corroboree song and tune which a Riverina district in the 1850s, was keen to Murray black had dictated in English, and determine whether or not bunyips were ‘real’. he also jotted down the words and music For example, on the Edward River, he met an of a love song’. Becker’s sketches and ‘intelligent black fellow’ named Charley and portraits of Australian Aborigines ‘were attempted to elicit information from him: significant contributions to social history and Some say it is an amphibious animal, anthropology’ (Tipping 1979, p. 35). which makes its home at the bottom of Becker’s first report contained an entry deep water-holes in the beds of rivers, for 31 August 1860 relating to John Pearson and which draws down blacks, whilst Rowe’s Terrick Terrick Plains Station bathing, to devour them; sometimes near Durham Ox, in what was probably even pursuing them on the banks. Barababaraba or Djadjawurrung country, Others assert that it is a beast, like the that confirmed Ferguson’s recollection of small hippopotamus, which lives among Aboriginal wonder at seeing the camels was the reeds in the marshes by the side of not an exaggeration: rivers, and which causes great harm In the afternoon 4 natives, among them and loss to the indigenes, by sallying out a lubra, went their Stepps slowly towards at night and destroying the apparatus the camp. With eyes and mouths wide for catching fish: others declare that it open, speechless they stared at the is a gigantic, blood-thirsty otter, that Bunjibs, our camels, but refused to go eats children when it can catch them. nearer than a spears-throw. Although When I asked Charley to portray me one no strangers at Dr. Rowe’s station, and on the dust with the point of my stick, notwithstanding our assurance that the he drew a great bird. I suspect that this camels were only harmless ‘big sheep’, creature does not exist now, even it is they turned their back towards them and has once existed. The savages, however,

28 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition

unanimously declare that some voracious succumbed to the news of gold discoveries animal exists in or about their rivers, and in Australia, and sailed for Australia. He they have great dread of it. It may be a worked on the goldfields at Bendigo and later tradition that they have, just as we have at Ballarat, where he was part of the Eureka of dragons (Mereweather 1859, pp. 93f). rebellion in November 1854. After the Eureka Several months later, at a station on the trial, Ferguson returned to mining and spent Murray River, Mereweather was told by an time in the Smythesdale, Happy Valley and Aborigine that a carcass ‘of that wonderful Linton districts west of Ballarat. In these beast the bunyip’ was ‘lying rotting on a districts, Ferguson had several experiences sand-hill nine miles off’. However, recent with the local Wathawurrung Aboriginal flooding prevented him from visiting the site people. (Mereweather 1859, p. 182). Several days later he heard ‘evidence which goes so far as to prove that the bunyip is but a large and voracious otter’ (Mereweather 1859, pp. 187– 188). On the Darling River, he noted: ‘The aborigines here, too, obstinately persist in their belief of the existence of the monstrous bunyip’ (Mereweather 1859, p. 197).

Experience of life on the goldfields Those members of the expedition with experience of life on the goldfields included Charles Ferguson, William Brahe, Henry Creber and Owen Cowen. A recent doctoral study (Cahir 2006) showed that, far from being areas where Aboriginal people were absent, goldfields were important sites of Aboriginal agency, where Aboriginal people lived, discovered gold and often participated in mining. On this basis, we can assume that expedition members with some goldfields Figure 2.8: Charles D. Ferguson, 1853. Portrait experience were likely to have had some reproduced from The Experiences of a Forty-niner during Thirty-four Years’ Residence in California and interaction with Aboriginal people, albeit Australia. Williams Publishing Co., Cleveland, 1888. limited in some instances. Charles Ferguson, the expedition’s At Happy Valley Ferguson ‘hired some foreman, was originally from Ohio and blacks to strip some bark while we cut before journeying to Australia in 1852 had some poles, and by the third day after spent two years on the Californian goldfields leaving Ballarat we had our store up and (see Figure 2.8). En route from Illinois to complete, with the help the boys had given California, Ferguson’s party was attacked us’ (Ferguson 1888, p. 304). Relocating by North American Indians who attempted to Linton, he transacted with the Wardy to steal their horses; only 10 of the 23 yallock Aboriginal people. Ferguson’s Europeans escaped, including Ferguson with narrative showed that he adhered to the an arrow in his back. In the Sierra Nevada 19th-century notions that Aboriginal peoples mountains they were attacked again by would become extinct through contact Indians before teaming up with a wagon with ‘civilized’ peoples; he did not always train from Oregon. In May 1852, Ferguson understand local customs. For example,

29 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills the horror displayed in the narrative by or affection had nothing to do with it, a wounded man’s family at Ferguson’s only funeral style, inherited from their intention to cut a patient’s hair so that remotest ancestors. Their distress was he could treat a head wound, reveals that all ‘put on’.’ The man had a terrible cut Ferguson was unaware of the Aboriginal on the head, the gash being nearly three concern that pieces of the human body, inches long and laying open the skull. I such as the hair, in the hands of traditional had often heard of the thickness of the enemies could be used for harming practices. skull of the blacks, but had never before This explains why Aborigines very carefully seen one laid open, nor did I ever believe picked up every piece of hair so that it did that it was half so thick as this man’s. I not fall into enemy hands: had brought some court-plaster and some castile soap and a pair of scissors. It was I neglected to mention that as soon as necessary to cut away some locks of hair. Walter got things arranged, he came down to Linton’s. There were at that time The hair of these natives is as thick as a a large number of Wadagalac blacks mat, is never combed, and is as coarse as there, the tribe numbering some two a horse’s tail, and as soon as I commenced hundred; now they are totally extinct to cut it the woman set up a louder and – the ultimate fate of the savage when still more disagreeable howl. I stopped civilized man enters his domain. There them, but found they did not want me was one black fellow of this tribe who to cut his hair. I explained the necessity told me he knew where there was plenty thereof to save his life, and then they of gold, about sixty miles away, and quieted down and appeared satisfied, offered to take me or Walter there. We but watched me and picked up every made arrangements to go with him and hair that was dropped. I plastered him take one other person also, but the night up and left him, and came that night to before they purposed to start, another see my patient and found he had become tribe of blacks came down on them, a conscious, but did not believe he would great fight ensued, and our black pioneer recover. One can judge of my surprise friend received a blow on the head that when, only four days after, he came down would have crushed a white man’s skull to my store and said he was ready to go like an egg-shell. It came near killing him. on the prospecting trip. They started the The blacks sent for me; I found him to all following day and were gone about two appearance dead, but on examination weeks (Ferguson 1888, pp. 308–309). discovered that he still breathed. A dozen In September 1858 Ferguson turned his or more women were around him, all attention to horse-taming and showed his howling. One related to him seemed talents by going on tour in New South Wales to take the lead in this strange style of and Victoria as a pupil of the celebrated mourning, and I began to feel sorry for John Solomon Rarey, the famous Ohio horse- her, as it seemed as though her heart tamer. In 1859 he turned to coaching, and would break and she would lose her followed the gold rush to Kiandra in New reason. All at once she stopped, and South Wales. Ferguson had a reputation as asked me to give her a pipe of ‘bakka’. a fine coach-driver and expert horse-tamer. ‘Yes’, said I, ‘if you will stop that infernal While there is little discussion in any of the howling.’ Upon this they all proposed to literature of Ferguson’s interactions with cease on the same terms. I gave them the Aboriginal peoples, his years spent in rural tobacco, and they all knocked off and lit Victoria and New South Wales, and especially their pipes, and that was the last of the his horse handling, would have given him howling. So I saw that grief, sentiment many opportunities for interaction. In his

30 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition reminiscences, Ferguson mentioned the for two years. In his letter of application, interest the Aboriginal people showed in the he explained that he had also worked as a expedition’s camels. As he was dismissed stockkeeper at Niel Black’s Glenormiston at Balranald, on 14 September 1860, these Station, adjoining Terang, and at Richard comments obviously relate to the journey Box’s Barwidgee Station near Beechworth, between Melbourne and Balranald: during which time he became adept at Men, women and children along the line driving wagons and learnt all he could and from stations and ranches many about horses and cattle. He deemed himself miles distant, came in to see the camels, ‘thoroughly acquainted with the handling of and in nearly every instance the black horses and the management of cattle’ and natives, to whom the camels were alike ‘can do any work which can be required from a curiosity and a dread, compared them a bushman’. Murgatroyd (2002, p. 70) claimed to the emu, for the reason, I suppose, of that Brahe was chosen largely because his their long neck, for in no other feature brother was a friend of Professor Georg could I see the slightest comparison. They Neumayer. His brother, William Alexander were very shy of them, and never could Brahe, a solicitor, had arrived in Victoria one of them be induced to mount the in 1849 and later served in Victoria as animal or even go very near one. They Consul for Prussia (1868), the North German would only approach in crowds, and Confederation (1869) and the German Empire those behind, in their eagerness to see, from 1870 (Cusack 1998, p. 152). Wills would push those in front uncomfortably Snr (1863, p. 178) noted that ‘Brahe could near, and when the camel would make travel by compass and observation’. At the that gurgling sound which it often government inquiry into the expedition, does when displeased or cross, it was when asked if he had had any experience laughable to see the blacks tumble over of ‘natives before’ joining the expedition, each other to get out of his way or reach, Brahe replied ‘I have seen some in the Port for they invariably approached in squads Fairy district’. In the early 1850s there were of a dozen or more. The men had much some 83 Aboriginal people living in the Port sport with the blacks and camels, for Fairy district (Clark 1990, p. 45). They had a the latter seemed to thoroughly detest very visible presence in Port Fairy, regularly the blacks, and would show viciousness whenever they approached, and seemed to know the blacks were afraid of them (Ferguson 1888, pp. 389–390). In 1863 Ferguson successfully sued the Exploration Committee for wrongful dismissal, and received £183 6s. 8d. in lieu of damages. Ferguson was one of the few on the expedition with experience of Indigenous peoples from two continents – North America and Australia.

William Brahe was employed as an Figure 2.9: ‘Brahe of Burke’s Party’. William assistant to the expedition (see Figure 2.9). Strutt, 1861. Oil on canvas. 18.4 × 27.8 cm. In ‘A He was a Westphalian from Paderborn, Collection of Drawings in Water Colour, Ink and Germany, born in 1835. He arrived in Pencil by William Strutt R.B.C., R.Z.S. Illuminating the Burke and Wills Exploring Expedition Crossing Victoria in 1852 andworked as a digger on the Continent of Australia from Cooper’s Creek to the Ovens diggings in the neighbourhood of Carpentaria Aug. 1860 – June 1861’. Dixson Library, Beechworth and as carrier at various stations State Library of New South Wales.

31 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills shifting camp, staging corroborees and policeman in Gippsland and in 1850–51 occasionally working for wages. When asked as a corporal and then sergeant with the if he knew whether any of the other men at Native Police Corps in Victoria; after a stint the Cooper Creek depot (Patten, McDonough on the Bendigo goldfields he rejoined the and Mahomet) had any prior experience of police force where he gained the rank of the natives, Brahe replied ‘No’. senior constable at Mansfield. Murgatroyd With Ferguson’s departure, Brahe was (2002, p. 70) suggested Cowen was selected appointed foreman (Moorehead 1963, p. 55) by Burke because he was a fellow Victorian and left in charge of the depot at Cooper police officer. As a border policeman Corporal Creek, along with Patten, McDonough and Cowen accompanied a detachment of the Mahomet. Burke had instructed Brahe to Native Police Corps in Gippsland in December have minimal contact with the Aboriginal 1847. On 19 December he had a hand-to-hand people; during the four months Brahe was struggle with an Aboriginal assailant during at the depot he ‘shouted at, physically hit or which he was speared in the hand, knocked fired on Aborigines on four occasions. On the to the ground, lost and then regained his other hand, the Aborigines warned Brahe that pistol, hit his assailant over the head with it a flood was coming down the Cooper’ (Brahe and barely escaped with his life (Fels 1988, n.d. [1 March 1861] in Allen 2011, p. 256). pp. 189–190). In March 1850 he was leading a Henry Creber, born in 1834 in Liverpool, detachment of the Corps when it surprised a was a sailor and sail-maker with some group of Aborigines in the act of killing cattle experience of surveying and had spent four on Donald McLeod’s Narrung Station on the years on the goldfields. He was employed as Murray, opposite the Murrumbidgee junction an assistant to the expedition, specifically (Fels 1988, pp. 169–170). In May 1850 he to help assemble stores at Royal Park on the was stationed at Swan Hill when trooper outskirts of Melbourne. Creber had been Edward was attacked by two Swan Hill recommended for inclusion by Royal Society Aborigines known as Captain Denholm and of Victoria secretary John Macadam in case Peter, and subsequently died from injuries an inland sea was discovered (Murgatroyd (Fels 1988, p. 165).5 From December 1850 2002, p. 70). Also, ‘he was selected for until August 1851, Cowen and a detachment his knowledge of tent making, and that of the Corps were based at the Pentridge peculiar faculty displayed by sailors in fixing Stockade where they were responsible for everything gone loose in the shortest possible guard duty (Fels 1988, p. 206). Sergeant time and with the most indifferent materials Cowen resigned from the Corps in November – a faculty invaluable to an exploring 1851. He had been a policeman for 12 expedition, where delays are dangerous and years, had travelled throughout Victoria, marine stores inaccessible’ (Bonyhady 1991, tracked several criminals with success and p. 58). Burke dismissed Creber on 19 August, was ‘thoroughly acquainted with the bush’. the day before the expedition’s departure Bonyhady (1991, p. 57) considered that all from Melbourne, ‘for disrespectful language this made him a ‘likely explorer’. However, and demeanour towards Mr Landells’. Cowen was dismissed by Burke on the day of Owen Cowen,4 who was employed as the expedition’s departure ‘for drunkenness’ an assistant to the expedition, was a well- – he had participated too freely in the conducted Irish Catholic of perfectly sober celebrations and was ‘a little too hilarious habits who had acted as orderly to the through excess of beer’. Cowen’s dismissal Lieutenant-Governor, served in C.J. Tyers’ is regrettable as he was one of a handful of coastal survey, travelled 300 miles inland men originally selected who had extensive from Moreton Bay and been on both sides of experience of working and interacting with the Darling. In 1846 he served as a border Aboriginal people.

32 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition

Experience of pastoral life recruited by Burke at the Mia Mia Hotel on 26 August to attend to the expedition’s animals. Those with some experience of pastoral In his second despatch, Burke reported that life included Robert Fletcher, Charles Gray, Polongeaux ‘proved himself to be a very Alexander McPherson and John Drakeford. useful man, he is a good bushman, cook and This is important, for the remnants of driver’. Nevertheless, Burke dismissed him at Aboriginal clans often congregated on Swan Hill in mid September 1860. stations that had formed on their traditional Charles Gray, a Scottish-born former lands, where they worked as shepherds and sailor, worked as an ostler at the Lower drovers, so pastoral life should have afforded Murray Inn in Swan Hill, had worked for some opportunity to interact with Aboriginal the Cobb & Co. service between Bendigo peoples. and Swan Hill and had been a digger on the Robert Fletcher, an English-born Bendigo goldfields (see Figure 2.10). Gray gentleman who had studied medicine, was joined the expedition at Swan Hill some time employed as an assistant to the expedition, between 6 and 12 September 1860. In 1859 specifically as personal attendant to he had ridden as a jockey for John Maddern, Burke, and then as storekeeper and camel a prominent subcontractor and bricklayer groom. He had spent several years in in Swan Hill (Feldtmann 1973, p. 70); this Victoria as a bushman, labourer and wood attests to his horse-handling skills. Swan cutter. Murgatroyd (2002, p. 70) claimed he was selected because his father was a Hill police superintendent Henry Foster friend of several Exploration Committee recommended Gray to Burke as a highly members. Fletcher was dismissed by suitable addition to his retinue (Feldtmann Burke on 19 August, the day before the 1973, p. 106). According to Thomas Dick, the expedition’s departure from Melbourne, for publican at the Lower Murray Inn and Gray’s incompetence. In Burke’s second despatch, employer, Gray was ‘A stout hearty man, sent from Swan Hill on 8 September 1860, he and a better bushman was not to be found. claimed that Fletcher had resigned. There are gentlemen here who know what the John Drakeford was an English-born, Mallee Scrub is, behind Swan Hill, and I have old southern African hand who had spent sent him fifteen miles back into the scrub years in the Cape mounted police and had and he was the man to find the cattle; no man reportedly turned down the opportunity to at Swan Hill was equal to him’ (Victoria 1861– explore with Livingstone. He was employed 62, p. 63). Dick explained to the Commission as an assistant to the expedition, as camel- of inquiry that he had been Gray’s employer handler and cook. He was in India when for 15 months, and in that time Gray had Landells was buying camels, and sailed worked as a general servant, as a cook, as an to Australia with Landells, King and the ostler and as a puntman operating the punt cameleers. Bonyhady (1991, p. 58) asserted across the Murray River. Gray was one of the that Landells was responsible for Drakeford’s four that went to the Gulf of Carpentaria – appointment. Drakeford was discharged at he was responsible for handling the group’s Menindee on 14 October 1860. In 1863 he supplies and preparing meals. He died on or successfully sued the Exploration Committee about 17 April 1861 at Polygonum Swamp, for the balance of his wages (Phoenix 2011a, South Australia, some 15 miles from Cooper p. 15). Although Drakeford’s experience of Creek. Australian seems limited, he probably had Alexander ‘Sandy’ McPherson, a experience of interacting with Indigenous Scottish-born (1835) saddler working in peoples in southern Africa. Epsom, near Bendigo, joined the expedition John Polongeaux, a Frenchman who at Swan Hill on 6 September 1860. Very had worked on the Bendigo diggings, was little is known about him. In November

33 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Figure 2.10: Charles Gray. De Gruchy & Leigh Charles Gray, 1861. Lithograph. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. H37475/33.

1860, trooper Myles Lyons arrived at the arranged for a small party to accompany him. Menindee depot, from Swan Hill, with As Burke was in need of a saddler, Wright despatches from the Exploration Committee sent McPherson, and as they both required concerning the progress of John McDouall an Aboriginal guide, Dick (aka Mountain) Stuart’s abandoned expedition and new accompanied them. The three men became plans proposed by Georg Neumayer and lost and failed to deliver to despatches to Lieutenant Crawford Pasco, of Swan Hill, for Burke. Dick guided the party to Torowoto, a ship to meet the expedition at the Gulf of and returned to Menindee alone on 19 Carpentaria. Lyons insisted on delivering December. Wright sent Beckler to lead a party the despatches to Burke in person, so Wright comprising Belooch and the Aborigine, Peter,

34 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition to rescue McPherson and Lyons. Before he classical education, and yet he was the most left the pair at Torowoto, Dick had arranged evil animal of a person that I have ever for the local Aboriginal people to care for encountered’. Beckler referred to Hodgkinson them in return for ‘plenty tomahawks and as ‘an insolent, malicious lad … who shirts’ (Bonyhady 1991, p. 147). annoyed, insulted and attacked us without McPherson’s exposure to Aboriginal people exception … He alone was the scorpion, the before joining the expedition must have gnawing worm we carried with us’ (Beckler been limited, as evidenced by the following 1993, p. 93). Hodgkinson ‘was a passionate example of his naïveté in his dealings with hunter’ (Beckler 1993, p. 126) and it seems them. McPherson explained to Beckler how that one of his primary roles was to supply the Torowoto ‘natives used certain seeds the party with meat. Hodgkinson drew as food and thought that these could also several watercolours of the expedition; one be a valuable means of subsistence for depicts the Aboriginal attack on the depot us if only he could obtain the seeds and at Bulloo and a second the water hole at the grindstones used by the natives, as Korliatto. Hodgkinson subsequently became there were no stones in the whole region. I second-in-command of the John McKinlay-led (McPherson) now gave various articles that South Australian Burke Relief Expedition. I still had to a young native and beseeched Robert Bowman, who had accompanied her to go with me and show me the seeds. A.C. Gregory on his North Australian and The natives seemed angry, though, when she Leichhardt search expeditions, was recruited went with me. She remained with me until I at Tragowel Station, on the Loddon River, on had a small tin dish full of seeds, after which 4 September 1860. His original application to she promptly disappeared’ (Beckler 1993, join the expedition had been unsuccessful, pp. 74–75). Allen’s (2011, p. 263) analysis despite the fact that his credentials were was that ‘the girl and her guardians must impressive. Burke, in his second despatch, have thought that McPherson, in giving gifts reported that Bowman was ‘a man of great and asking the girl to go with him, had quite experience who was out with Gregory on two another motive in mind’. trips’. Bonyhady (1991, p. 56) considered William Oswald Hodgkinson, born he was ripe for appointment, was one of the in 1835 in Warwick, England, first came strongest applicants and had already served to Australia in 1851 when working as a with distinction with Gregory’s exploration midshipman. He returned to Australia in expedition. He ‘had vast experience of the 1853 and worked as a clerk to William desert and the tropics but was familiar with Templeton, the goldfields commissioner at the route between Moreton Bay, Cooper’s Maryborough. The following year he returned Creek and Adelaide’ (Bonyhady 1991, to England and worked in the War Office p. 88). ‘We made a good acquisition on the until 1859, when he returned to Australia morning that we left Holloways. One of the and worked as a journalist in Melbourne best of stockmen came to us, a man called for The Age. He joined the expedition at Bowman, whom Gregory had had with him Swan Hill on 10 September 1860, along with on both of his expeditions, and Mr Burke Professor Georg Neumayer who had agreed engaged him. However, he did not like it to accompany the expedition to the Darling. with us at all and he left us after only a He had known Burke when they were both few days’ (Beckler 1993, p. 24). Bonyhady working in Castlemaine. Hodgkinson was (1991, p. 95) noted that Bowman ‘had quit part of the expedition left at Menindee near Bilbaka’, most likely on account of under Wright’s leadership. Beckler described Burke’s leadership. McCann (2011, p. 295) him as ‘a talented young man, had been recorded Bowman’s resignation as near well brought up and had even enjoyed a Paika (north of Balranald) on 18 September

35 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

1860. In contrast, ‘In fact Robert Bowman suitable grazing land (Parker 2009; Allen stayed with the Expedition more than just 2011, p. 247). Wright was personally known a few days. He was the most experienced to Francis Cadell, a member of the Exploration explorer employed on the Expedition, having Committee, who was able to recommend him previously travelled with Augustus Charles to other members as an experienced bushman Gregory in the Gulf of Carpentaria, on Cooper (Bonyhady 1991, p. 148). Edward Wecker, a Creek, and down Strzelecki Creek to Mount storekeeper in Cadell’s employ at Menindee, Hopeless. Unfortunately, although he had a informed the Commission of Inquiry that comprehensive knowledge of the area the Wright ‘was well acquainted with the country Expedition was heading to, Burke dismissed between Torowoto and the Darling’ (Victoria him on 18 September 1860 in Balranald, New 1861–62, p. 25). Tolcher (1996, p. 29) South Wales’ (Phoenix 2011a, p. 97). considered he was a ‘practised bushman’. William Wright, Charles Stone, William Wright informed the Commission that he Purcell and John Smith were recruited had visited the country 20 miles beyond at Menindee, where presumably they Torowoto, towards Cooper Creek, on two would have had extensive interaction with occasions during the three years he had been Aboriginal people. Smith was of Aboriginal at Menindee (see Figure 2.11). He considered descent. he knew more of that country ‘than any William Wright was an overseer or other man on the Darling at that time’. When superintendent of John Baker’s Kinchega asked if he knew the blacks, he replied, ‘Yes: cattle station near Menindee and was I told Mr Burke before I left him that I would recruited for his local knowledge. He had procure guides to take him on to Cooper’s been overseer for three years (Beckler 1993, Creek, which I did. I got the natives that were p. 190) and was seeking new employment with me to get blacks to take him on as far after the recent sale of Kinchega. Burke as Bulloo; they left him there, and he crossed appointed Wright third-in-command. He to Cooper’s Creek without any guides. Mr. had travelled as far north as Bulloo River, Burke had guides with him to Bulloo’ (Victoria then known as Wright’s Creek, searching for 1861–62, p. 44).

Figure 2.11: On his northern trips in 1859 and in 1862, William Wright painted marks in this cave of Aboriginal paintings. Photographs: Philip A. Clarke, Mootwingee, western New South Wales, 2004.

36 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition

Wright was left in charge of the depot were circumcised, but the cicatrices in at Menindee in October 1860, along with the arms and breasts peculiar to some Beckler, Becker, Hodgkinson and Belooch, and tribes were not marked in the Torowotto was expected to follow to Cooper Creek with natives. the heavy stores. Wright was responsible Friday, 5th April, to Wednesday, for the appointments of Stone, Purcell and 17th April. Bulloo Smith. Wright would have gained some On the two occasions to which I have knowledge of the local Paakantyi people referred as advancing northerly I was at Menindee and most likely of Paakantyi- compelled to turn back from the hostility speaking people to their north, including of the natives, who, upon my camping, the Wandjiwalku, Bandjigali, Malyangapa collected in large numbers, making fires and Wadikali, and their Karnic-speaking all round me, and trying to entice Smith, neighbours including the Wangkumara of the who accompanied me, by means of their Bulloo River. Wills Snr considered Wright ‘a women. Bands often visited the camp, more ignorant being than whom could not signifying the ground to be theirs, and have been extracted from the bush. He was ordering us to move away. scarcely able to write his name’ (Wills 1863, It is interesting to note that during p. 94). However, this judgement seems overly the confrontation with Mr Shirt’s mob of harsh when Wright’s diary is considered (see Aborigines at Korliatto water hole at Bulloo below). Beckler commented that Wright had on 22 April 1862, Wright was unable to long years of association with the natives communicate with the Aborigines in any and ‘had a great knowledge’ of them (Beckler Aboriginal dialects other than by using what 1993, p. 165). Some of this knowledge is Beckler (1993, p. 169) described as ‘the reflected in the following entries from his bold expressions of Australian “bush-slang”, diary: wishing them thoroughly to the very depths Wednesday, 13th February of hell’. Shortly after our arrival at Torowotto, a Charles Stone was one of three Kinchega tribe of natives came towards us. There Station hands recruited at Menindee by were about seventeen, perfectly unarmed. William Wright. Hardy (1969, p. 119) noted A tassel tied round the loins of the men, that Stone and others had explored the and a few emu feathers depending from Barrier Ranges north-west of Menindee in the chin as ornaments, composed their 1856, travelling from Weinteriga Station, stock of clothing. They appeared to be north of Kinchega Station. Parker (2009, very healthy and in good condition. I p. 249) considered that Stone was an gave them two tomahawks and some ‘experienced bushman’. Stone had ‘many broken biscuit, endeavoring to make them years of dealing with the natives on the comprehend that I wished two of them Darling’ and was able to use their language to accompany the party. I selected two, (Beckler 1993, pp. 126, 169) although, as and gave them each a shirt. They were Parker (2009, p. 250) observed, ‘it is not clear well acquainted with the various creeks, that it was understood’ by the Aboriginal and named several places in advance, people at Bulloo. During the confrontation but our mutual ignorance of each other’s at Bulloo on 22 April 1862, between Wright’s language rendered it impossible to party and local Aborigines led by Mr Shirt, obtain any serviceable information. In ‘Poor Stone, who was lying close to death, the evening they brought their women called to them in the language of the Darling to the camp, and freely offered them natives and in the broken voice of a dying as presents in return for the few things man that they should try our patience no we had given them. Most of the males longer for we did not want to hurt them.

37 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

We should not be staying here for ever. We to watch the camels (Bonyhady 1991, p. 144). would never allow ourselves to be driven off. In his evidence to the Commission of Inquiry, Our dreadful earnestness and the voice of Smith reported that he was a stranger to the dying man speaking in a language related Menindee and the country beyond and that to there [sic] own seemed to make them he had come down to Menindee from the hesitate’ (Beckler 1993, p. 169). Stone died Murray. He had been among the blacks a at the Korliatto water hole on Bulloo River, good deal on the Murrumbidgee and about Queensland, later that day from ‘what was there. He confirmed that he was not afraid of probably a combination of scurvy and beri- the blacks and did not consider that they had beri’ (Bonyhady 1991, p. 152). any particular enmity towards him. Beckler William Purcell was another Kinchega described Smith as a native but half-caste, Station hand recruited at Menindee by Wright the son of a European and a native (Beckler and he served as the depot’s cook. He died 1993, pp. 95–99). Unfortunately, Smith’s at Korliatto water hole on Bulloo River on 23 Aboriginal language affiliation is unknown. April 1861, probably from the same diseases On the basis of his association with the that killed Stone (Bonyhady 1991, p. 152). Murray and Murrumbidgee, he may have John Smith was the third man recruited been Madi Madi, Wadi Wadi or Wiradjuri. At at Menindee by Wright. Smith, ‘a part- Bulloo, Smith was unimpressed with Beckler’s Aboriginal bushman’, had recently arrived at plan to make a meal of 48 freshly caught Menindee and on 7 December 1860 was hired rats: ‘It was our half-caste Australian who

Figure 2.12: ‘Long-haired rat, Rattus villosissimus. Camp 48, Tongowoto Waterhole, New South Wales’. Ludwig Becker. 23 February 1861. The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

38 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition objected the most and who was unable to 1861–62) makes it clear that when he found overcome his disgust. He was so dark that he himself alone on the Cooper, he resolved was more of a credit to his Australian mother to throw his lot in with the Yandruwandha, than to his European father, and one might shifting camp with them and acting dumb reasonably have expected him to be willing when they attempted to leave him behind: to eat rat flesh prepared in the European They appeared to feel great compassion manner’ (Beckler 1993, p. 163) (see Figure for me when they understood that I was 2.12). Smith remained at the Menindee depot alone on the creek, and gave me plenty under Wright’s charge. Wright’s journal (see to eat; after being four days with them above) shows that on at least one occasion I saw that they were becoming tired local Aboriginal people attempted to interact of me, and they made signs that they with Smith by offering him sexual access to were going up the creek and that I had their women. better go downwards, but I pretended not to understand them. The same day Experience working with camels they shifted camp, and I followed them, and cameleers and on reaching their camp I shot some crows, which pleased them so much that A third group of expedition members they made me a breakwind in the centre comprised those whose primary reason for of their camp, and came and sat round inclusion was their experience working with me until such time as the crows were camels: Dost Mahomet, Belooch Khan, Esau cooked, when they assisted me to eat Khan and Samla. John King is included in this them (Victoria 1861–62, p. 104). group because he was employed by Landells for his ability to speak the language of the While King’s crows endeared him to the cameleers. Yandruwandha, it was one particular act of John King, born at Moy in County kindness that ensured he became an adopted Tyrone, Ireland, in 1841, was employed as an member of that tribe: assistant to the expedition. He was an Irish The same day one of the women to whom soldier who saw duty in India and was an I had given part of the crow came and assistant teacher in the school attached to gave me a ball of nardoo, saying that she the 70th Regiment in Cawnpore, India (see would give me more only she had such a Figure 2.13). Landells met him at Karachi, sore arm that she was unable to pound. where he was convalescing from a fever. She showed me a sore on her arm, and the Given that King could speak the language thought struck me that I would boil some of the camel handlers, Landells employed water in the billy and wash her arm with him as an assistant to bring the camels from a sponge. During the operation the whole Karachi to Melbourne. Bonyhady (1991, tribe sat round and were muttering one p. 58) asserted Landells was responsible to another. Her husband sat down by her for King’s appointment to the expedition. side, and she was crying all the time. After When Landells resigned, King was given I had washed it I touched it with some responsibility for the camels. Presumably, nitrate of silver, when she began to yell, it was this responsibility that ensured that and ran off crying out ‘Mokow! Mokow!’ Burke included King in the party of four that (Fire! Fire!); from this time she and her went to the Gulf of Carpentaria. Indeed, he husband used to give me a small quantity was the sole survivor of that group and lived of nardoo both night and morning, and with the Yandruwandha Aboriginal people whenever the tribe was about going on a at Cooper Creek for three months before fishing excursion he used to give me notice he was discovered by Welch and Howitt in to go with them. They also used to assist September 1861. King’s narrative (Victoria me in making a wurley or breakwind

39 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Figure 2.13: John King. De Gruchy & Leigh John King, 1861. Lithograph. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. H37475/14.

40 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition

whenever they shifted camp. I generally McDonough, William Patten and Patrick shot a crow or a hawk, and gave it to Langan were selected as members of the them in return for these little services expedition and James McIlwaine, James (Victoria 1861–62, p. 104). Robert Lane and Brooks were employed Dost Mahomet, Belooch Khan, Esau as assistants on the day of the expedition’s Khan and Samla, were the four Sepoy departure; their earlier applications had been camel handlers employed as assistants to unsuccessful. Three hired wagon drivers – the expedition. Samla was a Hindu and Dost William Cole, George Price and M. O’Brien Mahomet, Belooch Khan and Esau Khan were – were part of the original expedition when Muslims. Samla left the expedition at Bulla it departed on Monday 20 August 1860. A on 22 August 1860, only three days into the fourth wagon driver, Frederick Morrison, journey. Becker provided an account of his was hired at Swan Hill on 10 September departure: 1860. Very little is known about the four wagon drivers. One of the Indians, Samla, begged of Mr. Little is known about the Irish-born Landells to discharge him; his religion Thomas Francis McDonough. Murgatroyd (being a Hindu) would not allow him to (2002, p. 70) claimed that McDonough eat meat, except mutton, and this only if may have been employed because he knew the sheep was killed by himself. The poor Burke in Ireland, was a friend of his in fellow looked very poorly indeed having Castlemaine and claimed the leader as one had nothing for the last three days but of his ‘particular friends’ (Bonyhady 1991, bread and plenty of work. He saw it was p. 58). His bush experience is unrecorded. impossible for him to remain with us McDonough was left at the depot at Cooper without breaking his faith. After receiving Creek, under the charge of Brahe. During the wages due to him he touched with the Commission of Inquiry, McDonough his fingers mother Earth and then his was asked if the ‘blacks at Cooper’s Creek’ forhead [sic], and blessing Mr Landells alarmed him much: and the men near him, this good man No, I have been with them; the first time went his way towards Melbourne, his eyes we met them at the depot camp the sepoy full of tears (Tipping 1979, p. 193). came in in a very excited manner, and Esau Khan was a Baluchi from Qalat, Mr Burke sent me out; the sepoy stated Baluchistan (now Pakistan) and was dismissed that the blackfellows were outside, he at Swan Hill on account of illness (see Figure was trembling all over. I went out, I had 2.14). Dost Mahomet was from Ghazni, my revolver and my gun out with me. Afghanistan and was part of the party that There were about fifty of them, and they remained at the depot at Cooper Creek, under thought to feel my ribs to see if I was Brahe’s charge. He ‘had trouble in coping with afraid, and I caught one and heaved him the presence of Aborigines, of whom he had a down and fired my revolver over his head mortal fear’ (Rajkowski 1987, p. 10). Belooch and they ran away about one hundred Khan was a Parsi, probably from Baluchistan yards distance. Did you fire at them? – (see Figure 2.15). He was dismissed at No, only to frighten them. Then you did Balranald but was reinstated and was left at not as a party feel any particular dread Menindee under the charge of Wright. of them? No, I never felt any dread of them; I knew they were cowardly and that Bush experience unrecorded a few shots would disperse them (Victoria The final group of expedition members 1861–62, p. 19). comprised eleven men whose bush Patrick Langan, an Irish-born sawyer, experience is unknown. Thomas cook and butcher, was employed as an

41 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Figure 2.14: Isaah or Esau Khan, 1860. William Strutt. Pencil. Burke and Wills Sketchbook, Victorian Parliamentary Library.

42 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition

Figure 2.15: Belooch, 1860. William Strutt. Pencil. Burke and Wills Sketchbook, Victorian Parliamentary Library.

43 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills assistant to the expedition. Murgatroyd at Menindee. Of those who joined the (2002, p. 70) claimed Langan was selected expedition during its journey northwards, because he knew Burke in Castlemaine. at least six men – Bowman, Gray, Purcell, His bush experience is unrecorded. He was Stone, Wright and presumably Smith – had discharged at Balranald on 14 September bush experience. Bowman had probably 1860. King reported he was sacked for ‘bad the most experience of exploration, but he conduct’ (Bonyhady 1991, p. 91). did not remain with the expedition long. In William Patten, an Irish blacksmith and terms of interaction with Aboriginal peoples, armourer from Loughriscoues in County at least 10 members had some experience: Down, was employed as an assistant to the they included Wills, Becker, Beckler, Cowen, expedition. Murgatroyd (2002, p. 70) claimed Bowman, Ferguson, Wright, Stone, Purcell and Patten’s selection may be explained because Smith. Cowen, who had been an officer in the he knew Burke in Ireland, although Bonyhady Native Police Corps in Victoria, probably had (1991, p. 58) suggested he was known to the most experience, as a non-Aborigine, of Burke in Castlemaine. His bush experience is working with and among Aboriginal people. unrecorded. Patten was left at the depot at Seven men died during the expedition – Cooper Creek, under the charge of Brahe. He Becker, Gray, Purcell, Stone, Patten, Burke died near Rat Point, New South Wales, on 5 and Wills – five of whom had varying degrees June 1861, from scurvy. of bush experience and of dealing with James Robert Lane was appointed to Aboriginal peoples. Burke and Patten are not the expedition on 20 August 1860, the day known to have possessed either. It therefore of departure, as a wagon driver. He was has to be acknowledged that neither previous discharged at Swan Hill on 6 September bush experience nor prior experience of 1860. Brooks was also hired on the day dealing with Aboriginal people could prevent of departure and discharged at Swan Hill five of the seven deaths. Allen (2011, p. 264) on 6 September 1860. Very little is known argued that the expedition’s ‘failure to fully about him – we do not even know his first observe how the Aborigines were living off name. James McIlwaine (born 1833) was the countryside was an important factor in discharged at Balranald on 16 September the seven deaths. Dietary deficiencies in the 1860. form of scurvy [vitamin C deficiency] and beri-beri [a deficiency of thiamine, vitamin Conclusion B1, in the diet] contributed to both the deaths and the illnesses’. Bonyhady (1991, This analysis of the bush experience of the p. 311) poignantly observed that ‘More 30 men who at various times were members than any other event in nineteenth century of the Victorian Exploring Expedition, in Australia, the deaths of Burke and Wills at particular their interaction with Aboriginal Cooper Creek have come to represent both peoples, has shown that the 19th-century the unwillingness of the Europeans to learn view that almost to a man they were unsuited from the Aborigines and their more general to their task is overly simplistic. At least six inability to understand the land.’ men who were chosen as part of the original expedition had bush experience – these include Becker, Beckler, Cowen, Drakeford, Endnotes Ferguson and Fletcher. Unfortunately, four 1 Professor Georg Balthasar Neumayer of them did not remain with the expedition joined the expedition at Swan Hill and for long: Cowen and Fletcher were dismissed travelled with it as far as Bilbarka; before the expedition left Royal Park in however, given his tenure was never Melbourne, Ferguson was dismissed at intended to be anything more than short- Balranald and Drakeford was dismissed term he is not part of this chapter. Nor is

44 The members of the Victorian Exploring Expedition

trooper Myles Lyons, who travelled with Beckler H (1872) ‘Die Ureinwohner the expedition from Tragowel Station to Australiens’. Jahresbericht des Vereins fur Swan Hill (Feldtmann 1973, p. 105) and Erdkunde zu Dresden 8, 195. later attempted to deliver despatches Beckler H (1993) A Journey to Cooper’s Creek to Burke, failing to do so and almost (trans. and eds S Jeffries and M Kertesz). perishing. Several Aboriginal guides, such Melbourne University Press and State as Dick, Mountain, Peter, Bullingani, Sandy Library of Victoria, Melbourne. and Frank, were employed in New South Bonyhady T (1991) Burke and Wills: From Wales and Queensland; however, they are Melbourne to Myth. David Ell Press, Sydney. not considered in this chapter. Cahir DA (2006) Black gold: a history of the 2 Translated, the title of the 1867 article role of Aboriginal people on the goldfields is ‘Corroboree: a contribution to the of Victoria, 1850–1870. Unpublished PhD knowledge of music among the Australian dissertation, University of Ballarat. population’ and that of the 1872 article is Clark ID (1990) Aboriginal Languages and ‘The Aborigines of Australia’. Clans: An Historical Atlas of Western and 3 Tipping (1991, p. 92) identified these Central Victoria, 1800-1900. Monash skulls as being those of King John, a Publications in Geography, Monash youthful chief of the Adelaide tribe, University. another of a very old man from the Port Cusack F (ed.) (1998) Bendigo: The German Phillip district and the third of a member Chapter. German Heritage Society, of the Warrnambool tribe. Bendigo. 4 Fels (1988) and other authors have Dixon RMW, Ramson WS and Thomas M ‘Cowan’. (1992) Australian Aboriginal Words in 5 We can only wonder if any of these English: Their Origin and Meaning. Oxford Aboriginal men were among the University Press, Oxford. Aborigines who welcomed the expedition Feldtmann A (1973) Swan Hill. Rigby, into Swan Hill in September 1860 and Adelaide. who ‘seemed intoxicated with joy and excitement, and they came hurrying in Fels MH (1988) Good Men and True. to witness the wonderful cavalcade’. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. ‘Benjamin Gummow’s son recalled that Ferguson CD (1888) The Experiences of a some 400 local Aborigines staged a Forty-niner during Thirty-four Years’ corroboree for the visitors’ (Phoenix Residence in California and Australia. 2011a, p. 99). Williams Publishing Co., Cleveland, Ohio. Grimm G (1888) The Australian Explorers: References Their Labours, Perils and Achievements … George Robertson and Co., Melbourne. Allen H (2011) The space between: Aboriginal people, the Victorian Exploring Expedition Hardy B (1969) West of the Darling. Jacaranda and relief parties. In Burke and Wills: Press, Brisbane. The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian Howitt AW (1904) The Native Tribes of South Exploring Expedition. (Eds EB Joyce and DA East Australia. Macmillan, London. McCann) pp. 245–274. CSIRO Publishing, McCann DA (2011) Expedition personnel. In Melbourne. Burke and Wills: The Scientific Legacy of Beckler H (1867) Corroberri: Ein Beitrag zur the Victorian Exploring Expedition. (Eds EB Kenntnis der Musik bei den australischen Joyce and DA McCann) pp. 294–295. CSIRO Ureinwohnern. Globus 13, 82–84. Publishing, Melbourne.

45 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Mereweather JD (1859) Diary of a Working the Development of Australian Science, Clergyman in Australia and Tasmania, kept Exploration and the Arts. (Eds D Walker during the Years 1850–1853: including and J Tampke) pp. 81–107. University of his Return to England by way of Java, New South Wales Press, Sydney. Singapore, Ceylon and Egypt. Hatchard, Tolcher HM (1996) Drought or Deluge: Man London. in the Cooper’s Creek Region. Wild and Moorehead A (1963) Cooper’s Creek. Hamish Woolley, Sydney. Hamilton, London. Turner HG (1904) A History of the Colony of Murgatroyd S (2002) The Dig Tree. Text Victoria. 2 vols. Longmans, Green and Co., Publishing, Melbourne. London. Parker D (2009) Outback: The Discovery of Van der Kiste J (2011) William John Wills: Australia’s Interior. Woodslane Press, Pioneer of the Australian Outback. The Sydney. History Press, Stroud, Gloucestershire. Phoenix D (2011a) Following Burke and Wills Victoria (1858–59) Legislative Council, Votes across Victoria: A Touring Guide. Phoenix, and Proceedings. Report of the Select Vorrath and Dorahy, Cairns. Committee of the Legislative Council on the Aborigines, together with the Phoenix D (2011b) Biographies of the proceedings of the Committee, Minutes principal scientists. In Burke and Wills: of Evidence, and Appendices. Victorian The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian Government Printer, Melbourne. Exploring Expedition. (Eds EB Joyce and DA McCann) pp. 296–301. CSIRO Publishing, Victoria (1861–62) Burke and Wills Melbourne. Commission. Report of the Commissioners Appointed to Enquire into and Report Rajkowski P (1987) In the Tracks of the upon the Circumstances Connected with Camelmen. Angus and Robertson, Sydney. the Sufferings and Death of Robert O’Hara Rusden GW (1897) History of Australia. Burke and William John Wills, the Victorian 3 vols. Melville, Mullen and Slade, Explorers. Presented to both Houses of Melbourne. Parliament by His Excellency’s Command. Tenison-Woods JE (1865) History of the John Ferres Government Printer, Discovery and Exploration of Australia : or; Melbourne. An Account of the Progress of Geographical Villiers E (2012) John King: Ireland’s Forgotten Discovery in that Continent, from the Explorer – Australia’s First Hero. Ulster Earliest Period to the Present Day. 2 vols. S. Historical Foundation, Belfast. Low, Son and Marston, London. Wills W (ed.) (1863) A Successful Exploration Tipping M (ed.) (1979) Ludwig Becker: Artist through the Interior of Australia, from and Naturalist with the Burke and Wills Melbourne to the Gulf of Carpentaria. Expedition. Melbourne University Press on From the Journals and Letters of William behalf of the Library Council of Victoria, John Wills. Edited by his Father, William Melbourne. Wills. Richard Bentley, London. Tipping M (1991) Ludwig Becker and Eugene Wright W Diary, Pamamaro Creek, 26 von Guerard: German artists and the January–21 June 1861. 92 pp. MS. State Aboriginal habitat. In From Berlin to the Library of Victoria, MS 13071. Box 2083/3 Burdekin: The German Contribution to (b) MSM 435 Reel 12 (v).

46 Chapter 3

‘Exploring is a killing game only to those who do not know anything about it’: William Lockhart Morton and other contemporary views about the Victorian Exploring Expedition and its fate

Ian D. Clark

Introduction One of the most stinging critiques of the Royal Society of Victoria and its selection and management of the Burke and Wills Victorian Exploring Expedition came from one of its own members – William Lockhart Morton (see Figure 3.1). This chapter analyses 19th-century writings of the expedition through the prism of Morton’s critique. The consensus of historians who wrote during the expedition’s golden jubilee years was that the most significant failings of the various members of expedition were their inexperience with exploration, their lack of bush craft and their ignorance of the best ways to interact with Indigenous people. Alfred William Howitt, whose relief party found John King living with the Figure 3.1: William Morton, n.d. Photographed T.F. Yandruwandha at Cooper Creek and who Chuck. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. found the skeletal remains of Burke and Accession no. H5056/277.

47 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Wills, agreed with Morton’s critique that which saw the death of seven members, the expedition members’ lack of bush craft, including Burke and Wills (see Figure 3.2). especially in relation to a knowledge of Many sought explanations for the demise Aboriginal people, was a vital factor in the of Burke and Wills and put the blame on disastrous outcome. poor choices, human failings or simply ‘bad ‘Exploring is a killing game only to those luck’. Morton’s critique will be contrasted who do not know anything about it’ (The with the early writings of the expedition Argus 11 January 1862). This is a sentence and an assessment made of the extent to in a letter to the editor of The Argus from which his analysis was shared by other early William Lockhart Morton, a member of the commentators. Royal Society of Victoria who was openly Early histories of the expedition included critical of the lack of experience of most various newspaper pamphlets (The Argus of the members of the Victorian Exploring 1861; The Age 1861; The Herald 1861); a Expedition. This chapter looks at the seven-part newspaper series by William material written about the expedition, led by Lockhart Morton (Yeoman and Australian Robert O’Hara Burke and William John Wills, Acclimatiser 1861–62), Randell (1978), spanning its golden jubilee period from Jackson (1862), Wills (1863),2 Pyke (1889) and 1861 to 1911.1 Many of the early histories of Watson (1911). There are also publications Victoria and Australia were concerned with by three expedition members – physician the tragedy and misfortune of the expedition and botanical collector, Herman Beckler

Figure 3.2: Robert O’Hara Burke and William John Wills. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. H6417. Burke is on the right.

48 ‘Exploring is a killing game only to those who do not know anything about it’

(Jeffries 1993); foreman, Charles Ferguson I think of that fine, noble-hearted man – the (1888) and expedition assistant William Brahe leader of the Expedition – as he appeared (1910) – and by Alfred William Howitt, who to me, shortly before he started, – looking led one of the relief expeditions (Howitt replete with life and vigour … and also, full 1901, 1907).3 Georg Neumayer (1864), who of hope, as I saw him when he spoke to me joined the expedition for a short time, also of his anticipated explorings’. Heywood left an account of his experiences with the (1863, p. 116) considered the Aboriginal expedition (see Figure 3.3).4 There are official adoption of King corroborated the view that reports, despatches and letters prepared by Aborigines ‘would always feed a starving various members of the expedition, such as white man lost in the Bush, and pass him Burke, Wills and Becker, and journals and on to a Station’. Marquis de Beauvoir (1870, diaries kept by various members, such as p. 55) considered that the monument in William Wright. It was also the subject of Melbourne consecrated the misfortune of a Commission of Inquiry (Victoria 1862). the expedition, and that the magnitude of The expedition is discussed in general its disasters eclipsed the magnificence of its histories of Australia and Victoria, such as preparations. He formed the view that Burke Wildey (1876), Clarke (1877), Blair (1878), was ‘greedy of fame, and full of contempt Allen (1882), Jenks (1896), Rusden (1897) for gain, fired with heroic ardour and almost and Turner (1904), and in general histories exaggerated enthusiasm. But the excess of of exploration, including Tenison-Woods these qualities was the cause of his loss, and (1865), Favenc (1888, 1908), Grimm (1888), of those who went with him’. He was ‘too Long (1903) and Scott (1910). Blair (1878), impetuous, too anxious for the future, to be Jenks (1896), Long (1903) and Watson (1911) able to command with coolness’ (Marquis de presented descriptive accounts of the Beauvoir 1870, p. 56). Hill and Hill (1875, expedition and did not discuss in any detail p. 264) commented that the natives had what may have prevented the deaths of so shown great kindness to Burke and Wills, many men. and that King, who had fallen into their Several 19th-century travellers discussed friendly hands, owed his life to them. They the expedition in published accounts of observed that among ‘the illustrative groups their experiences in Victoria (Aspinall 1862; sculptured on the monument the humanity Heywood 1863; Marquis de Beauvoir 1870; of the blacks is commemorated’. Henry Barker 1872; Hill and Hill 1875; Cornish Cornish (1975, p. 115), an Anglo-Indian 1975 [1880]; Marin La Meslee 1979 [1883]; from Madras, considered the Melbourne Lucas 1888; Comettant 1980 [1890]). monument an ‘impressive tableaux’ and Bickford (1878) discussed the expedition in his brief discussion of the expedition his reminiscences of Christian missionary highlighted King’s connection with India. work in Australia.5 The numerous visitors to Lucas (1888) presented a descriptive account Victoria in the latter half of the 19th century of the expedition that took the form of a who discussed the expedition often did so tribute to the courage and bravery of Burke in the context of the various monuments and Wills. For Lady Barker (1872, p. 3), the erected in memory of the exploring party. Burke and Wills monument in Melbourne Clara Aspinall (1862, p. 237f), for example, caused grief at the recollection of the lives visited Melbourne at the time of the ‘sacrificed to carelessness and neglect of expedition’s departure and recalled it as a orders’. Barker (1872, p. 7f) noted, ‘Looking ‘grand spectacle’. When she heard news of at it dispassionately, and with the most the death of Burke and Wills from starvation, earnest wish not to depreciate Mr. Burke’s she was filled with ‘heart-felt sorrow’. character or services, I cannot make myself ‘Indeed, it is difficult to me to realise it, when think he was fitted to be the head of such

49 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Figure 3.3: Professor Georg Balthasar Neumayer. Frederick Frith, 1864. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. H3850. an Expedition. He must have been from all There is forethought, decision, clearness, accounts absolutely fearless of danger, of and conciseness in giving orders, and much great physical strength, generous, loyal, and more which cannot be set down here.’ From noble as any Paladin of old. But, alas! there is the various accounts available, Barker (1872, something more required for a leader of men. p. 12) formed the view that Burke was ‘hasty

50 ‘Exploring is a killing game only to those who do not know anything about it’ in his judgements, sanguine, warm, and possessed little acquaintance with Australian impulsive, a man to love, but not to follow’. exploration, and was destitute of special Tenison-Woods (1865, vol. 2, p. 349) qualifications for the work, his appointment considered the appointment of Burke has generally been regarded as a mistake on was ‘an unfortunate one, and but that the the part of the committee’. Rusden (1897, committee was composed of men who (with vol. 2, p. 112) considered Burke lacked the one exception)6 knew little or nothing about kindly patriarchal control needed to win the exploration, it would have been inexcusable. affection of the native race, and lamented Burke was not a bushman, knew nothing that the expedition was ‘unaccompanied by of the practical duties of a surveyor, had an Australian native whose skill as a hunter not been many years in the colony, and, would have spared the carried food for as far as can be gathered, had not had his emergencies’. Turner (1904, vol. 2, p. 105) attention especially directed to Australian took the view that Burke, as leader, ‘proved geography or exploration.’ Jackson (1862, to be deficient in the necessary qualifications p. 8f) described how Burke, once appointed of tact and patience’ and ‘knew nothing of leader of the expedition, ‘diligently prepared bush-craft or surveying, and was without any himself for it, by devoting himself, with his experience in dealing with the aborigines’. habitual energy, to qualifying for it in every The Commission of Inquiry of 1861–62, in possible way. He at once commenced an a summary of its findings into the deaths of active examination of the records of previous Burke, Wills and Gray, found that Burke had explorers, so as to become thoroughly made an error of judgement in appointing acquainted with whatever had befallen them, Wright to an important command; that as well as to acquire such knowledge of the Burke’s decision to depart from Cooper Creek interior, and remote coasts, as had already for Carpentaria before Wright’s depot party been placed on record.’ Wildey (1876, p. 246) had arrived from Menindee was imprudent; observed that Burke was ‘totally ignorant that Wright’s conduct in remaining so long of bush life’; Allen (1882, p. 98) agreed at Torowoto was reprehensible; that the that Burke ‘had no bush experience, but Exploration Committee of the Royal Society was a man of great daring and indomitable of Victoria committed errors of a serious courage’. Scott (1910, p. 309) concurred nature in overlooking the importance of that Burke’s ‘lack of qualifications for the a despatch from Burke at Torowoto, and position was only too clearly proved by in not urging Wright’s departure from the uninterrupted sequence of blunder and the Darling; and that Brahe’s decision to disaster which makes up the story of the abandon the depot at Cooper Creek was expedition … He was no bushman; knew ‘most unfortunate’. It was also critical of nothing of surveying.’ Burke’s failure to possess a systematic plan Marcus Clarke (1877, p. 201f) took the of operations (Victoria 1861–62). Curiously, view that the expedition was part of ‘a the commission made no comment on the most glorious era in history of Australian experience and qualifications of the men discovery … But it is sad to think that selected by the Exploration Committee, nor a few forgotten fishhooks would have did it make any reference to the expedition’s preserved their lives.7 It is lamentable to failure to use Aboriginal guides in a read of the blunders of some, the gross systematic way. Howitt (1907, 2007, p. 30), neglect of others, and of the series of who led the relief expedition that discovered appalling disasters which followed from King and found the skeletal remains of inexperience, incapacity, and rashness.’ Burke and Wills, agreed with the findings Grimm (1888, p. 168) argued that although and attempted to explain Burke’s failings as Burke was a ‘brave and generous man’, ‘he expedition leader – he believed Burke made

51 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills numerous errors of judgement because ‘he places, though no more fit than children, did not possess that kind of knowledge from having friends in the government which is absolutely necessary to enable or in the Royal Society’ (Ferguson 1888, even the bravest and most determined p. 382). Upon his appointment as foreman man to be the successful leader of such an Ferguson commenced the task of ‘breaking expedition as was committed to his charge’. in’ the men: ‘for most of them were not In a telling observation, he noted: ‘The only only inexperienced but illy [sic] adapted way in which I can account for the inability by habits of life for the service. They were of Burke, Wills, and King to do more for from England, Ireland and Scotland, and their sustenance than collect nardoo is that had come out with letters of introduction not one of them had bush experience or to people of influence in the colonies who knowledge of the food which the natives felt under obligation to do something for procured. Among many other sources of them, and this was the grand opportunity supply there were fish, crayfish (yabbies), and they embraced it. Most of them having and mussels in the waterholes, and plenty of been brought up “a gentleman,” as the term pigeons’ (Howitt 2007, pp. 37–38). is understood in England, they knew nothing Two members are on record as critical of of hard work, and, besides, they were one aspects of the expedition and its leadership. and all, as a matter of course, pre-eminently Dr Herman Beckler, who was appointed to ignorant of frontier, or, as it is there called, the expedition as its physician and botanical bush life, and consequently wholly unfit for collector, expressed concern about Burke’s an expedition of that kind’ (Ferguson 1888, appointment in personal correspondence. In p. 385).9 Ferguson recalled a remark he made a letter to his brother Carl, he commented in answer to Burke seeking his opinion of that Burke was ‘an ordinary person, certainly the men: ‘I told him if I could have my way I not an unattractive leader for me, but in would select my men from some of the old no way adequate to his office. Leader of experienced bush-men in the prison, rather an expedition, but completely ignorant than start out across the continent with such of the land, totally blind as to geography raw recruits; that I did not believe one-half of and astronomy. And this complete lack them could harness up a team and drive it. is not unknown to the Committee, or the And my assertion proved even more true, for Royal Society, or the Government or even there was not even one man among them that the public … A geographical expedition could put together a four-horse team and without [scientific] support is to proceed drive it afterwards’ (Ferguson 1888, p. 386). into the Australian interior without an Beckler and Ferguson were critical of astronomer, without a geologist … What the choices made by the Royal Society of will be the result? – Nothing’ (Beckler 1993, Victoria, but the harshest criticism came p. xxvi).8 Charles Ferguson, the expedition’s from a Royal Society member, William foreman, published his reminiscences Lockhart Morton. Morton was one of the almost 30 years after his resignation from unsuccessful candidates for leadership of the expedition and was equally unflattering the expedition (Bonyhady 1991, p. 74) and, of many of his colleagues. He commented while this may have prejudiced his view of on the difficulty of gaining government the successful candidate, Burke, and other positions and how men unfit for positions members of the exploration party, his views were able to secure them nonetheless: deserve to be considered.10 William Wills ‘knowing the difficulty there was in getting (1863, p. 91), the father of William J. Wills, position in government affairs without alluding to the criticisms of Morton and powerful friends to back one, while at the others, referred to the disquiet surrounding same time there were plenty who could get Burke’s appointment thus: ‘Mr. Burke’s

52 ‘Exploring is a killing game only to those who do not know anything about it’ appointment called forth discussions and April 1861), Dr Thomas Embling (The Argus strong comments in the Melbourne papers. 24 April 1861), W.R. Whitehorn, an expatriate Gentlemen who considered their own South African explorer (The Argus 8 January qualifications as superior to his, and their 1862, 16 January 1862), a contributor using friends who thought with them, expressed the nom de plume ‘Sohoben’ (The Argus 10 their opinions with more ardour than justice July 1861), and squatter E.M. Curr (The Argus or delicacy in their respective organs’. 16 January 1862).12 Morton was one of the first to analyse the fate of the expedition and William Lockhart Morton’s consider what actions may have prevented public debate the loss of life. Specifically, he argued that there would have been no loss of life if William Lockhart Morton had explored a large the following issues had been addressed portion of the unoccupied northern districts satisfactorily by the Royal Society: ‘first, of Queensland in the late 1850s, and read by starting at the proper season from the a paper entitled ‘Notes of a recent personal Darling; secondly, by making such prudent visit to the unoccupied and northern districts and definite arrangements and calculations of Queensland’ before the Royal Society as were necessary for a successful and safe on 23 January 1860 (The Argus 24 January return; and, thirdly, that all the party should 1860). In the audience were various members not have been new chums, but such thorough of the Victorian Exploring Expedition. Morton bushmen, that if everything else failed, explained that he discussed ‘particulars of they could live as well as the aboriginal the grand, but waterless, country we had inhabitants’ (The Argus 5 November 1861). seen, and furnished such information as I Morton explained his argument in more thought might be useful to the explorers detail in other letters to the newspaper. about to start, knowing that they possessed He was particularly critical of Wright’s and little, if any, bush knowledge or experience’ Brahe’s inability to discern the differences (Randell 1978, p. 167).11 This lack of bush between Aboriginal camp fires and non- craft was something Morton was particularly Aboriginal camp fires, when they returned to concerned about; in June 1861, he sent the Dig tree at the Cooper Creek depot and a letter to The Argus in which he called were unable to tell that Burke’s party had attention to the ominous absence of news been there: from the expedition, ‘pointing out, that although under ordinary circumstances there With the exception of Mr. Wright, I would have been no occasion for anxiety, in believe none of the party pretended to be their case the want of bush knowledge and experienced bushmen, and it therefore experience might lead to a terrible disaster cannot be reflection against either the – such as I had publicly forecast before living or the dead to refer to their want the expedition left Melbourne, but in vain’ of bushmanship. Even when by want (Randell 1978, p. 173). of arrangement and want of a proper Over the next 12 months Morton understanding, Mr. Burke’s party returned conducted an open debate through the to the abandoned camp, and were every pages of The Argus in which he called for an day fast perishing from want, had Messrs. inquiry into all matters connected with the Brahe and Wright been sharp, observant management of the ill-fated expedition. He bushmen, they must, upon their return also published an account of the expedition to the Cooper’s Creek camp, have noticed in a seven-part newspaper series in the that Burke’s party or some other white Yeoman and Australian Acclimatiser (1861– men had been there. These gentlemen 62). Others who joined the fray included have stated that they saw several places Professor Georg Neumayer (The Argus 23 where there had been fires, as they

53 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

thought, made by blacks. Any bushman fully proved by one extract from King’s knows how absurd this is, and how fully it narrative. After stating that he had fired proclaims their want of bush knowledge his revolver over a black-fellow’s head or bush skill in observing. A black fellow’s through what appears to have been a fire is no more like that of a white man’s groundless fear of his attacking him, than a gum tree is like a pine ( The Argus he says, ‘Mr. Burke, hearing the report, 6 November 1861). came back, and we saw no more of them Furthermore, Morton believed experienced till late that night, when they came with bushmen did not perish from starvation: some cooked fish, and called out “white fellow”. Mr. Burke then went out with his There can be but one opinion amongst revolver, and found a whole tribe coming experienced and intelligent men as to the down, all painted, and with fish in small want of bush knowledge displayed by the nets, carried by two men. Mr. Burke various members of the late exploration went to meet them, and they wished to party, and all such must own that surround him, but he knocked as many wherever there is water, no really good of the nets of fish out of their hands as bushman – who has always a thousand he could, and shouted out to me to fire. resources within himself – can die of I did so, and they ran off. We collected starvation in any part of Australia ( The five small nets of cooked fish. The reason Argus 4 January 1862). he would not accept the fish from them Of the various members of the expedition, was that he was afraid of being too Morton held the following view: friendly, lest they should always be at Then, as to the total inexperience of the our camp.’ The fears which made them members of the whole party, from the treat the blacks after this fashion were leader downwards, I shall not have the undoubtedly wholly groundless. If they slightest difficulty in adducing proofs. had meant to attack the ‘white fellows’ None of them knew how to travel, none they would not have brought cooked fish of them knew how to provide themselves with them. with food, and none of them knew how to When Brahe was examined before act towards the tribes of aboriginals they the commission of inquiry, I find him came in contact with. It was undoubtedly making the following most extraordinary this total absence of bush knowledge admission, as appears in page 8 of the which ultimately proved fatal to Burke published pamphlet. When asked about and Wills … the fish in Cooper’s Creek, he said – ‘We But from want of bush knowledge, with only got a few fish. We could only catch plenty of fish hooks up to the very last – them by bailing out waterholes. There for I find some were given to the blacks were abundance of fish, but none of a few days before Burke and Wills died – us knew how to catch them’. Yet in the when the three survivors were cast upon same Cooper’s Creek, from which the their own resources, two of them died depot party had to retreat for want of of want where an experienced bushman provisions, and where Burke and Wills could have found plenty of food. The died of want, Howitt mentions that from numerous tribes of blacks at Cooper’s three o’clock in the afternoon till sunset Creek do not live without food, and I two of his men caught 72lb. weight of shall prove from Howitt that there is fish.13 Brahe further states, in the same plenty of food there for those who know page, ‘I have no experience with blacks, how to procure it. That the party did nor had any of those with me.’ Again, not know how to treat the blacks can be as will be found in page 10, when asked

54 ‘Exploring is a killing game only to those who do not know anything about it’

about his return with Wright to Cooper’s them; show to them that you are not to Creek, whether he did not see tracks be trifled with. Shooting at blacks is, of and fire-places (those of Burke and Wills, course, always to, if possible, be avoided, who had by that time returned from and it is very seldom necessary where Carpentaria), he further shows his want order and regularity are maintained in a of bush experience by saying he saw party; and then, when they must be fired no tracks, as there had been so many upon, the kind of shot known as AA is the rats about. Why, the first thing that a best – it stings but does not kill. Neither bushman does if he wants to know if revenge nor any other feeling will induce any blacks have been near, is to examine them to attack the same party, unless the edge of the water-holes. Again, he a chance be given them ( The Argus 4 says – ‘There is a good deal of difference January 1862). between the tracks of white men and Morton’s assessment of King’s survival natives. Of course, if the white men were was pragmatic: ‘King, of the Burke and Wills barefooted, I could not have seen the exploring party, was kindly treated by the difference’. Why, the barefooted tracks same Cooper’s Creek blacks, and so would of a white man are totally different from the leaders themselves if they had not those of the natives; in the tracks of the frightened the blacks by firing over their latter the greatest width of the foot is at heads when they came up with an offering the extremities of the toes, are nearly all of cooked fish; but King was destitute of of the same length. worldly goods, and there was nothing to I think I have … proved that the whole of be gained by killing him’ (Randell 1978, the party started by the committee did pp. 154–155). not possess the requisite bush knowledge or experience, and that, had this been The contribution of ‘Sohoben’ otherwise, Burke and Wills need not have On 10 July 1861, The Argus published a perished of want, and Brahe need not letter, titled ‘Blacks and Exploration’, under have abandoned the depot at Cooper’s the nom de plume ‘Sohoben’. It is worth 14 Creek … ( The Argus 3 February 1863). quoting in full: Morton described the best way to interact Will you give publicity to what I have with Aboriginal people when exploring in to say relating to the exploring party? remote regions. He even recommended the Some eight months ago I saw Mr. Burke kind of shot to use when needing to fire upon and party leave here on their arduous Aborigines: undertaking, for arduous I admit it to The attack of savages is sudden and be. I then stated the end would be grief, unexpected, and in those few parts where as I plainly saw the men were not up to they are numerous and ferocious they the achievement of the great task they require to be watched – that is, your had undertaken; for they omitted one of camp must be watched by night; but their most essential requirements, and what would be the wisdom of springing which men accustomed to their work Catherine-wheels all night long!15 No never would have been guilty of – they doubt the savages would be frightened neglected to take blacks with them. Such by anything that might appear to them men as Leichhardt, Mitchell, Kennedy, as supernatural, but the blackfellow is and others, knew too well the worth of the not such a fool as to be long deceived. natives, in bush travelling, to go without The best way is to keep them at a proper them. For the truth of what I state I refer distance – have no familiarities with you to history, for even the aboriginals

55 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

are historical. In what position would part of the expedition from its beginning. the lamented Leichhardt have been, in This issue is considered in further detail in hundreds of instances, had blacks not Chapters 4 and 15. been part of the party? The only man saved out of Kennedy’s party was the Conclusion black Jaka Jaka; and Sir Thomas Mitchell The most articulate critic of the selection in all his expeditions had blacks with him. of the various members of the expedition, I am convinced of the valuable services particularly of its leaders, was William of these men on such expeditions, that Lockhart Morton, a member of the Royal I would never think of starting without Society of Victoria. Although it may be them; and had Mr. Burke taken these tempting to set aside Morton’s views as little men with him, both himself and party more than sour words from an unsuccessful would have been in a different position applicant for the position of expedition at this moment; we should not have to leader, the support his views received from send relieving parties after him. Well other contemporary critics associated with known to every old colonist, who has the expedition, such as Beckler, Howitt and travelled in Australia, is the inestimable Ferguson, means that his arguments cannot value of blacks – their intuitive instinct be dismissed so readily. Morton’s argument in finding water, food, in tracking, and is straightforward – that the expedition their knowledge of the habits of other members should have possessed sufficient tribes, and their facility of obtaining bush craft that if everything went awry information from them, which is perfectly they would be able to live as well as local out of the power of whites to do, unless Aboriginal people. It was evident that Burke, half aboriginals themselves by training Wills, Gray and King did not possess such – something like the volunteers are like bush craft; Gray, Wills and Burke died on soldiers of the line. And now, Sir, to the return trip from Carpentaria, and King show you what faith is (by experience), I owed his survival to the local Yandruwandha would start for the Gulf of Carpentaria people of Cooper Creek who willingly took tomorrow, with a party of eight (four him into their care. Beckler and Ferguson whites and four blacks), at one-tenth both commented on Burke’s ignorance of of the cost of the late expedition. Yes, the land. When Howitt was at Cooper Creek accomplish it, too. There should be no he identified many sources of food other ‘ifs’ in the case; succeed I would. I beg to than nardoo, such as fish, yabbies mussels remain yours faithfully, SOHOBEN. and pigeons, and could only explain the The identity of Sohoben is unknown – it is demise of Burke and Wills by asserting that possibly Morton, but this seems unlikely as none had ‘bush experience or knowledge he was never afraid of controversy and had of the food which the natives procured’. no need to use a nom de plume. Nor does Associated with this absence of bush craft it appear to be Alfred Howitt: in his 1907 was an ignorance of dealing with Aboriginal address he stated that he was in Gippsland people. Turner (1904) found this ignorance exploring the upper Mitchell River at the particularly lamentable. The commission time of the expedition’s departure from (Victoria 1861–62) failed to comment on Melbourne whereas Sohoben witnessed its the bush experience and qualifications of departure from Royal Park. Whereas Morton the expedition members selected by the was critical of the selection of the various Exploration Committee. Tenison-Woods expedition members because of their lack of (1865) noted that the committee knew little bush craft, Sohoben was critical of the fact of exploration and therefore its selections that Aboriginal guides were not an essential were excusable. However, Morton was less

56 ‘Exploring is a killing game only to those who do not know anything about it’ forgiving, and had little doubt where blame father of W.J. Wills, is based on his son’s lay for the various deaths associated with the journal and letters. Victorian expedition. 3 This chapter does not consider non- In July 2011, Coroner Dr Jane Hendtlass English histories that were published conducted a ‘mock’ coronial inquiry into the in the 19th century. There are various deaths of Robert O’Hara Burke, William John publications associated with the relief Wills and Charles Gray. Her findings were expeditions, but for the sake of brevity presented in April 2012. The coroner found we will focus only on the Victorian that the: Exploring Expedition. … primary cause of deaths of Mr Burke, 4 Neumayer wasn’t the only European to Mr Wills and Mr Gray was nutritional travel with the expedition on a short-term inadequacy including starvation and basis. Trooper Myles Lyons guided the beriberi associated with thiamine expedition from Tragowel Station to Swan deficiency. This failure to provide Hill, and Police Superintendent Henry enough food for the four men for the Foster and two troopers accompanied journey to the Gulf and back to Cooper the party from Swan Hill to Balranald Creek was totally attributable to Mr (Feldtmann 1973). Burke’s lack of suitability for the role 5 Bickford’s (1878, p. 129f) brief account is of leader of the Exploring Expedition. of interest as he discusses what King told He was authoritarian, unschooled and him about Burke’s last moments. Bickford inexperienced. He made mathematical considered that Burke and Wills were mistakes in calculating how much and ‘examples of manful heroism and fidelity what food he needed to take with him. in the discharge of public duty’. He refused to consult with indigenous 6 Angus Macmillan, who had explored people who knew how to manage Gippsland extensively in the 1830s. toxicity associated with eating nardoo This claim merits further consideration (Hendtlass 2012, pp. 30–31). as it would seem that other members The coroner did not absolve the of the Exploration Committee, such Expedition Committee from responsibility: as Ferdinand Mueller and William ‘the Expedition Committee knew or should Blandowski, had exploration experience. have known about the risks they were 7 Clarke’s comment assumes the explorers exposing the Expedition to in sending knew how to use the fish hooks, but this them across Australia in the summer, they seems not to be the case (see below). knew Mr Burke’s limitations as the leader 8 Beckler resigned at Menindee but agreed of Expedition in those circumstances’ to remain until a replacement was (Hendtlass 2012, p. 31). William Lockhart organised; one never eventuated. Morton would have felt vindicated by the 9 Ferguson is exaggerating, as it seems 2012 coronial findings. Robert Fletcher was the only ‘gentleman’ on the expedition (see Bonyhady 1991). Endnotes 10 Randell (1978, p. 7) considered Morton 1 Wills was originally appointed was censorious and often gave the third-in-command as geographer impression that ‘he was the only man and astronomical observer at the in the regiment marking in step’. ‘Today commencement of the expedition, Morton would be said to have a chip on however, with the resignation of George his shoulder’. Bonyhady (1991, pp. 41–42) Landells he became second-in-command. summarised the views of the Melbourne 2 This publication by William Wills, the press towards Burke’s appointment,

57 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

and the views of those who knew Burke Clarke M (1877) History of the Continent of personally during his years as a police Australia and the Island of Tasmania, 1787 chief. to 1870. F.F. Bailliere, Melbourne. 11 The meeting of 30 members was chaired Comettant O (1980) In the Land of Kangaroos by Dr Ferdinand von Mueller. Dr Ludwig and Gold Mines. Rigby, Adelaide Becker seconded the motion of thanks to [first published in French as Pays des W.L. Morton. Kangourous et Des Mines D’Or, Librairie 12 Neumayer and Embling were members of Fishbacher, Paris, 1890]. the Exploration Committee. Cornish H (1975) Under the Southern Cross. 13 Howitt (2007, p. 37) commented that he Penguin, Melbourne [facsimile of 2nd edn, ‘never could understand how it was that first published by Higginbotham and Co., Burke, Wills, and King did not catch fish, Madras, 1880]. for King had hooks when we found him’. Favenc E (1888) History of the Australian Exploration from 1788–1888. Turner and 14 Two of Morton’s letters were reproduced Henderson, Sydney. in Milton’s (1863) pamphlet. Milton is an interesting source, as he was in the Favenc E (1908) The Explorers of Australia Darling River area in late 1860 and was and their Life-work. Whitcombe and pressured by fellow workers to join the Tombs, Melbourne. expedition as it passed through. Feldtmann A (1973) Swan Hill. Rigby, 15 Whitehorn had recommended this Adelaide. strategy. Ferguson CD (1888) Experiences of a Forty- Niner during Thirty-four Years Residence References in California and Australia. Williams Publishing Co., Cleveland, Ohio. Allen J (1882) History of Australia, from 1787 Grimm G (1888) The Australian Explorers: to 1882. Mason, Firth and M’Cutcheon, Their Labours, Perils and Achievements … Melbourne. George Robertson and Co., Melbourne. Aspinall C (1862) Three Years in Melbourne. L Hendtlass J (2012) Finding in the ‘Mock’ Booth, London. Coronial Inquest into the Deaths of Robert Barker L (1872) Travelling About over Old and O’Hara Burke, William John Wills, and New Ground. George Routledge, London. Charles Gray. Presented at the Royal Beckler H (1993) A Journey to Cooper’s Creek. Society of Victoria, 19 April 2012. (Trans and eds S Jeffries and M Kertesz). Heywood BA (1863) A Vacation Tour at the Melbourne University Press and State Antipodes … Longman, Green, Longman, Library of Victoria, Melbourne. Roberts and Green, London. Bickford J (1878) Christian Work in Hill RD and Hill FD (1875) What We Saw in Australasia: With Notes on the Settlement Australia. Macmillan, London. and Progress of the Colonies. Wesleyan Howitt AW (1901) An episode in the history Conference Office, London. of Australian exploration. Journal of Blair D (1878) The History of Australasia. the Australasian Association for the McGready, Thomson and Niven, Glasgow. Advancement of Science 8, 291–296. Bonyhady T (1991) Burke & Wills: From Howitt AW (1907) Personal reminiscences of Melbourne to Myth. David Ell Press, Central Australia and the Burke and Wills Sydney. expedition. Australian and New Zealand Brahe W (1910) ‘Interview with William Brahe, Association for the Advancement of Science 1904’. The Argus, 27 August 1910. Reports, 1-43.

58 ‘Exploring is a killing game only to those who do not know anything about it’

Howitt AW (2007) Finding Burke and Wills Neumayer G (1864) Results of the Personal Reminiscences of Central Australia meteorological observations taken in the and the Burke and Wills Expedition, with colony of Victoria, during the years 1859– a Glance at Benjamin Herschel Babbage’s 1862; and of the nautical observations 1858 Expedition. Friends of the State collected and discussed at the Flagstaff Library of South Australia, Adelaide. Observatory, Melbourne during the years Jackson A (1862) Robert O’Hara Burke and 1858-1862. John Ferres, Government the Australian Exploring Expedition of Printer, Melbourne. 1860. Smith Elder, London. Pyke W (1889) Australian Heroes and Jeffries S (ed.) (1993) A Journey to Cooper’s Adventurers. Scott, London. Creek. (Trans. and eds S Jeffries and M Randell JO (ed.) (1978) Adventures of Kertesz). Melbourne University Press and a Pioneer: William Lockhart Morton. State Library of Victoria, Melbourne. Queensberry Hill Press, Melbourne Jenks E (1896) A History of the Australasian [originally published in 20 parts in the Colonies (From their Foundation to the magazine Once a Month, 1884–1886]. Year 1893). Cambridge University Press, Rusden GW (1897) History of Australia. 3 Vols. Cambridge. Melville, Mullen, and Slade, Melbourne. Long CR (1903) Stories of Australian Scott GF (1910) The Romance of Australian Exploration. Whitcombe and Tombs, Exploring. Macmillan, Toronto. Melbourne. Tenison-Woods JE (1865) History of the Lucas DV (1888) Australia and Homeward. Discovery and Exploration of Australia : or; William Briggs, Toronto. An Account of the Progress of Geographical Marin La Meslee E (1979) The New Australia. Discovery in that Continent, from the Heinemann Educational, Melbourne Earliest Period to the Present Day. 2 Vols. [first published in French as L’Australie S. Low, Son and Marston, London. Nouvelle, E. Plon et Cie, Paris, 1883]. The Age (1861) The Victorian Exploring Marquis de Beauvoir L (1870) A Voyage Round Expedition. Diary of Burke and Wills, the World. Vol. 1: Australia. John Murray, Journal of Howitt, and Narrative of King. London. The Age, Melbourne. Milton W (1863) The Victim of the Nineteenth The Argus (1861) The Burke and Wills Century. In Three Chapters. 1st. An Error Expedition: An Account of Crossing the and its Results. 2nd. The Conspiracy, and Continent of Australia, from Cooper’s Creek its Disastrous Consequences, and the to Carpentaria. Reprinted from The Argus. Author’s Narrow Escape. 3rd. Why the Two Wilson and Mackinnon, Melbourne. Hundred Thousand Pounds is wanted. R.T. The Herald (1861) Burke and his Companions. Clarke, Melbourne. The Victorian Exploring Expedition; fFrom Morton WL (1861–62) A history of the its Origin to the Return from Carpentaria, Victorian Exploring Expedition: a seven- and the Death of Burke, Wills and Gray, part series. Yeoman and Australian from Starvation; with Burke’s and Wills’ Acclimatiser, pt 1 21/12/1861; pt Journals, King’s Narrative, Howitt’s Diary, 2 28/12/1861; pt 3 4/1/1862, pt 4 &c., &c. Herald Office, Melbourne. 11/1/1862, pt 5 18/1/1862, pt 6 Turner HG (1904) A History of the Colony of 25/1/1862, pt 7 1/2/1862. Victoria. 2 vols. Longmans, Green and Co., Murgatroyd S (2002) The Dig Tree: The London. Story of Burke and Wills. Text Publishing, Victoria (1861–62) Burke and Wills Melbourne. Commission. Report of the Commissioners

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appointed to Enquire into and Report upon Linehan, Melbourne. the Circumstances Connected with the Wildey WB (1876) Australasia and the Oceanic Sufferings and Death of Robert O’Hara Region … George Robertson, Melbourne. Burke and William John Wills, the Victorian Explorers. John Ferres, Government Wills W (ed.) (1863) A Successful Exploration Printer, Melbourne. (A historical research Through the Interior of Australia, from resource digitised by Burke and Wills Web Melbourne to the Gulf of Carpentaria: from www.burkeandwills.net.au, 2006). the Journals and Letters of William John Watson MJ (1911) The Story of Burke and Wills. Edited by his Father, William Wills. Wills: with Sketches and Essays. William P. Richard Bentley, London.

60 Chapter 4

The use and abuse of Aboriginal ecological knowledge

Philip A. Clarke

Introduction the relationships between organisms and the environment was encoded in their Creation Prior to the irreversible social and traditions. environmental changes to Australia brought The life of Australian hunter-gatherers in on by European settlement, Aboriginal the desert was nomadic, which maximised hunter-gatherers relied upon strategies to their efforts in making a living while survive that were heavily built around their maintaining a low level of physical impact understanding of country, and in particular upon the fragile environment. Accordingly, their detailed knowledge of ecological Aboriginal land ‘owners’ possessed highly processes. The plants and animals that, developed skills in observing temporal together with the minerals, were sources of changes and spatial patterns within their raw materials to make food, medicine and country, which is seen in the formulation of artefacts were not randomly placed within their seasonal calendars. European explorers the landscape, but sparsely distributed recognised that the Indigenous inhabitants in ways that Aboriginal people keenly had an intimacy with the land, and they took understood. There was no specific body of advantage of this by recruiting Aboriginal knowledge within Aboriginal tradition that companions to their expeditions. These was equivalent to the study of ecology in Indigenous men performed various crucial Western science, although the experience and roles, such as guide, tracker, protector and familiarity that hunter-gatherers had with the procurer of food and water. In carrying out Australian biota was immense. Knowledge of their duties, their possession of ecological

61 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills knowledge was essential. It is argued in to their country (Clarke 2009; Elkin 1977; this chapter that in the case of the Victorian McCarthy 1953). During severe droughts, Exploring Expedition, led by Robert O’Hara the memories of older group members were Burke and William J. Wills, the lack of crucial when trying to predict where to find Aboriginal members in the small team that food and water. made the return trip from Cooper Creek to Aboriginal groups living along Cooper the Gulf of Carpentaria seriously jeopardised Creek and pushing into the surrounding the outcome. The explorers had denied areas had a distinctive toolkit. The area themselves a convenient way of accessing was part of a region where people did not local ecological knowledge. generally use throwing spears. Researchers George Horne and George Aiston (1924, Aboriginal ecological knowledge p. 79) noted that among Aboriginal people When Europeans arrived in Australia, the at Cooper Creek, ‘The spear does not seem desert country was home to Aboriginal to have been a very popular weapon … groups who to varying degrees were related They had the long, pole-like spear called by kinship and who shared common Creation piranburra, made out of a box-tree root mythologies and material culture traditions or mulga root, and employed it as much (Clarke 2003, 2007). Key areas within the for digging as for any other purpose’. arid centre of Australia provided refuges According to these authors, spears requiring for hunters and gatherers during times of a spearthrower were not generally made in extreme hardship. In terms of the movements this area, although a few came in via trade of people, the Cooper Creek system, with its with Arrernte people to the north-west. For string of water holes crossing the corners of weapons of defence and killing game, the Queensland and South Australia, was like a Cooper Creek people relied heavily upon pulsating heart. Here, bands of people from a variety of handheld and throwing clubs, groups such as the Diyari and Yandruwandha as wells as fighting staves (Horne and moved out into the desert in search of food Aiston 1924; Jones 1996).2 Other essential after rains had fallen, then retreated back to tools were the digging-stick used chiefly their camps along Cooper Creek in times of by women, and a range of bags made from drought.1 By constantly moving across their string and animal skins for carrying food, country during good seasons, Aboriginal water, implements and other objects. In spite people reduced their overall impact upon of being in a desert region, Cooper Creek the environment, allowing the land to possessed large water holes rich in fish life recover from the short-term effects of their (Glover 1990). A finely woven net of plant foraging activities. Ecological knowledge fibres was attached to stakes at 2 m intervals was important in choosing a time to set fire and stretched across a water hole to gill net to the scrub to hunt and in deciding when fish during the night. to risk leaving safe waters to access more In the arid zone, grindstones and remote environmental resources (Kimber pounders were essential tools for processing 1984; Latz 1995). As part of group-memory, small hard-coated food sources, such as this knowledge was encoded in Aboriginal seeds, which enabled larger groups to live in Creation accounts involving the Muramura the desert than would otherwise be possible (Dreaming) Ancestors, which were told (McBryde 1987; Tindale 1977) (see Figure in song (Horne and Aiston 1924; Howitt 4.1). In the Cooper Creek area, grinding and Siebert 1904; Jones and Sutton 1986). (or milling) stones were typically slabs of Aboriginal people believed that certain rounded hard sandstone approximately individuals were ‘rain-makers’ who held the 50 cm long, 30 cm wide and 4 cm or more ritual power to alter weather and bring water thick.3 The pounder was made from similar

62 The use and abuse of Aboriginal ecological knowledge hard stone material and of the size to fit into like leaves, that springs up in the mudflats a hand. Being large, heavy and awkward to after infrequent rains. Nardoo forms dense carry, the grindstone slabs were generally mats of vegetation that soon die off to leave left behind at each of the main seasonal behind sporocarps, which are flattened pea- camps near water holes (Horne and Aiston shaped spore cases up to 5 mm in diameter. 1924). In Australian popular literature these The dark hard outer coverings of these seed- Central Australian grinding stones are often like growths enclose a yellowish powder simply called ‘nardoo stones’ (Ramson 1988). that has a bitter taste. Aboriginal foragers Hunter-gatherers across the world generally gathered sporocarps from dry typically have diets comprising a large mud after the plants had died (Bates 1918; number of plant and animal species, making Cleland 1957; Cleland et al. 1925; Cleland the identification of staple foods problematic. and Johnston 1937–38; Gason 1879; Johnston In Australia, with its variable climate, certain and Cleland 1943; Kemsley 1951; Kimber foods were relied upon almost exclusively 1984; Riches 1964; Roth 1897; Spencer 1918; when the seasons of flood or drought had Worsnop 1897).4 At Cooper Creek, explorer/ limited access to most other sources. Nardoo, anthropologist Alfred W. Howitt (cited in because of its abundance and availability Smyth 1878, vol. 2, p. 302) claimed that during droughts, was a major ‘hard time’ nardoo ‘may be called their “stand-by” when food source for Aboriginal foragers in parts other food is scarce. In many places, miles of of arid Australia (see Figure 4.2). It is a the clay flats are thickly sprinkled with the small low-growing waterfern with clover- dry seeds [sporocarps]’ (see Figure 4.3).

Figure 4.1: Grindstone. For desert dwellers, a stone slab such as this was essential for removing the hard outer coverings of nardoo sporocarps and grass seeds. The resulting meal was cooked into damper. Philip A. Clarke, Alton Downs, north-east of South Australia, 1987.

63 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Figure 4.2: Nardoo plant. This small arid-zone fern grows in dense mats on the mudflats after rain, leaving behind the dried dark and split pea-shaped nardoo spore cases on the dry mud. Philip A. Clarke, Diamantina, north-east South Australia, 1986.

64 The use and abuse of Aboriginal ecological knowledge

Figure 4.3: Linda Crombie collecting nardoo. Without this labour-intensive food source, Aboriginal people would not have been able to remain in the deserts during long-term droughts. Philip A. Clarke, Diamantina, north-east South Australia, 1986.

65 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

A meal of nardoo sporocarps, even in hard-working women during droughts; it dried form, is rendered edible only after meant ‘always-pounding’ (Reuther 1981). extensive preparation involving pounding, Nardoo and other closely related species are sluicing and baking into cakes (Basedow found widely across Australia, although the 1925; Bonyhady 1991; Earl and McCleary use of sporocarps for food appears to have 1994; Horne and Aiston 1924; Murgatroyd been completely avoided in regions outside 2002). The protracted process is necessary the desert. Apart from nardoo, the seed of due to the presence of thiaminase, which various grasses, portulaca (munyeroo) (see is an enzyme that blocks thiamine (vitamin Figure 4.4) and various wattles were ground B1) absorption in human bodies (Earl and to produce meal in the desert. McCleary 1994; Everist 1981; McCleary In Aboriginal Australia, no single territory and Chick 1977; Moran 2004). The highest occupied by one Aboriginal group would levels of enzyme activity are found in green have provided everything that was required growing plants. Bancroft investigated how for long-term survival. Trading allowed Aboriginal people at Annandale in south-west goods, such as nets and weapons made from Queensland prepared nardoo: sources in restricted areas, to be distributed The involucres [sporocarps], which are for use throughout a much larger region very hard, are pounded between two (Clarke 2003; McCarthy 1938–40). Horne stones; a handful of them is held in and Aiston stated that Kopperamanna, in the left hand and fed to a stone on the the bed of Cooper Creek in north-east South ground, a few grains being allowed Australia, was a major place for barter, where to drop from the hand by separating, ‘Thither came from the north the soft-wood abducting the little finger, a smart blow shields, for none of this soft-wood [batwing being struck with a stone in the right coral tree] grows amongst the Lake Eyre hand, which effectively pulverises every tribes’ (Horne and Aiston 1924, p. 34) (see grain at once; it is surprising with what Figure 4.5).6 The shields had been traded rapidity they can do this work. The flour into their country from many hundreds of is mixed with water, kneaded to a dough, kilometres to the north. In eastern Central and baked in the ashes (Bancroft 1894, Australia, a narcotic made from the pituri p. 216). shrub was a highly prized trade item, with The Ngardu-etya and Anti-etya Dreaming the superior leaves and sticks coming of the Yandruwandha people at Cooper Creek from the Mulligan River area of south-west celebrated the creation of grindstones and Queensland (Basedow 1925; Clarke 2003, the use of nardoo (ngardu) sporocarps and 2007; Hicks 1963; Smyth 1878; Watson grass seed (Howitt 1904).5 1983). Apart from its recreational use, for The availability of nardoo sporocarps Aboriginal men the pituri was said ‘to excite and their ability to grind it enabled their courage in warfare’ (Von Mueller, cited desert dwellers to remain in country that in Smyth 1878, vol. 1, p. 223) and it was experienced long dry periods. Grindstones given to male initiates prior to ceremony for pounding were typically used close to heighten their sense of revelation (Latz to water sources near mudflats where the 1995). As a stimulant, it was claimed to nardoo grows (Clarke 2007; Thomson 1962). create sensations of well-being, and as a The production of flour through grinding narcotic it suppressed hunger and thirst, was laborious, with the ‘tap-tap’ of the such as that experienced during protracted process heard from the camps far into the hunting expeditions. night (Howitt, cited in Maiden 1889; Lees Ochre, important in Aboriginal ritual and 1915). In the Diyari language of north-east painting, was a major trade item throughout South Australia, pita-ru was the lament of Aboriginal Australia (Peterson and Lampert

66 The use and abuse of Aboriginal ecological knowledge

Figure 4.4: Portulaca, also known as common pigweed or munyeroo. A succulent creeper that bears edible seed, which is as fine and black as gunpowder. The leaves and stems were used by desert dwellers as thirst-quenchers. Explorers ate this plant as greens to battle scurvy. Philip A. Clarke, Tennant Creek, Northern Territory, 2011.

Figure 4.5: Batwing coral tree (beantree). The light-weight timber is soft and therefore easily carved into shields and containers. Philip A. Clarke, Alice Springs, MacDonnell Ranges, Northern Territory, 2007.

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1985; Sagona 1994). Parties of men from guides were essential, being relied upon Cooper Creek went on long trading trips for their knowledge and experience of the south to the mines at Pukardu (Bookatoo) different environments and Indigenous near Parachilna in the Flinders Ranges of peoples. In their service to the explorers South Australia (Cooper 1948; Jones 1984, they found pathways, established protocols 2007; McBryde 1987; Wilhelmi 1861). The with Aboriginal land owners to allow expeditions took two months and involved expedition parties safe passage, collected participants travelling about 500 km before scientific specimens and on occasion commencing the return trip to Cooper Creek. were even bodyguards (Clarke 2008). Trade, based on this source of red ochre, Aboriginal interpreters were necessary, as connected people from as far north as south- social conditions in the newly established west Queensland and the MacDonnell Ranges, towns and rural areas did not favour the and possibly as far south as the Adelaide colonists learning to speak a variety of Plains and Port Lincoln. The ochre is not Indigenous dialects (Donaldson 1985). In bright red, but rather a metallic pink which is times of shortage, explorers called upon shiny when applied to human skin. their Aboriginal guides to use the land to provide food and water, as well as for making Aboriginal gatekeepers of shelter and watercraft. Explorers looking for ecological knowledge indications that the country they traversed was suitable for agriculture considered large The first British colonists in Australia numbers of local Aboriginal people to be encountered a land that was strange in both a physical threat and a good sign that comparison to their homelands. Many of the the land was fertile. plants and animals appeared exotic (Finney In employing Indigenous guides, explorers 1984; Moyal 1986) and the seasons were different too (Reid 1995a, b). To Europeans, could either recruit Aboriginal men from Australia was a ‘new’ land to explore, claim, settled areas to be part of the expedition, settle and develop (Clarke 2008; Griffiths or opportunistically fall in with those they 1997). Although treated as an unoccupied met during their travels and acquire local wilderness, the continent had actually knowledge directly from them (Clarke 2003; been shaped by its Indigenous inhabitants McLaren 1996). Some explorers used both over many thousands of years. Aboriginal strategies simultaneously. By employing foraging practices that involved the use Aboriginal guides at the outset, expedition of fire kept large areas open for travellers leaders gained companions who had time (Clarke 2003, 2007; Hallam 1975; Latz 1995). to develop familiarity with their needs. Explorers, knowingly or otherwise, took A disadvantage of this strategy was that advantage of this. For European travellers, the expertise of these guides was most Aboriginal pathways were a particular concentrated upon the culture, language advantage to finding key places, such as and environmental resources of their own water holes, and when moving pack animals territory, which the expedition would sooner across the country. As settlement spread or later leave behind. On the positive side, across the continent, Aboriginal tracks were Aboriginal people who, as individuals, had incorporated into stock routes and many lived as hunter-gatherers before Europeans eventually became part of the modern road arrived, possessed bush skills and general system (Clarke 2003, 2008). ecological knowledge of landscapes that Survival of the explorers at key moments could be broadly applied across the during each expedition hinged upon how continent. the Indigenous inhabitants received them. Indigenous guides were recruited from In the early days of colonisation, Aboriginal survivors of the early waves of British

68 The use and abuse of Aboriginal ecological knowledge colonisation. They were present at pivotal cited in Victoria 1861–62). Before returning points of early Australian exploration to Menindee, Wright instructed his guides to history. Explorers routinely took Aboriginal find Aboriginal people from inland groups companions, forming partnerships such to help the expedition reach Cooper Creek. as Mathew Flinders and Boongaree, George Wright (cited in Victoria 1861–62, p. 108) Grey and Kaiber, John Mitchell and Barney, later claimed that: Edward Eyre and Wylie, Edmund Kennedy I told Mr Burke before I left him that I and Jackey Jackey, Ludwig Leichhardt would procure guides to take him on and Charley Fisher, Peter Warburton and to Cooper’s Creek, which I did. I got the Charley, Ernest Giles and Jimmy, and John natives that were with me to get blacks Forrest and Windich (Clarke 2008; McLaren to take him on as far as Bulloo. They left 1996; Reynolds 1990). From the early 19th him there and he crossed to Cooper’s century, many of these men were issued with Creek without any guides. Mr Burke had breastplates, mostly brass and copper, as guides with him to Bulloo. medals to acknowledge their efforts (Cleary Given the problems the advance party 1993; Troy 1993). would eventually face in procuring food, it was unfortunate that Burke had reached The expedition and Aboriginal Cooper Creek without the company of ecological knowledge experienced Aboriginal guides from the The Victorian Exploring Expedition took Darling River area, who remained with Wright. place in a period when the involvement In the official investigations that followed of Aboriginal guides with explorers was the expedition, much is made of the apparent declining, perhaps due to a desire to rely bad decisions made by Wright at the more upon newly available technologies, Menindee camp (Moorehead 1963). He was such as mapping instruments and superior a crucial player in terms of supplying the weapons. When Burke received news of John depot at Cooper Creek and maintaining the McDouall Stuart’s apparent good progress connection with Melbourne. It was through on his parallel route across Australia, the Wright that the guides among the ‘Darling expedition was transformed from a scientific blacks’ were recruited, as he knew those exercise into a race. The original plan to wait Aboriginal people well having worked as for a benign season to cross the continent’s a manager of Kinchega Station. One of the unmapped interior was abandoned. Burke guides on this trip had previously been north also sacrificed the potential for Aboriginal with him and would play a major role in guides playing a major role. subsequent events (Wright, cited in Victoria On 19 October 1861, Burke took an 1861–62). advance party from Menindee and made a On 10 November 1860, trooper Myles dash for Cooper Creek. Aided by favourable Lyons and saddler Alexander McPherson set weather and recent rains, they arrived at out from Menindee, accompanied by the Cooper Creek little more than three weeks Aboriginal tracker Dick, to convey urgent later, on 11 November. William Wright, who despatches from the Exploration Committee had been recruited into the expedition at in Melbourne to Burke who had now reached Kinchega on the Darling River, went with Cooper Creek (Wright and Beckler, cited in them accompanied by two Aboriginal Victoria 1861–62). The despatches included guides as far as Torowoto, then the three of the most recent intelligence of Stuart’s them turned back (Brahe, cited in Victoria progress on his south–north crossing from 1861–62). It was intended that Wright would Adelaide. When the messengers became lost follow the advance party to Cooper Creek and desperately short of provisions and with more supplies and fresh camels (Wright, water, Dick conveyed them to the care of local

69 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Aboriginal people in the Torowoto district. the natives, and was to be regretted, as his He returned to Menindee, which he reached absence deprived us of our only interpreter.’ on 19 December, having had to walk for the Wright appeared to have mixed feelings last eight days as his horse was lame. Dick about Dick’s worthiness as a guide. took Dr Hermann Beckler back to rescue the With the public focus on the poor stranded men, who had lived for weeks on a decision-making processes involved with the small amount of nardoo flour per day. Beckler running of the expedition, along with the (cited in Spencer 1918, p. 13) recorded in his suitability or not of nardoo as a food source, journal on 27 December that they had found: the investigation of the roles the Aboriginal Macpherson [McPherson] at a short people played have been largely ignored distance from us, apparently searching until recently. Little has been recorded for something [nardoo] on the ground about Dick or any other Indigenous men … Lyons was at the camp engaged in employed during the Burke and Wills saga. baking cakes when we came up to him. It is likely that Dick first became familiar The seeds of which they prepared a warn with Europeans, such as Wright, at pastoral [sic: warm?] meal, and out of that either stations along the Darling River, which was cakes or porridge, is not properly a seed, then at the frontier of European expansion but the sporangium and the spores of a towards the north. Dick’s cultural affiliations small plant, the leaves of which are very were probably with the Barkindji people who like clover. It is, I believe, a Marsileana lived along the banks of the Darling River [Marsilea], and everywhere to be met with and ranging south. These people had good where water stagnates for a time. relations with those who lived in the back The Europeans owed their lives to nardoo country, north and west of the river (Newland and the actions of Dick. 1889). Back at Menindee, Dr Ludwig Becker Burke’s small party was successful on commemorated the heroism displayed by the stage from Cooper Creek to the Gulf the Aboriginal guide in a portrait of ‘Dick, of Carpentaria, due to their chosen route the brave and gallant native guide’. In and the weather. They benefited from local correspondence dated 31 December 1861 people’s foraging activities. On one occasion from the Exploration Committee to Wright, in February 1861, faced with having to John Macadam (cited in Wills 1863, p. 140) travel through a bog, they came across an wrote that ‘The medal for Dick, the aboriginal Aboriginal pathway which took them to a guide, bearing a suitable inscription, is ‘nice watercourse’, past some ‘little pebbly forwarded with this despatch, and the rises where the blacks had been camping’ committee leave in your hands the bestowal and to a place where Aboriginal diggers had of such additional reward as you may deem left behind a quantity of ‘yams’ that were ‘so proper – not exceeding five guineas (say numerous that they could afford to leave lots 5£ 5s.)’. Wright did not leave Menindee to of them about, probably having only selected travel to the Cooper Creek depot until 26 the very best. We were not so particular, but January 1861; on that trip Dick accompanied ate many of those that they had rejected, and the party, possibly through coercion. By 28 found them very good’ (Wills 1863, p. 212; January they had reached Pamamaroo Lake, Wills, cited in Victoria 1861–62, p. 229). where Wright (cited in Victoria 1861–62, Although not named, the roots were probably p. 188) claimed that ‘After breakfast Dick, the pencil yams (small yams) which are recorded native, who had shown on several occasions as a major food source across arid Australia a disposition to slip away, borrowed a clean (Bindon 1996; Clarke 2007; Latz 1995), often shirt and then bolted. His unwillingness to found growing near creeks and lagoons (see accompany the party arose from his fear of Figure 4.6). The trip south to Cooper Creek

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Figure 4.6: Pencil yams are generally collected after the surface parts of the plants die off, some months after rain. The tubers are cooked in hot sand and ashes. Philip A. Clarke, Tennant Creek, Northern Territory, 2011.

71 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills during late summer was more strenuous right, as the next day he and Burke started then the trip north and, with food supplies moving along the creek and found a group of running short, the explorers looked for wild Aboriginal people fishing. Wills (1863, p. 283) sources. On 21 April, Wills (1863, p. 235; recorded that: cited in Victoria 1861–62, p. 238) wrote … they gave us some half-a-dozen fish in his journal: ‘I am inclined to think that each, for luncheon, and intimated that but for the abundance of portulac that we if we would go to their camp we should obtained on the journey, we should scarcely have some more and some bread. I tore in have returned to Cooper Creek.’7 Many other two a piece of macintosh stuff that I had, explorers had found this plant useful in and Mr. Burke gave one piece and I the treating the debilitating and life-threatening other … They had caught a considerable condition of ‘land scurvy’, also known as quantity of fish, but most of them were ‘Barcoo rot’ (Earl and McCleary 1994; Hagger small. I noticed three different kinds; a 1979; Ramson 1988). small one that they call Cupi, from five Having reached the Cooper Creek depot, to six inches [13–15 cm] long, and not the surviving three explorers (Burke, Wills broader than an eel; the common one, and King) decided that their return to settled with large coarse scales, termed Peru; districts would follow explorer Augustus C. and a delicious fish, some of which run Gregory’s 1858 path, which was to cross the from a pound to two pounds [0.9 kg] Strzelecki Desert to Mount Hopeless north of weight; the natives call them Cawilchi. Lake Frome where there was a police station, On our arrival at the camp they led us to then head south towards Adelaide. On 23 a spot to camp on, and soon afterwards April the three men commenced travelling brought a lot of fish, and a kind of bread downstream along the southern bank of which they call nardoo … In the evening Cooper Creek (Burke, cited in Jackson 1862; various members of the tribe came down Wills 1863). The chosen path was one that with lumps of nardoo and handfuls of would have often been used by Aboriginal fish, until we were positively unable to people on ochre expeditions, although they eat any more. They also gave us some would have gone only during favourable stuff they call bedgery or pedgery [= seasons after good rains. On 24 April, Wills pituri]; it has a highly intoxicating effect recorded that ‘As we were about to start when chewed even in small quantities. It this morning, some blacks came by, from appears to be the dried stems and leaves whom we were fortunate enough to get of some shrub [see Figure 4.7].8 about twelve pounds [5.4 kg] of fish for a Incredibly, given their dire circumstances, few pieces of straps and some matches, &c.’ Burke was for a long while reluctant to accept (Wills 1863, p. 273). The Aboriginal interest help from Aboriginal people and on one in acquiring exotic materials is consistent occasion even angrily refused a gift of fish, with their trading practices, with visitors to ordering King to fire his revolver (King, cited their country expected to pay for the right to in Victoria 1861–62; Wills 1863). pass through unmolested. The explorers feasted well on the prepared When the explorers’ attempt to reach nardoo given to them by local Aboriginal Mount Hopeless failed through lack of water, people, but had no knowledge of its early they backtracked towards the main depot preparation stages and for some time did at Cooper Creek, near the South Australian not know from which plant it came. After border with Queensland. On 6 May, Wills leaving the company of Aboriginal people, remarked in his journal that ‘I suppose this the explorers searched in vain for it in the will end in our having to live like the blacks surrounding vegetation. On 10 May, Wills for a few months’ (Wills 1863, p. 282). He was described his despair: ‘I went out to look

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of some nardoo seeds, and we soon found that the flat was covered with them. This discovery caused somewhat of a revolution in our feelings, for we considered that with the knowledge of this plant we were in a position to support ourselves, even if we were destined to remain on the creek and wait for assistance from town’ (Wills 1863, pp. 286–287). From this point, they relied heavily on the nardoo they collected, using a ‘pounding stone’ taken from a deserted Aboriginal shelter to process what they gathered (King, cited in Victoria 1861–62; Wills 1863). Wills (1863, p. 288) noted on 24 May that he had ‘Started with King to celebrate the Queen’s birthday by fetching from Nardoo Creek what is now to us the staff of life; returned at a little after two P.M. with a fair supply, but find the collecting of the seed a slower and more troublesome process than could be desired’. In his journal for June 1861, Wills frequently referred to himself and his companions ‘pounding’ nardoo. Among Wills’ ailments was severe ‘constipation of Figure 4.7: Pituri. Desert Aboriginal people used the bowels’ (Wills 1863, p. 289). By 15 June, the foliage of this small tree to produce a powerful Wills wondered whether his condition would narcotic, as well as to poison game animals. Philip improve if he consumed less nardoo and A. Clarke, Port Augusta, South Australia, 2007. chewed tobacco to suppress his appetite. for the nardoo seed [sic. sporocarps] for From this time until Wills’ last journal entry, making bread: in this I was unsuccessful, the surviving explorers gathered and ate not being able to find a single tree of it in nardoo, which did not assist them to regain the neighbourhood of the camp. I, however, their health and well-being. This seemed tried boiling the large kind of bean which the inexplicable as, at this time, local Aboriginal blacks call padlu; they boil easily, and when groups appeared to live well on a diet shelled are very sweet, much resembling comprised largely of nardoo and fish. in taste the French chestnut; they are to be The health of the three explorers, already found in large quantities nearly everywhere’ poor following the exertion involved in (Wills 1863, p. 285). The identity of ‘padlu’ as getting to the Gulf and back, continued to a food plant is a mystery. Based on linguistic deteriorate at Cooper Creek. By late June, evidence, Wills may have been referring to Wills was no longer able to move and Burke the pop saltbush, a common low-growing was not much better off. On 29 June, Wills shrub of inland Australia.9 The description (1863, p. 302) was close to death and noted also fits a species of Acacia. in his journal that ‘starvation on nardoo is After much searching, on 17 May the by no means very unpleasant, but for the explorers, perhaps unfortunately, located the weakness one feels, for as far as appetite source of the nardoo. While walking along an is concerned, it gives me the greatest Aboriginal path ‘King caught sight in the flat satisfaction’. After Burke and Wills had died,

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King (cited in Victoria 1861–62) was left to by Burke’s expedition at Cooper Creek. fend for himself. On one occasion, he was Howitt made sure that succulent vegetables, lucky to find a store of nardoo in a deserted such as mesembryanthemum (pigface) (see shelter, which fed him for a fortnight. In Figure 4.8), portulac and wild spinach were arid regions, Aboriginal people often kept a frequently eaten (Howitt, cited in Victoria surplus of dried food, such as nardoo and 1861–62).10 Importantly, his party travelled seed, stored in wooden containers or in bags during a mild season. The relief expedition of skin or woven string, for future use (Clarke found King on 15 September 1861 in such 2003, 2007). These were cached in brush a state that he was not at first recognised shelters or dry caves or buried in the sand. as being European. King was able to return It is clear from Wills’ journal, found to Melbourne but he developed peripheral with his body, that for the most part the neuropathy, due to the prolonged deficiency Victorian Exploring Expedition had only of thiamine (Earl and McCleary 1994; limited interaction with Aboriginal people. Moorehead 1963). He never fully regained his Sole survivor King (cited in Victoria 1861–62) health, dying in 1872 at the relatively young eventually made the wise decision to join age of 33. a local band of Aboriginal people. Each day women gave him nardoo, presumably Conclusion prepared for eating, while the men The tragedy of the Burke and Wills expedition sometimes provided him with fish. In return, highlights the importance of the proper King would shoot birds for them. In line transfer of landscape-based knowledge from with Aboriginal custom, as a single man King the Indigenous occupants to the European slept in the bough shelter of unmarried men newcomers. If the explorers had gained each night. On one occasion, he noticed that greater intelligence of local plant foods and a woman who had just given him a ball of their preparation, they may have avoided prepared nardoo had a sore arm, preventing sickness altogether. A greater appreciation of her from grinding any more. He treated her the climate cycles of the interior may have by cleaning the wound with a sponge soaked tempered Burke’s decision to make such in water he had boiled, then applying silver a risky crossing. As demonstrated by the nitrate. The effect must have been rapid and events surrounding the rescue of McPherson positive, as from then on this woman and her and Lyons at Torowoto, the presence of husband maintained a close relationship with Aboriginal guides with an understanding of the explorer, which included helping him regional languages would have facilitated make camp whenever the group moved to a the communication of ecological knowledge new location. to the stranded explorers at Cooper Creek. If King spent weeks travelling with his Burke, Wills, Gray and King had the services adopted band until the arrival of Howitt’s of an experienced Aboriginal guide, such relief expedition at Cooper Creek (Howitt as Dick, in Central Australia the chances of and Foster, cited in Victoria 1861–62). them all surviving would have significantly Howitt proved an excellent choice of leader, increased. For the explorers, a closer as he was an experienced bushman, an relationship with local Aboriginal bands accomplished geologist and an emerging could have led to better prediction of the ethnographer and anthropologist (Moorehead local climate and the possible use of bush 1963; Murgatroyd 2002; Stanner 1972). medicines to improve their well-being. Probably due to his bush skills and the From the late 19th century, scientists presence of Aboriginal guides Sandy and working in remote parts of Australia Frank, the 12 men in his party appear to have recognised the value of Aboriginal largely avoided the health problems suffered ecological knowledge. Biologists on the Horn

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Figure 4.8: Sarcozona, an inland species of pigface. In 1861, the members of the Burke and Wills relief expedition, led by Alfred W. Howitt, ate the leaves of a pigface species to avoid scurvy. Philip A. Clarke, Port Augusta, South Australia, 2009.

Expedition, which travelled through Central passing away (Clarke 2007). Apart from Australia in 1894, employed local Aboriginal this threat, modifications to the physical people as collectors and recorded valuable environment, brought on by altered fire biological data from them (Baker and Nesbitt regimes, invasion of exotic species and 1996; Clarke 2008). In the 20th century, climate change, are changing the context for Donald Thomson drew even more heavily this knowledge. upon Aboriginal ecological knowledge in his zoological work on the mammals and Endnotes fishes of northern Australia (Thomson 1987). 1 For cultural boundaries of these groups From the late 20th century, researchers have refer to Tindale (1974). For the Diyari studied Indigenous ecological knowledge in language, Reuther (1981) provided a its own right (Horstman and Wightman 2001; vocabulary and Austin (1981) produced Lucas et. al. 1997; Rose 2005; Walsh 1990; a grammar. Jones (1990) gave a White and Meehan 1993). While the great demographic history of the Cooper depth of Aboriginal-held information on the environment is widely recognised today by Creek area. Note that in the literature Western-style researchers, its continuation Yandruwandha is sometimes written as an oral tradition is threatened by social as ‘Yantruwanta’, ‘Jandruwanta’ or changes within the Aboriginal community, ‘Yantruwunta’ and Diyari as ‘Dieri’. with generations of senior custodians who 2 Overview also based on the range of have direct hunting and gathering experience objects the author inspected in the

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Aboriginal collection of the South Aboriginal ecological knowledge in the Australian Museum. Horn Expedition and contemporary 3 The archaeological collection of the South ecological research. In Exploring Central Australian Museum has many examples Australia. Society, the Environment and the of grindstones and pounders from the 1894 Horn Expedition. (Eds SR Morton and Cooper Creek district. DJ Mulvaney) pp. 115–122. Surrey Beatty and Sons, Sydney. 4 There are two species: common nardoo (Marsilea drummondii) and short-fruited Bancroft TL (1894) On the habit and use nardoo (Marsilea hirsuta). of nardoo (Marsilea drummondii, A.Br.), together with some observations on the 5 Kimber (1984) presented an overview influence of water-plants in retarding of other Nardoo Dreaming accounts evaporation. Proceedings of the Linnean from surrounding areas. McBryde (1987) Society of New South Wales 8(2), 215–217. provided a Grinding Stone Dreaming from Wangkangurru people further west. Basedow H (1925) The Australian Aboriginal. F.W. Preece and Sons, Adelaide. 6 The batwing coral tree (Erythrina vespertilio) is also known as the Stuart Bates DM (1918) Aborigines of the west beantree and grey corkwood. There coast of South Australia: vocabularies and are examples of these shields in the ethnographical notes. Transactions and Aboriginal ethnographic collection of the Proceedings of the Royal Society of South South Australian Museum. Australia 42, 152–167. 7 See King and Wills (cited in Victoria Bindon P (1996) Useful Bush Plants. Western 1861–62) for other references to the use Australian Museum, Perth. of portulac. Bonyhady T (1991) Burke and Wills: From 8 The fish species Wills observed may have Melbourne to Myth. David Ell Press, been the spangled perch or catfish (cupi), Sydney. bony bream (peru) and callop (cawichi). Clarke PA (2003) Where the Ancestors Walked: 9 The ‘padlu’ that Wills heard may have Australia as an Aboriginal Landscape. been the paldru that missionary Johann Allen and Unwin, Sydney. Reuther (cited in Clarke 2008) listed Clarke PA (2007) Aboriginal People and in the early 20th century as a Diyari their Plants. Rosenberg Publishing, Dural word for ‘shrub, pods burst open, pop- Delivery Centre, New South Wales. saltbush’. Clarke PA (2008) Aboriginal Plant Collectors: 10 Based on my field knowledge of the Botanists and Aboriginal People in the inland flora, the ‘mesembryanthemum’ is Nineteenth Century. Rosenberg Publishing, probably sarcozona (Sarcozona praecox), Dural Delivery Centre, New South Wales. while the ‘portulac’ would be munyeroo Clarke PA (2009) Australian Aboriginal (Portulaca oleracea). The ‘wild spinach’ is ethnometeorology and seasonal calendars. possibly either Chenopodium auricomum History and Anthropology 20(2), 79–106. or a species of Tetragonia, all of which Cleary T (1993) Poignant Regalia: 19th are sometimes known as ‘native spinach’ Century Aboriginal Breastplates and or ‘wild spinach’. Images. Historic Houses Trust of New South Wales, Sydney. References Cleland JB (1957) Ethno-ecology: our natives Austin P (1981) A Grammar of Diyari. and the vegetation of southern Australia. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Mankind 5(4), 149–162. Baker L and Nesbitt BJ (1996) The role of Cleland JB and Johnston TH (1937–38) Notes

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on native names and uses of plants in the Aboriginal Usage and European Usurpation Musgrave Ranges region. Oceania 8(2), in South-western Australia. Australian 208–215; 8(3), 328–342. Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra. Cleland JB, Black JM and Reese L (1925) Hicks CS (1963) Climatic adaptation and The flora of the north-east corner of drug habituation of the Central Australian South Australia, north of Cooper’s Creek. Aborigine. Perspectives in Biology and Transactions of the Royal Society of South Medicine 7(1), 39–57. Australia 49, 103–120. Horne G and Aiston G (1924) Savage Life in Cooper HM (1948) Examples of native Central Australia. Macmillan, London. material culture from South Australia. Horstman M and Wightman G (2001) Karparti South Australian Naturalist 25(1), 1–8. ecology: recognition of Aboriginal Donaldson T (1985) Hearing the First ecological knowledge and its application Australians. In Seeing the First Australians. to management in north-western Australia. (Eds I Donaldson and T Donaldson) pp. Ecological Management and Restoration 76–91. Allen and Unwin, Sydney. 2(2), 99–109. Earl JW and McCleary BV (1994) Mystery Howitt AW (1904) Native Tribes of South-east of the poisoned expedition. Nature Australia. Macmillan, London. 368(6473), 683–684. Howitt AW and Siebert O (1904) Legends of Elkin AP (1977) Aboriginal Men of High the Dieri and kindred tribes of Central Degree. 2nd edn. University of Queensland Australia. Journal of the Anthropological Press, Brisbane. Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 34, Everist SL (1981) Poisonous Plants of 100–129. Australia. Revised edn. Australian Natural Jackson A (1862) Robert O’Hara Burke and Science Library. Angus and Robertson, the Australian Exploring Expedition of Sydney. 1860. Smith, Elder and Co., London. Finney CM (1984) To Sail Beyond the Sunset: Johnston TH and Cleland JB (1943) Native Natural History in Australia 1699–1829. names and uses of plants in the north- Rigby, Adelaide. eastern corner of South Australia. Gason S (1879) The ‘Dieyerie’ tribe. In Transactions of the Royal Society of South Folklore, Manners, Customs and Languages Australia 67(1), 149–173. of the South Australian Aborigines. (Ed. Jones PG (1984) Red ochre expeditions. G Taplin) pp. 66–86. South Australian Journal of the Anthropological Society of Government Printer, Adelaide. South Australia 22(7), 3–10; 22(8), 10–19. Glover CJM (1990) Fishes. In Natural History Jones PG (1990) Ngapamanha: a case study of the North East Deserts. (Eds MJ Tyler, CR in the population history of north-eastern Twidale, M Davies and CB Wells) pp.189– South Australia. In Language and History: 197. Royal Society of South Australia, Essays in Honour of Luise Hercus. (Eds P Adelaide. Austin, RMW Dixon, T Dutton and I White) Griffiths T (1997) Introduction. Ecology and pp. 157–173. Pacific Linguistics, C-116. Empire: Environmental History of Settler Australian National University, Canberra. Societies. (Eds T Griffiths and L Robin) Jones PG (1996) Boomerang: Behind an pp. 1–16. Melbourne University Press, Australian Icon. Wakefield Press, Adelaide. Melbourne. Jones PG (2007) Ochre and Rust: Artefacts Hagger J (1979) Australian Colonial Medicine. and Encounters on Australian Frontiers. Rigby, Adelaide. Wakefield Press, Adelaide. Hallam SJ (1975) Fire and Hearth: A Study of Jones PG and Sutton P (1986) Art and Land:

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Aboriginal Sculptures of the Lake Eyre Hamilton, London. Basin. South Australian Museum and Moran RC (2004) Dispatches from the fern Wakefield Press, Adelaide. frontier: plants with an ancient pedigree Kemsley D (1951) Life in the dead heart. Wild are yielding their family secrets to Life. May, 434–440. molecular approaches. Natural History Kimber RG (1984) Resource use and 113(8), 52–57. management in central Australia. Moyal AM (1986) ‘A Bright and Savage Land’: Australian Aboriginal Studies 2, 12–23. Scientists in Colonial Australia. Collins, Latz P (1995) Bushfires and Bushtucker: Sydney. Aboriginal Plant Use in Central Australia. Murgatroyd S (2002) The Dig Tree: The Institute of Aboriginal Development, Alice Story of Burke and Wills. Text Publishing, Springs. Melbourne. Lees EH (1915) What is nardoo? Victorian Newland S (1889) Parkengees or Naturalist 31(9), 133–135. Aboriginal tribes on the Darling River. Lucas D, Gapindi M and Russell-Smith J South Australian Branch of the Royal (1997) Cultural perspectives of the South Geographical Society of Australasia, Alligator River floodplain: continuity Adelaide. and change. In Tracking Knowledge in Peterson N and Lampert R (1985) A Central North Australian Landscapes: Studies Australian ochre mine. Records of the in Indigenous and Settler Ecological Australian Museum 37(1), 1–9. Knowledge Systems. (Eds D Bird Rose and Ramson WS (ed.) (1988) The Australian A Clarke) pp.120–140. North Australia National Dictionary: A Dictionary of Research Unit, Australian National Australianisms on Historical Principles. University, Canberra. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Maiden JH (1889) The Useful Native Plants of Reid A (1995a) Banksias and Bilbies: Seasons Australia. Trubner, London. of Australia. Gould League, Melbourne. McBryde I (1987) Goods from another Reid A (1995b) A plan for all seasons. Habitat country: exchange networks and the Australia 23(2), 14–15. people of the Lake Eyre Basin. In Australians to 1788. (Eds DJ Mulvaney and Reuther JG (1981) ‘The Diari. 13 volumes’. JP White) pp. 253–459. Fairfax, Syme and AIAS Microfiche no. 2. Australian Institute Weldon Associates, Sydney. of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra. McCarthy FD (1953) Aboriginal rain-makers. Reynolds H (1990) With the White People. Weather 8, 72–77. Penguin, Melbourne. McCarthy FD (1938–40) ‘Trade’ in Aboriginal Riches P (1964) Nardoo: the clover fern. Australia and ‘trade’ relationships with South Australian Naturalist 38(4), 63–64, Torres Strait, New Guinea and Malaya. 66. Oceania 9, 405–438; 10, 80–104, 171–195. Rose D Bird (2005) An Indigenous McCleary BV and Chick BF (1977) The philosophical ecology: situating the purification and properties of a thiaminase human. Australian Journal of Anthropology 1 enzyme from nardoo (Marsilea 16(3), special issue 17, 294–305. drummondii). Phytochemistry 16, 207–213. Roth WE (1897) Ethnological Studies Among McLaren G (1996) Beyond Leichhardt: the North-west-central Queensland Bushcraft and the Exploration of Australia. Aborigines. Queensland Government Fremantle Arts Centre Press, Fremantle. Printer, Brisbane. Moorehead A (1963) Cooper’s Creek. Hamish Sagona A (ed.) (1994) Bruising the Red Earth:

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Ochre Mining and Ritual in Aboriginal appointed to Enquire into and Report upon Tasmania. Melbourne University Press, the Circumstances Connected with the Melbourne. Sufferings and Death of Robert O’Hara Smyth R Brough (1878) The Aborigines of Burke and William John Wills, the Victorian Victoria. 2 vols. John Ferres, Victorian Explorers. John Ferres, Government Government Printer, Melbourne. Printer, Melbourne. (A historical research resource digitised by Burke and Wills Web Spencer WB (1918) What is nardoo? Victorian www.burkeandwills.net.au, 2006) Naturalist 14, 170–172; 15, 8–15. Walsh F (1990) An ecological study of Stanner WEH (1972) Howitt, Alfred William traditional Aboriginal use of ‘country’: (1830–1908). In Australian Dictionary of Martu in the Great and Little Sandy Biography. Vol. 4: 1851–1890, D–J. (Ed. D Deserts. In Australian Ecosystems: 200 Pike) pp. 432–435. Melbourne University Years of Utilization, Degradation and Press, Melbourne. Reconstruction. (Eds DA Saunders, AJ Thomson DF (1962) The Bindibu expedition: Hopkins and RA How) pp.23–37. Surrey exploration among the desert Aborigines Beatty and Sons, Sydney. of Western Australia. Geographical Journal Watson P (1983) ‘This precious foliage: a 78(1), 1–14; 78(2), 143–157; 78(3), 262– study of the Aboriginal psycho-active 278. drug pituri’. Oceania Monograph no. 26. Thomson DF (1987) Donald Thomson’s University of Sydney, Sydney. Mammals and Fishes of Northern Australia. White NG and Meehan B (1993) Traditional (Eds JM Dixon and L Huxley). Nelson, ecological knowledge: a lens on time. In Melbourne. Traditional Ecological Knowledge: Wisdom Tindale NB (1974) Aboriginal Tribes of for Sustainable Development. (Eds NM Australia: Their Terrain, Environmental Williams and G Baines) pp. 51–65. Centre Controls, Distribution, Limits, and Proper for Resource and Environmental Studies, Names. Australian National University Australian National University, Canberra. Press, Canberra. Wilhelmi JFC (1861) Manners and customs of Tindale NB (1977) Adaptive significance the Australian natives in particular of the of the Panara or grass seed culture of Port Lincoln district. Transactions of the Australia. In Stone Tools as Cultural Royal Society of Victoria 5, 164–203. Markers. (Ed RVS Wright) pp. 345–349. Wills WJ (1863) Successful Exploration Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, through the Interior of Australia, from Canberra. Melbourne to the Gulf of Carpentaria. Troy J (1993) King Plates: A History of From the Journals and Letters of William Aboriginal Gorgets. Aboriginal Studies John Wills. (Ed. W Wills). Richard Bentley, Press for the Australian Institute of London. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Worsnop T (1897) The Prehistoric Arts, Studies, Canberra. Manufactures, Works, Weapons, etc., of the Victoria (1861–62) Burke and Wills Aborigines of Australia. South Australian Commission. Report of the Commissioners Government Printer, Adelaide.

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‡7HQ&RPPLWPHQWVSSLQGG $0 Chapter 5

The Aboriginal contribution to the expedition, observed through Germanic eyes

David Dodd

Introduction All these are measured against a series of encounters – some positive (provision of In a recent publication, Allen (2011) guides, provision of food, general help etc.) attempted to address the role that the and some difficult (skirmishes at Bulloo, Aboriginal people played during the Victorian problems at the Dig tree site etc.). It will Exploring Expedition and the subsequent do this from the perspectives of the four relief parties. He noted ‘there was little German participants in the expedition: organised knowledge about Aboriginal Beckler, Becker, Brahe and Neumayer. Dr people with most information coming from Hermann Beckler, medical doctor and Sturt and Mitchell’, and added, ‘Most fields botanist and Dr Ludwig Becker, artist and of science practised in Australia during naturalist and geographer, both left reports, the middle of the nineteenth century written accounts, drawings, journals and were undeveloped, largely involving the various publications. The reports and observation and classification of Australian evidence given to the Victorian government’s nature’ (Allen 2011, p. 145). Committee of Enquiry by William Brahe, who This chapter attempts to examine the became an appointed officer to command the story of the expedition from the point of depot camp at Cooper Creek, have been used view of the contributions made by the to examine the interactions and events with Aboriginal peoples who came into contact the local Aboriginal people during the depot with it, contributions which could have party’s five-month stay at Cooper Creek. meant different outcomes for both parties. The reports of Professor George Neumayer,

81 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills director of the Flagstaff Observatory, on Fortunately, Beckler’s correspondence, his brief travels with the expedition from manuscripts and drawings have survived Swan Hill to Bilbarka (present-day Pooncarie) and are in the Heimatmuseum Archives during September–October 1860 have also in Hoechstaedt un.der. Donau, in Bavaria, been consulted. the town of his birth in 1828. The Beckler Beckler and Becker were the only members archival holdings were examined during a who made systematic written records of their visit in 2011 and during 2012 arrangements involvement and observations during their were made to digitise the complete set of participation in the expedition and, while 35 drawings and other relevant material both made sketches of various aspects and for ultimate inclusion in the Royal Society landscapes of their journeys, it was Becker’s of Victoria’s Burke and Wills Expedition artistry which captured the most endearing Collection held at the State Library of Aboriginal elements of the expedition. Victoria. As Allen remarked, while members of the expedition and the relief parties made Dr Ludwig Becker observations of the Indigenous populations, Ludwig Becker was an accomplished it was ‘Hermann Beckler and Ludwig Becker illustrator and writer and, as the only (who) provided a deeper appreciation of member of the Royal Society to take part Aboriginal culture than the majority of the in the expedition, his legacy provided other explorers’ (Allen 2011, p. 266). a remarkable set of official drawings, Beckler also provided sketches which illustrations, sketches, maps and illustrated the reports he submitted to the watercolours, a Corroboree song, and letters Royal Society, and made a further 35 pencil and reports associated with the progress of sketches with which he planned to illustrate the expedition to Menindee and thereafter his proposed publication for German readers, with the supply party until his untimely entitled ‘Burkes Entdeckungsreise, Eine death at Bulloo on 29 April 1861. This Reise nach Zentral-Australien’.1 Through comprehensive record of the expedition was the publication of Marjorie Tipping’s chronicled by Marjorie Tipping (1979) and (1979) book on Ludwig Becker, Beckler’s has been used as a primary resource in this manuscript became known in Australia and chapter. was subsequently translated and edited by Stephen Jeffries and Michael Kertesz, as A Professor Georg Neumayer Journey to Cooper’s Creek, in 1993 (Beckler Professor Georg Neumayer, as director of the 1993). Flagstaff Observatory, was a councillor of the Royal Society and a member of the Society’s Dr Hermann Beckler Exploration Committee. He was the only Hermann Beckler was a prolific diarist. member of that committee to experience Throughout his stay in Australia he gathered and understand the hardships that faced material for articles for German readers the expedition, particularly the scientific and maintained a regular correspondence members, after it crossed the Murray. He with his Brother Karl (Charles) in Germany, travelled throughout the length and breadth which provides a remarkable personal of Victoria during 1858–63, during which insight to his six-year sojourn in Australia. he undertook a series of comprehensive This correspondence has been published magnetic observations which he published in an edited form by Johannes Voigt (2000) after his return to Germany in 1869 as Hermann Beckler: Entdeckungen in (Neumayer 1869). This publication provided Australien: Briefe und Aufzeichnungen eines a unique description of the Victorian rural Deutschen 1855–1862.2 environment including Indigenous peoples

82 The Aboriginal contribution to the expedition, observed through Germanic eyes whom Neumayer met during his many trips Germany in 1859 to seek funds to support and his experiences during his journey from the establishment of his observatory on Swan Hill to Bilbarka: Trip no. III has been Flagstaff Hill in Melbourne. The Humboldtian used as a primary reference in this chapter approach to the meticulous observation, (Neumayer 1869, pp. 13–25). measurement and recording of the natural environment was built in to the expedition’s The expedition as a Instructions, put together largely by Mueller Humboldtian exercise and Neumayer as followers of Humboldt. While the establishment of the Royal Disciples of Humboldt Society’s Victorian Exploring Expedition (later Herde (2004, p. 14) identified that ‘Beckler’s known as the Burke and Wills Expedition), led by Robert O’Hara Burke, was born out Romantic quest for adventure and discovery of many motives, including economic and (in Australia) marked him as a Humboldtian political imperatives, its essential ingredient disciple.’ Indeed Beckler, on his arrival was its scientific mission (McCann and Joyce in Australia in 1856, carried a letter of 2011, pp. 1–21). introduction from Humboldt (Voigt 2000, Some members of the Exploration p. 52). Ludwig Becker was also regarded as Committee, which included the government a Humboldtian disciple and so the stage botanist, Ferdinand von Mueller, and was set for these two German scientists who Neumayer, drew up the set of scientific would carefully observe and skilfully record ‘Instructions’ for the expedition and arranged the aspects and phenomena of the natural the appointment of the three scientists, environment through which the expedition William John Wills and the two Germans, Dr travelled, examining relationships; for Hermann Beckler and Dr Ludwig Becker. example, between plant communities, climate, Mueller, Neumayer, Beckler and Becker soils etc. and the scientific order of nature. were part of the vanguard of 19th-century The formal set of Instructions from the German explorers/scientists/collectors Exploration Committee, dated and signed who were drawn to the Australian colonies, by the secretary of the committee, Dr largely through the influence of Alexander John Macadam, on 3 September 1860, was von Humboldt, the pioneer of the science of finally received by Burke and delivered global exploration and discovery of the New to Wills, Beckler and Becker as the party World (McCann and Joyce 2011, pp. 10–11). neared Swan Hill, on or about 6 September Humboldt (1769–1859) was an eminent some three weeks after the departure from German scientist and explorer who greatly Melbourne. This late delivery was to become influenced scientific thought and discovery symptomatic of the manner in which the in Germany during the early 19th century expedition was put together and about with his integrated scientific approach to to be managed by Burke, particularly his discoveries of flora and fauna of the New reaction to the scientific requirements and World, supported by proper measurements of his treatment of the scientists Beckler and all manner of physical variables to establish Becker. Fortunately, both Beckler and Becker a relationship or connectivity between all had commenced their scientific work almost facets of the environment. as soon as the expedition had reached central Mueller, Neumayer and a number of Victoria, with Beckler botanising and Becker other German scientists, notably Ludwig drawing. The Instructions were therefore Leichhardt who had carried out explorations merely an aide mémoire to their scientific of Australia in the 1840s, were all scientists investigative training. in the Humboldtian tradition. Neumayer Anthropological and ethnological research had even visited Humboldt on a trip to into Indigenous peoples did not feature

83 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills prominently in the expedition’s scientific It was therefore not surprising that the remit. Perhaps the colonisation of Victoria, Instructions did not identify, in more definite coupled with the impact of the gold rush references, the need to provide observations which had dispossessed the Aboriginal tribes of the Indigenous peoples who would be in Victoria and consigned them to the status met once the expedition had crossed the of ‘non-people’, meant that there was no real Murray and travelled into the unsettled reason to be interested in the tribes north of districts. The Instructions did, however, the Murray, as Indigenous peoples were just contain some oblique ethnographical to be regarded as part of the landscape. references, first with respect to Hermann Surprisingly, in his Presidential Address Beckler, requesting that ‘It would be of vast to the members of the Royal Society on 8 importance to ascertain, as extensively as April 1861, Governor Barkly lamented, when possible what relation the vegetation of the referring to a paper on the manners and country bears to its geological formation.’ ‘Of customs of Aborigines in the Port Lincoln district that had been recently read to the plants which may prove of utility for food society, that Victorian Aborigines were or otherwise or which are drawn into use by disappearing and that efforts should be made the natives, more particularly.’ Beckler left to research their dialects and traditions not only a series of written records of his (see Appendix 5.1). The Governor made participation in the ill-fated expedition, but further references to the expedition and the also a botanical record of collected plants, lack of communication on its progress and botanical drawings and pencil drawings and whereabouts, but little did they realise that sketches of various expedition events and within the next 21 days four members of the landscapes. expedition would be dead – Charles Gray on Artist Ludwig Becker fared a little better 17 April, Charles Stone on 22 April, William with his Instructions, that requested ‘that he Purcell on 23 April and Ludwig Becker, the provide sketches of the relevant geological only formal member of the Royal Society, on features and also of all objects of natural 29 April 1861. The Aboriginal man known as history and natives (aborigines)’. Becker Mr Shirt, as a result of the skirmish at Bulloo, provided a valuable record of the expedition died on 27 April 1861. through his 80-odd paintings and sketches, William Blandowski’s celebrated expedition with at least nine paintings and sketches to the Murray River in 1856–573 should have showing individual portraits and family and alerted the Exploration Committee to the vibrant Aboriginal communities along the camp groups of Aboriginal people from the Murray in the north-west of Victoria and the various tribes encountered along the route as south-western area of New South Wales (Allen far as Bulloo. 2009, pp. 129–145). These communities were about to have their traditional ways of life The German scientists: empathy changed forever, through a steady procession towards Indigenous peoples of pastoralist–explorers seeking new Before attempting to examine and consider grazing lands, intruding on their territories how two disparate parties could have or and interacting to the detriment of these communities. It would be these peoples should have interacted in such socially of the Murray-Darling who would provide environmentally difficult circumstances, it is guides, ambassadors or go-betweens to the important to consider the pre-conditioning, expedition and who would literally come to attitudes, empathy and experiences of the rescue of what had become a fragmented the German scientists towards Indigenous expedition. peoples before joining the expedition.

84 The Aboriginal contribution to the expedition, observed through Germanic eyes

Dr Hermann Beckler (1828–1914) der Musik bei den Australian Ureinwohnern’ (Corroboree: a contribution to knowledge Dr Hermann Beckler was born in Hoechstaedt of the music of the Australian Aborigines: un. der. Donau in Swabia, north-west of Beckler 1867). A full English translation of Munich in 1828. After graduating in medicine Beckler’s article is included in this chapter from the University of Munich in 1855 he as Appendix 5.2. He expressed excitement emigrated to Moreton Bay (then the state of at witnessing such a spectacle and returned New South Wales) in 1856, where he tried to to the area the following day to observe practise as a doctor then as a pharmacist but the aftermath. He went on to describe the was unsuccessful (Jeffries,cited in Beckler musicality of the corroboree: ‘Three strokes 1993, pp. xix–xx). His real interests lay in of the boomerang lead to the beginning of a botany and plant collections and the natural flurry of strokes. The rhythm is of the most sciences, in the best Humboldtian tradition, utmost severity, the intonation unique in and he eventually travelled overland to its purity, the singing of the octaves by the Melbourne via Deniliquin where, as a member women and children are a delight, as they are of a team of drovers, he delivered a large the best of the rarely heard European chorus’ mob of sheep brought down from the Darling (Beckler 1867, pp. 82–84). Beckler recorded Downs. In Melbourne he worked for Baron the music of three other corroborees, von Mueller cataloguing plant specimens. including ones which he witnessed at As the medical doctor and botanist on the locations in the Darling and Upper Darling expedition and as a scientist he immediately and at Gynadah (Beckler 1867, p. 84). ran foul of Burke who, in his haste to cross After the collapse of the expedition Beckler the continent, decided after they had crossed returned to Melbourne in mid September the Murray that scientific work should 1861 and immediately joined Neumayer in cease and that the scientists should become labourers. Burke’s lack of interest in pursuing his magnetic survey of Victoria’s Western the scientific aspirations of the expedition District and the Lower Murray (Neumayer dismayed Hermann Beckler and Ludwig 1869, p. 26). At Wellington on 16 December Becker. Thankfully, Burke’s decision to split 1861, Beckler received a telegram requesting the expedition at Menindee enabled both his attendance at the Royal Commission in Beckler and Becker to resume their scientific Melbourne. He left immediately, returning via work unhindered. Adelaide to be present at the commission’s Since arriving in Australia, Beckler last hearing on 30 December 1861 (Neumayer had become fascinated with Aboriginal 1869, p. 45). He left for Germany in January culture and society and his descriptions 1862 and later practised as a country doctor of Aboriginal culture during his time in in Bad Hindelang, in the Bavarian Allgau, Queensland provided some remarkable before retiring to Fischen in the mountains insights and recordings of Indigenous where he died on 10 December 1914 (Voigt activities. Prior to his arrival in Melbourne, 2000, p. 17). Beckler attended a great corroboree on the Darling Downs during the evening of 25 Dr Ludwig Becker (1808–1861) March 1858. He described in graphic detail Dr Ludwig Becker, variously described as every aspect of the event, which involved an artist, explorer and naturalist, was born 100 men dancing and 200–250 women and of a notable family at Offenbach-am-Main, children in attendance. He wrote excitedly near Darmstadt, Germany on 5 September to his brother Karl about the event (Voigt 1808. In 1828 he was engaged at Frankfurt 2000, pp. 144–146) and his description later on Main in lithographic work. As a result of appeared in the German magazine Globus in the 1848 revolutions in the German states 1867 as ‘Corroberri Ein Beitrag zur Kenntniss he moved to Edinburgh, where in July 1850

85 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills he accepted an invitation to emigrate with our own aborigines, in Australia, are of William Gardner and family, a successful a much higher class than as usually and merchant with property in Tasmania, arriving wrongly stated in works treating of the in Launceston on 10 March 1851. His interest same subject (Becker 1858, p. xxi). in the natural sciences enabled him, under Becker’s ethnological and anthropological the patronage of Governor Dennison, to paint knowledge and artistic ability were a number of Tasmanian natural features and invaluable qualifications for his selection miniatures (Meidl 2004, pp. 77–79, 101–108). as a member of the Victorian Exploring His interest in the plight of Tasmanian Expedition. He was one of its most Aborigines led him to paint portraits of six enthusiastic members and carried out his members of the Tasmanian tribes (Meidl duties as outlined in the Instructions to the 2004, p. 91). letter. He sent his first despatches from Swan The gold rushes attracted him to Victoria Hill and from Menindee sent a number of and he pursued gold digging in Bendigo specimens, drawings, watercolour sketches in 1852–54. Becker made meteorological and diaries, with accompanying reports, observations and produced enough sketches but soon became dispirited when they were for an exhibition in Melbourne in April not even acknowledged by the Exploration 1854. He became a member of the Council Committee in Melbourne (Tipping 1979, of Victorian Society of Fine Arts in 1856 and p. 191). His numerous watercolour sketches, in 1859 he joined the Philosophical Institute drawings and maps are a lasting legacy of of Victoria, which became the Royal Society the expedition, particularly his paintings and of Victoria, to which he contributed many sketches of the Indigenous peoples he met. scientific papers, ranging from such topics Ultimately Becker’s exhaustive commitment as meteorological observations taken on the to his duties led to his illness through the Bendigo goldfields, to the natural history of debilitating effects of scurvy, and he died leeches, bats and lyrebirds and even zinc at Bulloo south of Cooper Creek on 29 April found in basalt. 1861. Perhaps his most significant presentation occurred at the Ordinary Meeting of the Professor Georg von Neumayer Philosophical Institute of Victoria on 8 (1826–1909) September 1858, where he exhibited and Georg Balthasar von Neumayer, variously described some specimens of interest described as a scientist, oceanographer in natural history and the ethnology of and meteorologist, was born in 1826 in Australia, as the minutes of the meeting Kircheimbolanden, Bavarian Palatinate. record: Devoted to science, he studied at Munich The remarks of Dr Becker were illustrated University, where he completed his doctorate by several aboriginal skulls, shell in 1849. He specialised thereafter as a necklaces, tomahawks and other native magnetician, hydrographer, oceanographer weapons, belonging to the true Australian and meteorologist and, as a disciple of the race, the aborigines of Tasmania, New great American oceanographer M.F. Maury, Zealand, New Guinea, and the Feegee he systematically plotted the logs of ships Islands. Dr. Becker referred principally to sailing from Europe to Australia providing the peculiarities of and probable relations them with sailing directions that would subsisting between the aborigines of give the quickest sailing time – the concept Tasmania and the Papua or New Guinea of the Great Circle route which Maury had man; to the higher state of civilization the pioneered (see Proceedings and Transactions New Zealanders already were found to of the Royal Society of Victoria 123(1), 5–6, possess, when first discovered; and that 132–133).

86 The Aboriginal contribution to the expedition, observed through Germanic eyes

Neumayer first visited Australia in magnetic observations during the journey 1852–54 as a seaman and then as a digger northward but it had become obvious that on the Bendigo goldfields. Recognising this would not be possible because of Burke’s that Australia provided opportunities for attitude towards scientific work and the scientific research, he returned to Germany overpowering navigational and management determined to enlist support for organised workload that he placed upon Wills. work in his chosen subjects. Supported by Neumayer returned to Melbourne with Wills’ the scientist and geographer Alexander von instruments. Humboldt, Neumayer enlisted the interest Neumayer was a dedicated scientist who and support of King Maximilian in his plan to entered fully into the scientific life of the set up a physical observatory in Melbourne colony, to such an extent that he was elected to study terrestrial magnetic and related a councillor of the Royal Society of Victoria phenomena. He arrived back in Melbourne in in 1859, vice-president in 1860 and a life January 1857 to establish an observatory on member in 1864. Neumayer returned to Flagstaff Hill, using the existing signal station Germany in 1864 and, after a distinguished buildings. William John Wills was employed career, became the director of the Deutsche as an assistant there, and it was Neumayer Seewarte (German Marine Observatory). He who recommended Wills for appointment to died at Neustadt/Weinstrasse, Germany, on the Victorian Exploring Expedition. One of 24 May 1909. Neumayer’s most spectacular achievements was the completion of a thorough magnetic William Brahe (1835–1912) survey of Victoria, carried out almost single- The fourth German on the expedition, handedly in 1858–64, travelling some 11 000 William Brahe, was not a scientist but his miles (17 700 km) on foot or packhorse and appointment by Burke to command the setting up 235 magnetic stations from sea depot at Cooper Creek brought him into level to an altitude of 7200 feet (2195 m) almost daily contact with the Aborigines who on Mt Kosciusko. Neumayer’s record of frequented the depot throughout the party’s his survey is laced in true Humboldtian prolonged stay there. observational style with observations of Brahe was born in Paderborn, Germany in the natural environment, including the 1835 and came to Victoria in 1852 to work Indigenous people whom he met throughout on the goldfields. He was an experienced Victoria (Neumayer 1869). handler of cattle, horses and wagons, an During part of this extensive magnetic ideal person to be employed as a member of survey Neumayer joined Burke’s expedition the expedition. He had previously observed at Swan Hill and travelled with the party Indigenous people in the Port Fairy district to Pooncarie, during which time he carried of Victoria; none of the other depot party out magnetic observations with Wills.‘Burke members (McDonough, Patten and Dost and Wills had been very anxious that I Mahomet) had similar experience, apart should accompany them some 200 or 300 from the Aborigines they had met during the miles, in order to assist in the organisation expedition. of systematic observations in the various Burke’s Gulf party departed on 16 branches of physical science and astronomy; December 1860 and Brahe and his three-man and as this feeling was shared by the team maintained a vigil for their return for Exploration Committee and the Government, over four months, finally giving up hope I made arrangements for leaving town at the and leaving the campsite on the morning of earliest moment with the intention of joining that fateful day, 21 April 1861, when Burke’s the Expedition at Swan Hill’ (Neumayer 1869, exhausted party returned – to a deserted p. 10). Wills had been expected to carry out campsite – that evening.

87 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

On his arrival in Melbourne with Howitt Aboriginal tribes to the operation and on Sunday 30 June 1861, Brahe, at the management of the supply party’s ill-fated immediate request of the Exploration and largely wasted attempt to support and Committee, delivered a report on the events follow Burke’s expedition to Cooper Creek. which took place at the Dig tree depot after the departure of Burke’s party until the depot From Swan Hill to the Darling party’s departure from the Dig tree on 21 via Balranald April 1861. This report, dated 30 June 1861, Despite receiving detailed directions, was based on Brahe’s Dig tree diary and, after leaving Swan Hill for Balranald on 12 together with the record of his appearance September 1860 the Victorian Exploring before the commission, provides a record Expedition took the wrong track after of the depot party’s interaction with the crossing the Murray. While setting up camp Indigenous people on the Cooper. for the night it had its first encounter with In Melbourne Brahe found himself at Aboriginal peoples (probably the Mathi- the centre of a furious controversy. Had he Mathi people) at Spewah at their camp on a abandoned the camp contrary to Burke’s backwater of the Murray (see Figure 5.1). instructions? In fact, Burke had failed to In Becker’s second report he described the document his instructions to Brahe, and scene: these conflicting accounts were never really reconciled. The Royal Commission of Inquiry A native camp full of Blacks was near found that while Brahe’s decision to leave the spot where we commence pitching the depot ‘may be deserving of considerable our tents. The natives did not deem it censure’, the committee accepted that ‘His prudent to remain so close to us and decision was most unfortunate , but we notwithstanding our assuring them that believe that he acted from a conscientious they had nothing to fear, they moved desire to discharge his duty’. Brahe was in their children and chattels a hundred effect exonerated by the commission. He died yards away and contrary to their custom, in Melbourne on 16 September 1912. here they lay silent and concealed during the night, not even attracted by Aboriginal interactions with the produce of our cooks skill. I made a sketch of the native camp and the scenery the expedition around it, as shown in drawing No 6 The following is a chronology of particular (Tipping 1979, p. 196). events during which Aboriginal tribes along Beckler recorded the campsite scene the expedition track interacted with the slightly differently: various parties – Burke’s advance party, Brahe’s depot party and Wright’s supply party We did not regret this (for taking the – as well as Beckler’s rescue of trooper Lyons wrong turn) for we reached a magnificent and MacPherson. The Aboriginal interactions camping place on a wide, lake-like with the advance party have limited records, backwater of the Murray in the evening unlike those made by Hermann Beckler and … Several large eucalypts stood at the Ludwig Becker during the supply party’s edge of the water. At a little distance a journey through the Channel Country, in the gigantic gum tree (Eucalyptus) stood in south-western corner of New South Wales the water and its reflection in the water to just short of the Queensland border was the strangest sight I have ever seen (near present-day Noccundra). Becker’s and of ä single object reflected in the water. Beckler’s careful diaries, notes, sketches Mr Becker, our artist made a successful and narratives provide a substantive basis colour sketch of this strange sight. During on which to examine the contribution of the night the natives that we met here set

88 The Aboriginal contribution to the expedition, observed through Germanic eyes

Figure 5.1: ‘Near our camp at Speewah, Sep. 12. 60’. Watercolour, pen and sepia ink. Ludwig Becker, in Ludwig Becker Sketchbook. The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

alight a large tree trunk and we had a I may here insert a few remarks radiantly illuminated night scene whose respecting some customs of the native of effect well outdid many forms of artificial this part of the country. Whenever one of lighting (Beckler 1993, p. 26). their number dies a natural death, they Neumayer joined the expedition at Swan firmly believe that his death is caused Hill and travelled with it to Balranald and by another man and that this man has on to Bilbarka (Pooncarie) before returning to be killed; and the only difficulty now to Melbourne via the Wimmera in December consists in finding the malefactor. Early 1860, during which time he continued his in the morning they go out to the burial magnetic survey observations. He joined place and seem under the belief that the expedition at the Spewah campsite and there they receive information as to the remarked on the Aborigines: direction they must take in order to meet We came as far as a place called Spivoa with him. The first they encounter is to be (Spewah) close to a fine water-hole and killed. They seem to have great affection large gum-trees and camped quite near for their relatives; and women have to a native camping place. The Blacks carry their dead babies on their backs certainly were some of the finest and until another baby of their tribe dies. tallest I have yet seen of that race and the The Blacks between the Murrumbidgee good condition, in which they apparently and the Wakool are far stronger and were, was probably to some extent owing finer men; even the Lubras are far better to the kind treatment they received at the looking, than any I have seen in other hands of Mr McKenzie of Poonboon and parts of the country (Neumayer 1869, the settlers generally … pp. 10–11, 15).

89 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

From Balranald to the Darling: the first the distance; round the eyes was drawn use of Aboriginal guides with white paint, a circle, an inch broad and the hair on the woman tied up closely At Balranald, the expedition’s membership & covered with a piece of cloth, while was reduced by Burke and a range of stores the other lunar had her hair painted were auctioned. The expedition party moved or rather smeared over with the same north-west using a circuitous route through white colour, giving the head a still more the Mallee scrub country with low sandy skull-like appearance. I found that this hills and sparse water holes. Because of the mode of painting the faces is a habit met slow pace, at Prungle (about a third of the with as far as the Darling; it is a sign of way through the journey), Burke decided to mourning for relations and that women divide his party. He took 10 expeditioners as well as men show in the same way including Neumayer onwards to the Darling, their respect for the departed friends leaving Beckler to supervise the following (Tipping 1979, p. 198). party which included Brahe as one of the wagon drivers along with Hodgkinson and Tipping said that the women belonged to the team of wagoners. The difficult terrain at the Muthi Muthi tribe but Hercus stated that times made passage of the heavy overladen they were Yitha-Yitha people, as regional wagons almost impossible . linguistic analysis showed that they were Burke, aided by local Aboriginal guides members of the Murray River language (probably from the Yitha-Yitha people: (Hercus 2011, p. 2) (see Figure 5.2). Hercus 2011, p. 2), headed straight for the Beckler recorded that his wagon group left Darling, which he reached in four days after Cole’s water hole on 24 September: pushing through the dense Mallee scrub and Marched at 7¼ am in a N.W. by N. saltbush country interspersed with sandy direction. a young native, acting as a hills. This was hardly the type of route that guide, sat on one of the wagons, while would have been chosen by his Indigenous his uncle Whitepepper the ‘old man’ as guides – they would have identified a route he, par excellence, was called by all the which would have followed generally the natives of the district, walked in front ground contours, used the available water of us with a fire-stick in one hand and a holes and avoided the impenetrable Mallee yam-stick in the other, as I have shown in scrub. One suspects that Burke’s lack of sketch No 9. This ‘old man’ appeared to bush skills and impatience overruled the be of the age of 70; his hair is not white Aboriginal guides. Burke realised that his but has a peculiar pale greenish-yellow route was unsuitable for heavy wagons and tint, and is beautifully curled by the hand camels so he sent an Aboriginal messenger of nature. I made a profile drawing of back to Beckler with instructions to take the head of this man who seemed to me a different route, with Burke’s party also to be a fair specimen of an old but hardy returning to assist them. aboriginal of the district (Tipping 1979, On 19 September 1869, Beckler’s wagon p. 199) (see Figure 5.3). group camped at an outstation called On 29 September the party left Aurompo. Terickenkom. On the morning they were On the way Becker recorded, ‘I spoke to an preparing to leave: Aboriginal, whose face showed the usual Behind some bushes and looking at white markings of mourning. He told me that our doings several natives sat on the the “big Emus with four legs” had camped ground, among them was a couple of last night at Gambana with plenty of water women whose faces were painted in there. We reached this place at 5 p.m. – Soon such a manner as to give the head the after us, but from an opposite direction, Mr appearance of a skull, when seen from Burke arrived’ (Tipping 1979, p. 200).

90 The Aboriginal contribution to the expedition, observed through Germanic eyes

Figure 5.2: ‘Women in mourning between Peika and Terekonom’. Sketches of Hermann Beckler, from the original German edition of Burke’s Expedition: A Journey to Central Australia.

The party arrived at Bilbarka on 2 October and stayed for seven days, during which time the party seemed to be preoccupied with trying to round up straying camels. Becker recorded on 8 October that ‘Mr Landells again went out for the lost animals & mounted for that purpose a camel taking behind him a “black-fellow”. I think this was the first time that an Australian Aboriginal rode on a camel’ (Tipping 1979, p. 203). Captain Johnston’s river boat, Moolgewanke, fortuitously arrived on the scene on 9 Figure 5.3: ‘Watpiba, ein alter Eingeborener mit rauchenden October and undertook to transport about Feuerstocke’ (Watpiba, an old 8 tons of equipment and stores to Menindee. native with smoking fire stick). Sketches of Hermann Beckler, from the original German edition Bilbarka to Menindee of Burke’s Expedition: A Journey to On 11 October the expedition left Bilbarka Central Australia. for Menindee with Burke’s group, arriving on 15 October; the steamer and the camels arrived shortly afterwards, on 17 October. On Friday 19 October Burke’s advance

91 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills party comprising Wills, Brahe, King, Gray, site. Wright went as far as Torowoto before McDonough, Patten and Dost Mahomet left turning back to Menindee with Dick, who had for Cooper Creek. The remaining members refused to continue to the Cooper. Wright of the expedition (Beckler, Becker, Stone, arranged for local Aboriginal guides, who, Hodgkinson, Purcell, Smith and Belooch – the according to Wills, tried to mislead the party supply party), set up camp at the junction of by leading them back to Bulloo and then the Pamamaroo Creek and the Darling, some departed. 7 miles upstream from Menindee (see Figure 5.4). The trooper Lyons event: search and rescue With Burke’s advance party to Wright returned from Torowoto to the supply Cooper Creek party’s camp at Pamamaroo Creek with Dick Burke’s advance party, guided by William on 5 November 1860. On 10 November, Wright and two local Aboriginal boys, trooper Lyons arrived from Swan Hill with Dick (Mountain)4 and an unnamed boy, urgent despatches for Burke (from the experienced excellent travelling conditions Exploration Committee, dated 18 October to reach their first camp site on a branch 1860). Wright, with the authority of Burke, of the Cooper (now known as the Wilson took charge of the supply party and arranged River) (Camp No. 57) on 11 November 1860. for McPherson and Dick, who had just They made a total of eight camp sites as returned from Torowoto, to guide trooper they travelled down the Cooper before Lyons in an attempt to catch up with Burke’s finally selecting Camp No. 65, the Dig tree party. They departed on 10 November 1860.

Figure 5.4: ‘Depôt Junction: The Bamamoro Cr. with the Darling, 7 miles from Minindie, up the Darling. Nov 1. 60’. Ludwig Becker. 1 November 1860. The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

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On 19 December, some three weeks after natives had taken them in. He had come Lyons’ party left, Beckler recounted that: ahead to the Darling to seek help for I saw a native approaching our camp. I them (Beckler 1993, p. 48). would certainly not off [sic] recognised Dick further indicated ‘that both (Lyons him had not his india rubber water and McPherson) were very weak and that he bottle and his clothing led me to think did not think the natives would remain with it must be Mountain (Dick) who had left them and find food for them, even though our camp on 10 November with Lyon’s they had promised to do so’ (Beckler 1993, and McPherson … His previously fill [sic] p. 49). face was sunken, his tottering legs could Dick’s courage was later recognised hardly carry him, his feet were raw, his with an award of a medal (breastplate) at a voice hoarse and whispering. He was ceremony in Melbourne in September 1861. the shadow of a man. He laid himself It was fitting that this award, the only at my feet and looked at me wistfully bravery award made as a result of the and soulfully. According to his account expedition, should have been made to an they had travelled 400 to 420 miles. The Aborigine.5 horse had died and they themselves had Beckler offered to travel to Torowoto to nothing more to eat. A lack of water had bring the two Europeans back to the Darling prevented them from completing their camp; on 21 December he left with three journey and they were compelled to turn camels and a horse, accompanied by Belooch back. They then attempted to return to and a native guide, Peter, ‘to whom Mountain the Darling on foot, about 100 miles from (Dick) had described our route as well as there neither Lyons nor MacPherson was possible’. In their absence, Becker took the able to proceed any further. He had left opportunity to paint a watercolour of Dick them at Durroadoo, (Torowoto) where the (Tipping 1979, p. 107) (see Figure 5.5).

Figure 5.5: ‘Portrait of Dick: the brave and gallant native guide’. Ludwig Becker. 21 December 1860. The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

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Five days out, on 26 December, Beckler that we were in the immediate vicinity of recorded: the captives. At intervals along the way, Peter, who had received his instructions bundles of grass were spread fanlike over about the track from Dick [Mountain] the our path; without hesitation we took them evening before our departure, was very to be the abovementioned signs of the excited as he believed we should certainly natives (Beckler 1993, p. 63). find Dick’s shoes and his saddle today. The As they drew nearer to Torowoto they poor man had carried them this far on encountered more and more Aborigines. his back. We were to find them at a spot ‘Peter was full of eagerness, indeed he marked by him which was not far distant showed an interest in the success of our from the two captives. We were therefore journey that one would have not expected very eager and carefully observed in a native. He rode in some distance ahead every bush that we passed. Finally Peter of us, his penetrating gaze roaming in all shouted out that the saddle was in sight directions. Suddenly he turned about and and we found it immediately hanging sprang back towards us, announcing with on a branch. Beneath it were Dick’s torn delight that he could already see MacPherson’ shoes (Beckler 1993, p. 61). (Beckler 1993, p. 64). On the following day, 27 December 1860: They were reunited with Lyons and Peter was in high spirits. He was firmly McPherson, who were both in extremely poor convinced that we would reach Duroadoo condition. They had been living on nardoo [Torowoto] today, where Lyons and which the natives had shown them how to Macpherson were and indeed by all gather and pound. The rescue party prepared calculations we could not be far away … a meal from its supplies, to improve their Peter told us of certain signs that Dick diet after ‘having had insufficient and [Mountain] had informed him the natives unbalance nourishment for so long’ (see would lay along the track to let us know Figure 5.6).

Figure 5.6: McPhersons and Lyons Camp Duroadoo December 27 HB. Sketches of Hermann Beckler, from the original unpublished German edition of Burke’s expedition to Central Australia.

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McPherson’s account horses died. They reached Torowoto on 8 December, only to find two Aboriginal tribes Beckler’s account included the following engaged in a pitched battle, fighting at close transcription of McPherson’s narrative of range with boomerangs: their journey northward, during which they had followed Burke’s camp site trail, and They did not bother us and immediately their meetings with native peoples. At their after the fight they came over to our camp on 20 November, during the night they group. Dick explained our predicament saw in the distance a fire, which they decided and they seemed sorry for us, but showed no further interest. Two of the natives to follow up in the morning. The following that had accompanied Burke for a good day they reached the spot only to find at the stretch from Duroadoo [Torowoto] came most a dozen natives camped: to us after Dick had spoken to them They shouted at us, ‘Bulla, Bulla’ and and they promised us some water fowl. made signs to us to come closer. They They stayed with us for two days longer then took their spears and accompanied than the other natives, but brought us us, continuously shouting, ‘Bulla, Bulla’. nourishment only vary [sic] irregularly. We travelled over sand hills and grassy Sometimes they brought us an iguana plains, but the natives ran ahead of us (goanna) at other times a snake or shouting. They escorted us for a distance several large insect larvae (Witchetty of 16 miles, after which we arrived at a grubs). In return we gave them all our deep creek which was full of good water. spare clothing and promised them Marvellous feed for the horse. We now more shirts and tomahawks (hand-axes) thought that Burke would not be far in (Beckler 1993, p. 74). front of us. Lyons gave one of the natives McPherson observed that the natives used a note for Burke. The natives made signs certain seeds as food and thought they could to us to continue our march to Bulla and be a valuable means of sustenance if only he gave us to understand that we would could obtain the seeds and the grindstones – arrive there at 6 o’clock in the evening … there were no stones in the whole region: Dick [Mountain] could not understand the I now gave various articles that I still natives. After resting for two hours we had to a young native and beseeched went on, put eight to ten miles behind us her to go with me and show me the and came to a creek where we found the seeds. The natives seemed angry, though, natives again, including the one to whom when she went with me. She remained Lyons had given the note. They made with me until I had a small tin dish full signs to us that this was Bulla (Beckler of the seeds, after which she promptly 1993, p. 68). disappeared. From now on we went out The natives were quite insistent that every day to collect. We crushed them the party should camp there for the night, between two stones that we finally found but Lyons and McPherson travelled a short which we made into a dough with some distance further to a spot where Burke’s water. In the natives manner we made party had camped. The natives followed and them into little cakes which we threw on tried to prevent them from travelling further. to the glowing coals and left for a few The party broke free and ultimately made minutes. Several days after we had begun camp in the dark some 7–8 miles from Bulla, eating this food our continual feeling of then struggled on without feed and water for hunger disappeared, but the new rough the horses or people. fare affected our intestines and we both On 24 November they decided to turn became ill with diarrhoea (Beckler 1993, back. On the return journey, two of the p. 74).

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On 10 December, Dick left with the only (Beckler 1993, pp. 81–82). Beckler described horse, in an attempt to seek help from the the camp as ‘A marvellous sight. It consisted Darling depot party which he reached on 19 of a row of small huts which were made December. out of branches and leaned against low scrub; the many well attended fires threw Return to the Darling depot an abundance of light on to the banks that On 28 December the party left Torowoto. the smallest objects could be distinguished’ Lyons and McPherson rode on the camels (Beckler 1993, p. 82). and the rest walked. Near where Dick had left They asked them whether they had seen his horse and saddle they found his horse our companions and they promised to quietly grazing and completely recovered. lead us to them. After many questions Beckler, ever ready to further his botanical and endless conversations involved with collecting, took a side trip with Peter to the Peter, three guides finally led us to Lyon’s Gonningberri mountains where, as usual, and MacPherson’s camp site, where we water became an immediate problem. They arrived after midnight and were re- were searching for water when suddenly united. We gave the guides gifts and Peter reined his horse, dismounted and hoped to depart early in the morning. pointed to a spot on the ground: ‘You see However, while we were breakfasting this? A Dingo has scratched here for water the whole tribe descended upon us. They and we will certainly find water enough for were good natured and were delighted us and our horse’ (Beckler 1993, p. 78). to see us again. As we had a large stock They soon found water under slabs of of provisions we decided to give them all rock and in a depression which quickly that we could spare. They were overjoyed filled enough for them to quench the thirst and took pains to show their gratitude in and that of their horses. The following day every way (Beckler 1993, p. 82). they left the range to find the party. As During the packing-up it was discovered night fell they were still a long way from that an axe had disappeared. Peter was the meeting point when they came across instructed to ask the Aborigines to return the Belooch wandering through the bush in a axe, which they did with words and gestures daze. He had become lost after going ahead which looked like apologies. They gave Peter to follow a track; when he returned Lyons a gift of a waterbag made from kangaroo and McPherson had gone. The augmented skin which retained the shape of the animal. group proceeded and Peter saw a distant fire It was sewn very cleanly and carefully which they hoped would be that of Lyons and and, according to Beckler (1993, p. 82) was McPherson. decidedly the nicest native object that he had Peter led the way to a broad creek where ever seen. the fire was blazing on the opposite bank, The party reached the camp at the Darling in the camp site of a large group of natives. Junction (Pamamaroo Creek) during the early ‘They waded across the creek to meet us hours of 5 January 1861. and when they recognised Peter as one of their own, they became very excited and Wright and the supply party’s journey to crowded around us giving us the universal Torowoto greeting “Belara, Knappa, balera, imba, imba, On 26 January 1861, the supply party belara” (Good, I good, you good), which we departed from the Darling depot where it had could repeat … Peter who spoke the same camped for the past three months. Becker language could hardly tell them enough of had not been idle: besides undertaking our adventures and he seemed to take great daily meteorological observations he had interest in the excitement of his countrymen’ completed some 20 sketches and had

96 The Aboriginal contribution to the expedition, observed through Germanic eyes submitted written reports. He made several found, were dry. When they finally reached drawings of the Indigenous peoples of the Mootwingee on 31 January, the animals Darling (see Figures 5.7–5.9). were saved only by dumping equipment and The party consisted of Wright as leader, stores and being driven to a reservoir in the Hermann Beckler, Ludwig Becker, Charles nearby hills. Stone, William Hodgkinson, William Purcell, The party left Mootwingee on 6 February John Smith and Belooch, with 13 horses for Torowoto, which was reached on 13 and 10 camels. They headed northward February after a trip in intense summer to Mootwingee then on to Torowoto. The heat and with almost non-existent water. difficulties experienced with the animals Fortunately, water was still available at during the first day of travel (the unruly Torowoto. horses and camels had been generally idle A few hours after their arrival 15–16 for over three months) and the consequential natives visited ther camp (see Figure 5.10). lost baggage meant that the party had to They were the first natives that the party had make camp only a short way up the Darling. seen during the journey: It took two days to calm the fractious animals and repair damaged baggage and … they seem astonished at us and our stores. Dick accompanied the party to this animals. They were very friendly and camping spot but after borrowing a clean talkative. They were nearly all daubed shirt he disappeared, not to be seen again. with clay and were ugly, wretched Although the party had earlier stored creatures. Most of them were bathed in water at a number of intermediate sites, sweat and even at some distance their the stores were either not found or if odour was extremely unpleasant, like

Figure 5.7: ‘No. 40. Mr. Shirt. Mr. Nogood. Missis Mallee. Natives on the Darling. Darling Depot, Jan.12.1861’. Ludwig Becker. The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

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Figure 5.8: ‘Native from the Darling. 14 Febr. 1861’. The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

98 The Aboriginal contribution to the expedition, observed through Germanic eyes

Figure 5.9: ‘Group of natives at Menindee, Darling’. Ludwig Becker. [1860?]. The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

Figure 5.10: ‘L.B. Feb.21.61. Arrival of the Party at Duroadoo’. The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

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that of all natives. We gave them various which had received fresh water from a things to eat and they immediately set passing storm. On 21 February Wright set off up camp close to ours. They were noisy in a northerly direction with Smith, Belooch and in high spirits until late into the and four camels, to find a route to Bulloo. night. Our Artist, Dr Becker, was of the The remaining party reached Rat Point on 26 opinion that two women with pendulous February then moved on to Poria Creek. breasts and of unkempt appearance, both On 1 March they were visited by a group incidentally ugly, frequently presented of Aborigines, some smeared with fat and themselves in the attitude of Venus de recently painted. Stone understood their Medici. In the opinion of the others, they talking and gesticulating to mean that they were merely standing holding one arm were complaining about Hodgkinson’s over their breasts to protect themselves shooting, which had disturbed their food from the flies, while the other was swang source (see Chapter 2). Hodgkinson was to so as to fend off these pests (Beckler scaring the ducks away and the Aborigines 1993, p. 112). demanded that the party leave and return Beckler noted that they called their small to the Darling or Bulloo. On 6 March children ‘babes’. Wright and McPherson gave Hodgkinson was absent on a trip to fetch gifts of shirts and an axe they had brought water, which allowed the Aborigines to for that purpose, and to an old man who hunt ducks in peace. They came to the complained of the cold ‘we gave a woollen camp during the evening with two excellent blanket as well as a shirt’ (Beckler 1993, ducks as if to express their appreciation for p. 113). the absence of shooting. In return, Beckler Two members of the tribe were selected and his party gave them some dried meat. to accompany the party to Bulloo. As Wright Fortunately the ducks then disappeared from explained, ‘I selected two of them and gave the swamp, so the natives no longer tried to them each a shirt. They were well acquainted hunt there. with the various creeks and named several The party at Torowoto comprised places in advance, but our mutual ignorance Beckler, Stone and Hodgkinson. Wright’s of each other’s language, rendered it reconnaissance party had ridden north and impossible to obtain any serviceable was overdue, and Becker and Belooch were information’ (Tipping 1979, p. 176). still at the Mudplains Camp with Hodgkinson providing water on a shuttle basis. From Torowoto to Mudplains camp The party departed from Torowoto on From Mudplains camp to Bulloo 15 February with the two native guides, Hodgkinson brought news that Becker and following Burke’s tracks. About 3 miles out, Belooch were ill and the Torowoto party the natives indicated that the party would decided to move everything to the Mudplains need to leave the track as it was leading Camp on 10 March: ‘at breakfast a very into waterless country. Wright did not hungry group of natives stood around us want to leave the track as they had no way and we gave them everything we could spare of knowing where they were. The natives and they parted with mutual expressions of openly expressed their regret and turned friendliness’ (Beckler 1993, p. 129). Beckler back, leaving the party to continue alone. believed that the natives of Torowoto The party reached its next camp (Mudplains belonged to different tribes,‘the Macquarra camp) where its water problems became and the Killparra’ (Beckler 1993, p. 129). critical, so much so that the party had to However, these are not the names of tribes make regular return trips to Torowoto to but of two matrilineal moieties common to obtain water. One time they found a site all Aboriginal peoples along the Darling from

100 The Aboriginal contribution to the expedition, observed through Germanic eyes

Bourke to Wentworth and along the Murray carried several horizontal artificial scars. from Wentworth to Euston (Hercus 2011, Both their genitals and the cleft between p. 3). their buttocks were covered with a The Torowoto party reached Mudplains decorative tassel a foot in length and 2 to camp during the afternoon; Wright’s party 3 inches broad. They were bound around had returned the previous evening with an their loins with a double or treble cord unfavourable description of Bulloo. However, (Beckler 1993, p. 151). they decided to move the party there after a Invading rats and flies made living return to Torowoto to replenish the horses conditions intolerable for Beckler and the and camels and the establishment of a water two invalids. depot about 12 miles north of Mudplains The camp site was visited daily by small camp, so that they could travel over nearly number of Aborigines, who always inquired 100 miles of waterless country. how long the party would stay at the site: On 12 March the camel party set off to the They were freshly painted and adorned water depot; during the evening the camels, with feathers in their hair and also wore let free at Wright’s directions, went missing. very neatly worked fish or bird nets They were found a day later and it was slung three or four times around their decided that Belooch would take them back to Torowoto for further supplies of water. loins. Again they questioned me about Beckler’s greatest worry was now for Belooch, the date of our departure and pointing who was alone with the camels at Torowoto. in a northerly direction cried ‘Bulla, Bulla’. One of them made strange rowing Incident at Kooliatto Creek movements with both arms. He pointed to his breasts, made kiss-like motions The party restarted the journey to Bulloo on with his lips, pointed in the direction of 15 March, the camels loaded with waterbags. his camp and gestured to me to come They reached the advance camp at Kooliatto with him. In a confidential, helpful, Creek at midday on the following day. almost pleading manner and with Illness had started to make its impact: all most tender modulations that his voice members of the party were sick and some seemed capable of, he continually cried were suffering the onset of scurvy. Becker ‘Ana, ana, ana, ana’. I soon understood and Purcell were in such a condition that him very clearly as he carried on with Beckler stayed to nurse them at Kooliatto other gestures, but was not in the least Creek while the remainder of the party went disposed to visit his black beauty, or in on to Bulloo. As the Bulloo party moved off other words, be struck dead, for this is three Aborigines arrived, and Wright called the meaning of such invitation in inland them over and gave them a packhorse to Australia (Beckler 1993, p. 154). lead. Wright indicated that Beckler should not worry about the natives as he would take That visit was followed by one from a them to Bulloo: larger group of some 17 Aborigines, all decorated and freshly painted, armed with Their appearance was different from the natives on the Darling or at Torowoto. shields and boomerangs and some with They were tall, slim well-built, their spears. legs were less crooked than those of None seemed to be over thirty years the others, they had high foreheads, old and a few were well built with not somewhat longer noses and the angle unpleasant features, while others had between the nose and forehead was less truly devilish visages. When they saw obtuse. They looked neither very friendly how attentively I observed them they nor very wild. On their shoulders they immediately struck themselves on their

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chests and shouted out, some Macquarra, their largest rifle and let off a large rockets others Killpara. A young well-built one in the direction of the presumed attack. This eyed lad gesticulated violently and action seemed to silence the Aborigines, seemed very excited. He wore a Garibaldi who disappeared after making loud noises in shirt which he had stolen a few days response. earlier and I took the liberty of pointing The following day the party was visited by out this disgraceful deed to him by a group of Aborigines who, through gestures, striking him severely on the ear (Beckler indicated that they wanted the Europeans 1993, p. 155). to leave. The visits became a regular The group closely surrounded Beckler occurrence. On one occasion the Aborigines then left, going quietly after some apparent indicated that they knew the location of consultation. During the afternoon, Beckler Burke’s track and offered to guide the party heard howling and singing at a great to the spot. One Aborigine was so impressive distance; it appeared that the Aboriginal and courteous that Wright gave him a cap community was departing. Their route and shirt and from then on he was named ‘Mr passed the camp site, some drifted towards Shirt’. Wright and Smith joined Mr Shirt and the camp and soon it was surrounded, were taken on ‘a wild goose chase’ through the Aborigines taking anything that was the bush looking for Burke’s track, which Mr available. They were keenly interested Shirt could not find. In fact, he had led them in the state of Becker and Purcell, lying into a trap. extremely ill inside the tent. The one-eyed Wright and Smith camped for the night shirt thief drew particular attention to away from the large body of Aborigines himself and his lively speech impressed the and refused an offer to visit the women, tribe. An Aboriginal elder became involved. presuming the real reason for the invitation He remonstrated with the one-eyed young was to beat them to death. The Aborigines Aborigine then indicated to Beckler that the then circled their camp with fires, as if to group was leaving to travel up the creek prevent their escape. However, Wright and and would return in four days, and that the Smith were able to slip away, grab their Europeans should be gone prior to their horses and ride to the safety of Bulloo. return. The Kooliatto Creek camp returned The Aborigines prepared to attack the to peace, although the expedition members camp, which was now fortified with stores could still hear in the distance some sounds in a defensive position. About 18 Aborigines from the Aborigines’ new camp site. On 12 approached the camp, with Mr Shirt in the April Hodgkinson rode back from Bulloo lead. Mr Shirt, ‘a born diplomat, ignored the to see how the party was doing; he stayed orders to stay away, came closer and in a only one day at Kooliatto Creek. Finally sign language which he supported with quiet Hodgkinson and Belooch arrived at Kooliatto flowing speech, explained that we must leave to help, and the party left for Bulloo. the site as the area belonged to his tribe and they were coming here to celebrate a feast At Bulloo and the skirmish … And that neighbouring tribes were also There were now three dying men – Stone was coming in large numbers to drive us away’ unwell, and Becker and Purcell were dying (Beckler 1993, p. 167). Mr Shirt repeated his from scurvy. Adding to the general misery, demand and at the same time surreptitiously the camp was infested with rats. moved forward. On 21 April a fire was flared up about a Wright took Mr Shirt by the collar and mile away and some Aboriginal people were thrust him back to the crowd. Mr Shirt seen to be on the move. The camp site was repeated the threats and the stand-off made ready for an attack, but Wright fired continued for about three hours. After

102 The Aboriginal contribution to the expedition, observed through Germanic eyes exhausting all entreaties, the party attacked camels disappeared during the melee, chased the Aborigines and drove them off, with Shirt off by the Aborigines. They were recovered the last to leave (see Figure 5.11). All the and brought back to the camp. party’s cooking utensils had been stolen, as The Aborigines regrouped about a mile well as some rats which had been intended away and Wright fired in their direction for the evening meal. The party fortified the to reassert his party’s superior firepower. camp with wood in the form of a palisade in During the night there were loud noises and readiness for a return attack. a lament from the natives, then all was quiet. Stone died that evening (22 April) and was buried by the creek. On 24 April Purcell died, and was buried next to Stone. Meeting with Brahe’s returning party On the morning of 27 April about 45 During the morning of 29 April bells were Aborigines appeared, moving quickly heard in the distance, heralding the arrival across the plain and led by Mr Shirt. At the of part of Burke’s party. Brahe and his party same time a group of approximately 50 informed the Bulloo group that they had Aborigines were moving down the creek departed the Cooper Creek depot on 21 towards the camp site at full speed – when April, having waited five weeks over time they were approximately 20 paces away, in the vain hope of Burke’s party’s return. Wright ordered the party to fire. A few fell, Patten was extremely ill and McDonough several apparently from fright. Mr Shirt was severely wounded and the remainder quickly was limping from a damaged knee and was retreated. Mr Shirt staggered to his feet and, exhibiting the first stages of scurvy. On 30 after hurling a curse at the party, hobbled April Becker died; he was buried alongside away to follow the retreating tribe. The the graves of Stone and Purcell.

Figure 5.11: ‘Bulla, Queensland, 1861’. William Oswald Hodgkinson. Watercolour. National Library of Australia. PIC/11535/46 LOC MS SR Cab 3/9.

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The return from Bulloo to the Darling and Peter had met during their first trip to Torowoto in search of trooper Lyons and On 1 May 1861, the party, now consisting of McPherson. They led Wright and Brahe to nine expedition members, 21 horses and 16 an excellent water hole. Beckler recorded camels, departed Bulloo for the Darling. The that ‘The natives, to whom we gave plenty Aborigines were nowhere to be seen but two of flour, sugar, tea and meat, made their rows of columns of smoke were rising, one camp very close to ours and laughed and from a row of hills and the other from along ate noisily through half the night … The the creek ahead of their route, signalling Wonamente natives had such trust in us that their departure. Signal fires, as distinct from bush burnings, were regularly used by a lad who showed a desire to come with us Indigenous tribes to indicate the movement was allowed to do so. He showed no regret at of groups, particularly ‘strangers’, passing temporarily leaving his wild home, or at least through their territories, as a warning to not yet. Incidentally, care was taken for his other tribes. safe return and his parents were guaranteed The party stopped at the Kooliatto Creek it’ (Beckler 1993, p. 185). camp site to give the invalids and Brahe’s The party continued and found that animals an opportunity to recuperate after surface water was dried up; however, crossing the waterless country from Cooper sufficient water was obtained by digging in Creek. the various creek beds. They reached the On 3 May Brahe and Wright returned depot at the junction of the Darling River and to Cooper Creek in case Burke’s party Pamamaroo Creek on 19 June 1861. had returned in their absence. They did not realise that Burke, Wills and King had The events at Cooper Creek: the returned and were wandering through the depot party’s experiences at bush along the creek, hoping for rescue in South Australia via Mt Hopeless. Camp 65 Brahe and Wright returned on 13 May to With the departure of Burke’s Gulf party on find the party still at the Kooliatto Creek 16 December 1860, the depot party, led by camp site. Patten had become extremely ill Brahe with Patten, McDonough and Dost and the horses and camels were nowhere Mahomet, began constructing a stockade to be found. By 21 May the party was able 20 feet by 18 feet on the high bank of the to leave, with the horses and most of the Cooper between the coolibah trees (later camels, but their departure was delayed the celebrated Dig trees). The three-sided until 23 May because of McDonough’s illness stockade was completed on 23 December and the need to construct a suitable bed for with the open side affording a view of Patten. the open ground away from the Cooper Patten died on 5 June and was buried at where tents had been erected and camels Rat Point. On arrival at Torowoto the party were tethered during the night. Inside the found that the creeks which had abundant stockade was Burke’s tent and an ammunition water during the outward journey were now store. dry. However, some rain had fallen and there This activity soon attracted local was just enough water. At the next camp site Aborigines and large and small groups of the camels disappeared again and were only natives continually appeared at the camp found by midday after an exhaustive search. site. Petty thieving occurred and small Wright and Brahe had gone ahead with groups used the topography of the site, with the horses and met several Aborigines who its high bank at the edge of the dry creek were overjoyed to see the party again. These bed, to come close to the camp. Despite were the Aborigines who Beckler, Belooch Burke’s instructions that the natives, which

104 The Aboriginal contribution to the expedition, observed through Germanic eyes he thought would become troublesome played a crucial part in the expedition’s ‘should be shot at once’, Brahe adopted a progress to Menindee and during the initial more conciliatory approach and set up a stages of the advance party’s travel to Cooper camp perimeter: Creek, after which the navigating skills of A large number of natives came to the Wills led the Gulf party along the 140th camp, whose demeanour roused my meridian to the Gulf. Aboriginal guides suspicions. Got hold of a young native played a significant role in the supply party’s and shoved him off, when he fell down. In progress, and Dick and Peter’s importance in the afternoon the whole tribe returned, guiding Beckler’s party and saving trooper the men armed, some with spears and Lyons and McPherson was outstanding. some with boomerangs: most of them had Aboriginal expertise was essential for the painted their faces and bodies. I met them supply party, which had been left without at a short distance from the camp and instruments and which had no real ability to marking a circle around it, I gave them to navigate northwards to Cooper Creek. They understand that they would be fired at if were simply expected to follow the tracks they entered it. On some of them crossing of Burke’s advance party, left some three the line, I fired off my gun into the months earlier. The supply party had Wright’s branches of a tree, when they retired and bush skills and his experience of earlier did not molest us any more (Brahe 1861). travel with the advance party to Torowoto, The perimeter was generally observed by but these were of limited assistance as the the natives. party was now travelling northward in the Towards the end of the expedition’s stay heat of the summer in a totally different at the Cooper the number of natives passing waterless environment. In many places the camp became less numerous but cordial Burke’s track had disappeared and the supply relations remained. Offerings of fish and party had no knowledge of where Burke’s nets were made, but ‘We made it a rule never party had camped. They therefore relied on to accept the least thing from them, but the ability of their Aboriginal guides to find made some of them little presents of left off traces of the track and to find water for the clothes’ (Brahe 1861). animals and themselves. The party would Apart from the incident described above, have done better if it had always relied on Brahe’s evidence to the Commission of the guides’ expertise: Wright’s decision, Inquiry on 27 November 1861 was that in shortly after leaving Torowoto, to follow general the natives were not troublesome Burke’s track, much against the guides’ and that both parties had become tolerant of wishes, and head into waterless country one another (Victoria 1861–62, pp. 12–13). rather than follow the Aborigines’ preferred route, resulted in the party unnecessarily Aboriginal contributions spending four weeks in waterless and difficult country which caused them great to the expedition: a hardship. Not only did they have to endlessly retrospective analysis backtrack over vast distances to Torowoto to Despite a suggestion by Kerwin (2010, obtain water, but they also became engaged p. xviii) that ‘Burke and Wills had no in confrontations with Aborigines at various Aboriginal people to guide them and are camp sites over water and interference better known for their failure’, this chapter with food-gathering – in Aboriginal eyes, has shown that the expedition was heavily they were trespassing. The difficulties of reliant on the engagement of Aboriginal travelling through this country accelerated guides once it crossed into the unsettled the illnesses of the three members who died areas north of the Murray. Aboriginal guides at Bulloo.

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The search for water expedition as a whole proved immeasurable. The progress of the expedition across the The late departure of the exploring continent would have been monitored. The expedition, on 20 August 1860, from Gulf party’s return to the Cooper would have Melbourne meant that the various exploring been noted: had Brahe’s party developed a parties had great difficulty finding adequate better relationship with the local tribes they water supplies during their travels at the could been told of the party’s return through height of summer. While Burke’s advance tribal networks of message sticks or signal party to the Cooper travelled in relative fires (for Aboriginal use of these, see Ch. 15). comfort with water and feed available for The supply party’s departure from Bulloo had the camels and horses, the situation was been noticed and transmitted to tribes along very different for Wright’s supply party, the track by a series of signal fires. Such which departed from Pamamaroo Creek in signals might have averted the tragic events the intense heat of January 1861. The skill of 21 April 1861 at Cooper Creek, when of the Aboriginal guides in being able to Burke’s returning party missed Brahe’s party read the geology and topography of the at the Dig tree only by hours. land, the movement of birds and the actions of animals in their quest to find water in ‘waterless’ country were instrumental in Endnotes supporting the supply party. 1 Beckler wrote Burkes Entdeckungsreise: Eine Reise nach Zentral-Australien (‘Burke’s Conclusion expedition: a journey to Central Australia) after his return to Germany in 1862. It was While it is easy, with the benefit of hindsight, unpublished and its existence emerged to suggest that if certain actions or decisions only through Joseph Heider’s (1954) article had taken place the outcomes of the ill-fated ‘Hermann Beckler’ in Polnitz (1954, vol. expedition would have been different, it is possible to make some basic observations 3, pp. 419–444). Beckler’s publication was about certain actions which should have been translated from German by Dr Stephen taken. The most fundamental mistake made Jeffries and Dr Michael Kertesz, edited by Burke and his expedition officers (and the by Jeffries and published in 1993 as A Exploration Committee) was their failure to Journey to Cooper’s Creek. The change recognise or even understand the culture in title is interesting, as in 1860 the and way of life of the Indigenous peoples of expedition’s intention was to cross the the unsettled districts of Central Australia. largely unknown centre of Australia. When The expedition was exploring an alien the expedition was subdivided into three environment that had been inhabited for groups Beckler’s group (the supply party thousands of years; one would have thought led by Wright) tried to reach Cooper Creek, that its Instructions would have specified only to fail some 180 kms short. that the expedition should go out of its way 2 Professor Johannes Voigt’s translation, to engage or connect with the Aboriginal Beckler: Hermann. Entdeckungen in population. Other exploring parties, Australien: Briefe und Aufzeichnungen including Howitt’s relief party, recruited eines Deutschen 1855–1862 (Becker, Aboriginal guides or ambassadors with the Hermann: Discoveries in Australia: Letters linguistic and navigational skills that would and Reports of a German 1855–1862), enable them to communicate and engage was introduced and explained by Voigt with other groups as they travelled through in Osterhammel and Reichert (2000, vol. various linguistic territories. The engagement 9). The book provides a masterly edited of Dick and Peter is a perfect example of translation of Beckler’s Old German this approach, and their support to the hand-written letters to his brother Karl

106 The Aboriginal contribution to the expedition, observed through Germanic eyes

from the time he left Germany in 1855 September 1861] at the Hall of the Royal until his departure from Australia in Society, His Excellency Henry Barkly, in the 1862. The edited highlights of the letters presence of several gentlemen, presented follow Beckler’s thoughts and Australian Dick, (the aboriginal who materially experiences from his landing in Moreton assisted in rescuing Lyon’s and McPherson Bay, his attempts to establish a medical from the perils of the Australian interior), practice, his botanising and his interests with a brass plate and chain and five in the Aborigines, his droving experience sovereigns, as a reward for his gallant to New South Wales and his joining the conduct on that occasion. His Excellency, expedition. It includes a number of in making the presentation said:- ‘Dick. I illustrations (small vignettes embedded understand that this has been given to you in his letters) as well as a selection of by the Queen’s Government for rescuing pencil sketches from the expedition which Trooper Lyons and Saddler McPherson. were discovered in the Heimatmuseum in Every black fellow who sees you will know Hoechstaedt. what you received this for.’ 3 One of the main aims of Blandowski’s His Excellency on handing the dingy hero Murray River Expedition of 1856–57 was the five sovereigns expressed a hope to record the life and times of Aboriginal that he would not spend it in drink, as communities along the Murray before too many of his race were prone to do; they became extinct. The natural history and Sir Henry also adverted to the native collecting role of the expedition led to the who had seen the two white men on engagement of Aboriginal communities the raft near Cooper’s Creek, ‘regretting and allowed Blandowski and his assistant that the witness did not lend them some Krefft to amass a collection of plant assistance’. The testimonial bore the and animal specimens and to interact following inscription:-‘Presented to Dick with and study the various Indigenous by the Exploration Expedition for assisting communities. Trooper Lyons and Saddler McPherson, December, l860.’ Dick, we believe, 4 There appears to have been some confusion returned to Menindie on Wednesday. about the name of the Aborigine ‘Dick’, who was referred to as either ‘Dick’ or ‘Mountain’. Haverfield, writing ‘Jottings in References the North’ in the Bendigo Advertiser of 26 Allen H (2009) Native companions: October 1861, recorded that when seeking Blandowski, Krieft and the Aborigines of to recruit an Aboriginal guide at Menindee the Murray River Expedition. Proceedings he contacted an Aborigine of ‘considerable and Transactions of the Royal Society of influence’ known as ‘Old Mountain’ and Victoria 121(1), pp. 129–145. a guide (Mr Jacky) was obtained. It is Allen H (2011) The space between: Aboriginal likely that Dick was either a member of people, the Victoria Exploring Expedition Old Mountain’s tribe or was his relation. and the relief parties. In Burke and Wills: The name ‘Dick’ was engraved on the The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian breastplate awarded by the Royal Society Exploring Expedition. (Eds EB Joyce and DA of Victoria for the rescue of trooper Lyons McCann) pp. 245–274. CSIRO Publishing, and McPherson (see endnote 5). Melbourne. 5 Extract from the Bendigo Advertiser (26 Barkly H (1865) Anniversary Address of the September 1861, p. 3). President, 8 April 1861. Transactions and PRESENTATION TO A BLACK FELLOW Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria On Monday afternoon [Monday 23 1861–1864 6, xix–xxxiv.

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Becker L (1858) Recorded in minutes of Melbourne. meeting of Philosophical Institute of Meidl E (2004) A Donation to the Colony. Victoria, 8 September, p. xxi. German–Australian Association of Beckler H (1867) Corroberri: Ein Beitrag zur Tasmania, Hobart. Kenntnis der Musik bei den australischen Neumayer GB (1869) Results of the Magnetic Ureinwohnern. Globus 13, 82–84. Survey of the Colony of Victoria Executed Beckler H (1993) A Journey to Cooper’s Creek. during the Years 1858–1864. Mannheim, (Trans. and eds S Jeffries and M Kertesz). Germany. Melbourne University Press and State Osterhammel J and Reichert F (eds) (2000) Library of Victoria, Melbourne. Foreign Cultures in Old Reports. Jan Brahe W (1861) Letter to the Exploration Thorbecke, Stuttgart. Committee. Melbourne, 30 June 1861. Polnitz G (ed.) (1954) Lebensbilder aus dem Heider J (1954) Hermann Beckler. In Bayerischen Schwaben (Living Images from Lebenbilder aus dem Bayerischen the Bavarian Swabia). Huber, Munchen. schwaben. (Ed. G von Polnitz) vol. 3, Tipping MJ (ed.) (1979) Ludwig Becker: Artist pp. 419–444. Hueber, Munchen. and Naturalist with the Burke and Wills Hercus L (2011) Language Notes in the Expedition. Melbourne University Press for Margins of the Expedition. Paper presented the Library Council of Victoria, Melbourne. at the Burke and Wills Symposium, Victoria (1861–62) Burke and Wills University of Ballarat, November 2011. Commission. Report of the Commissioners Herde C (2004) The Political Influences on appointed to Enquire into and Report upon German Science in 19th Century Australia. the Circumstances Connected with the Paper presented to the Australian Political Sufferings and Death of Robert O’Hara Studies Association Conference, University Burke and William John Wills, the Victorian of Adelaide, 2004. Explorers. John Ferres, Government Kerwin D (2010) Aboriginal Dreaming Paths Printer, Melbourne. (A historical research and Trading Routes: The Colonisation of resource digitised by Burke and Wills Web the Australian Economic Landscape. Sussex www.burkeandwills.net.au, 2006). Academic Press, Eastbourne. Voigt JH (2000) Hermann Beckler: Joyce EB and McCann DA (2011) Burke and Entdeckungen in Australien: Briefe und Wills: The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian Aufzeichnungen eines Deutchen 1855- Exploring Expedition. CSIRO Publishing, 1862. Thorbecke, Stuttgart.

108 Appendix 5.1: Extracts from the 1861 Anniversary Address of the Royal Society of Victoria delivered by the President, His Excellency Sir Henry Barkly KCB on 8 April 1861

In referring to the papers which had been When I delivered my last inaugural delivered at the meeting of the Society address the arrangements connected with during the past year (1860), the President the proposed expedition, including the remarked (Barkly 1865, pp. xx–xxi): most important of all – the appointment … and lastly, a paper by Mr Wilhelmi, ‘On of a leader – remained to be made. the Manners and Customs of the Natives With a single exception, the aspirants to of the Port Lincoln District,’ containing this post of difficulty and danger could much valuable information on a subject boast little personal acquaintance with which I would take the opportunity of Australian exploration. They still had impressing on the attention of the Royal their spurs to win. The choice of the Society, with a view to the institution of committee fell on a gentleman of whom immediate and systematic inquiries of a I will only on this occasion say, that he similar nature within our own territory. has as yet done nothing to discredit the Whole tribes of the original occupants confidence reposed in him, and that if of the soil are, under some mysterious courage, disinterestedness, and a firm dispensation, rapidly disappearing, determination to succeed in crossing the and the links which their dialects and desert despite all obstacles, were amongst traditions might supply to the ethnologist, the foremost qualifications for the will, without some effort on our part, be leadership, no better selection could have lost for ever. been made.

When at Omeo, two years since, the last Before Mr Burke was well out of the survivor of the numerous warlike tribe settled districts, rumours reached us of which had disputed possession with that extraordinary journey of Mr Stuart’s, early settlers only a quarter of a century from the adjacent colony, which if it has before, was presented to me, and I fear, not altogether solved the problem of from official reports which have come Australian geography, has at any rate under my notice, that in other districts, obliged the most learned geographers of despite all the efforts of the newly- the day to confess themselves mistaken constituted Board for the Protection of the in assuming the whole interior of the Aborigines can make, this unfortunate continent to be either and arid and race is fast becoming extinct. inhospitable desert or a vast central lake. His Excellency further remarked in To the veteran South Australian explorer reference to the Victorian Exploring it still remains to complete his track from Expedition (Barkly 1865, pp. xxvii–xxviii): Chambers’ Creek to the westward of Lake

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Torrens to Stokes’ Victoria river on the news of his movements. We know that north coast, or to Arnhem’s Land, and we the rest of the party with these stores are aware that he started from that spot left the camp on that river on the 24th on the first day of the present year with a of January, so that we may soon expect larger party and ampler equipment, bent to receive intelligence of their junction, on still claiming the honour of being the or of the course Mr Burke had adopted first to cross the continent. in their absence. It is certainly possible that he may have pushed on towards the As regards his Victorian competitor – I northern coast without awaiting their will not call him rival – in this glorious arrival, but, as he was fully aware that race, Mr Burke, we might long since have no arrangement was in contemplation for looked to hear of his arrival at the pre- sending a vessel to meet him there, he is concerted depot on Cooper’s Creek, and of not likely to have gone beyond the point his departure thence to skirt the eastern from which, with the aid of the camels, border of the desert, as the shortest route he could fall back on his supplies; and to the Gulf of Carpentaria, but for the there seems, therefore, no ground for delay which occurred in the transmission anxiety as to his safety, though, of course, of the second portion of the stores from we must be prepared to act promptly, the Darling, which probably deterred him according to the tenor of the first advices from sending back a messenger with the which may reach us.

110 Appendix 5.2: English translation of Beckler H (1867) Corroberri: Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis der Musik bei den australischen Ureinwohnern Globus 13, 82–84.

Corroboree: a contribution to the of them and at each end of the dancing ground, of the stage I should say, fires blazed knowledge of the music of the fiercely. In front of the women and in line Australian Aborigines with the fires, stood or squatted four men in At last, I did have the opportunity to attend very low stooping positions who, knocking a Corroboree. I was on the border of the rhythmically and powerfully boomerangs Darling Downs, that fertile and charming together that kept the beat. Just then the district of Queensland, the territory of the boomerangs stopped and the loud chorus kings of sheep and wool farming, when I just died away, only a faint plaintive, half heard that the natives were preparing to singing whispering came from the ranks of hold a Corroboree. My heart swelled at the the women, while the men, standing in long thought of the impending pleasure which lines in front of the women, at the sudden I had been looking in vain for such a long stopping of the song, like overcome by tragic time. anguish, slowly turned and drew back in As the starting time had already elapsed, groups. I hurried as fast as I could. A clear bright After a short time the Boomerangs begin moon light shone over the forest, and from to clap, together the men move close to the afar, the audible wild voices and the widely fire. First they move like an attack in two metallic sounding blades of boomerangs, groups against each other they make some those interesting weapon of the natives, vague figures. Then they step back into line, whose strange rotary movements in the the chorus begins, louder and louder the air has given thought to the greatest singing, all stomping their feet alternately mathematicians and astronomers; soon and with the rapid beat so that the ground led me in the right direction, and shortly resounds with the rapid strokes of the afterwards I found myself in the camp of the Boomerangs. The noise is created by the savages. fact that the women who hold a spherical Today was a so-called big Corroboree and, or drum-like inverted opossum skin cover including women and children, had brought between their thighs and hit out on this with together, probably two hundred natives. both hands, while others worked on the They had come here from far away, arriving surface of their bare thighs. Still maintaining during the past few days. their enthusiasm, but suddenly, as with a Only the men dance or lead the blow the noise is over, and only the half Corroboree which can best be compared singing, whispering complaints of women with a ballet. In the foreground the women survives the choir, just as it precedes the and children sat in irregular rows. In front same. Thus, that just described is often

111 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills repeated throughout the whole evening and continual pounding of feet and similar into the night. movements of the arms, the Corroboree has Probably changes also occur. Sometimes to be exhaustive work. they stay longer and make the same figures If we now image the scenery and the more often. Shortly after the start of the images of this performance, under a chorus, all run to the nearest bushes and cloudless sky, a growing crescent of the trees and break off long branches which lay moon over the grand outlines of huge before themselves on the ground, on which eucalyptus trees, the blindingly bright they all like swimming with both arms to illumination given by the twigs, branches perform downward movements. After they and leaves of the eucalyptus trees, and the pick up the branches to keep them into the even deeper darkness in the background and air make a few steps to the side, lie them a windless balmy air, some readers might down again and do the same swimming well envy me the enjoyment I have had. movements upwards and in different For the European audience a Corroboree directions. The chorus goes on incessantly. is really a spectacle (a piece of theatre), for But what music? these in the highest degree involved excited A piece of music of the nature of untamed actors whose every fibre shakes, costumed primitive creatures, similar to the hum in delightful ways, are in fact worlds apart of insects, the murmur of the water, the from the ill-spirited, sleepy, loitering, blacks whispering of the wind and the howling of covered in dirty rags encountered during the the storm. Other songs and corroborees are day, who are, despite their occasional wants, unequally more musical; the one heard at are so lazy that they surly and reluctantly for this evening, however, can be called musical a shiny sixpence fetch a bucket of water. only as an imitation of the bare skeleton (of The wild curly hair, which hangs down music). Three blows of the boomerang start in large bundles and sausages, is festively the beginning, with a lightening quick beat. decorated and most impressive. Tall plumes The rhythm is of the strictest exactness, sway proudly from the head; in others more the intonation unique in its purity, the various feathers of (all) kinds and sizes are introduced octaves by the women and stuck in the hair, like pins in a pincushion. children are a delight in their purity rarely Beautifully crafted headbands, crocheted by heard in the best European opera chorus. indigenous women, lime or chalk smeared to It is an altogether flawless harmony. In keep fresh, keep the hair together. Many have this, – in the introduced pure octave, the the red shaggy tail of a dingo (Australian strict rhythm, the gradual increase from dog) tied over the crown and chin, which piano to the wildest fortissimo, combined looks especially wild and grotesque. Also, with the growing speed of the beat and the for such occasions the native youths have a sudden stop which on occasions are followed hole in the nasal septum, in order to push by individual notes separated by long pauses through a foot long stick or a piece of reed. like additional beats, – lies the impressive Their black skin today is lubricated with nature of the music. The wild impression is grease. Cheeks, chest, back and limbs are increased by the peculiarity of the singing painted in various ways, with red and white in which all the notes which are stressed, straight and curved lines and snake like indeed, I would say, almost all is sung on rings being drawn. Everyone has his little expiration. Every time, with a convulsive bark shield and nobody is absent today from slurping they are heard to take breath, which the feast wearing the foot long ridiculously they squander again with a visible effort. narrow pubic belt made from tassels. During this almost breathless singing, with The song remained the same throughout visible excitement of the singer, an almost the evening and was repeated after

112 Appendix 5.2: English translation of Beckler H (1867) prolonged or repeated shorter breaks. But not sleep. I jumped up and listened at the later it did not have the serious, solemn, open door. It was a song of the savages. Then passionate character, as in the beginning. It I saw opposite on the rising bank of the river was apparent that some in the midst of the (the Condamine River) an illuminated camp. song made bad jokes in order to cause the A burning tree, literally a pillar of fire glowed others to laugh. This probably came from and crackled through the silent night and a the fact that the settlers had brought spirits gentle airflow carried the uninterrupted flow as an encouragement and thanks for the of the melody clearly to me, note by note, indulgence and pleasure. This turned finally – in fact, a sublime choral song (Action or the solemn Corroboree begun earlier into a Death song). wild revelry; the blacks became so drunk that Years went by and I had heard no other they were incapable of finding their Gunyahs Corroboree, although in the meantime, I built from sticks and brushes. often came into contact with these savages Thus it comes on such occasions, as not touched by civilisation. When returning happens also with us Europeans, to violent from our journey to Central Australia, during outbursts, fights and, what is perhaps not a prolonged stay on the Upper Darling, I had surprising, to sometimes nasty wounds again the pleasure to witness once again. which are all the worse if weapons such as The detail of the same description would old sheep-shears, old sabre blades or sharp take up too much space, but the Corroboree pointed pieces of tinplate are used. I have to (Corroboree II) was delightful. This may only thank a similar situation and outcome for the be the makings of a song, or hymn, which (recording of the) lament or mourning song will find a place, if the music and lyrics are that I reported below. played faithfully. I was told later that it was During a fight following the Corroboree a prayer, a request of their God to prevent a a black man was very badly wounded in the great evil, or perhaps a disease from them. back of the knee. The savages nursed him Here I can find space only for the beginning with the utmost care and loving sympathy, of a song, a hymn, if you will, but recording but on the third night they seemed to take music and text faithfully. the condition of their brother to be hopeless The last Corroboree (Corroboree III), a and struck up a mournful dirge. song full of strength and courage, I owe to a I was in bed. It was close to midnight. German friend, who was the superintendent Suddenly I heard strange musical tone, at of a sheep station. He was able to remember first as from a distance, then coming back any tune and knew many songs of the through the roughly hewn planks (slabs) natives, note for note, word for word. The of the walls of my room. Then it was like song comes from the northern regions of the hum of a large fly. It was too weird and Queensland, from the vicinity of Gayndah. caught my attention too much that I could © DM Dodd 2012

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114 Chapter 6

Language notes connected to the journey of the expedition as far as the Cooper

Luise Hercus

Introduction: the languages in the path of the expedition: Southern Paakantyi at Menindee and Pantyikali (also This chapter is intended to give some called Wanyiwalku) in the ranges. linguistic background to the journey of the expedition through New South Wales and to the Cooper. Figure 6.1, which is an Karnic (K) adaptation of the map in Tipping (1979, This is a large loose-knit subgroup occupying p. 185), shows the grouping of Aboriginal much of the southern part of the Lake Eyre languages in the area traversed by the Basin. The two Karnic languages involved, Victorian Exploring Expedition from the Wangkumara and Yandruwandha, were Murray River as far as the Cooper. The spoken on the Cooper. There is some doubt languages belong to five different subgroups as to the affiliation of Karlali, once spoken on of Australian Aboriginal languages, namely the Bulloo River. Some would consider it to the Paakantyi, Karnic, Yarli, Murray River be part of the Karnic subgroup, while others languages and Kulin languages. regard it as separate (see Breen 2007, 2011; Bowern 2001). Paakantyi (P) This refers to the languages of the Darling Yarli (Y) River area. Paaka is the word for ‘river’ (the This subgroup was small and close-knit. Darling) and –ntyi means ‘belonging to’. At The only contact the expedition had with least two Paakantyi-type languages were speakers from this subgroup was with the

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Malyangapa from around Torowoto. The century, such as the work of Teichelmann name Malya-ngapa means ‘clay-water’ and and Schürmann (1840) on the Adelaide refers to the fact that the people occupied language and Schürmann’s (1844) work on the area in the far west of New South Wales Parnkalla, but there is nothing of the kind for and adjacent South Australia where there the ‘expedition languages’ listed above: there are many large and small claypans, such are only scattered vocabularies. The only as Lake Gnurntah (Cobham Lake West) and fuller descriptions date from the second half Lake Boolka, and some with undeservedly of the 20th century and later: Mathi-Mathi derogatory European names such as Lake (Hercus 1989; Blake et al. 2011), Paakantyi Muck, Poverty Lake and Starvation Lake. (Hercus 1982, 1994) and for Yandruwandha a detailed grammar, dictionary and texts Murray River languages (M) (Breen 2004 a,b). For the Yarli languages we have only a rough sketch (Hercus and Austin Speakers of Murray River languages occupied 2004) and for the Murray River languages interrupted areas along the river and to an unpublished MA thesis (Horgen 2004).1 the north. The speakers of Yitha-Yitha The fact that practically all this work is were on the path of the expedition. The relatively recent means that the editors, such name of this language, like that of others as Tipping (1979) and Jeffries (see Beckler along the Murray, means ‘No-No’. Many 1993), of some of the expedition records of the languages of Victoria and adjacent have on the whole found it difficult to do areas of New South Wales incorporate the justice to the linguistic angle. In trying to negative word in the language name, either give some background, Tipping and Jeffries reduplicated, as in Wemba-Wemba, or in used Tindale’s (1974) map, which was not combination with a word meaning ‘language’, really meant for such detail, and this led to as in Woiwurrung from the Melbourne area, misunderstandings. Some explanations given literally ‘woi’ (= no) language. The use of a in these otherwise excellent editions are at reduplicated negative as a language name is found along most of the length of the Murray River as far as the Mildura area. Many of the languages that show this feature are from the Western Kulin group, but this feature is also found in languages not closely related such as Yitha-Yitha: it has become an areal rather than a genetic feature.

Kulin languages (Ku) The expedition travelled through Kulin country all the way from Melbourne, through country that had been occupied by Europeans for some time. The speakers of Mathi-Mathi, however, occupied country that had not been affected to the same degree. They belonged to the north-western part of Kulin and the name of their language meant ‘No-No’.

Language descriptions There are some excellent descriptions of Figure 6.1: Language areas along the Aboriginal languages dating from the 19th path of the expedition.

116 Language notes connected to the journey of the expedition as far as the Cooper variance with what is known from linguistic containing r, such as pr, kr and tr;2 and the and anthropological evidence. The chapter majority of nouns end with a suffix –i, -ngi, discusses instances of this; the final section for instance the surviving place-name in provides additional linguistic information Mathi-Mathi country south of the expedition and shows the traditional links between route, ‘Koorakee’ (kuraki = sand). Paakantyi country and the Bulloo. We have only limited data on the neighbouring language, Yitha-Yitha, which Muthi-Muthi belongs to the Murray River languages but Tipping (1979, p. 58) wrote of Becker’s can see, even at a glance, that it is very beautiful drawing ‘Women in mourning’ different: it has many monosyllabic words; (see Figure 6.2) that ‘These belong to the it has words beginning with r and with Muthimuthi tribe’. But there is no mention of plosive +r, and it has a preference for final ‘Muthimuthi’ (Mathi-Mathi) in the information consonants. from Becker and it is highly unlikely that the On 19 September 1860 Becker travelled women were Mathi-Mathi. The identification through Tinn, which his notes described as appears to have been made purely from ‘probably a native name, meaning unknown’ looking at Tindale’s (1974) map. (see Figure 6.3). Tin is a Yitha-Yitha word Mathi-Mathi is a language of the Victorian meaning ‘foot’. As it is a monosyllable3 this Kulin subgroup. It has some special name cannot be Mathi-Mathi, so it seems characteristics, including the following: that Becker was at this stage in Yitha-Yitha it does not have monosyllabic words; like country. Becker further said, ‘The place we most Aboriginal languages it does not have camped for the night is an outstation of Mr initial r nor words beginning with a cluster Ross and called Terickenkom (a native name,

Figure 6.2: ‘Women in mourning. Sep. 20 60 L. Becker’. Ludwig Becker. Watercolour with pen and ink. Ludwig Becker Sketchbook. The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

117 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Figure 6.3: ‘Sketch of route from Balranald to Scot’s station, roughly drawn by dead reckoning, 26 Sep. 60’. Ludwig Becker. Watercolour, pen and ink. Ludwig Becker Sketchbook. The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

118 Language notes connected to the journey of the expedition as far as the Cooper signifying a fish of the bream kind – according people near Prungle were speaking Yitha- to the natives)’ (Tipping 1979, p. 198). Yitha, a Murray-River-type language. As the Tipping’s note gives variant spellings of this language spoken in their vicinity was Yitha- name, and adds ‘meaning unknown’. This Yitha, and the place-names in the area were detracts from the linguistic value of Becker’s compatible with and some even interpretable statement. Why not believe Becker and the as Yitha-Yitha, Becker’s women in mourning ‘natives’ who gave him the information? must have been Yitha-Yitha. Becker describes the country as follows: The whole country a sandy loam, the Whitepeeper greater part covered with Casuarina, Yitha-Yitha people were obviously helpful to Mallee Pine, stunted Eucalypti etc; patches the expedition and made a deep impression of good feeding-ground every where, not only on Neumayer but also on Becker, and large plaines with grass, salt-bush, who drew a beautiful sketch of an old man porcupine grass, etc; do not indicate the who acted as guide. He was named ‘Watpipa absence of water. the “Old man”’ (Tipping 1979, p. 61) by At Terickenkom (Neumayer’s Becker and ‘Whitepeeper or the “old man”’ Tjerrikenkom) Becker saw women whose (Tipping 1979, p. 199) (see Figure 6.4). faces were painted white, and this gave rise These statements show that the name to his beautiful sketch. Some 8 miles from ‘Whitepeeper’ must have actually meant ‘old Terickenkom were the Prangal (Prungle) Hills. man’. As described in Hercus (1989), the This name clearly cannot be Mathi-Mathi as Yitha-yitha word given by Macdonald (1886) it begins with pr-: it is a typical Yitha-Yitha for ‘old man’ is ‘beak’ and in the vocabulary name. A few hours later, Neumayer collected of the closely related Kemendok/Keramin the one and only vocabulary obtained by the language from Mallee Cliffs, given to Curr expedition: by McFarlane (1886, p. 282) we find the I was very much pleased by some of the following: Blacks showing considerable intelligence An old man pikwaar while explaining to me their way of living and giving me an idea of their language. An old woman pik-korump

The following are a few specimens of A white man thow-wur words: - star, tingi; sun, nong; moon, Here we have ‘pik’ (the same as ‘beak’ on bait; cloud, nun, spango; sky, terail; fire, Macdonald’s list), which means ‘old’. To this arreng; tree, mann; cart, caruing; white can be added either ‘korump’ which means fellow, weifellow, lang; hair, trad; throat, ‘(older) woman’ (cf. Yitha-Yitha ‘koram- nei; nose, cap; eye, laong; leg, capul; koram’= old woman), or ‘waar’ which refers grass, dellum; salt-bush, dolra; night, to ‘man’, though it is not the ordinary word ran; day, nung (Neumayer 1869, p. 12). given for ‘man’. As most Aboriginal languages Table 6.1 shows that Neumayer’s have a number of words for ‘man’ according vocabulary belongs to a Murray River to age and status, this is not surprising. language and fits in with Yitha-Yitha. Cognates ‘Waar’ (which is probably also found in are found in the language of the neighbouring ‘thow-wur’ = white man) must be parallel to Murray River people (Hercus 1989), but this ‘korump’ and mean ‘an older man’. We can revision contains additional material. therefore analyse ‘Watpipa’ or ‘Whitepeeper’ With the exception of terail for ‘sky’ as ‘a really old man’: (Mathi-Mathi tirili), none of the words war- pik- war in Neumayer’s list bear the slightest resemblance to Mathi-Mathi words. The old old man old

119 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Table 6.1: Comparative table of Neumayer’s word-list

English Neumayer Yitha-Yitha Yerri-Yerri and Ladji-Ladji and Dadi-Dadi (1869) Primary sources: Keramin Annie Raqon from Euston Cameron (1884) Primary sources: O’Brian of Ki Macdonald (1886) McFarlane (1886) (Thomas papers, vol. 21) Beveridge (1878) Jamieson (1878)

star tingi dingi dingee tingee (Annie)

sun nong nunk nung, nonge (Annie) nunk (Jamieson) nung (O’Brian)

moon bait bite (Beveridge) pyte (Jamieson) baijdh baitch (McFarlane) (Macdonald)

cloud nun, wango = sky wango = sky nune (Annie) spango nyn (O’Brian)

sky terail teriel nurnt = sky (Jamieson)

fire arreng ngaroong arronge narunge (Annie)

tree mann

hair trad derrart drird kich (Macdonald) (McFarlane) dreut (Beveridge)

throat nei neit = chin meet = chin (O’Brian) mit = chin (Cameron)

nose kap kaap cup, kaap kup (Annie) (McFarlane)

eye laong laon, lank langer (Annie) langur (Beveridge)

leg kapul kuppul = thigh cuppum kuppul (Annie)

grass dellum thelim thellum (McFarlane)

night ran roin wango-ran sky- dark (McFarlane)

day nung nunk nung nyter-nung (O’Brian) = tomorrow

It is not uncommon for European ‘Whitepeeper’ was Yitha-Yitha and so were the transcriptions to use -t- instead of -r-, for ‘natives of the district’ referred to by Becker: instance ‘moatpu’ for muurpa = child in early both he and Neumayer were obviously transcriptions of Paakantyi. So ‘Warpikwar’– impressed by them.

120 Language notes connected to the journey of the expedition as far as the Cooper

Figure 6.4: ‘Watpipa the “Old Man”, our guide on Sep. 24. 60. L. Becker’. Ludwig Becker. Watercolour, pen and ink. Ludwig Becker Sketchbook. The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486. Duroadu/Torowoto These two names are very well-known in anthropological literature, particularly from The two moieties, Kilpara and Makwara the work of Howitt (1904). Beckler (1993, p. 129) wrote, ‘The natives of Duroadoo belonged to two different tribes, Whose country was Duroadoo/Torowoto? calling themselves Macquarra and Killparra’ About Torowoto, Tipping (1979, p. 176) wrote and ‘Members of the two tribes always live that ‘This is the tribal area of the Wanjiwalku together both in Duroadoo and in Bulla. people’. This is not strictly correct: the In each region they have the same names.’ ‘natives’ of Duroadoo actually did belong An explanatory note by the editor makes to two different tribes, not just to the two the astonishing statement that ‘The names different moieties like everybody else in far given by Beckler – Macquarra and Killparra western New South Wales. The pastoralist – do not seem to be recorded elsewhere’ James A. Reid (1886, p. 180) contributed (Jeffries in Beckler 1993, p. 191). It seems a vocabulary from ‘Torrowotto’ to Curr’s that the editor had searched lists of tribal work. Reid stated that the people there were names – but Kilpara and Makwara are not called ‘Milya-uppa’ (Malyangapa), but the names of tribes, they are the names of the vocabulary he gave is entirely in Paakantyi. two matrilineal moieties. All the people Torowoto Swamp was a favoured area and along the Darling from Bourke to Wentworth it seems that it was shared between the and along the Murray from Wentworth to Malyangapa people who spoke a language of Euston were divided into these two moieties. the Yarli subgroup, and the Paakantyi people

121 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills called Wanyiwalku/Pantyikali. That is, they naming the country. Their story was told spoke languages belonging to two different both by George Dutton and by Alf Barlow to subgroups of Australian languages, Yarli and Jeremy Beckett (Beckett and Hercus 2009, Paakantyi. The situation had existed for some p. 46): ‘They seen a snake there. And he time and the local people were generally (the male Ngatyi) said, “Oh we’ll call it the bilingual – this led to the misconception that snake break, thurru-kartu”’. Thurru means the two languages were the same (Tindale ‘snake’ in both Malyangapa and Paakantyi; 1974, p. 200). kartu means ‘windbreak’ in Malyangapa but This bilingualism continued into modern not in Paakantyi. In compound nouns the times, as shown by the last full speakers initial consonant of the second member of from the general area. These included George the compound is often lenited or lost and so Dutton, to whom we owe most of what is the name was pronounced ‘thurru-artu’. This known of the local traditions. In 1939 he name is only analysable as Malyangapa – the was Tindale’s main informant on the ‘Corner Paakantyi word for ‘windbreak’ is nhantu. Laurie Quayle, who could recall some Country’. Tindale filled a school notebook of the Malyangapa language in 1974,6 with information from George Dutton on remembered the story that the many water- ‘Wanjiwalku’. George Dutton, as a very old channels in the swamp were made by the man, worked with Jeremy Beckett in 1957–58 Ngatyi as they travelled through there. The speaking of traditional matters, and with combined evidence of Reid in 1886 and the Luise Hercus on a few occasions in 1965–67, old people who survived into the 1960s and recording some of the Wanyiwalku/Pantyikali 1970s means there is little doubt that ‘the language as well as Malyangapa. natives of Duroadoo’ did indeed belong to two different tribes, that they were not all Thurru-kartu ‘Snake’s windbreak’, Wanyiwalku. This was also pointed out by Torowoto Swamp: a Malyangapa name Allen (2011, p. 248). It is a pity that Becker’s These large ephemeral wetlands belong and Beckler’s spelling ‘Duroadoo’ did not to the myth of the Two Ancestral Ngatyi survive (see Figure 6.5): it is much closer Rainbow Serpents, who travelled from near to the Malyangapa pronunciation than the Wanaaring to the Flinders Ranges and back, spelling Torowoto which prevailed.

Figure 6.5: ‘Preliminary sketch for Arrival of party at Duroadoo. L Becker’. 1861? Pencil. Ludwig Becker Sketchbook. The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

122 Language notes connected to the journey of the expedition as far as the Cooper

Links to the Bulloo are many Aboriginal stone-quarries, and Dutton emphasised to Tindale that the high The Mura stories, the stories of the Ancestors hills were a good place for getting ‘flint’ who created the landscape, provided strong (Tindale notebook, p. 53). The second is cultural links between people far apart. Wonnaminta, Wanaminta probably was wana The associated songs and ceremonies were = boomerang + mintha. It appears to have shared all through the areas where the Mura been near the southern edge of Malyangapa travelled. Beckett recorded a number of country. Further south there are two places Mura stories from western New South Wales on the route of the expedition, with easily in 1957–58 (Beckett ms). These included recognisable Paakantyi names. They are not only the long story of the two Ngatyi, Kukirka, which means ‘black’ (Wills wrote the Rainbow Serpents (Beckett and Hercus it as Kokriega and Beckler as Gogirga), in 2009), but also the Echidna, the Bronzewing Scropes Range, and Paatyirka, which means Pigeon and others. The tales of the Ancestors’ ‘white’ (Wills’ Botoja and Beckler’s Bodurga). travel allowed people to know about other The Mootwingee area was of particular people’s country. They participated in joint importance to Aboriginal people and, as ceremonies, which meant travelling into Tipping pointed out, the now-famous rock other people’s country, and some also learnt engravings were ‘not sighted by members of to communicate in languages other than the Burke and Wills expedition. If they were, their own. Allen recalled Howitt’s account of how an old man, probably Yandruwandha, Expedition members appear to have made no ‘was able to recite the names of waterholes reference to them’ (see Figure 6.6). The name between the Cooper, Bulloo and Wonnaminta, Mootwingee, now written as ‘Mutawintji’ pointing out these localities on a mud map in the name of the national park, is from drawn by Howitt’ (Allen 2011, p. 250). muthu = grass and wintyi = green, fresh. All the place-names in the area are Paakantyi. Some place-names in the ranges George Dutton told Tindale a long myth in Wanyiwalku/Pantyikali that included direct On their travels through the ranges the reference to sites (Beckett et al. 2008). His expedition came to a number of places story of ‘The Moon and his nephew’ belongs important in traditions, and some of to sites on Mootwingee. the names involved are analysable. The name of the Wonnaminta Creek (Beckler’s ‘Wonamente’), which is in the The Kangaroo and the Euro north-westernmost part of the ranges, is In 1958 George Dutton related the story Malyangapa. This language has a suffix ‘The Kangaroo and the Euro’ to Beckett in -mintha (transcribed as ‘–minta’ in the two English, with the direct speech sections in place-names). This suffix does not seem to Wanyiwalku/Pantyikali, Wangkumara and change the meaning of a noun: it may be just the Pityara dialect of Karlali, according to slightly emphatic. A well-attested example location. This myth has wider implications: of its use is in the word for ‘head’. Kaka is a it relates to the creation and naming of the widespread word for ‘head’: in Malyangapa country between the ranges and the Bulloo. the word is kaka-mintha. This feature is In this story the Kangaroo and the entirely Malyangapa and does not appear Euro lived around Noonthorangee. Their to be shared even by the other two Yarli friendship came to an end when they had a languages. The two place-names involved dispute about yams nhanthura, hence the are Yandaminta in the Corner Country, name of the place Nhanturantyi (belonging near Yandama. This name is analysable as to yams) – the suffix –ntyi (belonging to) is yarnta = stone +mintha. The Yandaminta found in all Paakantyi dialects. They travelled Creek is situated in an area where there northwards via Koonenberry Hill (which

123 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills represents the Kangaroo). They continued ‘different from the natives of the Darling or their dispute, exchanging the equivalent of at Duroadoo’ and spoke a different language. four-letter words in Wanyiwalku/Pantyikali, until they got to Mintiwarda (Peak Hill) near Dĕlākā Milparinka, where they began to talk in The story of the Kangaroo is not the Wangkumara. The Kangaroo hopped towards only myth that links Bulloo country with the east, and from then on his track was Paakantyi country: the important story of near that of the expedition party. ‘Then he Thintili, the Echidna, recorded by Beckett went to Caryapundy waterhole and from (Beckett ms), which is connected with there to Djaudjaururu waterhole’ (on modern initiation, provides a similar link. It seems maps this is Chow Chowra, very close to likely therefore that people from the lower Wompah Gate on the Queensland border). Bulloo would have been to joint ceremonies And ‘he stood two orange trees up there’. with Wanyiwalku people and would have had He said (in Beckett’s transcription): ‘dundala some knowledge of a Paakantyi language. So nungal – you can grow there’.7 Here the the people at Korliatto Creek (Beckler 1993, Kangaroo is still speaking Wangkumara. On p. 154), desperate to get rid of the European his way further north he speaks in Pityara, visitors, might have tried to communicate the southern dialect of Karlali, and finishes with them in Paakantyi – particularly as they in a cave ‘in Bulloo Downs country’ saying may have gathered that Stone knew some in Pityara ‘This is my country here, I’ll stay Paakantyi. here.’ Despite the terrible deprivations that All the languages in this area, including Beckler’s party went through, they certainly Paakantyi, have a stress accent on the first realised that the people on the Bulloo were syllable of all simple words. However, if a

Figure 6.6: ‘Small cavity in Mutwanji Gorge with native drawings and impressions’. Ludwig Becker. [1861.] The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486. (Note: this is in fact in the Scropes Range, closer to Menindee.)

124 Language notes connected to the journey of the expedition as far as the Cooper word is pronounced with strong emphasis, on his return journey. Like Tjerrikinkom, as when calling someone, the stress shifts to this name has not survived on modern the last syllable. When the emphasis is meant maps. The name Tin survives in Lake Tin to be even greater or if someone is trying Tin. to communicate with a deaf person and 4 A site called ‘Cabul’ Gowall was close ‘spelling out’ a word of three syllables the to the Prungle Hills and was the next second (usually unaccented) syllable is also camping place for Neumayer (1869, p. 4). accented, and in Paakantyi is accompanied The presence of two place-names referring by a rise in pitch. The first syllable is to body parts – Tin =foot and Kapul = unstressed and the vowel is reduced to a thigh – means that the names may be weak neutral vowel, a shwa, which would associated with an ancestral myth, now be represented in transcription by a brief ‘ long forgotten. ’ as in Beckler’s spelling. So whatever else we 5 No word similar to Neumayer’s word might postulate, whichever language from for ‘throat’ has been found in any the area that people had been speaking, the of the Murray River languages. As accentuation implied in Beckler’s spelling communication was probably partly by shows that this word was pronounced pointing (cf. the confusion between ‘sky’ not in the normal fashion, but with great and ‘cloud’) it is possible that the word emphasis. We might suspect that the people for ‘chin’ is involved. I found a form neit were wanting to say ‘go away!’ but there = chin in Howitt’s correspondence with does not seem to be anything in Karlali or A.L.P. Cameron. Wangkumara resembling ‘d l k ’ that would 6 Hercus tapes 502–4, held at the Australian convey such a meaning. One proposition is Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait that the people at Korliatto Creek might have Islander Studies. been attempting to communicate by means of Paakantyi and were uttering the Paakantyi 7 It is in fact in this general area that word thulaka (bad), which would correspond Beckler witnessed how the camels to Beckler’s ‘d l k ’ when pronounced with destroyed ‘a pretty little Capparis tree, emphasis (half-questioningly, we are told) a curiosity here on the creek during our like ‘Is it bad that way?’. They would have journey only four examples having been been dismayed when Beckler repeated found’ (Beckler 1993, p. 150). the word to them with similar emphasis. Sadly, no one can tell us now whether this References explanation is totally wrong. Allen H (2011) The space between: Aboriginal people, the Victorian Exploring Expedition Endnotes and the relief parties. In Burke and Wills: 1 Michael Horgen has been very generous in The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian making this available in electronic form to Exploring Expedition (Eds EB Joyce and DA interested people. McCann) pp. 245–274. CSIRO Publishing, 2 Aboriginal languages in this area, as in Melbourne. most of Australia, do not distinguish Beckett J, Hercus L and Martin S (2008) between voiced and unvoiced consonants Mutawintji: Aboriginal Cultural Association so it makes no difference whether we write with Mutawintji National Park. (Ed. C ‘t’ or ‘d’, ‘p’ or ‘b’, ‘k’ or ‘g’. Colyer). Office of the Registrar, Aboriginal 3 Neumayer (1869, p. 14) listed another Land Rights Act 1983 (NSW), Sydney. place with a monosyllabic name – Gunn – Beckett J MS: The kangaroo and the euro, told in the immediate vicinity of Tjerrikenkom by George Dutton. Unpublished ms, held

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by Jeremy Beckett. Cameron ALP (1884) Notes on some tribes Beckett J MS notebooks, 1957–58. of New South Wales. Journal of the Unpublished ms, held by Jeremy Beckett. Anthropological Institute 14, 344–370. Beckett J and Hercus L (2009) The Two Curr EM (1886–87) The Australian Race. John Rainbow Serpents Travelling: Mura Ferres, Government Printer, Melbourne. Narratives from the ‘Corner Country’. Hercus LA (1982) The Bagandji Language. Aboriginal History Monograph 18. ANU Pacific Linguistics, Series B. no. 67. Dept e-press, Canberra. of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Beckler H (1993) A Journey to Cooper’s Creek. Studies, Australian National University, (Trans. and eds S Jeffries and M Kertesz). Canberra. Melbourne University Press and State Hercus LA (1989) Three linguistic studies Library of Victoria, Melbourne. from far southwestern New South Wales. Beveridge P (1878) Junction of Morcovia Aboriginal History 13, 44–62. Creek and River Murray. In Aborigines Hercus LA (1994) Paakantyi Dictionary. of Victoria and other Parts of Australia Produced with the assistance of AIATSIS. and Tasmania. (Ed. RB Smyth) vol. 2, Canberra. pp. 72–73. Victorian Government Printer, Hercus L and Austin P (2004) The Yarli Melbourne. languages. In Australian Languages: Blake B, Hercus L, Morey S and Ryan E (2011) Classification and the Comparative Method. The Mathi Group of Languages. Pacific (Eds C Bowern and H Koch) pp. 207–222. Linguistics, Canberra. Benjamins, Amsterdam. Bowern C (2001) Karnic classification Horgen M (2004) The Languages of the Lower- revisited. In Forty Years On: Ken Hale and Murray. MA thesis, La Trobe University. Australian Languages. (Eds J Simpson, Howitt AW (1904) The Native Tribes of South- D Nash, M Laughren, P Austin and B East Australia. Macmillan, Melbourne. Alphers) pp. 245–261. Australian National Howitt AW Papers. State Library of Victoria, University, Canberra. Ms 9356. Bowern C and Koch H (eds) (2004) Jamieson H (1878) Mildura, Lower Murray, Australian Languages: Classification and Yerre-yerre Tribe. In Aborigines of Victoria the Comparative Method. Benjamins, and other Parts of Australia and Tasmania Amsterdam. (Ed. RB Smyth) vol. 2, p. 74. Victorian Breen G (2004a) Innamincka Talk: A Government Printer, Melbourne. Grammar of the Innamincka Dialect Macdonald JA (1886) From the junction of the of Yandruwandha with Notes on other Lachlan and Murray to the junction of the Dialects. Australian National University, Darling and the Murray. In The Australian Canberra. Race. (Ed. EM Curr) vol. 2, p. 285. John Breen G (2004b) Innamincka Words: Ferres, Government Printer, Melbourne. Yandruwandha Dictionary and Stories. McFarlane (1886) Vocabulary of the language Pacific Linguistics 559. Dept of Linguistics, spoken from Mallee Cliffs Station to Research School of Pacific Studies, Wentworth. In The Australian Race. (Ed. Australian National University, Canberra. EM Curr) vol. 2, p. 282–285. John Ferres, Breen G (2007) Reassessing Karnic. Australian Government Printer, Melbourne. Journal of Linguistics 27(2), 175–199. Neumayer GB (1869) Results of the Magnetic Breen G (2011) Reassessing Karnic: a reply Survey of the Colony of Victoria Executed to Bowern (2009). Australian Journal of during the Years 1858–1864. Schneider, Linguistics 31, 137–143. Mannheim.

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Reid JA (1886) Torrowotto. In The Australian South Australia, Spoken by the Natives in Race. (Ed. EM Curr) vol. 2, p. 180. John and for Some Distance around Adelaide. Ferres, Government Printer, Melbourne. Thomas, Adelaide. Schürmann CW (1844) A Vocabulary of the Thomas W (1838–67) Manuscript papers in Parnkalla Language. Spoken by the Natives the Mitchell Library, State Library of New inhabiting the Western Shores of Spencer’s South Wales. Ms 214/1–28. Gulf. To which is Prefixed a Collection of Tindale NB (1974) Aboriginal Tribes of Grammatical Rules, hitherto Ascertained. Australia: Their Terrain, Environmental George Dehane, Adelaide. Controls, Distribution, Limits and Proper Simpson J, Nash D, Laughren M, Austin P and Names. University of California Press, Alpher B (eds) (2001) Forty Years On: Ken Berkeley. Hale and Australian Languages. Australian National University, Canberra. Tindale NB (1938–39) Harvard and Adelaide Universities Anthropological Expedition, Smyth RB (1878) Aborigines of Victoria and other Parts of Australia and Tasmania. Australia. 1938–1939. Journal and notes by 2 vols. Victorian Government Printer, Norman B. Tindale. Vol. 2, AA 338/1/15/2. Melbourne. South Australian Museum, Adelaide. Teichelmann CG and Schürmann CW (1840) Tipping M (1979) Ludwig Becker: Artist and Outlines of a Grammar, Vocabulary, and Naturalist with the Burke Expedition. Phraseology of the Aboriginal Language of Library Council of Victoria, Melbourne.

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‡7HQ&RPPLWPHQWVSSLQGG $0 Chapter 7

Burke and Wills and the Aboriginal people of the Corner Country

Harry Allen

Introduction usefulness for settlement. As a result, the story of Burke and Wills runs like a thread The history of the Aboriginal peoples of through the subsequent history of European– the Corner Country – Paakantyi, Danggali, Aboriginal relations in the Corner Country, Wilyali, Bandjigali, Malyangapa, Wadikali, sometimes on the surface but at other times Yardliyawara, Wangkangurru, Wangkumara, buried in the land itself. Yarluyandi, Garlali, Yandruwandha, The Burke and Wills expedition started Yawarrawarrka and Diyari – began from Melbourne on 20 August 1860 and, thousands of years before the Burke and as Bonyhady (1991, 2002) pointed out, Wills expedition. Within that history, the from there it journeyed into the symbolic expedition was but a moment in time. mythology of European colonisation of The arrival of the explorers in the Corner Australia. As myth, the Burke and Wills Country, however, marked the beginnings story transcends the past, present and the of relations between European Australians future, being continuously reinterpreted and Aboriginal people and the beginning through the lens of our contemporary of relations between the Europeans and concerns. The story of Aboriginal people the land. While the Victorian Exploring and their interaction with the Burke and Expedition aimed to be the first to cross the Wills expedition has become a shadowy Australian continent from its southern to its part of this grand narrative, hidden within northern shore, its secondary purpose was to ‘The Great Australian Silence’ (Stanner 1979, assess the land and its inhabitants for their pp. 207–218).

129 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Kurtzer (2003) drew attention to the the 1960s by Ronald and Catherine Berndt, difficulties involved in finding an Aboriginal who argued that: voice even when both speakers and listeners The coming of the Europeans altered the are Aboriginal. Ultimately the Aboriginal traditional picture drastically, in almost story can only be told by Aboriginal people every respect, until today no Aboriginal themselves. Instead, this chapter is a story of society has been able to maintain its Aboriginal Australians and their interaction former integrity and independence ... The with European Australians assembled from reason for their rapid disintegration and many sources – European observations, relatively easy collapse are to be found artefacts and other physical traces – and not only in the nature of the contact itself the history of the region and its Aboriginal ... [but] are to be sought, as well, in the inhabitants documented by missionaries, structure and organization of Aboriginal policemen, welfare officers, anthropologists social life and belief, with its heavy and station owners. emphasis on non-change ... The impact of The ‘Corner Country’ describes the area the outside world came as a rude shock where the state boundaries of New South (Berndt and Berndt 1964, pp. 421–422). Wales, Queensland, South Australia and the Aboriginal people living in the areas Northern Territory intersect. The geographic traversed by the explorers were at home. referents used by metropolitan Australians They were surrounded by kin and possessed for the Corner Country relate to distance intellectual tools capable of explaining the and isolation, being variously described as presence of strange humans and animals. beyond the black stump, the back o’Bourke The geographical and mythological territory or even the dead heart of Australia (Gregory they inhabited was familiar to them. It 1906). Contemporary conceptions of this was the Europeans who were out of place, region shift uneasily between its reality and anxious, aggressive, bristling with arms and our imagination of it. As with the Burke and ready to use them. Wills expedition itself, the various elements Neither the explorers nor the Aborigines that make up this area – Lake Eyre, the lived in a vacuum prior to the arrival of Simpson Desert, the Channel Country, Sturt’s Burke’s party at the Cooper. Aboriginal Stony Desert, the Cooper and the Birdsville people living there had contact with other Track – represent archetypes of danger and tribes who had experience of explorers and foreboding in the Australian psyche. pastoralists and therefore were not entirely Aboriginal people also represent volatile ignorant of the Europeans (Hardy 1969, elements in the European imagination, being p. 65–74). To this historical knowledge might mentally and physically located beyond the be added Aboriginal cultural mechanisms limits of civil society. To a large extent, they for dealing with strange events (cf. Povinelli have also been placed outside contemporary 1995). The expedition itself did not enter time, where distance from the metropolitan Aboriginal lands de novo; there had been 70 centres of culture has been read, in the years of colonial exploration and experience case of the Aborigines, as distance from in dealing with Aboriginal people. What is modernity (Fabian 1983; Gamble 1992). remarkable is how little of that experience One source of difficulty in this story the explorers appear to have drawn on, with is the assumption that Aboriginal society disastrous results (Allen 2011; Bonyhady was inherently fragile, where the arrival of 1991, p. 311). a single visitor from another world might Berndt and Berndt (1964, p. 423) precipitate the collapse of Aboriginal belief suggested that Aboriginal people acted in and understanding (Gamble 1992; Schrire the expectation that they would receive the 1984, p. 67). Such a view was put forward in same treatment which they gave, or would

130 Burke and Wills and the Aboriginal people of the Corner Country have given, if in similar circumstances as Yawarrawarrka and Diyari (Allen 2011; Austin the explorers. It is no accident that initial 1990b; Bowern 2009; Hercus 1982; Hercus Aboriginal reactions to the presence of the and Austin 2004; see Figure 7.1). These Europeans were relatively peaceful; serious groups shared cultural characteristics with conflict was precipitated only when European their neighbours and were conversant with intentions became clear and unavoidable each other’s languages. Paakantyi speakers, (Jenkin 1979, pp. 37, 69). together with the neighbouring Yarli- and Karnic-speaking peoples, possessed Aboriginal groups in the matrilineal clan systems, exogamous matri- Corner Country moieties, initiations involving tooth avulsion and ritual scarification, and, finally, mourning Aboriginal social entities over this broad area comprise a number of linguistic groups. The customs involving the wearing of white clay. area along the Darling River and to its west Karnic speakers also shared many features is made up of Paakantyi speakers – Danggali, of ritual and mythological knowledge with Wilyali and Bandjigali. To the north-west of Western Desert language speakers located in these are groups speaking Yarli languages, the desert country further to the north and made up of the Malyangapa, Wadikali and west, such as the Arabana, Pitjantjatjara, Yardliyawara. Further to the north and west Yankunytjatjara and Luritja, including the are groups speaking Karnic and Proto-Karnic rite of circumcision (Beckett, in Hercus and languages – Wangkangurru, Wangkumara, Austin 2004, p. 232; Beckett and Hercus Yarluyandi, Garlali, Yandruwandha, 2009, p. 47; Hercus 1982, p. 3).

Figure 7.1: Aboriginal language groups in the Corner Country.

131 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

The Corner Country consists of desert of travel. No major monuments mark this various types interspersed with rocky ranges, route, though there are important, and salt creeks, springs and ephemeral rivers and large archaeological assemblages marking lakes. As an environment it can be described the traditional meeting and ceremonial as having periods of boom and of bust. places at which exchanges took place ... Booms are marked by good summer rains There are also extensive quarry sites, and/or floods down the major rivers, the sources of material for hatchet heads, latter occasionally of such magnitude as to grindstones and ochre. Many of these are fill Lake Eyre. Busts are periods of drought, celebrated in creation or other stories; when neither rain nor floods occur (Balcombe they are places of power and spiritual and Arthington 2009; Capon 2003). All significance (McBryde 1997, p. 7). populations in this region have had to develop strategies that will enable them to survive such challenging conditions. Historical interactions between Despite its forbidding appearance, early Aboriginal and European peoples European observers noted that large numbers in the Corner Country of Aboriginal people lived in the region, Paakantyi-speaking peoples living along the particular in the northern Lakes area of South Darling River and at its junction with the Australia and near the Cooper (Allen 2011, Murray had early and intense interactions pp. 250–252; Sturt 1849, vol. 2, p. 75). From with Europeans. Sturt reached the upper our sedentary perspective, given such dry Darling River in 1828–29. In his subsequent country, the Aboriginal ability to combine explorations of the Murray River, he clashed a highly mobile and portable culture while with Aboriginal people near its junction with maintaining social networks and boundaries the Darling. In 1835, Mitchell clashed with is hard to grasp (Sutton 1995). Aboriginal people just south of Menindee At least part of the explanation for this and clashed again in 1836, when exploring Aboriginal ability lies in the network of the Murray River near the Darling junction cross-cutting relationships which existed (Mitchell 1839, vol. 1, pp. 272–273, vol. between the Aboriginal people living in 2, pp. 94–98). Mitchell considered the this area and those in adjacent and more Darling River Aborigines to be particularly distant areas. This network manifested in aggressive, in contrast to those he found trading relations across the Lake Eyre Basin. elsewhere along the Murray (Baker 1997). It involved large quantities of ochre from Subsequent Aboriginal testimony, however, the mines at Parachilna (Jones 1984), of the suggests that the attack on Mitchell was endemic nicotine source, pitjuri (Duboisia payback for the death of an Aboriginal hopwoodii) (Watson 1983), of fine sandstones woman caused by one of Mitchell’s men for use as grindstones (Smith et al. 2010), of (Brock 1988, p. 37). From 1838, stockmen, axes from central Queensland (Tibbett 2002) including Hawdon, Bonney, Sturt and Eyre, and, finally, of intangible goods, stories, overlanded cattle and sheep to South songs and dances (Hercus 1980; McBryde Australia via the Murray River. However, it 1997; Mulvaney 1976) which were moved was not until 1841 that a series of major across the entire region. McBryde (1997) clashes between large groups of Aboriginal documented the totality of such trading men and the overlanders occurred. These networks in the Lake Eyre Basin, noting: culminated in the Rufus River Massacre The major features of this exchange when an estimated 30–40 Aboriginal men system are its extent and the range of were killed (Eyre 1984; South Australian goods (of utilitarian and symbolic values) Government 2012). Eyre’s appointment as in constant movement along its lines of a Protector of Aborigines in South Australia

132 Burke and Wills and the Aboriginal people of the Corner Country and his settlement at Moorundie, on the tears and wept when they first encountered Murray, was a response to the severity of the explorers (Sturt 1849, vol. 2, pp. 68, these clashes (Cliff 1980; Eyre 1985). Eyre 72). This might have been from fear or as subsequently explored the country from mourning for the returned dead. Brock (1988, the Flinders Ranges to Lake Frome. The p. 135) noted that Aboriginal people reacted few contacts he had were probably with with horror when he raised his trouser leg Adnyamathanha Aboriginal people living to reveal a pale skeletal leg. Elsewhere he there (Eyre 1845; Simpson and Hercus 2004). commented, ‘The most unquestionable Sturt visited Eyre at Moorundie on his way evidence is here given that we are looked to begin his Central Australian explorations upon as beings from another world by these from Menindee (Sturt 1849, p. 25). Sturt’s children of the wastes’ (Brock 1988, p. 109). expedition was a truly extraordinary affair, On other occasions, Aboriginal people consisting at its start of 15 men, 11 horses, reacted to the European presence with 30 bullocks, 200 sheep, six dogs and a confidence and an apparent lack of concern succession of Aboriginal guides (Brock 1988, (Sturt 1849, vol. 1, p. 314, vol. 2, p. 74). p. 46). The considerable number of men and Certainly attempts were made to include animals made Sturt and his party unwelcome the explorers within the Aboriginal circle by guests at the water holes they visited (Sturt offering them hospitality and sexual comforts 1849, vol. 1, p. 358). Sturt’s camp at Depot (Brock 1988, pp. 135–136; Sturt 1849, vol. 1, Glen for seven months prevented Aboriginal p. 296, vol. 2, p. 74, 1984, p. 67). residents from using of one of the few large Stevens (1994, p. 41) noted that Diyari water holes available to them. Sturt also women might be used as mediators in made use of deep wells Aboriginal people situations where conflict was possible, had dug (Sturt 1984, p. 70). These actions signalling the Diyari’s intention not to represented more than an inconvenience in fight. Offering women was a gesture of an area where access to water could mean conciliation, and a rebuttal might be taken the difference between life and death (Sturt as an indication of hostility on the part of 1849, vol. 1, p. 306, 1984, p. 77). While the strangers. Sturt appears to have avoided there were minor occasions of conflict, conflict in these situations by reacting to Sturt nevertheless reported that Aboriginal such invitations in a humane fashion, noting, people ‘so far from exhibiting any unkind ‘I have even made allowances for human feeling, treated us with genuine hospitality timidity, and respected the customs and … These were a merry people and seemed prejudices of the rudest people’ (Sturt 1849, highly delighted at our visit, and if one or vol. 2, p. 87). two of them were a little forward, I laid it to Sturt was restricted to an outside view of the account of curiosity’ (Sturt 1849, Vol. 2, Aboriginal life. Although he had Aboriginal pp. 74, 78). guides, they were not from the country he Sturt’s observation raises the question was travelling through. Communication of how the Aboriginal people might have was largely through signing (Brock 1988, regarded the strangers. Berndt and Berndt pp. 85, 110, 148). Sturt noted divisions (1964, p. 422) argued that Aboriginal people between Aboriginal groups through language commonly considered the first Europeans differences, particularly whether a language they met as returning spirits of the dead, spoken was related to that of the ‘river presumably on account of the white skin tribes’ (Paakantyi). He was aware that there colour. There are instances of Aboriginal was a language boundary near Depot Glen behaviour towards explorers which suggest as people there shared vocabulary with the this might have been the case. Sturt recorded Darling River people (Sturt 1849, vol. 1, occasions when Aboriginal people burst into pp. 284, 296). He also observed differences

133 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills in the physical evidence of initiation rituals A large tribe of blacks came pestering shown on the naked bodies of Aboriginal us to go to their camp and have a dance people, noting whether men had their front which we declined. They were very teeth or had lost them, whether they were troublesome, and nothing but the threat circumcised and whether they had raised to shoot them will keep them away; they scars across their chests (1849, vol. 1, are, however, easily frightened, and, pp. 209, 284, 297, 314, 340, 341, 348). On although fine looking men, decidedly not one occasion Sturt observed that the women of a warlike disposition ... they seldom also had front teeth missing (Sturt 1849, vol. carry any weapons, except a shield and a 1, p. 358). large kind of boomerang ... from the little Sturt’s 1844–45 expedition to the Cooper we have seen of them, they appear to be and Simpson Desert paralleled the Burke and mean-spirited and contemptible in every Wills expedition which travelled over some respect (Wills, Cooper Creek, Sunday 16 of the same country 15 years later. Both Sturt December 1860, in Burke and Wills 1861, and Burke left their main parties and supplies p. 15). at depots and attempted rapid dashes to Four days later, after the journey to the gain their objectives; an inland sea in Sturt’s Gulf had begun, Burke observed further case and the northern coast of the continent attempts by the Aborigines to extend social in Burke’s. These journeys exhausted the relations to include the explorers, noting, ‘we leaders and their men. All parties suffered found a great many natives. They presented from dietary ailments, some to a mortal us with fish, and offered their women’ (Burke extent, which might have been avoided by and Wills 1861, p. 32). Shortly afterwards, using Aboriginal knowledge of plants, their Burke described the Aborigines as trying nutrients and methods of preparation. The to ‘bully or bounce us’ and noted that they superficial observations of Aboriginal life were repulsed. Shortly before he died, were also similar. Finally, Aboriginal people Burke acted in an almost irrational manner, living along the Cooper appear to have attacking Aboriginal men carrying gifts of reacted towards both expeditions in broadly fish in nets (King’s narrative in Burke and similar ways (Allen 2011). Wills 1861). Despite such provocations, Of the Aborigines, Sturt (1849, vol. 2, the Yandruwandha continued to act in a p. 74) noted that he and his men were ‘wholly measured way towards the Europeans (Allen in their power’. Similarly, Burke, Wills and 2011, p. 254). King were at the Aborigines’ mercy when they returned to the Cooper in a distressed state (Burke and Wills 1861). Rather than Pastoral settlement and the being aggressive, both the Yandruwandha, on Aboriginal frontier the Cooper, and the Diyari closer to Lake Eyre Through the second half of the 19th were hospitable, shared food and generally century, expansion of pastoral settlement attempted to draw the Europeans into a web in north-west New South Wales, south- of relations through invitations of a social or west Queensland and north-east South sexual nature. Australia involved advances and retreats. A major difference between the two During good years, especially those with expeditions, however, was their respective adequate rainfall, high stock prices and attitudes towards the Aborigines. Sturt readily available labour, pastoral runs were appears to have dealt with invitations in a taken up beyond the limits of settlement. manner which did not upset the Aboriginal Settlement was pulled back during dry people. This might be contrasted with years, which coincided with periods of accounts by Burke and by Wills: low prices, economic recession and labour

134 Burke and Wills and the Aboriginal people of the Corner Country shortages during which costs were driven killed by wild dogs and 92 were stolen by above the margins of return. In taking up Aboriginal people (Hayward 1928, p. 147). the land for grazing, pastoralists faced the Given that stations were not fenced until choice of driving Aboriginal people away the 1860s, the system of open pastures made or accommodating them in the pastoral isolated shepherds vulnerable to attack economy. As will be seen, both strategies (Jeans 1972, Fig. 26). John McKinlay held were utilised. Initially, however, the taking a neighbouring station for a short period up of the land provoked Aboriginal action between 1851 and 1855 (Owanegan – now and pastoralist reaction. Hannigan’s Gap, Flinders Ranges). Hayward A frank account of the economic threat commented that two Aboriginal men, who posed by Aboriginal depredations on sheep were accused and subsequently acquitted of flocks, and the harsh measures that were murder, camped on McKinlay’s station and taken to counter this threat, was provided ‘speedily received from some unknown hand by Fred Hayward. Hayward was overseer of the penalty due to their misdeeds’ (Hayward Pekina Station from 1847 to 1851, and from 1928, pp. 140–142). He noted, ‘The season then until 1864 was a partner with William [1854], the natives made a raid on a flock James and John Harris Browne in Aroona at Aroona and worried the shepherd ... [I Station in the Flinders Ranges (Hayward contacted the McKinlay Brothers] whom I at 1928) (John Harris Browne accompanied once pressed to my assistance to chastise Sturt in 1844–45: Browne 1966). In Hayward’s the natives ... we stalked them coming upon account, it is necessary to make some them half asleep ... We kept up a running allowance for the embellishments for effect fire on them as they bolted up the Flinders made by an old bushman. At one point Ranges’(1928, p. 157). he declared ‘These campaigns against the Prior to this, in 1848, John McKinlay had niggers gave zest to the wild life I led’ taken up a station near Lake Victoria and (1928, p. 89). On the other hand, evidence a year later he joined a group of settlers presented elsewhere, in northern South heading north up the Darling River (Larcombe Australia and south-west Queensland, 1935, p. 138). McKinlay achieved a reputation supports his account as typical of conditions on the Darling as a bushman and a ‘terror on the margins of settlement through to the blacks’, but his land speculations much of the 19th century (Copland et al. had limited success (Anon. 1939, p. 8). His 2006,pp. 54–78; Rowley 1972; Watson 1998, experiences on the Darling may not have pp. 96–100). inclined him to benevolence towards the Hayward stated that the Aboriginal tribes Aborigines. Hardy (1969, p. 68) related that had to be terrified before they would stop stations on the Darling were abandoned their raids on his sheep. Copland et al. (2006, between 1851 and 1855 due to a lack of p. 46) also documented the use of terror labour and Aboriginal attacks. She quoted in south-west Queensland as a measure of McKinlay as stating that the Aborigines control. On one occasion, Hayward (1928, ‘came down upon the half-protected stations p. 130) described giving a native ‘two dozen and livestock of the settlers, committing lashes with a stock whip’ for stealing a frightful murders and destroying their flocks sheep. In retrospect, the punishments appear and herds to an alarming extent. The blacks to be harsh relative to the threat posed by in fact took possession of the country, Aboriginal sheep-stealing. Hayward provided threatening to utterly exterminate the white a tally of losses at Aroona in 1852. Out of man, and establish a perfect reign of terror’ a total of 7738 sheep, 599 were lost. Of the (McKinlay in Hardy 1969, p. 68). causes which could be ascertained, 290 were When McKinlay set out with the South killed for rations, 50 died as lambs, 78 were Australian expedition to relieve Burke, he left

135 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills from Baker’s station at Blanchewater in the considerable difficulties in retaining out northern Flinders Ranges (McKinlay 1863). By of the whole tribe the necessary numbers 1864, Thomas Elder had established a station for shepherding alone. All the present at Lake Hope in the far north-east corner of and future advantages offered [to them] South Australia. Police and telegraph stations fail to compensate for the disappointment were also established at Lake Hope to of not being able to join these wild and provide protection from the Diyari Aboriginal roving excursions (Hugh Jamieson [1853] people resident there (Stevens 1994, p. 16; in Bride 1983, pp. 379–380). South Australian History 2012). Control of the Aboriginal labour force Through time, the low returns from these was achieved by allowing families to take lands and the scarcity of European labour up residence on the station, by acting as meant that Aboriginal people were employed agents for the distribution of government as shepherds and station workers. With head food rations to the Aborigines and by the stations located at major water holes and provision of police stations capable of shepherds at other water sources, Aboriginal dealing with any disturbances. Rowse (1998) people may have had little option but to documented the use of rations as a means of attach themselves to the Europeans. The controlling the Aboriginal labour force, both alternative was to suffer depredations of socially and economically, thus anchoring police and pastoralists retaliating for thefts the Aboriginal population to locations close of sheep or attacks on shepherds (Copland et to the rationing stations. Forster (2000, p. 5, al. 2006). map 3) noted that by 1867 there were more Lands in northern South Australia were than 58 ration depots in South Australia and held under Crown lease. Between 1851 and by 1884 there were 20 ration stations in the 1911, pastoral leases in South Australia far north (Stevens 1994, p. 106). required leaseholders to provide for Aboriginal men performed tasks as Aboriginal access to camping and hunting shepherds, fencers, rabbiters, shearers and grounds and to water (Forster 2000, pp. 19– wool washers, while the women worked as 20, 24). This allowed Aboriginal people to domestics. Forster (2000, pp. 19–21) noted pursue aspects of their traditional lives. that Aboriginal people on pastoral stations The Jamieson brothers took up stations were expected to find some of their food at Mildura and at Mount Murchison, near through traditional hunting and fishing Wilcannia, in 1848. They made extensive activities. This expectation allowed them to use of Aboriginal labour but expressed move around the countryside to some extent frustration that, during the summer months, and enabled Aboriginal people to maintain the Aboriginal labour force abandoned their traditional skills, knowledge and ceremonies employment and followed ‘the roving life of on their own lands. naked savages’: While the balance was always in favour … they do not infrequently during their of the pastoralists, the relationship between annual migrations travel over 200 or 300 Aboriginal workers and the pastoral stations miles of country, increasing in numbers was also symbiotic, allowing Aboriginal as they proceed, alternately hunting, people to maintain a degree of independence. fishing, and levying contributions on Paterson (2008) discussed the establishment both sheep and cattle, as they slowly and of Strangways Springs Station in Arabana indolently saunter along the banks of the country to the west of Lake Eyre, where the Murray and Darling. Such is the limited Aboriginal labour force, at least in the early degree of civilization, which even the best days, was essential for its success. of our blacks have reached, that during The second phase of pastoral these migrations we always experience development occurred between 1882 and

136 Burke and Wills and the Aboriginal people of the Corner Country

1900 when station owners installed bores interference with Aboriginal customs and fenced paddocks. This reduced the need resulted in a Diyari plot to kill the for Aboriginal shepherds, though skilled missionaries. The Lutherans retired to Aboriginal workers, stockmen and shearers Boolcaltaninna Station and the Diyari were continued to be employed (Paterson 2005, warned by police trooper Gason about the pp. 38–39). Ultimately, drought, distance consequences of direct action. from markets and economic depressions While sermons, church services and caused the failure of the sheep industry in a school marked Killalpaninna as being the far north of South Australia. The area different from the pastoral stations setting today is marked by deserted homesteads and up near the mission, other aspects of fences in disrepair (Paterson 2005, p. 44). the mission closely reflected the colonial economic situation. The mission functioned Missions in the Lake Eyre Basin, as a government rationing station, there 1866–1915 was a police station nearby and after the drought of 1870–72 mission operations were Christian missionary activity in the Lake extended to include sheep grazing. By 1880, Eyre Basin was initiated five years after mission lands exceeded 734 sqare miles the Burke and Wills expedition, partly as (190 000 ha), running 5000 sheep, 45 cattle, a response to the humane care provided nine horses and 350 goats, worked by two by the Yandruwandha to the expedition’s lay preachers and 45 Aboriginal workers sole survivor King (Stevens 1994, pp. 17, (Stevens 1994, p. 94). Mission payments 50). Independent missions were set up to Aboriginal workers were irregular. They by Lutherans and Moravians, with both did not exceed one-third of the wages seeking to establish on Cooper Creek. For generally paid to European workers and security reasons, they were persuaded against this and both settled closer to the by 1914 were still less than half the wages police station at Lake Hope. In 1866, two paid to Aboriginal workers on surrounding missions were established only 16 km apart stations (Coghlan 1918, p. 739; Stevens 1994, – Lutherans at Killalpaninna and Moravians pp. 136, 188). at Kopperamanna (Stevens 1994, pp. 52–53). Aboriginal people living at Killalpaninna The Moravian mission at Kopperamanna experienced tension between traditional was short-lived, closing in 1868. A police and mission requirements. Ceremonies were station under command of Samuel Gason held away from the mission and the older was established at Kopperamanna in 1870. men attempted to continue their control of Kopperamanna and Boolcaltaninna were marriage arrangements with younger women. subsequently added to the Lutheran lands Stevens (1994, pp. 122, 168, 180–184, 238– and worked as outstations. 239) noted difficulties arising between the The cultural distance between the mission Aborigines and the more traditional evangelical Lutherans and the Diyari was Aborigines in station camps. Young men extreme and misunderstandings occurred who refused to go through initiation rites, soon after the mission was established. those who revealed secret information Stevens (1994, pp. 41, 52–53, 63) noted that to the missionaries and men accused of the missionaries were outraged when the sorcery, might be killed (Stevens 1994, Diyari sent Aboriginal women to them and pp. 122–123; Watson 1998, pp. 53, 64). There when they invited the missionaries to eat were attempts to revive Aboriginal spiritual human flesh as a part of a mortuary ritual. connection to the land through the Mudluŋga The placing of the mission at a major ceremony, a millennarian movement which water hole, the strange behaviour of spread from Queensland and was performed the missionaries and their attempted close to the mission (Hercus 1980; Kimber

137 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

1990; Mulvaney 1976; see Watson 1998, consequence, information about Australian pp. 63–65, for the Kooroongoora, a similar Aborigines played a significant part in ceremony in south-west Queensland). debates about human social evolution. The missionaries learnt the Diyari From about 1930 there was the emergence language as part of their work and taught a of anthropology as a scientific discipline in written form of the language at school (see Australia, when interest shifted from social Ferguson 1987 for a discussion of Diyari evolution to a functional understanding of literacy). Diyari became a lingua franca Aboriginal culture. From 1950, sociological, for all Aboriginal groups at the mission. archaeological and further linguistic studies Despite a facility with the language, some have taken place. of the missionaries had only a limited Alfred William Howitt’s first experience understanding of Diyari customs. In 1899 of the Corner Country came in 1859 when Johannes Flierl commented, ‘These blacks are he led a group of pastoralist investors people who only live for the moment, and through the northern Flinders Ranges have no concept of the past and no concept (Stanner 1972, pp. 432–435). Through 1861 of hope for the future. There is no trace of and 1862, Howitt led three expeditions to a deeper meaning to life, no folk lore, no the Cooper. The first was a search for Burke sages, no remainders of the stories of the and Wills, which ended with the discovery past, or ancestors’ (quoted in Stevens 1994, of their graves and the rescue of King – the p. 99). sole survivor of Burke’s dash to the Gulf of Through time and for a variety of reasons, Carpentaria. Howitt later returned to the including violence, sickness and infertility, Cooper with gifts for the Yandruwandha local Aboriginal populations diminished. in recognition of their kindness to the By 1900, Aboriginal deaths at the mission explorers. The final expedition, via exceeded births (Stevens 1994, p. 190). As Blanchewater and Lake Hope, was to recover one group declined, its place was taken by the bodies of Burke and Wills so that a others coming in from the desert. Hercus state funeral could be held in Melbourne (1994, p. 19) and Jones (2002, p. 172) (Bonyhady 1991, pp. 234–235). documented that Wangkangurru people were Howitt’s relations with the Yandruwandha the last to come into the mission and as a were entirely cordial. However, his overall result were the ones who held most firmly impression of the Aboriginal people of the to their traditions. The mission experienced Cooper was negative. He opposed further serious problems in the second decade of the recompense for the kindness extended by 20th century in terms of debt, low returns, the Yandruwandha towards Burke, Wills and drought and falling numbers of Aboriginal King, declaring them to be ‘such an idle, people. It is ironic that just as the mission incorrigibly treacherous and lying race, that project began to fully transform the lives of I am getting into a state of aversion towards the Aboriginal people at Killalpaninna, the them’ (Bonyhady 1991, p. 235; Nobbs 2008, mission was closed and the lands passed into p. 209). private hands (Stevens 1994, pp. 231–238). Howitt’s later scientific interest in the Aboriginal people was stimulated by Scientific interest in the peoples reading works by Darwin, Lubbock and of the Lake Eyre Basin Tylor and through his contact with Lorimer Scientific interest in Aboriginal people as Fison, a missionary who wrote articles on living representatives of primeval human anthropological topics in the Australasian society coincided with the period of massive (Fraser 1909, p. 150; Stanner 1972, pp. 432– colonial impacts on their lives (Fison and 435). Howitt was joint author with Fison Howitt 1880; Spencer and Gillen 1899). As a of Kamilaroi and Kurnai (Fison and Howitt

138 Burke and Wills and the Aboriginal people of the Corner Country

1880), to which he contributed material on within a social evolutionary model (Howitt the Kurnai people, gathered while he was a and Fison 1882). It is clear from letters to magistrate and guardian of Aboriginal people Morgan that Howitt and Fison defended in Gippsland. From 1874, through Fison’s Morgan’s and their own ideas on group influence, Howitt began to correspond with marriage against criticisms levelled by US anthropologist and social theorist Lewis some leading anthropologists of the time Henry Morgan (Stern 1930). – McLellan, Lubbock, Tylor and Lang (Stern The missionaries at Killalpaninna had 1930; Hiatt 1996). Stanner (1972, p. 435) learnt the Diyari language as a part of their listed Howitt, along with Lorimer Fison, evangelical activities and during the 1890s Baldwin Spencer and Frank Gillen, as a they became aware, from scientists such founder of anthropology in Australia. Despite as Dr Erhard Eylmann who visited in 1900 Mulvaney’s (1970, p. 216) claim that Howitt and from letters of inquiry from German had a sympathetic interest in Aboriginal ethnologists, that there was considerable society, his writings are largely impersonal, interest in the traditions and customs rarely mentioning Aboriginal informants by of Australian Aborigines. As a result, name. missionaries Otto Siebert, Johann Reuther Perceived difficulties with the information and Wolfgang Reidel gathered ethnographic provided by Howitt and Gason stimulated information from Diyari and Wangkangurru both Radcliffe Brown (1914) and Elkin to people and made collections of Aboriginal take up the problem of Diyari kinship artefacts (Nobbs 2008; Stevens 1994). Two (Korn 1971). In 1930, Adolphus Peter Elkin, policemen, Samuel Gason and George Aiston, newly appointed lecturer in Anthropology also collected information. Gason (1874) at the University of Sydney, began a year published a pamphlet on the Diyari, while of fieldwork in the Corner Country, seeking Aiston published his knowledge of Aboriginal to document the social organisation of life in the Lake Eyre Basin gained from Aboriginal tribes living in the northern part Wangkangurru people in 1924 (Aiston and of South Australia and the southern part Horne 1924). of the Northern Territory. Elkin’s choice Howitt used knowledge gained during the of subject matter – kinship and social Burke and Wills relief expeditions to write organisation – and his method of fieldwork, about the Aboriginal people of Lake Eyre mostly interviewing Aborigines in camps and Cooper Creek. Initially, he corresponded or on station verandas, closely followed with Hermann Vogelsang, Carl Meyer and that of Radcliffe Brown, then Professor of Johann Flierl, but later made considerable Anthropology at the University of Sydney and use of ethnographic information gathered author of Social Organisation of Australian by Siebert (Howitt 1891; Howitt and Siebert Tribes (Brown 1930; Hogbin [1988]). Many of 1904). Information on the Diyari makes up a the debates on kinship, marriage and social significant part of Howitt’s publications on arrangements which were lively at the time Aboriginal kinship and folklore. When Native appear pointless from our contemporary Tribes of Southeast Australia was published in perspective (Korn 1971; Schneider 1984). 1904 Siebert claimed that he was intended to Elkin, who travelled thousands of be a joint author with Howitt but that illness kilometres by private car, mail coach and had prevented him from contributing to the camel, provided a snapshot of the Aboriginal conclusion. Howitt published the work in his people he met. In the desert area between name only (Stevens 1994, p. 224). Oodnadatta and the Musgrave Ranges he The Diyari material was used by Howitt came across about 30 men, women and to support his ‘group marriage’ hypothesis, children, living ‘in a totally uncivilized a period of promiscuous sexual relations manner: they wear no covering of any kind

139 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills night or day, even though the temperature Also during the 1930s, medical sometimes falls during the night to freezing anthropologist H.K. Fry (1937) published point; they have a minimum of weapons and two articles on Diyari legends. These are implements – spear, spear-thrower with a remarkable for being dictated and written in stone chisel affixed to the end of the haft, a Diyari language by Sam Dintibana Kinjmilina, wooden dish and stones for grinding seed who was literate in Diyari but not in English. – and they depend for food on hunting and The translator was Ted Vogelsang, son of collecting’ (Elkin 1931, pp. 44–46). the missionary Hermann Vogelsang; like He contrasted these circumstances with Sam, he was brought up on Killalpaninna those he found in north-eastern South mission. The articles include both the Diyari Australia and the country around the and English versions of the stories. In one Cooper, where the area had been largely place, Fry indicated that Sam could provide a ‘depopulated’. Elkin interviewed ‘remnants’ story only after he had talked with its owner, of the Wangkangurru, Yandruwandha, Larrikin Mick, a Yandruwandha man: ‘Sam Yawarrawarrka, Marrula, Ngamini and Diyari promised to complete the missing parts of living in the district between Strzelecki some of the legends already given when we Creek, Innamincka and Birdsville, whom returned to Mirra Mitta, but our stay there he estimated numbered about 160 persons was too short to make this possible. A blank within a total Aboriginal population of 400 book was left with Sam, and he promised persons (Elkin 1931, pp. 44,48). From there, to write down the legends we required in he travelled across to north-western New consultation with other old men. Two months South Wales to confirm information about later the book arrived with the following the Wilyali and Malyanapa tribes from a legends written by Sam in the Dieri language. Wilyali man living Innamincka, where he Mr. Vogelsang has translated these’ (Fry 1937, noted, ‘The Tibooburra camp consisted of p. 271). one adult black and one adult half-caste with A similar collaboration occurred in three women and some children. One half- 1942 when Ronald Berndt recorded a text caste husband was away on a station, while from a Diyari man, Andreas Dibana, then another half-caste family was on the move convalescing at the Magill Old Folks’ Home in north- wards’ (Elkin 1931, p. 48). Adelaide (Berndt 1953). This text was partly An outcome of Elkin’s research was his recorded in Diyari with further translations definition of an ‘Eastern or “Lakes” Group of from English to Diyari by Ted Vogelsang. Tribes’, occupying the country around lakes Berndt commented on a number of published Gairdner, Torrens, Eyre, Gregory, Blanche, Diyari texts including one recorded by Callabonna and Frome, and the freshwater Vogelsang from an Aboriginal Doctor, or rivers filled by the floodwaters of the Cooper Clever Man, Elias Baigalina, and published as and Diamantina (Elkin 1931, pp. 51–53). Berndt and Vogelsang (1941). Elkin’s formulation represents an extension Most of the anthropological writings of Howitt’s ‘Dieri Nation’, observing that concentrated on reconstructing the this large group of Aboriginal tribes shared traditional period. A change came with features both with Aboriginal people located Jeremy Beckett’s anthropological fieldwork further in the Central Australian deserts and at Wilcannia in 1957–58. This research with the river tribes to the east and south, included a series of biographical accounts, notably the Paakantyi. In terms of initiation particularly those of George Dutton, a man practices, they shared circumcision with the of Wangkumara and Malyangapa descent, desert tribes and the rites of cicatrisation and Walter Newman (Beckett 1958). Beckett’s (Wilyaru) and tooth evulsion with the river approach was sociological, documenting the tribes. history of European–Aboriginal relations

140 Burke and Wills and the Aboriginal people of the Corner Country through biography and through the directed to the many sources of information circumstances Aboriginal people in western on these topics (Aboriginal and Torres Strait New South Wales experienced in their Islander Commission 1996; Baldry and Green working lives and on government mission 2002; Copland et al. 2006; Human Rights and stations. Equal Opportunity Commission 1997; May Since 1970, a number of linguists have 1994; Raynes 2002). worked with Aboriginal people in the Aboriginal people in northern South Corner Country to recover stories and Australia may have been slightly better off language information. Gavan Breen worked than their relatives in New South Wales and with a Yandruwandha man, Bennie Kerwin, Queensland. From 1866 to 1912 Aboriginal recording Corner Country texts (Breen 1990; welfare was managed through a series of Kerwin 1986; Kerwin and Breen 1980–81), Protectors of Aborigines, who made use of the while Stefan Wurm collected information missions and pastoral stations to distribute on Wangkumara from a Galali man, Charlie rations (Brock 1995; Forster 2000). As noted Phillips. These linguistic studies revealed previously, leases made some provision for extraordinary instances of language retention continued Aboriginal access to their own despite many decades of neither speaking lands, and there were no specific reserves the language nor hearing it spoken. In this created in north-eastern South Australia. context, the work of Luise Hercus has been This was not the case in Queensland, truly extraordinary, travelling the far reaches where a policy of concentration on reserves of the Corner Country to seek out stories, and the forcible relocation of Aboriginal speakers, place-names and the personal people was ruthlessly pursued. Copland et histories of Aboriginal language speakers al. (2006, pp. 124–125) related the case of (Austin et al. 1990; Beckett and Hercus Wangkumara people from the Cooper Creek 2009; Hercus 1980, 1982, 1994, 2009a, b; area who moved to Tibooburra in 1938 to Hercus and Austin 2004; for a bibliography escape the harsh conditions in Queensland, of Hercus’ work to 1990 see Kat 1990). Peter only to be forcibly removed from there to the Austin (1981, 1990a, b; Austin et al. 1990) Brewarrina mission in northern New South worked similarly with Diyari speakers. Wales. Aboriginal people have documented the The welfare period, 1912–1972 effects of this period of ‘welfare’ through biographical and autobiographical writings, Overlapping with the period of pastoral creating a space where Aboriginal storytellers settlement, the establishment of Christian and European readers meet on the basis of a missions and the initiation of anthropological shared humanity, one that might transcend interest in Aboriginal culture were the the perception of difference (Kurtzer 2003, policies and actions of the governments pp. 186–187). The stories told by Jimmie of South Australia, New South Wales and Blacksmith, George Dutton, Myles Lalor and Queensland. While there were differences Ben Murray detailed the hardships and the in policy implementation from state to courage of Aboriginal individuals in the face state, the effects on Aboriginal people of of huge difficulties (Austin et al. 1988; Barker forcible relocation to mission or government and Mathews 1988; Beckett 1996; Lalor and reserves, the loss of civil liberties, the Beckett 2000; Read et al. 2008). removal of children to state institutions, the exploitation of Aboriginal labour, the control of movement and the poor living conditions What is happening now? on many reserves have been uniformly Despite the difficult history of European– disastrous. This part of the story is beyond Aboriginal relations in the Corner Country the scope of this work and readers are over the past 150 years, there has been a

141 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills renewal of Aboriginal ties to their lands over As part of its environmental impact the past two decades. Between 2002 and statement for the proposed Olympic Dam 2011, Aboriginal peoples from the far north- mine, BHP Billiton consulted with the main east of South Australia lodged a number native claimants – the Barngala, Kokatha of claims with the National Native Title and Kuyani peoples – as well as with Tribunal: the Adnyamathanha Native Title Diyari, Adnyamathanha, Yandruwandha/ Claim, the Dieri Native Title Claim, the Dieri Yawarrarrka and Arabunna, over lands that No. 2 Native Title Claim, the Yandruwandha/ the gas pipeline would cross. This resulted Yawarrawarrka Native Title Claim and the in the Olympic Dam Agreement, under which Wangkangurru/Yarluyandi Native Claim, payments are made to those communities claims which cover much of the north- and provision is made for Aboriginal trainees east quarter of the state (South Australian to be part of the archaeological survey of Native Title Services 2009/2010). As of affected areas (BHP Billiton 2012). June 2012, the Adnyamathanha, Dieri and In 1994, Stevens wrote a pessimistic Wangkangurru/Yarluyandi claims had been assessment of Aboriginal survival in the determined in favour of the claimants by Corner Country, commenting ‘In the 1860s, consent (South Australian Native Titles 2012). when the Lutherans first ventured into the In addition, Indigenous Land Use Agreements Killalpaninna area, there were estimated have been signed covering minerals to have been about 3000 to 5000 people exploration in Yandruwandha/Yawarrawarrka living in the Lake Eyre region, with about lands (Agreements, Treaties and Negotiated a dozen different languages spoken … A Settlements 2012). Yandruwandha/ hundred years later their languages were Yawarrawarrka have negotiated with the all but extinct, with only a handful of aged government of South Australia to regain descendants capable of speaking any of the ownership of the Callioumarou Mission Block indigenous languages’ (Stevens 1994, p. 203). near Howitt’s depot on the Cooper, which This picture of desolation and loss can be had been voted to their ownership in 1862 contrasted with the activities of Aboriginal in response to their treatment of Burke, Wills people to regain their lands through the and King. Despite that, the South Australian Native Title and other tribunals. Austin government sold it in 1875 (Tolcher 2003, recently commented that the Diyari language p. 156). is far from extinct and that he had had the These claims to country have not been pleasure of studying it with five generations without difficulties, particularly over of a single family, including, in 1974, a overlapping claims between Aboriginal Wangkangurru woman, Frieda Merrick, who groups and cross-agreements with mining was born in 1885 and who learnt Diyari companies which are very active in the during her early years at Killalpaninna Lake Eyre Basin. In 1999, there was conflict Mission (Austin 2012). between the Dieri-Mitha Council and the When the Royal Society of Victoria Arabunna Nulla Kari-Ku Wanga Association announced that it would run events to over Western Mining Corporation activities at commemorate the 150th anniversary of the Roxby Downs uranium mine (http://www. the Burke and Wills expedition, it received greenleft.org.au/node/19779). On the other an offer of help from Aaron Paterson, a hand, in 2009 conflicts over the northern Yandruwandha man. Paterson related Burke Flinders Ranges between the Adnyamathanha and Wills stories told to him by older claim and claims by the Kuyani, Arabunna, relatives. One, from his mother, related Barngarla, Diyari and Nukunu peoples how the Yandruwandha were puzzled by were resolved by agreement (http://www. the aimless wandering of the explorers and greenleft.org.au/node/41446). considered them mad or under a spell, not

142 Burke and Wills and the Aboriginal people of the Corner Country knowing how to get back to the country Acknowledgements they had come from. Paterson also related I would like to thank the editors for the that his great-grandfather’s grandfather opportunity to contribute to this volume. described Burke as ‘a mean-spirited person Luise Hercus gave many useful comments who rejected our offers of friendship and and my wife, Jenny Miles, provided food’ (Royal Society of Victoria 2012). encouragement throughout. The research Similarly, Janet Mathews (1968, 2010) was carried out with the assistance of collected accounts concerning Burke and the Department of Anthropology at the Wills from Wangkumara people, the Ebsworth University of Auckland. Briar Sefton of that family and the late Lorna Dixon, including information that Wangkumara people hid department drew Figure 7.1. King from visiting groups who would have killed him if they knew of his presence. References This account of the Aboriginal people of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander the Corner Country has come full circle, its Commission (1996) Indigenous Deaths in various parts linked through the story of Custody 1989–1996: A Report prepared the Burke and Wills expedition. The Corner by the Office of the Aboriginal and Torres Country itself forms a connection from Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner. Sturt, through Harris Brown and McKinlay Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander to the expedition. The kindness of the Commission, Canberra. Yandruwandha led to the establishment Aiston G and Horne G (1924) Savage Life in of the Moravian and Lutheran missions at Central Australia. Macmillan, London. Killalpaninna and Kopperamanna, which had deep impacts on Diyari language and culture. Allen H (2011) The space between: Aboriginal Howitt, having rescued King and recovered people, the Victorian Exploring Expedition the bodies of Burke and Wills, figuratively and the relief parties. In Burke and Wills: returned to the Lake Eyre region through The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian his correspondence with Otto Siebert then Exploring Expedition. (Eds EB Joyce and DA wrote a work that was a starting-point for McCann) pp. 245–274. CSIRO Publishing, anthropology in Australia. The work of Brown Melbourne. and Elkin on Diyari kinship was stimulated by Anonymous (1939) Back to Wilcannia information provided by Howitt and Gason. Souvenir Book, November 5th to 11th, The explorers Sturt, Burke and Wills 1939. S.N., Sydney. represent the beginnings of the process of Austin P (1981) A Grammar of Diyari, South settlement and the taking of the Aboriginal Australia. Cambridge University Press, lands, a process that did not include Cambridge. provision for Aboriginal people beyond Austin P (1990a) The last words of Pirlatapa. their usefulness as pastoral workers (Banner In Language and History: Essays in Honour 2005). Despite the difficulties imposed by the of Luise Hercus. (Eds P Austin, RMW welfare system, the Diyari, the Yandruwandha Dixon, T Dutton and I White) pp. 29–48. and other Aboriginal peoples have steadfastly Pacific Linguistics, Series C 116. Dept of held onto their connection with the land and are now active in Native Title claims to Linguistics, Research School of Pacific retrieve it. Descendants of the Yandruwandha, Studies, Australian National University, who greeted Burke and Wills 150 years ago, Canberra. remain on the Cooper welcoming those taking Austin P (1990b) ‘Classification of Lake Eyre part in commemorative re-enactments of the languages’. La Trobe University Working Burke and Wills expedition. Papers in Linguistics 3, 171–201.

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the Dieri case. Bijdragen Tot de Taal-, Nobbs C (2008) Talking into the wind: Land- en Volkenkunde 13, 39–81. collectors on the Cooper Creek, 1890– Kurtzer S (2003) Wandering girl: who defines 1910. In The Makers and Making of ‘authenticity’ in Aboriginal literature? Indigenous Australian Museum Collections. In Blacklines: Contemporary Critical (Eds N Peterson, L Allen and L Hamby) Writing by Indigenous Australians. (Ed. pp. 206–234. Melbourne University Press, M Grossman) pp. 181–188. Melbourne Melbourne. University Press, Melbourne. Paterson AG (2005) Early pastoral landscapes Lalor M and Beckett J (2000) Wherever I Go: and culture contact in Central Australia. Myles Lalor’s ‘Oral History’. Melbourne Historical Archaeology 39, 28–48. University Press, Melbourne. Paterson AG (2008) The Lost Legions: Culture Larcombe EE (1935) West of the Darling. Contact in Colonial Australia. Altamira Parramatta and District Historical Society Press, Lantham, MD. Journal and Proceedings 4, 138–145. Povinelli EA (1995) Do rocks listen? The Mathews J (1968) Musical and linguistic cultural politics of apprehending survey: Bourke, Brewarrina, Weilmoringle Australian Aboriginal labor. American and Dubbo. Australian Institute of Anthropologist 97, 505–518. Aboriginal Studies Document 68/729. Raynes C (2002) A Little Flour and a Few Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Blankets: An Administrative History of Torres Strait Islander Studies, Canberra. Aboriginal Affairs in South Australia. State Mathews J (2010) [1975]. Sound recordings Records of South Australia, Adelaide. collected by Janet Mathews. Mathews J20. Read P, Peters-Little F and Haebich A (2008) Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Indigenous Biography and Autobiography. Torres Strait Islander Studies, Canberra. Aboriginal History Monograph 17. ANU May D (1994) Aboriginal Labour and the e-Press, Canberra. Cattle Industry. Cambridge University Rowley C (1972) The Destruction of Aboriginal Press, Cambridge. Society. Penguin Books, Middlesex. McBryde I (1997) The cultural landscapes of Rowse T (1998) White Flour, White Power: From Aboriginal long distance exchange systems: Rations to Citizenship in Central Australia. can they be confined within our heritage Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. registers? Historic Environment 13, 6–14. Royal Society of Victoria (2012) http:// McKinlay J (1863) John McKinlay’s Journal of burkeandwills150.info/index.php/about- Exploration into the Interior of Australia. the-expedition/personal-stories/116- F.F. Bailliere, Publisher in ordinary to the yandruwandha-story. Accessed March Victorian Government and importer of 2012. medical and scientific works, Melbourne. Schneider DM (1984) A Critique of the Study Mitchell TL (1839) Three Expeditions into of Kinship. University of Michigan Press, the Interior of Eastern Australia. T.and W. Ann Arbor. Boone, London. Schrire C (1984) Interactions of past and Mulvaney DJ (1970) The Anthropologist as present in Arnhem Land, North Australia. Tribal Elder. Mankind 7, 205–217. In Past and Present in Hunter Gatherer Mulvaney DJ (1976) The chain of connection: Studies. (Ed. C Schrire) pp. 67–93. the material evidence. In Tribes and Academic Press, Orlando. Boundaries in Australia. (Ed. N Peterson) Simpson J and Hercus L (2004) Thura-Yura pp. 72–94. Australian Institute of as a subgroup. In Australian Languages: Aboriginal Studies, Canberra. Classification and the Comparative Method.

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(Eds C Bowern and H Koch) pp. 207–222. 32, 257–279, 419–453. John Benjamins, Amsterdam. Stevens C (1994) White Man’s Dreaming: Smith M, McBryde I and Ross R (2010) The Killalpaninna Mission 1866–1915. Oxford economics of grindstone production at University Press, Melbourne. Narcoonowie quarry, Strzelecki Desert. Sturt C (1849) Narrative of an Expedition into Australian Aboriginal Studies 1, 92–99. Central Australia, Performed under the South Australia Native Titles (2012) http:// Authority of Her Majesty’s Government, www.nativetitlesa.org/claim-groups9/ during the Years 1844, 5, and 6: Together detail/claim-groups. Accessed 9 December with a Notice of the Province of South 2012. Australia, in 1847. 2 Vols T&W Boone, London. South Australian Government (2012) http:// www.samemory.sa.gov.au/site/page. Sturt C (1984) Journal of the Central cfm?u=1322. Accessed 30 July 2012. Australian Expedition, 1844–1845. (Edited with an introduction and notes by Jill South Australian History (2012) http://www. Waterhouse). Caliban Books, London. southaustralianhistory.com.au/lakehope. Sutton P (1995) Country: Aboriginal Accessed 25 July 2012. Boundaries and Land Ownership in South Australian Native Title Services (2009/ Australia. Aboriginal History Monograph 2010) Annual Report 2009/2010. South 3, Canberra. Australian Native Title Services, Adelaide. Tibbett K (2002) Archaeological analysis Spencer B and Gillen FJ (1899) The Native of stone axe exchange networks in the Tribes of Central Australia. Macmillan, Lake Eyre Basin during the mid- to late London. Holocene. Australian Archaeology 55, Stanner WEH (1972) Howitt, Alfred William 22–29. (1830–1908). Australian Dictionary of Tolcher HM (2003) A History of Biography. Vol. 4, pp. 432–435. Melbourne Yandruwandha and Yawarrawarrka University Press, Melbourne. People. H.M. Tolcher, Adelaide. Stanner WEH (1979) White Man Got No Watson P (1983) This Precious Foliage: A Study Dreaming: Essays 1938–1973. Australian of the Aboriginal Psycho-active Drug Pituri. National University Press, Canberra. Oceania Monographs 26. Stern BJ (1930) Selections from the letters of Watson P (1998) Frontier Lands and Pioneer Lorimer Fison and A.W. Howitt to Lewis Legends: How Pastoralists gained Karuwali Henry Morgan. American Anthropologist Land. Allen and Unwin, Sydney.

148 Chapter 8

‘Devil been walk about tonight – not devil belonging to blackfellow, but white man devil. Methink Burke and Wills cry out tonight “What for whitefellow not send horses and grub?”’ An examination of Aboriginal oral traditions of colonial explorers

Fred Cahir

In the historic encounters between the non-Aboriginal Australians is ‘necessarily, ‘explorers’ and Aboriginal peoples, the the imposition of an alien explanatory land was mapped, narrated and claimed. framework on Aboriginal and Torres Strait But it was not a case of explorers working Islanders’ experience and understanding’ on their own, plotting their way through a and that scouring through historical records foreign land. They were helped, willingly produced by non-Aboriginal people in search and sometimes unwillingly, by Aboriginal of accounts by Aboriginal people about non- people. The writing of Australian exploration Aboriginal people is particularly problematic. history has been selective; there are very few This chapter first outlines some general published accounts of how Aboriginal people oral accounts of Aboriginal perspectives remembered or memorialised these ‘others’ towards non-Indigenous people during the first incursions onto their lands. This chapter early exploratory period of contact. It then excavates historical sources for Aboriginal charts the attitudes of Aboriginal peoples narratives about their encounters with toward the Burke and Wills expedition(s) explorers such as Burke and Wills. as recorded during the whites’ travails on Writing about Aboriginal history is Aboriginal lands, and finally relates some problematic for a non-Indigenous historian. of their recorded perspectives about the Clark (1994, p. 31) cautioned that writing Burke and Wills expedition and the rescue history about Aboriginal Australians by expeditions that followed in their wake.

149 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Aboriginal perspectives approached a valuable water hole to ‘Walk whitefella, walk.’ of explorers Aboriginal accounts such as the one From very early primary non-Indigenous recorded by George Haydon (1941) exploring records there are traces of how Aboriginal in the Gippsland region of Victoria in 1844 people perceived non-Aboriginal people. is striking for its incredulity about the Sometimes these traces are mere intuitive white man’s ineptitude. Haydon, trekking in notes in the margins of letters and journals uncharted country, had not discerned some of white people, while at other times there existing white tracks and a white campsite; is a clear appreciation of how the Aboriginal he was shown them by his unidentified ‘other’ viewed the coloniser. Explorers’ Boonwurrung guide. Haydon recorded the narratives often signal their awareness of disdainful comments of his guide: ‘Now Aboriginal views of the interlopers on their white man berry clever, no mistake make land and Aboriginal-centric attitudes towards him house, and flour, and tea, and sugar, non-Aboriginal people. For example, Watkin and tobacco, and clothes, but white fellow Tench was accompanied by the two earliest no find out when another white man walk recorded Aboriginal explorer-guides in the along a road – I believe sometimes white man fledgling colony of New South Wales, Colbee berry stupid.’ Occasionally it is necessary to and Boladree, who found the Englishmen’s read between the lines to discern Aboriginal clumsiness in the Australian bush greatly people’s disdain and amazement at white entertaining. Tench (1961, p. 112) recorded people’s incompetence in the bush. William the hilarity when ‘any of us either tripped Wills’ father, having travelled to Victoria or stumbled … They imitated the leaping in 1853, described the perfunctory and of the kangaroo; sang; danced; poised their dismissive manner in which an unidentified spear and met in mock encounter. But their Aboriginal guide showed him the right track principal source of merriment was again to reunite with his son: ‘At the station I took derived from our misfortunes, in tumbling a native black for my guide. He brought me amidst nettles, and sliding down precipices, to a place where my horse had nearly to which they mimicked with inimitable drollery’. Giles’ narrative in 1873 during swim across the creek, pointed to a dry path, one of his expeditions into the interior of exclaimed, “There,” then turned his own northern Australia is an interesting example animal and rode off. I followed the track for of reading the ‘others’’ thoughts on the white about three miles, and found myself in front colonisers usurpation of land and resources. of the hut’ (Wills 1863, p. 26). On Christmas Day 1873, after Giles’ party There is evidence that in Queensland there had drunk heavily from precious Aboriginal were similar assessments of white people’s water holes, a group of Aboriginal people ineptitude in the bush. Lowe (1994) noted shouted abuse at the party. Giles’ insight that the Kalkadoons in northern Queensland into their ill-feeling towards whites were aware of Burke and Wills’ party was noted thus: ‘He most undoubtedly travelling through their country (in his diary stigmatized us as vile and useless … took Wills recorded seeing columns of smoke to upon ourselves the right to occupy any the east and west while travelling through country or waters we might chance to see … Kalkadoon country) and that ‘years later killed and ate wallabies thereby depriving they were astonished to hear that the party him and his friends of their natural and had starved to death in what was to them lawful game’ (Giles 1875, p. 43). Giles was a country rich in food’ (Lowe 1994, p. 32) well-positioned to express the ‘others’’ (see Figure 8.1). At other times, Aboriginal viewpoint, having been told in no uncertain people such as Imbat wrestled with terms on one occasion when his party explorers’ motives for leaving their own land

150 ‘Devil been walk about tonight – not devil belonging to blackfellow, but white man devil’. and risking their lives in a land they knew should get lost in the bush. Sent one of nothing of. Imbat asked George Grey, after the Blacks with him. Tommy thought it his torturous journey of exploration in north- very stupid of white fellows to venture western Australia, ‘What for do you who have into the bush at all as they were so much plenty to eat, and much money, walk so far afraid. ‘Why don’t you take a Bible with away in the bush? You had plenty to eat at you’, he asked the servant suddenly; home, why did you not stop there?’ (Grey and on my inquiring of him what he 1842, vol. 2, p. 93). A very amusing account meant, he replied with a sly expression of an Aboriginal outlook on the clumsiness on his face, that ‘supposing Mr G--- was and ineptness of whites in general was going into the bush, he being big one recorded by George Neumayer (1869) during frightened, he took a bible, and supposing a magnetic survey of Victoria he undertook he lost his way, he would get’m Bible and in 1862, shortly after having been a member pray to that “Big-one” and he tells him’ of the Burke and Wills expedition. Neumayer but added he ‘I have to go and get him (1869) recorded how Tommy, an Aboriginal out’ (Neumayer 1869, p. 59). (possibly Daungwurrung) guide, could barely It is necessary to bear in mind that during disguise his utter disdain of the dimwitted this period Aboriginal guides in Victoria whites he regularly had to rescue from had generally acquired proficiency in perishing in the bush: speaking English and many had elementary We returned very much fatigued, and reading and writing skills, and thus would found that Edward had not got tea ready, probably have discussed the Burke and being afraid to leave the camp, lest he Wills expedition or possibly seen newspaper

Figure 8.1: ‘The Burke and Wills expedition crossing the desert’. Wood engraving. 25 June 1862. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. IAM25/06/62/116.

151 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills reports. In addition, it is likely that artefacts. It is easy to forget, too, that for Neumayer’s party would have been like that some Aboriginal people, especially those of Howitt (1907, p. 12) where ‘all interested directly acquainted and/or involved with in the news, and I remember talking about the expedition such as Peter, one of the the VEE [Victorian Exploration Expedition] Aboriginal guides recruited to accompany with some of the men by the campfire in the the explorers, the attraction of joining evening’. As Tommy was probably aware of the expedition could lie in its potential Burke and Wills’ fate and his comments were accomplishments and the personal made soon after the news of Burke and Wills’ satisfaction to be derived from its success. demise, some of the disdainful sting may Researchers focusing on Aboriginal have been directed at Burke and Wills and motives for their engagement with explorers, their ilk. such as Baker (1988), Reynolds (2000) and more recently Cahir (2010), have discussed How might Aboriginal people the vital role of guiding, especially for such have viewed the Burke and a prestigious exploration party as the Burke and Wills expedition, the rationale for which Wills expeditions? was complex – clearly many Aboriginal To Aboriginal people, the appearance of the people took on the role spontaneously out Burke and Wills expedition would have been of their sense of sheer enjoyment derived a significant event. According to Mathews from ‘walking and talking their country’ (1904), Aboriginal people across Australia and ‘they ruled supreme and there was a thought that Europeans were deceased clan natural incentive for Aboriginal people to members who had returned to life, and feel empowered in their superiority over in some cases the belief persisted many the clumsy and inept colonisers’ (Cahir decades after contact had been established 2010, p. 36). For example, Beckler wrote (Clark and Cahir 2011). Indeed, King with surprise at Duroadoo of how Peter had considered that the Yandruwandha perceived assumed some tenure in achieving the party’s him as one of them, an indication that they goals: believed white people to be reincarnated Peter told us of certain signs that Dick clans people.1 There is also substantial [another Aboriginal guide] had informed evidence (Tolcher 1986) which demonstrates him the natives would lay along our that parties of whites, probably drovers, had path to let us know that we were in the been in the Cooper Creek region prior to immediate vicinity of the captives … Peter Burke and Wills in 1860–61, including Sturt was full of eagerness, indeed he showed in 1845. The Burke and Wills expedition was an interest in the success of our journey not the first time the Yandruwandha had seen that one would not have expected in a white people. Nor would news of the whites, native. He rode some distance ahead of their technologies and horses have been a secret. Clark and Cahir (2003) attested how us, his penetrating gaze roaming in all Aboriginal people from across Australia were directions. Suddenly he turned about and attracted to the Victorian goldfields and sprang back towards us, announcing cities in the 19th century for a raft of with delight that he could already see reasons. The goldfields offered ‘commercial MacPherson (Beckler 1993, pp. 63–64). opportunities for trade and exchange and The size and uniqueness of the Burke and they were exotic places where unusual Wills expedition was a drawcard. Neumayer people lived with strange possessions and (1869) described with some admiration his animals’ (Clark and Cahir 2003, p. 127). first glimpse of the imposing cavalcade near News of these places was relayed into the Balranald, noting that he descended into a interior in the shape of songs, stories and little plain and saw in the distance the ‘whole

152 ‘Devil been walk about tonight – not devil belonging to blackfellow, but white man devil’. train of the V.E.E’. Beckler (1993, p. 82) wrote Several of them brought us large troughs of Aboriginal people visiting the expedition’s of water, and when we had taken a camps and on one occasion expressed little, held them up for our horses to surprise at ‘the pleasure that they took in us drink; an instance of nerve that is very and particularly in Peter [Aboriginal guide] remarkable, for I am quite sure that seemed endless. One question followed no white man, (having never seen or another and their laughing and shouting heard of a horse before, and with the rang out far into the silent, moonlit night’. natural apprehension on the first sight The various expedition parties all recorded of such an animal would create), would Aboriginal groups expressing a great desire deliberately have walked up to what must to meet and greet the white strangers have appeared to them most formidable on their land, presumably to take in the brutes, and placing the troughs they sights which the large party of travellers carried across their breast, have allowed afforded. On some occasions the interest the horses to drink with their noses was two-way. The Aborigines left quite an almost touching them (Sturt 1849, p. 76). impression on Becker: ‘During the night the natives that we met here [near present- Aboriginal responses to camels day Swan Hill] set alight a large tree-trunk Camels were certainly exotic animals, and we had a radiantly illuminated night however, which prompted intense discussion scene whose effect well outdid many forms (Allen 2011). Beckler noted that the local of artificial lighting’ (Tipping 1993, p. 26). Aboriginal clans at Terrick Terrick Station The animals were of particular interest could not be tempted to come near the to both white and Aboriginal peoples, camels – they thought the camels were particularly the first large herd of camels ‘bunyips’ and accordingly to be greatly introduced into Australia,2 for the purpose feared. Ludwig Becker confirmed on two of carrying the Burke and Wills expedition’s occasions (Terrick Terrick and several days goods and members. Bourke’s (2010) study later at Spewah) the remarks made by Beckler revealed that a major spectator drawcard about the awe with which the camels were was the presence of camels at Royal Park in held: Melbourne. Eliza Lucas (1876, pp. 9–10), a resident of Melbourne, reminisced about her 4 natives, among them a lubra, went sadness ‘about witnessing the departure of their Stepps [sic] slowly towards the Burke and Wills’ and recalled going to Royal camp. With eyes and mouths wide open, 3 Park (the departure point) and the nearby speechless they stared at the Bunjibs, our Melbourne General Cemetery to see the camels, but refused to go nearer than a ‘blacks dance their corroboree … and the spears throw. Although no strangers at blackfellows feed the camels’. The advent Dr Rowe’s station, and notwithstanding of horses throughout the route taken by our assurance that the camels were the expedition was certainly not novel to only harmless ‘big sheep,’ they turned Aborigines, as evidenced by Beckler’s (1993, their back towards them and squatted p. 52) description of Aboriginal rock art in soon around a far off camp fire of their a gorge on the journey to Duroadoo which own, conversing in their native tongue; included what ‘seemed to represent a rider probably about the character of these on horseback’. Further testimony came illustrious strangers (Tipping 1979, from Sturt’s (1849) description of his party p. 194). who, 15 years previously, had noted the Becker further added, hoping for a similar bravery and almost-familiarity with horses of fearful admiration of camels throughout the Aboriginal people at Cooper Creek: interior, that perhaps intercultural violence

153 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills could be avoided ‘if this first interview had no firearms nor horses, but some great between natives and camels might be used animals which were called “gobble gobble,” as a criterion when coming in contact with from the noise they made in their throats’ the blacks … as long as the mesmeric power (Wills 1863, pp. 261–263). of our “Bunjibs” remain with them’ (Tipping According to Nugent (2006) Aboriginal 1979, p. 195). Wills’ journal (Wills 1863, testimonies or oral commemorations of p. 207) of the Cloncurry district revealed colonial encounters occurred frequently that a small Aboriginal family group was in the 19th and early 20th centuries. ‘dreadfully frightened’ of the whites who It is perhaps of some import that the they called ‘Joe Joe’ and, upon seeing the memorialisation of camels as emus persisted camels, hastened their flight from the into the 20th century: Carl Strehlow, a expedition. It is apparent, however, that German missionary, recorded Arrente words Aboriginal people’s dread of the camels and sign language for the cameleers, which differed markedly according to their level was ‘black’ and for ‘Kamula (camel) the hand of exposure to the frontier and to frontier sign for emu was used, which imitated the people. An unidentified Aborigine ‘rode on movement of the emus’ neck’ (Jones and a camel’ at Bilbaka and Aboriginal children Kenny 2007, p. 23).4 Emu ancestor stories in the Swan Hill region were said to be were integral to Yandruwandha lore; for ‘intoxicated with joy and excitement’ at example, Elkin (1934, p. 234) recorded the sight of ‘the big emus with four legs’ one whereby ‘emus were changed into and ‘scampered about with the delight of the Parachilna deposit of red ochre’. Thus school children at their first circus’ (Tipping the connection of camels with emus is 1979, pp. 200, 203). Kalkadoon people in conceivably significant – the appearance northern Queensland viewed the camels of men accompanied by a noteworthy with great fear. Twenty years after the Creation-type creature may help to explain expedition had passed through their country the determined, even pushy generosity of Kalkadoon elders told of how they had the Yandruwandha towards the expedition intended ‘to attack and kill the explorers members. More research is needed, however, and had prepared themselves by feasting into Aboriginal views on introduced species on kangaroo meat, holding ceremonies and such as camels because, as Trigger (2008) painting their chests with ochre and chalk. noted, select introduced animals (including But when the time came for the ambush, buffaloes, dogs, cats and cattle) were the warriors realised that the men were incorporated into local Creation stories and accompanied by giant roaring beasts, which ‘mythologised’. they assumed must be supernatural. They Of much more importance for Aboriginal retreated and watched the party from a safe people, especially as the expedition moved distance high up in the cliffs’ (Murgatroyd north into more arid regions, was the 2002, p. 203). Other Aboriginal accounts knowledge that such a large party would of camels and white men in the Cooper consume large volumes of water. The Creek district filtered into Adelaide. In 1861 expedition’s records indicate little awareness two camels (presumed to have escaped of the fierce reputation Aboriginal people had from the expedition) made their way into for defending their precious water supplies. South Australian settled districts. The news In contrast, Frederick Walker (1863, p. 143), was relayed by telegraph to Melbourne. the leader of one of the relief expeditions, Subsequent reports by Aboriginal people was well aware of the issue. His summation from the northern districts of South Australia of the cause of a massacre by his party which also told of a party of white men who were left over 12 Aboriginal people dead read, ‘our described as ‘being entirely naked; that they possession of the spring was no doubt the

154 ‘Devil been walk about tonight – not devil belonging to blackfellow, but white man devil’. casus belli’. The presence of many horses, which describes how the party, in the middle camels and men at the one locality for an of summer (24 December), ‘reached a creek, extended period of time, such as Wright Nanthurngee, the first that we had seen full and Beckler’s party, was the cause of much of water since leaving the Darling … where friction. Beckler (1993), botanical collector life was everywhere. We saw the camp, just and doctor, was amazed at how much camels abandoned, of some natives; indeed, we drank: ‘it is the most absurd mistake to could still hear their shrill shouts’ (Beckler believe that camels can go for five or six 1993, pp. 56–57). He added, offhandedly, days without water and still feel well. After ‘At our approach they had moved further a day’s march, camels drink with almost as down the creek.’ Some months later Beckler much enthusiasm as horses’. Beckler (1993) and others in his party had become much observed the prodigious volume of water the more aware of their cultural transgressions, expedition’s camels drew from Aboriginal through more intimate cross-cultural water holes: ‘Sitting on a camel which had ‘conversations’. In February 1861, his journal not had a drop of water for four days in reveals his understanding of the Aborigines’ the middle of January, I could not move the great consternation at the explorers’over- animal away from the water at all when we hunting of birds and lack of respect for arrived at Pamamero Creek. It drank and reciprocal hunting rights (see Ch. 2) (see drank, and I felt how the sides of the animals Figure 8.2). gradually expanded until, with my legs spread wide apart, I could scarcely keep my seat’ (Beckler 1993, p. 121). Cross-cultural communications Some muted indication of Aboriginal Understandably, the often-negative attitudes people’s objection to and indignation of explorers towards Aboriginal people with the expedition’s usurpation of water frequently affected how Aboriginal people resources is gleaned from Beckler’s journal, perceived white people. Changing first

Figure 8.2: ‘River Darling and the mouth of the Bamamero Creek, at sunset with the ante twi-light. Decb. 19 1860. Darling Depot’. Ludwig Becker. 1860. The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

155 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills appraisals of each other was sometimes convicts gaining a pardon, railways, slow to occur but sometimes rapid. Christian religion and warfare (McDonald This phenomenon appears to be pan- 1996; Parker 2007; Cahir and Clark 2010). Australian, as there was often a strong Cahir and Clark noted a considerable corpus commonality between initial contact of evidence demonstrating that during the experiences in instances of crisis (such as mid 19th century Aboriginal ceremonies shipwreck victims) by both Aboriginal and changed considerably; they also travelled non-Aboriginal peoples in the annals of rapidly across colonial borders. In preliterate Australian history. James Morrill (Morrill et societies, information is often conveyed by al. 2006) was one of a party of shipwreck song narratives based on significant activities victims marooned from 1847 to 1864 on the and events such as battles, dugong hunting far northern Queensland coast; his story is a expeditions, the gathering of tubers, and representative example of many first-contact European contact narratives. Hercus’ (1980) experiences in the shadow of crisis: translation of a travelling ceremony in the region covered by the explorers showed how They pointed to our stomachs, to make us songs about Europeans and the ‘new’ things understand they knew we were hungry; moved quickly and widely across Aboriginal and to their own that they had plenty. Australia. There is another striking example They also pointed to the bush to tell us if of an Aboriginal voice which explores the we came with them, they would give us dilemma faced by Aboriginal guides such as plenty to eat and drink. On our signifying Dick and Peter. In a report from the Darling our intention to go with them, they were depot (27 November 1860: Tipping 1979, very glad, and wanted us to join with p. 190) to the Royal Society of Victoria, them in a corroboree, but as we could Becker included a transcription of a song not, we thought we should please them by and tune from the Lower Murray and Upper singing a hymn. I accordingly gave out a Darling tribes, saying that the ‘Australian hymn I knew – God moves in a mysterious Native Songs’ may prove ‘interesting enough way, His wonders to perform etc. To the to lovers of primitive songs and tunes’. The end which we sung, and which amazed song spoke of the quandary of an Aboriginal them much (Morrill et al. 2006, p. 38). male, presumably a guide, living between It is interesting to note that Morrill was two worlds and outside his country – the seriously reprimanded and threatened world of whites, symbolised by his use of a with severe punishment for ‘allowing’ his blanket and the inability to understand other fellow castaways to perish – an abominable Aboriginal people, and the Aboriginal world act, from an Aboriginal perspective. The symbolised by possum rugs and marrying Aborigines clearly had strong cultural mores into the right skin (colour). The song ends about the obligations of hospitality and by lamenting the bitter knowledge that if helping others. the guide leaves with the whites he risks Significantly, Morrill recorded that a having his intended wife stolen by whites. A special corroboree was performed ‘evening measure of its authenticity is Becker’s note after evening to distant tribes’ in order to that it was a ‘translation of a Corroboree show other communities where the white song which a young Murray Black dictated to people had come from and how they were me in English: I wrote it down word for word. discovered. Throughout Australia, Aboriginal The same young man also favored me with ceremonies or corroborees were performed a love song, repeating it several times so as to announce news about non-Indigenous to enable me to note correctly words and strangers and their epochs, including melody’ (Tipping 1979, p. 190):

156 ‘Devil been walk about tonight – not devil belonging to blackfellow, but white man devil’.

‘C’ craft: ‘The importance of Morrill’s experience would have been practically illustrated Yaam-song (Corroborree song). Lower had his services been at the disposal of Murray the late lamented Victorian expedition by ‘I am with the white people, the preservation of Burke and Wills’ lives, But all my tribe in the camp at home, through his knowledge of Indigenous articles of food, and the consequent certainty of And I am living with the white people; their ultimate return to relate their own And I am amongst other Blacks, achievements’ (Rockhampton Bulletin, 14 And can not understand their speaking! March 1866). The northern Queensland Aboriginal responses to destitute non- Wheregara was my country, Aboriginal people were mirrored, to a But I am covering myself with the blanket significant extent, in the Yandruwandha now, people’s responses to Burke and Wills And I am not covered with my opossum expedition members, for example the rug, frequent offering of food, trading in goods, the acceptance of King into family networks And I cannot make it: and lamentations at the death of Burke. Wills Can not get the opossum to make the rug, remarked how they had benefited greatly I am with the white people now from Aboriginal conventions of hospitality to travellers: ‘Proceeding on our course across And I can not go to my home yet! the marsh, we came to a channel through I can not get married to my color which the sea water enters. Here we passed Being now with the white people; three blacks, who as is universally their custom, pointed out to us, unasked, the best And if I want to marry my color, part down. This assisted us greatly, for the I must go home – ground we were taking was very boggy’ (Wills And if I marry to my color 1863, p. 213). Even the Aboriginal requests, bordering And if I go to another country, With the on insistence, for white people to dance white people, And leave behind my lubra, or perform a song were mentioned in both Perhaps white people take her, Morrill’s and Wills’ accounts. Wills wrote And give her to another Black – with great annoyance that ‘a large tribe of blacks came pestering us to go to their camp And this I do not like!! ‘Ugh!’ and have a dance, which we declined. They As substantial evidence exists of were very troublesome and nothing but the European events and people entering into threat to shoot will keep them away’ (Wills Aboriginal lore via songs and corroborees, 1863, p. 179). Ironically, the expedition it seems logical that corroborees performed members had previously been treated to throughout the Cooper Creek region and ‘some pleasant hospitality’ at Swan Hill in further afield would have heralded and the shape of ‘a corroboree by some 400 commemorated the Burke and Wills party, Aboriginals staged for the visitors’ (Tipping as occurred for Morrill’s party in northern 1979, p. 206). Queensland. Taylor (1983) detailed many of It is worth noting that Morrill survived the recorded meetings between the because he was adopted into an Aboriginal Yandruwandha and Burke’s party at Cooper kinship-style family who educated him in Creek and remarked on the dramatic shift in Aboriginal ecological knowledge and bush the explorers’ attitudes towards Aboriginal

157 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills people, also indicating a number of changes explained in terms of the local people’s own in attitudes towards the expedition parties experience, if not assumed to be related by the Yandruwandha clanspeople in the to them through kinship’. Clark and Cahir Cooper Creek area. Wills recorded the (2011) explained how the unpredictable Aborigines’ familiarity with guns and their behaviour of Europeans who were recognised growing repertoire of oral and sign language as relatives, such as convict escapee William with which to communicate with the whites: Buckley who lived with the Wathawurrung The blacks invited me away to a for 32 years (1803–35) in southern Victoria, waterhole to eat fish, but I declined to might have been rationalised: do so … When I refused, one took his As white people arrived and took boomerang and laid it over my shoulder, residence at particular places, it was and then told me by signs that if I called easily assumed they must have held out for Mr Burke, as I was doing that he an attachment for these places in would strike me. Upon this I got them some previous state of existence. That all in front of the gunyah and fired a Europeans failed to recognise their revolver over their heads, but they did former relatives and friends, and not seem at all afraid, until I got out no longer spoke their language, was the gun, when they all ran away … we probably rationalised by assuming saw no more of them till late that night, that the trauma of reincarnation or when they came with some cooked fish, resuscitation had expunged the memory and called out ‘white fellow’ (Wills 1863, of their former Aboriginal identity (Clark p. 310). and Cahir 2011, p. 106). Taylor (1983) outlined how the relations After Burke and Wills perished, King fully seesawed rapidly, and how on one occasion appreciated that his survival was dependent Burke and party violently rebuffed a large on Aboriginal traditional knowledge – as delegation of Aboriginal people seemingly Wills (1863) had observed on 24 June: ‘we bent on cordial relations, by knocking away have but a slight chance of anything but the proffered fish (see Ch. 3). Tolcher (2003, starvation, unless we can get hold of some p. 51) theorised that Burke and Wills’ erratic blacks’ – and he developed strong ties with behaviour might have been interpreted as several clans. King was invited to stay in evidence that the ‘white men were victims of their encampments and ‘was even more sorcery.’ It is also very possible that Burke’s hospitably entertained than before’. In erratic behaviour was accounted for by several instances his presence in their camp the widely held Aboriginal view that white was viewed as a great exoticism and an people were deceased clan members who had Aboriginal couple entered into what appears returned to life, and that the transmigratory to have been a kin relationship with him after journey had altered their tastes and he tended a woman’s wounds and shared a behaviours. Clark and Cahir (2011, p. 106), crow he had shot (King 1863). The generosity in their study on Aboriginal perceptions of and compassion shown to King intensified Europeans in 19th-century western Victoria, when he explained that he was now the sole noted that the ‘arrival of Europeans caused European survivor. Taylor (1983) posited many to conclude that these newcomers that King may have inadvertently created must have belonged to the land, or at least something of a cargo cult about the presence knew of it, in a previous life’. Berndt and of white men and the moon by saying that Berndt (1999, p. 492) suggested that while ‘the white men would be here before two returning spirits or relatives might have been moons and in the evenings, when they came frightening for Aboriginal people, they could with nardoo and fish, they used to talk about ‘be fitted into the local scheme of things, the “whitefellows” coming, at the same time

158 ‘Devil been walk about tonight – not devil belonging to blackfellow, but white man devil’. pointing to the moon. I also told them they to find drinkable water when an Aboriginal would receive many presents, and they clan rescued them. However, a breakdown constantly asked me for tomahawks’ (Wills in cross-cultural communications quickly 1863, p. 317). When the relief expedition escalated into confusion and mutual arrived, the leader, A.W. Howitt (1907), suspicion: ‘We found a dozen natives discerned King’s whereabouts from the camped. They shouted at us, “Bulla, Bulla”, Yandruwandha via hand signals, gestures and and made signs to us to come closer. They English phrases: then took their spears and accompanied us, I saw a blackfellow holding the firewood continually shouting “Bulla, Bulla” … they on his head with one hand and with the escorted us to a deep creek which was full other making a number of gestures and of good water’ (Beckler 1993, p. 68). At this signs. He was very excited, shouting out point Lyons gave one of the Aboriginals a – what I could not understand – holding ‘note for Burke’. It is difficult to tell how the up one hand with some fingers extended, Aborigines regarded this note; they may and then patting the ground, then again have interpreted the writing as toa, a means holding up his hand, and waving it of communicating people’s movements towards the camp … As we met the elder from one place to another (Kerwin 2010).5 one said, ‘Find em whitefella; two fella McPherson recorded how both parties dead boy and one fella live’ (Howitt 1907, became bewildered at each other’s actions: pp. 26–27). ‘they made signs for us to continue our Howitt noted that their arrival was march to Bulla … and when we arrived at a no surprise, the bush telegraph having creek they made signs to us that this was effectively communicated that ‘we were Bulla. They urged us to dismount, swung expected, for two of the young blacks who their clubs and sticks and grabbed at our came to our first camp on Coopers Creek horses’ reins. We got away from them and travelled down to bring the news of the after a short distance came to a spot where white men having come’. The magnitude of Burke had camped for a night … The natives King’s survival and the arrival of the relief followed us. They wanted to force us to expedition were no doubt cemented by the remain here and camp’ (Beckler 1993, p. 68). elaborate presentation of gifts and a dance Then followed a curious cultural impasse by the ‘“white fellows” as they have already which McPherson certainly perceived as learned to call us’ (Howitt cited in Tolcher intimidating: ‘About thirty of them came 1986, p. 37). Howitt (1907, p. 28) was one by one and placed themselves directly convinced that ‘they understood that these in front of our horses. They had no spears, [gifts] were given to them for their kindness but behaved very violently. We were a little to the white men, and especially to King’. frightened, but nonetheless tried to free In November and December 1860 two ourselves from them. We travelled onwards.’ members of the expedition, Lyons and In the following two days three of the party’s McPherson, had met similar life-saving four horses died from exhaustion and the generosity from resident clans at Duroadoo, party, unable to locate any water or food, also followed by a similar communication ‘were nearly frantic’. breakdown. Beckler clearly stated their This is purely speculative, but given the rescue was due only to the bravery, skill poor nature of the country it is highly likely and expertise of the expedition’s Aboriginal that the Aboriginal resistance to the party guides, Dick and Peter. McPherson’s travelling onwards was a bid to stop them narrative, recorded ‘word by word’ by from perishing. Other explorers such as Beckler (1993), revealed that they had been Eyre (Parker 2007, p. 74), Sturt (Short 2009, desperately short of provisions and unable pp. 120–121) and Neumayer (1869, p. 33)

159 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills recorded Aboriginal people expressing deep ‘No blooming gammon [joking] alonga concern for the welfare of men who intended that one blooming paper!’ Howitt (1907, to travel through country the Aborigines p. 30). considered dangerous. The party of three (McPherson, Lyons and Dick) haltingly made their way back to Bulla and thence to ‘Around Coopers Creek they have Duroadoo where, like Burke, Wills and King, their traditions, amongst them the white men were totally dependent on being the story of Burke and Aboriginal people training them to process Wills’ (Argus 25 December 1915) nardoo for survival, while Dick made a The volume of personal and collective desperate bid to reach Beckler’s camp. Aboriginal memories of the Burke and McPherson paid homage to nardoo: ‘We now Wills expedition strongly suggests that live in the firm conviction that without this Aboriginal people have many memory providential nourishment that party would responses to the expedition. This is hardly never have found us still alive’ (Beckler 1993, surprising, given all the events took place p. 75). on Aboriginal lands and Aboriginal peoples Allied incidents involving Aboriginal were pivotal in the death or survival of the people from language groups other than white strangers on their lands (a truism not those directly on the expedition routes clearly acknowledged in many published would have widened social memories of the accounts of the 20th century, e.g. McLaren Burke and Wills expedition, which in time 1959). Nugent (2006, p. 45) argued that other may have become blurred with Burke and explorers, such as Captain Cook, have been Wills themselves. Foster’s (1998) discussion similarly enshrined in Aboriginal public of Aboriginal messengers noted how the role memory. He noted how Aboriginal people of Aboriginal message carriers for explorers used colonial commemorations as occasions such as Howitt became ritualised, the to stake their own historical claim to place messengers coming to view paper messages in ‘colonial historical narratives, throughout as secret religious business known only the nineteenth century and the first half to white men. ‘A reminiscence of Central of the twentieth century’. Some of the Australia’ by Howitt (1907) told of a pair of recorded Aboriginal memories of the Burke policemen stationed at Angepina, south-west and Wills expedition are place-based and of Menindee, who were instructed to send personally commemorative, such as those of a message to Howitt in the Cooper Creek ‘Baltie’ and a member of the Murtee family district. The policemen took: (Yandruwandha) who both ‘always claimed the necessary measures to get through to remember the Burke and Wills Expedition by handcuffing the Dieri blackboy to one that camped in the land of the Yantruwantas of them at night, and the corporal told in 1860–61’ (Steel 1973, p. 6; Tolcher 1986, him from time to time from my [Howitt’s] p. 155). Another Yandruwandha man, route plan what the country would be Danbidleli alias Jim Mariner, told Basedow in ahead of them, so that by and by the 1920 that he ‘had witnessed the arrival of the blackboy would say ‘What name that Burke and Wills Expedition and subsequently paper yabber now?’ They were three days helped to succour the unfortunate men when crossing waterless country, having only they were dying of starvation’ (Tolcher 1986, a little for themselves in their waterbags. p. 154). According to Basedow, Danbidleli At the end of the last day, when they was ‘one of the few that today [1920] remain reached the first water at Cooper’s Creek, to repeat the proud legends of those who and the blackboy had had a long and came but a generation before’. Similarly, a welcome drink, he said to the corporal, Cairns Post report (18 December 1950, p. 4)

160 ‘Devil been walk about tonight – not devil belonging to blackfellow, but white man devil’. claimed that ‘The last link with the famous in The Register): that there were four white Burke and Wills expedition was Womby men not three at Cooper Creek; that a camel an aboriginal … right to the last [1923] had been bogged in a claypan and that King he remembered events that took place on lived with Aboriginal people for ‘some years’ that disastrous journey. Womby joined the (p. 14). The Innamincka Aborigines also told expedition at Menindee and reached the Birtles that Grey had died upon reaching famous depot on Cooper’s creek with Brahe Lake Coongie and that his skull remained on who left before Burke and Wills arrived’. the banks of the lake for many years. Even in the late 1930s there were newspaper Some 20 years later, other social memories reports of elders who had very strong links of the Burke and Wills expedition appeared with the expedition. Granny Robertson, an in the Sunday Times (25 April 1937), attested elder at Moonahculla, used to ‘tell a story by an unidentified Aborigine concerning about her husband who as a fourteen year ‘the deaths of several “long walk white man” old boy helped Burke and Wills cross a who had been helped by his father’s father river. The people still [c. early to mid 20th many moons ago’. The article, ‘Who was to century] told stories about this – they had Blame for the Tragedy of Burke and Wills? ’, never seen a camel before’ (Attwood et al. claimed that ‘It was also proven beyond 1994, p. 159; Australian Evangel, February doubt that Burke had assaulted Wills striking 1939, p. 7). him several blows and knocking him down.’ Eastman (c. 1938) noted that the ‘passing The reporter said that the story about Burke’s of the Bourke [sic] and Wills expedition assault on Wills had ‘drifted down from through the locality’ (Bendigo) had been different aboriginals who had witnessed the heavily memorialised by the Djadjawurrung incident’. Some confirmation was cited by people into the late 19th century. Eastman Murgatroyd (2002, p. 260), who wrote that (1938, pp. 8–9) recalled that the Burke and several years after the deaths of Burke and Wills expedition was ‘frequently spoken of Wills ‘the first cattlemen in the Cooper Creek by the Aborigines to whom the camels made area were told by the Yandruwandha that great appeal’. An early 20th-century writer there had been a violent quarrel between from the Innaminka district hinted that the Burke and Wills over the incident [Burke’s Aboriginal people in the district were ‘rich violent rebuffal of the gifts of food]. Burke in memories of the ill-fated Burke and Wills struck his deputy several times, knocking expedition … The many dramatic facets of him to the ground, and the two men did not the expedition captured the imagination talk for some time afterwards’. Lewis (2007) of the people as no other of its kind has also uncovered an ‘other’ history of the Burke done’ (Burchill in Thallon 1966, p. 311). and Wills expedition, emanating largely from Burchill’s observation was confirmed by Aboriginal social memory, which challenges an article in the Argus (25 December 1915) the official account of Burke’s death. Lewis which stated that a traveller (Frances Birtles) provided further evidence, interesting in had ‘ascertained a number of fresh facts light of the stockmen’s story in Murgatroyd concerning the final wanderings of Burke (2002), for a serious reconsideration of and his comrades’. The report stated that Burke’s death: in 1875 an Aboriginal woman the traveller had met some ‘old aborigines’ told a squatter her recollections of the from the Innaminka area ‘who recollected the explorer’s death, caused not by starvation advent of the explorers and who cared for but by ‘nother one white fellow’ (Lewis 2007, King when found in the bush in a starving p. 143). The manner of Burke’s death is state’. The Aborigines’ account differed discussed more fully in Chapter 9. markedly from King’s account in several Harnett (2011) warned that, without areas (later contested by a correspondent supporting evidence, oral history may not be

161 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills reliable; on the other hand, Rose (2003) held the unfortunate Victorian expedition’. We that Aboriginal oral history methodology may add, by way of explanation that the needs to be viewed in the context of its word ‘spirit’ is unknown to the blacks, and cultural intent. For example, Rose’s education in this instance, no doubt, as in all others by Aboriginal elders about Aboriginal oral that we know of, the word ‘devil’ is made history traditions led to the conclusion use of instead. that the ‘moral content of the [Aboriginal] Some contextual understanding of this stories (oral history) is equally significant as account can be gleaned from ‘Beliefs and historical truthfulness’ (Rose 2003, p. 123). practices connected with death in north- An article in the Argus (8 June 1865, eastern and western south Australia’ (Elkin republished in August 1939) provided 1937), which described how Aboriginal possibly the best documentation of an belief systems in this region stressed that Aboriginal perspective, rather than an death was usually caused by people who account, of the Burke and Wills expedition. had performed some magic against them. It is quoted here almost in entirety as it Each individual was believed to have three arguably provides one of the clearest pieces souls. One was believed to linger around the of empirical evidence that the expedition’s grave, and could appear to a younger brother story was as much an Aboriginal story as a and teach him a new dance and song to be non-Aboriginal story: performed in the deceased’s honour. The A correspondent, writing to us under second soul went away towards the south, a late date from the Darling, on the and the personal spirit departed to the sky return from a back country trip says where it appeared as a falling star. Elkin ‘after a fatiguing day’s ride, I had to (1932) described the elaborate mortuary camp without water in a clump of mulga procedures and the obligations (kupura) in an open and very exposed piece of incurred by death, which included the ‘dying country. During the night the wind swept person tells his relations – members of his through the trees, making a horrible own matrilineal totem clan, or at least, of his moaning sound. I slept very little, being own moiety – about his dreams or dreams. very thirsty, and also anxious about the Thus they know who caused his death, and horses. The blackfellow slept uneasily, have a grievance against the person or clan and kept muttering in his sleep. Towards indicated’ (Elkin 1932, p. 195). morning he woke and seemed relieved, Relief expeditions such as those led by as one does who has been oppressed by Frederick Walker in September 1861 and nightmare. “Methink”, he said “Devil been Landsborough (1862) questioned Aboriginal walk about tonight – not devil belonging people at every opportunity about their to blackfellow, but white man devil. knowledge of the Burke and Wills expedition Methink Burke and Wills cry out tonight and confirmed that many Aboriginal people “What for whitefellow not send horses were ‘aware of all the proceedings of the and grub?” You hear wind? That come unfortunate Victorian expedition’. McKinlay’s up from Cooper Creek. My word master, relief expedition also questioned Aboriginal Mr Burke, Wills too, big one walk about people about the whereabouts of the Burke on that creek. Never them leave Cooper and Wills expedition and for a time held Creek. Always, always, always, walk the opinion that ‘Burke and his companions about there, and cry out ‘long a Menindie had been killed by the blacks’; this belief “Where white man? Why another one was due to McKinlay’s misunderstanding white man no come?”’ ‘You know’, of his Aboriginal guide (Howitt 1907, continues our correspondent, ‘that this p. 17). It seems very likely that Aboriginal fellow is aware of all the proceedings of people would have been interested in the

162 ‘Devil been walk about tonight – not devil belonging to blackfellow, but white man devil’. expedition and shared news of it – behaviour Monday, 20 January 1862 similar to that of whites at Menindee, who (Landsborough 1862) spoke incessantly about ‘who was out and One of them spoke a language a little of who had come in, what country they had which Jemmy Cargara understood. She seen … and especially what parties had asked if we were the party that had gone had “brushes with the niggers” (Howitt down the Norman. Having been informed 1907, p. 20). Several of Walker’s (1863) that we were, she said that nearly all the and Landsborough’s (1862) journal entries blacks had gone over to meet us, as we attested to a social memory of what were had said we would return that way. She probably the movements of the Burke and said Burke had gone down the plains on Wills expedition: the left bank, and repeatedly answered Saturday, 26 October 1861 he had never returned that way. (Walker 1863) Wednesday, 22 January 1862 One old lady who spoke a language of (Landsborough 1862) which Jemmy Cargara [an Aboriginal As the blacks here had confirmed the guide] understood a little, stated that she story told by the gins, of Burke having had seen men like me many years ago gone down the left bank, and that he had down the river; pointing WSW., she said not returned by the Flinders; and as this another river joined it from the south- was evidently what the blacks at camp east; this must be the Haughton. She No. 5 had tried to make us comprehend. also, in pointing WSW, repeated the words ‘Caree Garee’ several times. Thursday, 23 January 1862 (Landsborough 1862) Tuesday, 7 January 1862 We fell in with five blacks, but there were (Landsborough 1862) tracks of many more. From them we got Mr. Macalister, Paddy, Cosem Jimmy and the old story about the four white men Jingle taking a day’s ration with them, having gone down the Flinders, but, as started to track Burke definitively for at usual, no information as to whether they least 10 miles. Rodney today looking for had gone from there. horses saw some blacks cross the river. He An idea of how far and fast the news about made them understand we were tracking the Burke and Wills expedition and the relief four men and one horse and that the men expeditions was relayed by Aboriginal people wore hats like him. They immediately across South Australia and Queensland came pointed east by south then west by south from Howitt (1901; 1907), who was able east … I have never seen a country so to obtain information via inter-language thickly populated with blacks. communication links from a Narrinyeri6 man Saturday, 18 January 1862 who spoke Dieri about the relief expedition (Landsborough 1862) led by McKinlay, far to the north in present- We showed them the picture of a camel, day Queensland. Howitt (1907) ingratiated and tried without effect to discover where himself with elders so that they would ‘come such animals, if they had seen them, had and bring news to me which messengers had gone. I doubt whether they understood brought them from the Yaurorka, who lived the meaning of the picture … It is as well at the southern edge of Sturt’s Stony Desert, to mention here that this young black who had received it from the tribe on the was trying to make us understand some- Diamantina River on the other side of it. This thing relative to the four white men we news related to John McKinlay, the explorer, inquired about, but was stopped by the who was known to the blacks by the name sinister-looking men. of “Wheelpra Pinnaru” – that is the head man

163 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills or elder with the “cart”’ (Howitt 1907, p. 32) informed that ‘wilpara pinnaru’ (McKinlay) (see Figure 8.3). Howitt was informed of the ‘had fought with the blacks’ (Howitt 1901, movements and predicaments of McKinlay’s p. 292). This was confirmed by the manager expedition: ‘I was told at one time by my of Blanchwater Station in South Australia, native informants that “Wheelpra Pinnaru” after hearing claims by Dieri clanspeople was surrounded by a great arimata, or flood, who described the massacre by McKinlay and could not get out; then after a time, it in vivid detail (Howitt 1901, p. 296). Howitt was that the arimata had gone away, and ‘was to be remembered by the people of that “Wheelpra Pinnaru” had gone away they the Cooper for a generation or more as did not know where to, and that he had Kulyumaru Pinnaru or head man of the camp thrown his wheelpra away – that is, left it at Kullyamurra’ Tolcher (1986, p. 41). behind’ (Howitt 1907, p. 32). In 1901 Howitt had learnt ‘a good deal of [Yandruwandha] Conclusion language’ from a Dieri guide which enabled A brief review of Aboriginal oral accounts of him to make inquiries about the whereabouts non-Indigenous explorers during the early of Grey’s grave. Grey was described by the period of contact has revealed a less-than- Yandruwandha as a ‘warugati [emu] wiltfella flattering view – frequently jocular – and [whiteman]’; as the Aborigines had no prior regular dismay at the culturally insensitive knowledge of camels and thus no word for it, or unskilled behaviour displayed by whites, they used the word ‘emu’ instead. Howitt was which Aboriginal people often found

Figure 8.3: ‘Arrival at the Stoney Desert’. Cuthbert Clark. 1861 or 1862. Lithograph, De Gruchy & Leigh. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. 30328102131801/3.

164 ‘Devil been walk about tonight – not devil belonging to blackfellow, but white man devil’. necessary to redress. It has been significantly but at the very least it has exploded the more difficult to retrieve some notion of how notion that Aboriginal people had no role in Aboriginal people generally and individually structuring the mythology of explorers from may have perceived the Burke and Wills their cultural point of view. It is also arguable expeditions specifically, although we have that Burke and Wills may have been seen been able to identify a name ascribed to generally as a symbolic representation of Grey: ‘warugati [emu] wiltfella [whiteman]’. white people’s moral deficiency. Thankfully, there are sufficient remnants of After this foray into charting the extent evidence about reactions to the expedition to which Aboriginal memorialisation and post-expedition memories which allow of expeditions such as Burke and Wills us to view the Burke and Wills saga as an occurred, it is evident that writings about Aboriginal one as much as a European Australian expeditions have been remiss one. There is much evidence of interest about embracing Aboriginal oral traditions in each other’s cultures, albeit most often of exploration. Much research remains to as exemplars of cultural exotica from an be done to ensure a richer memorialisation Aboriginal perspective, particularly in relation occurs. to the camels, which were variously ascribed the status of sheep, bunyips and emus. Endnotes The moral compass of Aboriginal people 1 According to R.H. Mathews (1904, towards the expedition has been particularly p. 251) the belief in transmigration or difficult to discern at this distance of time reincarnation was widespread during the (and language), but there is sufficient early years of European settlement, being evidence to indicate that Aboriginal peoples ‘observed in every part of Australia where (particularly the Yandruwandha) faced investigations have been made’. One of the a terrible bind – the need to assist the best-documented instances of this belief outsiders as per their cultural obligations is William Buckley’s, an escaped convict and the wish to repel these men who often who was saved from the brink of death by eschewed their advice and succour and did Aborigines who called him ‘Murrangurk’; not follow the balance of exchange or kupara. he afterwards learnt it was the name of a The ‘Yaam Corroboree song’ collected by man formerly belonging to that tribe. Beckler during the expedition indicates the 2 According to McKnight (1969), camels cultural dichotomy experienced by Aboriginal were first introduced into Australia in guides, and provides important insights 1840. into the emotional and cultural balancing all Aboriginal people experienced when living 3 The term ‘bunjibs’ is probably a reference ‘two ways’. While no direct evidence has been to ‘banib’ or ‘bunyip’, the name of a found of an Aboriginal song or corroboree legendary animal that was greatly feared which focuses on Burke and Wills, the in most of south-eastern Australia (Clarke longevity and volume of Aboriginal traditions 2007). about the Burke and Wills story is evidence 4 Philip Clarke (pers. comm. 2012) advised that memorialising by song and performance against reading too much into Aboriginal occurred. However, it is possible that terminology for introduced animals: ‘For Burke and Wills’ significance to Aboriginal example, in many languages all large people occurred in response to the later animals are known by the same term (i.e. waves of European settlers who frequently nanto for “male kangaroos” and “horses” asked about them. The question of how to in the Kaurna language of Adelaide – interpret the Aboriginal drover’s dream and and there are many examples in other representation of Burke and Wills is difficult, languages).’

165 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

5 Although Foster’s (2008) paper suggested Provenance 9, 1–13. that Aboriginal messengers had an Cahir F (2010) ‘Are you off to the diggings?’: equivalent to white people’s paper Aboriginal guiding to and on the messages, the reference to toas as goldfields. La Trobe Journal 85, 22–36. functioning something like message sticks Cahir D and Clark I (2010) ‘An edifying is contentious. The objects produced at spectacle’: a history of ‘tourist Bethesda (Killalpaninna) Mission in 1905 corroborees’ in Victoria. Tourism may have been post-European rather than Management 31, 412–420. pre-European objects (Jones and Sutton 1986). Cairns Post (1950) Australoddities, 18 December, p. 4. 6 The term ‘Narrinyeri’ is generally taken as meaning a person living at the Murray Clark I (1994) Sharing History: A Sense for all Mouth. Australians of a Shared Ownership of their History. Australian Government Publishing References Service, Canberra. Clark I and Cahir D (2003) Aboriginal Allen H (2011) The space between: Aboriginal people, gold, and tourism: the benefits people, the Victorian Exploring Expedition of inclusiveness for goldfields tourism and the relief parties. In Burke and Wills: in regional Victoria. Tourism Culture and The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian Management 4, 123–136. Exploring Expedition. (Eds EB Joyce and DA McCann) pp. 245–274. CSIRO Publishing, Clark I and Cahir D (2011) Understanding Melbourne. Ngamadjidj: Aboriginal perceptions of Europeans in nineteenth century western Argus (1865) No title. 8 June, p. 5. Victoria. Journal of Australian Colonial Argus (1915) ‘Burke and Wills’ ill-fated History 13, 105–124. expedition: story in moving pictures’. 25 December, p. 14. Clarke PA (2007) Indigenous spirit and ghost folklore of ‘settled’ Australia. Folklore Attwood B, Burrage W, Burrage A and Stoke 118(2), 141–161. E (1994) A Life Together, a Life Apart: A History of Relations between Europeans Eastman H (c. 1938) Hugh Eastman Memoirs and Aborigines. Melbourne University c. 1850–c. 1938. CY Reel 22/0. Mitchell Press, Melbourne. Library, Sydney. Australian Evangel (1939) ‘News of others’. Elkin AP (1932) The Kopara: the settlement of n.d. February. grievances. Oceania 2, 191–198. Baker G (1988) Exploring with Aborigines: Elkin AP (1934) Cult totemism and mythology Thomas Mitchell and his Aboriginal in northern South Australia. Oceania 5, guides. Aboriginal History 22, 36–50. 187–189. Beckler H (1993) A Journey to Cooper’s Creek: Elkin AP (1937) Beliefs and practices Hermann Beckler. (Trans. and eds S Jeffries connected with death in north-eastern and M Kertesz). Melbourne University and western South Australia. Oceania 7, Press and the State Library of Victoria, 280–289. Melbourne. Giles E (1875) Geographic travels in Central Berndt RM and Berndt CH (1999) The World Australia from 1872 to 1874 by Ernest of the First Australians. Aboriginal Studies Giles. Giles, Melbourne. Press, Canberra. Grey G (1842) Journals of Two Expeditions Bourke D (2010) What happened to the of Discovery in North-west and Western camels of the Burke and Wills expedition? Australia during the Years 1837, 38, and

166 ‘Devil been walk about tonight – not devil belonging to blackfellow, but white man devil’.

39 under the Authority of Her Majesty’s on the Cooper: King’s secret? Aboriginal Government: Describing Many Newly History 31, 141–146. Discovered, Important, and Fertile Lowe D (1994) Forgotten Rebels: Black Districts, with Observations on the Moral Australians who Fought Back. ICS and and Physical Condition of the Aboriginal Associates, Sydney. Inhabitants, &c. &c. Fascimile,1964. Lucas E (1848–76) Autobiographical Libraries Board of South Australia, Reminiscences. MS BOX 2590/8(b). State Adelaide. Library of Victoria, Melbourne. Harnett J (2011) Historical Representation and Mathews RH (1904) Ethnological Notes on the Postcolonial Imaginary: Constructing the Aboriginal Tribes of Western Australia. Travellers and Aborigines. Cambridge Royal Geographical Society of Australasia, Scholars Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne. Brisbane. Haydon G (1941) George Augustus Robinson’s McDonald B (1996) Evidence of four New Journey into South Eastern Australia: Eith England corroboree songs indicating George Henry Haydon’s Narrative of Part Aboriginal responses to European of the Same Journey. (Ed. G. Mackaness). invasion. Aboriginal History 20, 176–195. Mackaness, Sydney. McKnight T (1969) The Camel in Australia. Hercus L (1980) How we danced the Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Mudluyga: memories of 1901 and 1902. Aboriginal History 4, 5–32. McLaren I (1959) The Victorian Exploring Expedition and relieving expeditions, Howitt AW (1901) An Episode in the History 1860–61: the Burke and Wills tragedy. of Australian Exploration by A.W. Howitt. Victorian Historical Magazine 29, 213–253. Howitt, Melbourne. Morgan J (1852) The Life and Adventures Howitt AW (1907) Report of the 11th meeting of William Buckley, Thirty-two Years a of the Australian Association for the Wanderer. Hobart. Advancement of Science: Inaugural Address by AW Howitt. Australian Morrill J, Mjöberg E and Morrill J (2006) 17 Association for the Advancement of Years Wandering Among the Aboriginals. D. Science, Adelaide. Welch, Virginia, N.T. Jones P and Kenny A (2007) Australia’s Murgatroyd S (2002) The Dig Tree: The Muslim Cameleers: Pioneers of the Inland Extraordinary Story of the Ill-fated Burke 1860s–1930s. South Australian Museum, and Wills Expedition. Bloomsbury, London. Adelaide. Neumayer G (1869) Results of the Magnetic Jones PG and Sutton P (1986) Art and Land: Survey of the Colony of Victoria, Executed Aboriginal Sculptures of the Lake Eyre during the Years 1858–1864. J. Schneider, Basin. South Australian Museum and Mannheim. Wakefield Press, Adelaide. Nugent M (2006) Historical encounters: Kerwin D (2010) Aboriginal Dreaming Paths Aboriginal testimony and colonial forms and Trading Routes: The Colonisation of of commemoration. Aboriginal History 30, the Australian Economic Landscape. Sussex 33–47. Academic Press, Brighton. Parker D (2007) Outback: The Discovery of Landsborough W (1862) Journal of Australia’s Interior. Sutton Publishing, Landsborough’s Expedition from Stroud. Carpentaria, in Search of Burke & Wills. F.F. Reynolds H (2000) Black Pioneers. Penguin, Bailliere, Melbourne. Melbourne. Lewis D (2007) Notes and documents: death Rose D (2003) The saga of Captain Cook:

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remembrance and mortality. In Frontier in the tracks of Burke and Wills and Conflict: The Australian Experience. (Eds S their predecessors. Royal History Society Foster and B Attwood) pp. 61–77. National of Queensland Journal (Yearbook of Museum of Australia, Canberra. Proceedings) 8, 286–316. Short J (2009) Cartographic Encounters : Tipping M (1979) Ludwig Becker: Artist Indigenous Peoples and the Exploration of and Naturalist with the Burke and Wills the New World. Reaktion Books, London. Expedition. Melbourne University Press for the Library Council of Victoria, Melbourne. Steel M (1973) Red Rover. IPPS, Adelaide. Tolcher HM (1986) Drought or Deluge: Man Sturt C and Brown R (1849) Narrative of in the Cooper’s Creek Region. Melbourne an Expedition into Central Australia, University Press, Melbourne. Performed under the Authority of Her Majesty’s Government, during the Years Tolcher HM (2003) Seed of the Coolibah: A History of the Yandruwandha and 1844, 5, and 6: Together with a Notice of Yawarrawarrka People. H.M. Tolcher, the Province of South Australia in 1847. Adelaide. Boone, London. Trigger D (2008) Indigeneity, ferality, and Sunday Times (1937) ‘Who was to blame for what ‘belongs’ in the Australian bush: the tragedy of Burke and Wills?’ 25 April, Aboriginal responses to ‘introduced’ p. 11. animals and plants in a settler- Taylor A (1983) Burke and Wills, and the descendant society. Journal of the Royal Aborigines. Journal of the Anthropological Anthropological Institute 14(3), 628–646. Society of South Australia 21, 5–10. Walker F (1863) Journal of expedition in Tench W (1961) Sydney’s First Four Years: search of Burke and Wills. Journal of the Being a Reprint of a Narrative of the Royal Geographical Society 33, 133–150. Expedition to Botany Bay and a Complete Wills WJ (1863) A Successful Exploration Account of the Settlement at Port Jackson. Through the Interior of Australia, from Angus and Robertson, Sydney. Melbourne to the Gulf of Carpentaria. Thallon K (1966) Return to Coopers Creek: Bentley, London.

168 Chapter 9

How did Burke die?

Darrell Lewis

Introduction Territory. From 1980 I assisted my then wife, Deborah Rose, in recording oral traditions This chapter deals with an Aboriginal which formed the basis of Hidden Histories woman’s account of the death of Robert (Rose 1991). I also carried out much of the O’Hara Burke, recorded at Cooper Creek by archival research for that book. Since then I a visiting squatter in 1874 (see Lewis 2007). have continued to record oral history in the The story of the Burke and Wills disaster Victoria River country and elsewhere, and is well-known and will not be discussed in various capacities – on Aboriginal land in detail in this chapter. The key points claims, while documenting sacred sites, of relevance are that expedition member on surveys of historic sites and so on. The Charlie Gray died during the return trip people I worked with were at least middle- from the Gulf of Carpentaria, and Burke and aged, often elderly. Some had been born Wills officially died from deprivation and in and grew up in the bush. None had any exhaustion. On the latter point the Aboriginal formal western education. As woman’s story suggests otherwise. a generalisation they were not sophisticated in the white man’s ways and had been Aboriginal stories exposed to little or none of the ideas and I began recording Aboriginal oral history ideologies of Aborigines engaged in and other stories in 1975 when I worked with national politics. Most stories were simple Gurindji, Bilinara and Naringman people, in accounts of what happened, with no obvious the Victoria River district of the Northern political agenda.

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Victoria River Aboriginal stories can for example, described the powers of be broken down into several categories. memory of his two Aboriginal assistants as Some are not intended as literal truth as ‘daguerrotype’ or photographic (Leichhardt it might be understood in the western 1847, p. 118). Of course, different details tradition. Examples are stories about the may be included or omitted in each telling of activities of Captain Cook or Ned Kelly in the story or between different tellers, just as the Victoria River country; in the European there will be indifferent historical records. I understanding, neither man visited the have never once been told a story which later region. The stories usually involve Captain proved to be a fabrication, and this brings us Cook shooting people and establishing the to the story told to the squatter in 1874. new and unjust social order that Aborigines endured for much of the past century. The squatter’s story: how Ned Kelly is described as friendly towards Burke died or as helping people and unsuccessfully In the summer of 1874–75 a squatter made a resisting the new order. Rather than being trip to inspect some country in the Coongie reliable accounts of the actions of Cook or Lakes area north-west of Innamincka. Soon Kelly, the stories are about the moral – or after he returned he sent a description of his rather the immoral – structure of social journey to the Australian Town and Country relations between Aborigines and Europeans, Journal, which published it in April 1875in established by white society and personified two parts, under the heading, ‘To Cooper’s in the image of the ‘founding father’, Captain Creek and back’. The name of this squatter Cook. These could be classed as ‘political is unknown because it was not included in stories’ (Rose 1984; 2001). the article, and archival research has not yet Stories about historical events can revealed his identity. Initially, the squatter’s also deviate significantly from the ‘truth’ party consisted of himself, three other white as revealed in historical documentation, men and two Aborigines, one of whom was although they always have a foundation ‘a native of Cooper’s Creek’ and, we can in fact. In my experience, if a story assume, could act as an interpreter between involves an event that occurred before the the white men and bush people. storyteller’s birth, their details of that event The squatter didn’t name his departure sometimes diverge widely from European point, but he travelled into the region from understandings of it. In this way they are the east via Thurgomindah and Nockatunga no different from oral traditions in other on the Wilson River. On reaching the Cooper societies around the world. Likewise, if he went downstream to Nappamerrie an event occurred at some distance from homestead, where he visited the site of Burke the home territory of the storyteller, the and Wills’ depot. Then he moved further details can deviate from those documented downstream to Innamincka homestead; historically. Sometimes elements of two Aborigines living there showed him the site events, distant in time and space, have been where Burke died. An old woman told the combined. However, my experience also squatter she had been there when Burke died, shows that if the storyteller speaks of an and told him what she saw. The squatter event in which they were directly involved, paraphrased what she told him, thus her their recollection usually corresponds story is second-hand. It forms only a small closely with European documentation of that part of the article, which is well-written, event. This should not be surprising – the serious and straightforward. In the words wonderful memories of Aborigines have been of the squatter: ‘An old gin whom I spoke to remarked upon by various people since white recollected the explorers, and helped them settlement. Explorer Ludwig Leichhardt, to cover Burke’s body with bushes after his

170 How did Burke die? death. She also affirmed that Burke had not of the latter being very strict with them died from starvation, but had been shot by on the journey (Australian Town and “nother one white fellow”’ (Australian Town Country Journal, 17 April 1875, p. 22). and Country Journal, 17 April 1875). The squatter stated that when King The squatter was shocked. This was not returned to Melbourne and told his story to the conclusion arrived by the Committee of the Committee of Inquiry, he said he had a Inquiry into the Burke and Wills disaster: secret about the expedition which he would the committee had conclusion that they take to the grave – it was generally supposed died from exhaustion and starvation. That that the secret was connected with the death belief had become the official truth for white of Gray. There is no evidence that King said Australians generally. The squatter remarked any such thing and after King died one of that the woman ‘could scarcely have invented his rescuers said that King had told him such a story, and she persisted in saying something that he (King) made the rescuer that she had actually seen a whitefellow, promise to keep secret, and that it had who answers in every way to the description nothing to do with Gray’s death (Welch, The of King, come behind Burke when he was Queenslander, 29 April 1875, p. 3). Others stooping at the fire roasting a duck, and also believed King had a secret (Ernest shoot him in the side’ (Australian Town and Favenc, cited in McIver 1935, p. 151). The Country Journal, 17 April 1875). squatter clearly believed that the Aboriginal While there can be little doubt that it was woman’s story explained that secret. Burke who died at the site, it was the squatter Over the following months the squatter’s who formally identified the murderer as King. story was republished, in full or in part, in Apparently he knew what King and Wills other colonial newspapers (Gippsland Times, looked like and the woman provided enough 6 May 1875, p. 3; The Queenslander, 8 May detail for him to deduce that it was King 1875, p. 7; Brisbane Courier, 4 May 1875, who did the shooting. The squatter’s report p. 3; South Australian Register, 8 May 1875; discussed the woman’s story and his reasons Rockhampton Bulletin, 1 May 1875, p. 2). for making it public rather than dismissing it Most focused on the the story told by the old as ‘just a blackfellow’s yarn’: woman: any editorial comment was strongly After the lapse of all these years, and against the possibility of there being any the death of King, against whom this truth in her account. fearful charge is brought, it might be considered advisable to let the matter rest; but now that the country is being Could the squatter have quickly settled in the neighbourhood, the fabricated the story? traditions of the blacks will become better If the squatter did fabricate the story, we known to white men, and this subject will have to ask why. We might expect that therefore, sooner or later, be mooted. And squatters, generally considered to be part of it is right that King’s character should the colonial ruling class, would be inclined be cleared from so foul a blot, if there to support the story that Burke was a good is no foundation for the report; while, and humane leader who died a hero’s death. on the other hand, if true, no one could If this squatter shared that view, publishing be accused reasonably of exposing the the alternative story served no purpose. perpetration of so dastardly a crime. His stated reason for publishing was that Wills, however, fully exonerated his chief European settlers were flooding into the from this imputation, but it was notorious Cooper Creek district and he believed the that both King and Gray had not very story would be told to other white men and kindly feelings towards Burke, on account would inevitably become public knowledge.

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He was concerned that King’s character My decades of experience working with should be cleared if the story was false and, Northern Territory Aborigines have shown if it was true, that King’s ‘dastardly crime’ the difficulties and misunderstandings that should be exposed. There is no evidence can arise when Aboriginal English is used or that the squatter sent his story to colonial if leading questions are asked. If the squatter authorities or pushed for an inquiry – no somehow misunderstood the woman’s initial ‘paper trail’ for historians to find – and this statement, the misunderstanding should suggests that the squatter told the story in have been cleared up: after hearing her good faith, for the reasons he stated. ‘startling’ account he said he questioned Many historians have written about Burke her closely but she ‘persisted’ in saying that and Wills but apparently only Bonyhady she had seen one man shoot the other. The (1991) mentioned the Aboriginal woman’s fact that in the face of close questioning the story. His source was a regional newspaper, woman persistently told the same version of Southern Cross (Junee, NSW), which repeated events suggests that she was telling the truth the story from the original and made no as she knew it. mention of official records. Bonyhady only stated that the story circulated; he made no Could the woman have incorrectly assessment of it (Bonyhady 1991, p. 281). remembered the events? The squatter, a newcomer to the region, The Aborigines’ wonderful capacity for would not have understood the local memory was mentioned above, a capacity language so he must have communicated often remarked upon by early Europeans and with the woman either directly or indirectly well-known by anthropologists and others in Aboriginal English. Aborigines in the who work with Aborigines. The arrival of region probably began to learn English the Burke and Wills expedition in the Cooper from King when he lived among them in Creek country, the great size of their horses 1861. Some would have learnt more from and camels, the presence of some expedition A.W. Howitt’s expedition, which spent many members at the Cooper Creek depot for four months on Cooper Creek in 1861–62. By months, their use of firearms, the deaths of the time the squatter arrived in late 1874 Burke and Wills and King’s survival with the some local Aborigines could have been Aborigines for several months afterwards, in sustained contact with settlers on the and the arrival of Howitt’s and McKinlay’s northern, southern and eastern fringes of search parties with more horses and camels, the region for at least seven years, and at were major events in the lives of local Innamincka for up to four years (Tolcher Aborigines. The events were still very well- 1997, p. 22). At more distant stations, remembered in the mid-1880s as ‘red-letter some Aborigines may have had even longer days’ (Kenny 1920). contact – about 100 km downstream from It was noted earlier that Aboriginal oral Innamincka, the squatter met an Aboriginal history accounts from the ‘early days’ man from Lake Hope, a station 150 km to the (usually before the storyteller was born) south that was settled by 1859, who ‘could sometimes contain elements from two speak English well’. In any case, it is evident separate events, whereas stories from the that some had learnt enough English for teller’s personal experience almost always effective communication because one of the closely conform with, and complement, squatter’s Aboriginal guides was ‘a native of European documentation of the same Coopers Creek’. The squatter was unlikely to events. I believe it is highly unlikely that have employed him unless the Aborigine was Burke’s death from starvation, witnessed or familiar enough with English to understand otherwise, could be transformed into death and obey orders, and to act as an interpreter. by shooting in the space of 13 years.

172 How did Burke die?

Did the woman fabricate her story? Anyone who has worked with Aboriginal people in their tribal area knows that their As the squatter noted, it is difficult to knowledge of their country, and places in imagine why she would have done so. Even their country, is extraordinarily reliable. in the unlikely event that an early settler had If the woman’s story of one man shooting told her about the controversy that raged another referred to a different party at a around Burke’s leadership and his alleged different place it is inconceivable that she mistreatment of some of his men, it is highly would have confused one place with another. improbable that the woman would have Burke and Wills found no evidence that concocted a story in which Burke was shot. another party of white men had preceded The squatter claimed that he questioned her them along Cooper Creek, and the local carefully. If he asked a leading question and Aborigines apparently made no mention of she gave him the answers she thought he other whites or a grave. wanted to hear, it is unlikely that she would While Howitt was based at Cooper Creek have stuck to a story she invented to please for months in 1861–62, waiting for McKinlay or satisfy him. and Walker to arrive, he questioned local Aborigines about expeditions in the area Could the story relate to an before Burke and Wills. They gave detailed unknown event involving people descriptions of the movements of Burke and other than Burke and King? Wills, and of Sturt, but had no knowledge of any other expedition (Howitt’s journal 1861, There were other white people in the region p. 11). before and after Burke and Wills, and before European settlement. The best-known of those who came before Burke and Wills was What reliance can be placed on the expedition led by Gregory in search of the story? traces of Ludwig Leichhardt in 1858, but First, as the squatter noted, the woman there were others. In the summer of 1859–60 had no reason to make it up. It is difficult two squatters, McDonald and Hack, came to believe that such a story would even from the south and spent some time in the have occurred to her. Second, the woman Coongie Lakes area, north-west of the present provided a detailed story. Rather than a town of Innamincka. In December 1860 two bland ‘One white fellow bin shoot nother stockmen, exploring out of curiosity to see one white fellow’, she said that one man was the country, were reported to have perished stooping over a fire to cook a duck and the in ‘Sturt’s desert’. other man came from behind and shot him If there were an unknown expedition in the side. I believe that these additional in the same region, if one member of it details add to the likelihood that her story shot another and even if the (hypothetical) was factual. Third, the events she described unknown expedition were in the region occurred only 13–14 years earlier and she before Burke and Wills, the time between the claimed to have witnessed them. She was alleged shooting and the story being told to described by the squatter as an ‘old gin’, the squatter would still be relatively short. It so she almost certainly was an adult at the would be within the lifetime of a person who time of Burke’s death, rather than a child was ‘old’ in 1874, so there is little possibility who might not have clearly understood what that two separate stories were conflated. she had seen. One newspaper editor sought Even if the woman’s story were a conflation to denigrate the story by describing it as of different events, it would be remarkable ‘garrulous nonsense uttered by an old black if both events occurred at the place where gin’ (Gippsland Times, 29 April 1875, p. 2). Burke died. Another editor described the woman as ‘a

173 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills garrulous old woman, who may have been to have his meals with the others’. He was in her dotage, or have been demented, or, also reported as saying that a day or so whose imagination may have been excited before Gray died, he had been ‘thrashed through an indulgence in the intoxicating unmercifully by Burke’ (Bonyhady 1991, mixture, which is made and chewed, by the pp. 97–112, 204–230; Varndell, South Cooper’ s Creek blacks’ (Bendigo Advertiser, Australian Register, 27 December 1862, p. 2). reproduced in the Gippsland Times, 6 May 1875, p. 3). Burke’s death according to After he was rescued King was reluctant to talk about events on the Cooper or found King’s neighbour it difficult to do so without showing signs After the squatter’s story became public, of emotional distress. This was usually another account of Burke being shot attributed to his quiet, shy nature and the appeared. It came from an unnamed resident events being too painful to relive. Quite of Sale, Victoria, who claimed to have been possibly this was the case. At times during a neighbour of King’s after King returned to King’s return journey from Cooper Creek, he Melbourne. According to this account, King found the intense public interest impossible said that ‘Burke and Wills had a quarrel, while to face. However, we should consider the the whole company was starving, and that possibility that his reticence was at least Burke drew a revolver and shot Wills in the partly the result of a guilty conscience, shoulder. He fell, but immediately sprang up perhaps extreme remorse and fear of again and fired at Burke, shooting him in the discovery. If King were guilty of murder it side’ (Launceston Examiner, 8 May 1875, p. 2, certainly was in his interest to promote a republished from the Gippsland Mercury). public version of events which hailed Burke The existence of tension between as a hero who died of starvation, and to feign Burke and Wills finds some support in the mental distress whenever he was questioned. reminiscences of a drover, George McIver, published in 1935. McIver drove sheep to newly established western Queensland Would King have had reason to stations in the 1870s and worked in the shoot Burke? north-eastern South Australia–western The answer is probably ‘yes’. The squatter Queensland region for some years. His noted that ‘it was notorious that both King reminiscences stated that he was told by and Gray had not very kindly feelings Aborigines that ‘about fifteen miles below towards Burke, on account of the latter where Strzelecki Creek emerges from the being very strict with them on the journey’ great lagoon, near Innamincka’, a quarrel (Australian Town and Country Journal, 17 took place between Burke and Wills. This led May 1875, p. 22). Bonyhady (1991) also to a fistfight during which Burke knocked showed Burke to be an authoritarian leader, Wills down. McIver said he questioned other who could be cruel to men he had come to Aborigines about the incident, and each told dislike. Although King’s public statements the same story. Later he discovered that about the expedition were always supportive white stockmen in the region had heard the of Burke, Bonyhady noted there was hearsay story and were inclined to believe it (McIver evidence which suggested that, at Cooper 1935, pp. 150–151). Creek, King told at least one rescuer that The similarities between the neighbour’s when Gray was discovered stealing food, story and that of the Aboriginal woman are Burke had ‘knocked down, kicked, and so obvious. The main difference is that the ill-used’ him that he (King) ‘would have shot woman provided a description of the shooter the leader, if he had had a pistol; and that which the squatter said matched that of King, poor Gray was never afterwards allowed rather than Wills. The squatter may have

174 How did Burke die? been wrong, but the neighbour’s story that Station. As a boy he had seen the Burke it was Wills who shot Burke can easily be and Wills expedition leave Melbourne and explained as King’s way of telling the truth thus had a particular interest in the story. about the manner of Burke’s death, without He often talked about Burke and Wills with implicating himself. It could be said that local Aborigines. Like Conrick, he made no King’s neighbour invented the story after mention of a story that Burke had been shot reading the account of the Aboriginal woman, (Kenny, Cumberland Argus, 19 May 1920). but why would they implicate Wills rather Even William Howitt, who, in 1861–62, than King? Whether the shooter was Wills spent many months at Cooper Creek and or King, the similarity in both stories that established friendly relations with local Burke was shot ‘in the side’ is astonishing, Aborigines, was never told anything about and gives greater credence to the claim that Burke being shot. When he read the squatter’s Burke died from a gunshot wound. account in 1874 he wrote a dismissive letter to his local newspaper (Gippsland Discussion Times, 25 May 1875, p. 4). Nevertheless, it If Burke had been shot, when King took is possible that some Aborigines knew the Howitt and his men to Burke’s remains story. At Cooper Creek, when Howitt asked wouldn’t someone have seen the bullet the Aborigines about white people in the hole? When Howitt first saw Burke’s body region they told him about Burke and Wills it had been moved some feet from where it and about Sturt’s expedition, but apparently originally lay, probably by wild dogs. Only said nothing about the visits of Gregory in the larger bones remained – there were no 1858 and of McDonald and Hack in 1859–60. hand or foot bones – so there was no chance In other words, in spite of his questions they of seeing a bullet wound in the flesh (Howitt’s almost certainly had information which they journal, Argus, 4 November 1861, p. 6). If a didn’t mention to Howitt, so it is possible flattened bullet had been found lodged in a that they also neglected to mention that bone that would have been clear evidence of Burke had been shot. foul play, but no such embedded slug was Conrick, Kenny or others may have heard discovered. the story that Burke had been shot but One circumstance against accepting the dismissed it in favour of the official version. story that Burke died from a gunshot wound Alternatively, maybe the ‘old gin’ and any is that none of the settlers in the region others who witnessed the shooting did not reported hearing the story. The squatter who live long after the squatter’s visit in 1874–75. reported the Aboriginal woman’s account Aborigines who were very young or not believed it inevitable that other whites in present at the time, or who were born after the Cooper country would hear the story, the deaths of Burke and Wills, could have but there’s no evidence that this happened. adopted the ‘standard’ European version of John Conrick pioneered Nappamerrie events. Station in 1873 and spent 50 years in the Another potential problem with the region. He undoubtedly heard a lot about Aboriginal woman’s story is the final entry Burke and Wills from local Aborigines, but in Burke’s notebook. According to King, in a series of articles he wrote in 1908 he as Burke lay dying he made entries in a made no mention of an Aboriginal story notebook and gave it to King with the request that Burke had been shot (‘Burke and Wills that if King survived he should pass it on to revisited’, Adelaide Observer, 21 March 1908, the president of the Exploration Committee, reproduced in the Stockman’s Hall of Fame Sir William Stawell. When the notebook was paper, June 2003). In about 1885 Herbert examined by Stawell and the Expedition Kenny became the manager of Innamincka Committee none of the entries said anything

175 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills about Burke being shot, either by King or by acceptance of, both objections. The fact that Wills. In fact, the final entry praised King, Aboriginal people’s recollections of personal saying that he had ‘behaved nobly’ and experiences are almost always accurate expressing the hope that he would be cared supports acceptance of the woman’s story. for and rewarded. In the face of all objections to the story, This entry seemed to be a problem. there are a couple of points I cannot resolve. If Burke wrote it as he lay dying, as King How and why did this story occur to the claimed, he is unlikely to have written it woman? Why did she stick to it in the face of after being shot by King! There is, of course, persistent questioning? no way of knowing exactly when the note There can be little doubt that the was written: Burke may have done so before investigation of the Burke and Wills disaster he was shot. Another possibility is that was a whitewash. Some members of the King shot Burke then fabricated the entry investigating committee were men who had to provide himself with cover and perhaps organised the expedition and were probably to ensure favourable treatment by the keen to avoid personal embarrassment. Expedition Committee. This whitewash might not apply to the I believe the idea of fabrication is unlikely, death of Burke – the only evidence for the but should note the novel Burke’s Soldier circumstances came from the only known (Attwood 2003), the story of the Burke eyewitness, John King. However, there might and Wills expedition from King’s point of have another eyewitness – the Aboriginal view. Attwood devised a scenario similar to woman whose story is diametrically that suggested here – that King forged the different. Until further evidence comes to note after Burke died. Although much of light the circumstances surrounding Burke’s Attwood’s book was based upon historical death will remain unresolved. However, I documents, this part of his book was a work believe that equal weight should be given of conjecture. However, Attwood later went to the possibility that Burke died from a to an exhibition about Burke and Wills where gunshot as to the official story of his death samples of Burke’s and King’s handwriting through illness and starvation.1 were displayed side by side. He was struck by their similarity and, in the explanatory notes at the end of the novel, stated that Endnote ‘what had been conjecture on my part 1 Coroner Dr Jane Hendtlass considered suddenly didn’t seem so fantastic’ (Attwood this issue in the July 2011 mock coronial 2003, pp. 434–441, 449). Samples of Burke’s inquest into the deaths of Robert O’Hara and King’s handwriting are reproduced in Burke, William John Wills,and Charles Bonyhady (1991, p. 126). These look much Gray. Hendtlass (2012, pp. 24–25) more alike than different and it is not presented the following finding on the difficult to imagine that if King did forge the question ‘Was Mr Burke murdered by Mr entry it would pass as Burke’s writing. King?’ Was Mr Burke murdered by Mr King? Conclusion During 1862–63, Mr Howitt went to Clearly, there are pros and cons to the Cooper Creek to exhume the bodies of Mr woman’s story. Perhaps the major objection Burke and Mr Wills. After their return to to accepting it is that neither Howitt nor Melbourne, they were laid in state in the any local white settlers are known to Royal Society of Victoria. On 21 January have heard about it. The entry in Burke’s 1863, they were buried in the Melbourne notebook praising King is another. I have General Cemetery. Although the bodies suggested reasons to reject, or at least delay were examined by Dr McKenna and Dr

176 How did Burke die?

Gilbey, there is no evidence that there was that he would not disclose. any pathological investigation to identify • Mr King told the Commission of Enquiry factors which may have contributed to that he heard Mr Wills fire his gun before their deaths. he died. There is no record that any of the However, in April 1875, the Town and bodies sustained a gunshot. Country Journal published a report from • Mr King would not talk to the media about an unnamed squatter in Junee which the Exploration after 1863. challenged the existing story about Mr • Mr King is known to have been a good Burke’s death. In his report, the squatter shot and shot birds for food during the claimed to have visited the Innamincka trip. homestead where Mr Burke died. While he was there, an Aboriginal woman told him • George McIver reported that Aboriginal that she had been present when Mr Burke witnesses reported to him that there was died and that she had helped to cover his a quarrel and fight between Mr Burke and body with bushes. The startling part of Mr Wills. He says that Mr Burke struck Mr her report is that the Aboriginal woman Wills several times and knocked him down also claimed that another white person when they were about 15 miles below had shot Mr Burke while he was cooking where the Strzelecki Creek emerges near a duck over a fire. The Aboriginal woman Innamincka and not far from where Mr did not name Mr King but she described Wills died. the white man in a way that the squatter • Mr King is alleged to have told his knew was consistent with Mr King’s neighbours in Melbourne that Burke and physical attributes. Wills quarreled and Burke shot Wills in the There were no other known witnesses shoulder. He said Mr Wills grabbed the gun of what occurred between Mr Burke and shot Mr Burke in the side. and Mr King after they left Mr Wills to • After Mr Burke assaulted Mr Gray, Mr King die. However, the unnamed squatter’s said ‘If I had a gun I would have shot him’. allegations are supported by the accuracy However, evidence against the argument of the other facts he says the Aboriginal that Mr King shot Mr Burke includes the woman told him surrounding Mr Burke’s following: death including: • Mr Burke appointed Mr King in charge of • Mr Howitt found his body under bushes. the camels after Mr Landells resigned. • The exploration team returned to Cooper • Mr King also had plenty of opportunities Creek on the same day as the support to leave the Exploring Expedition earlier team left. in its history if he felt antagonistic to Mr • Mr Burke had poor relationships with Burke. both Mr King and Mr Gray during the trip. • No one other than the unnamed squatter This has been attributed to Mr Burke’s is known to have heard or reported the perception that they were socially inferior story that Mr Burke was shot by either and his use of physical violence against Mr King or Mr Wills. He was accompanied them. by three other Caucasian men and two Further, Aboriginal men but none of them seems to • Mr King and Mr Burke were both deficient have corroborated the story. in thiamine and this will have affected • It is inconsistent with the notes praising their mental state. Mr King which was allegedly written by Mr • Mr King told the Exploration Committee he Burke on 26 June 1861 when he knew he retained a secret about Mr Burke’s death was about to die.

177 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

• The Aboriginal woman who told the story Kenny H (1920) ‘Leichhardt’s fate: his three may have interpreted her observations expeditions’. Cumberland Argus and from the spectrum of her experience. In Fruitgrowers Advocate, 19 May. particular, her perception that Mr King ‘King’s narrative’ (1861) Argus, 25 November. killed Mr Burke may have reflected her cultural beliefs. ‘King’s testimony’ (1861). In The Burke and Wills Exploring Expedition: An Account of • It is also possible that, if there was the Crossing the Continent of Australia, violence involved in the deaths of Mr from Cooper’s Creek to Carpentaria Burke and Mr Wills, this did not involve Mr (reprinted from the Argus). Wilson and King. Mackinnon, Melbourne. Therefore, applying the presumption that Mr King is innocent of this serious crime, the Leichhardt L (1847) Journal of an Overland current evidence does not reach the level Expedition in Australia. T and W Boone, of proof required for me to make a finding London (facsimile edn, Doubleday, Sydney, that he killed Mr Burke. 1980). Lewis D (2007) Death on the Cooper: King’s References secret? Aboriginal History 31, 141–151. Attwood A (2003) Burke’s Soldier. Viking, McIver G (1935) A Drover’s Odessey. Angus Melbourne. and Robertson, Sydney. Bonyhady T (1991) Burke and Wills: From Rose D (1984) The saga of Captain Cook: Melbourne to Myth. David Ell Press, Sydney. morality in Aboriginal and European law. ‘Burke and Wills revisited’. Adelaide Observer, Australian Aboriginal Studies 2, 24–39. 21 March 1908. Reproduced in the Rose D (1991) Hidden Histories: Black Stories Stockman’s Hall of Fame paper, June 2003. from Victoria River Downs, Humbert River ‘Gray’s death’. Argus, 21 January 1863. and Wave Hill Stations. Aboriginal Studies Gregory AC (1981) [1884] ‘Dr. Leichhardt, Press, Canberra. proposed expedition in search of’. In Rose D (2001) ‘The saga of Captain Cook: Journals of Australian Explorations. (A remembrance and morality’. In Telling Gregory and F Gregory), facsimile edn. Stories: Indigenous History and Memory Hesperian Press, Perth. in Australia and New Zealand. (Eds B Hendtlass J (2012) Finding in the ‘Mock’ Attwood and F Magowan) pp. 61–79. Allen Coronial Inquest into the deaths of and Unwin, Sydney. Robert O’Hara Burke, William John Wills, Southern Cross, n.d. Mitchell Library, and Charles Gray. Coroner: Dr Jane Alexander Aitken papers. Accession Hentlass. ‘Mock’ Coronial Inquiry held in no.ZML MSS 1263, item 4. the Legislative Assembly, Parliament of Victoria, Saturday 23rd and Sunday 24th ‘To Cooper’s Creek and back’. Australian July 2011. Findings presented at the Royal Town and Country Journal, 3 April 1875, Society of Victoria 19th April 2012. Royal 17 April 1875. Society of Victoria, Melbourne. Tolcher H (1997) Conrick of Nappa Merrie: ‘Howitt’s journal’. Argus, 4 November 1861, A Pioneer on Cooper Creek. Privately p. 5. published, New South Wales.

178 Chapter 10

Telling and retelling national narratives

Deirdre Slattery

Myth shapes the way a culture sees itself and value of ‘exploration’ inhibits development hence influences its practices. Among mythic of a more robust set of relationships with narratives about Australian culture, the both traditional owners and the land itself, Burke and Wills expedition is well-known and one founded on realities rather than myth. often argued over in discussion of national This chapter examines recent retellings identity. But an enduring concentration on of the Burke and Wills story to show how the expedition’s heroic and tragic meaning alternative stories and models about the has overshadowed other interpretations of traditional owners and the land itself have the events – those that focus on relationships been derived from the events and how with the land and its indigenous people. For they could influence different kinds of well over 100 years, accounts of Burke and relationship with the land. Wills have repeated the colonial values of conquest and control. Telling and retelling These accounts have been the subject of several revised analyses over the last national narratives 30 years. But despite the existence of such The story of crossing of the continent alternative ways of thinking, attitudes in in 1860–61 by the Victorian Exploring Outdoor Education and associated outdoor Expedition (popularly known as the Burke activities continue to reflect traditional and Wills expedition) has been prominent practices and reinforce colonial expectations among Australians’ stories about themselves. of the land. Uncritical acceptance of the The story lends itself to debate – about styles

179 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills of leadership, the nature of success and In reflecting on how the dominant myths failure; differing views of qualities such as about colonial exploration have influenced courage and heroism, loyalty and obedience; accepted practices and attitudes to the the skills needed to ‘explore’ the continent; detriment of other possibilities I use my own the place of chance and coincidence; and field, Outdoor Education. the ‘nature’ of Australia away from the Myth-making necessarily involves coastal fringe: merciless or benign but selectivity: choice of and emphasis on always capricious. Australians’ interest in some interpretations and elements of the the Burke and Wills story lies in its potential story, neglect of others. The Burke and Wills for interpretation, argument and judgement. story engages us in the major narrative Such stories are not just about fact: they take about heroism and tragedy that emerged on the dimensions of myth, of imaginative immediately after the disaster, although it engagement in events that is used to support was not universally accepted at the time wider assumptions about national values or (Hadwen 2012; Bonyhady 1991). Prompted identity (Ascherson 2002). Once accepted, by the media, especially the Melbourne mythical interpretations can become more newspaper the Argus, and supported by the powerful than fact in shaping values, identity Royal Society of Victoria which was anxious and hence behaviour. to avoid blame or negative views of its Mythical interpretations arise from expedition, that view showed the expedition research and analysis on selected issues. as a ‘success’ involving the pre-eminent Once accepted as central, these arguments achievement of the officers and leaders, can reduce interest in or knowledge of Burke and Wills (Bonyhady 1991, pp. 205– stories that make different assumptions 213). It overshadowed King and Gray’s role about what is significant or important, as merely the ‘men’ who contributed through a point frequently made in the recent obedience. King was even belittled by the publication Burke and Wills: The Scientific Argus, on the grounds that his endurance Legacy of the Victorian Exploring Expedition was a mere physical accident, not to be (Joyce and McCann 2011). The volume compared with the moral heroism of his begins by stating that an assessment of the leaders (Bonyhady 1991, p. 207). Suffering scientific purposes of the expedition was and death in leadership was evidence of ‘long overdue’ after 150 years (Thorne 2011, superior experience, and the deaths of four p. vi)! other European members of the party were Historically, accounts of the expedition ignored. Only one journey was considered in have been selective about the contrasting this evaluation, even though in effect there roles and modes of life of European and were at least three by the time Burke had Indigenous people in ‘the bush’. This chapter split his party twice. will focus on how and why this has been so. At least two Aboriginal guides, Peter I argue that some recent authors who have and Dick, did not feature in these accounts revisited material about the expedition have even as participants in the so-called supply opened up a more complex reality than that party. On one occasion Dick saved the lives presented by colonial interpretations of the of two expedition members, Lyons and previous 100 years. They have been able McPherson (Bonyhady 1991, pp. 147–150), to reveal neglected insights, overlooked but although Dick’s courage, humanity and encounters and relationships, missed capacity for endurance were comparable with opportunities and effaced commitments. Burke’s, this event has been rarely heard of. These recent revisions of commonly accepted The expedition was a ‘success’ because it ideas offer new ways of seeing and relating to achieved the narrowly defined goal of Burke’s Australian nature and its traditional owners. journey, almost regardless (or perhaps

180 Telling and retelling national narratives because of) the cost in human or financial hell (see Figure 10.1). Longstaff’s massive terms or the value of achieving that goal in canvas depicting the scene of the return to the first place. This view of success ignored the Dig tree, commissioned in 1902 by the achievement for other important goals: National Gallery of Victoria, enshrined an knowledge and appreciation of the place that enduring image of the explorers trapped in a was ‘explored’ and of its people. wasteland, betrayed by lack of loyalty. As described by Bonyhady (1991, p. 287), Reactions to the events public interest in the Burke and Wills story In the years that followed, this view became died down by World War I. For a generation entrenched in public memorialising across its mythical qualities were nurtured mainly Victoria. Grand monuments and portentous by teachers, who seem to have embedded artworks by Scott, Short, Strutt and Summers explorers as heroes in the curriculum. The reinforced it by variously omitting Gray story was presented in standard school and/or King, aggrandising Burke’s stature, texts as a tragic but necessary event in incorporating the Aborigines only as colonial progress and achievement (Long attendant admirers of the dying heroes, 1903). The Scouting movement, in search dramatising and glorifying scenes of the of Australian paradigms, also kept the story explorers in a quasi-religious manner in alive, celebrating Burke and Wills as ‘pioneer which the Australian bush is depicted as scouts’, illustrating the virtues of ‘self-

Figure 10.1: ‘Natives discovering the Body of William John Wills, the Explorer, at Coopers Creek, June 1861’. 1862 or 1864. Eugene Montagu Scott. Oil on canvas. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. H6694.

181 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills sacrifice, chivalry, courage, good temper, and were a shadowy presence, occasionally cheeriness’ (Bonyhady 1991, p. 283). and unpredictably emerging from ‘nature’ This material was seen by generations of to impede or assist the purposes of the school children as incontestable but deadly explorers. However, even they were moved dull; for the Scouts, the ANZAC Gallipoli by the sight of the dead Burke: ‘The Stone campaign then offered a more immediate Age men, women and children wept bitterly exemplar of the sought-after qualities and strewed bushes on a Captain of Hussars’ (Bonyhady 1991, pp. 284–287; Hadwen (Clune 1981, p. 175). 2012, p. 545). It was only when highly Moorehead in particular saw Australian influential accounts emerged (Clune 1981 nature as an independent and unknowable [first published 1937]; Moorehead 1963) that entity, reinforcing the view that central the story again became popular between Australia was ‘the ghastly blank’ (Argus, 1 the 1930s and the 1970s. Clune’s account is September 1858, p. 4) where nature was noteworthy in that it was the only readily unnatural. He presented the landscape much accessible account from 1937 until the as Burke would have seen it: like a Greek god, 1960s, when it was joined by Moorehead’s dangerous, indifferent or aggressive, a wilful well-regarded saga. Both strongly reinforced and temperamental element in human affairs. the tragic/heroic narrative myth of He was outraged at its injustice. He allowed the expedition aftermath. These semi- that the two near misses between the Gulf fictionalised accounts often blurred fact party and Brahe at the Cooper Creek depot and interpretation, a tendency that could be were unfortunate but ‘comprehensible twists overlooked by enthusiastic readers. of fate’, and reserved his severest judgement for nature: ‘But this remorseless hostility Myth-making of the land itself was unfair, perversely and unnaturally so’ (Moorehead 1963, p. 121). Both authors used populist ideas to appeal Nature was to blame for the explorers’ to their readers. Clune wrote in a pre- failure to find a way through the maze of television era when men, in particular, read anabranches on Cooper Creek: for entertainment and vicarious adventure. Perhaps if rain had fallen they might He was very keen to contribute to ‘history’ have got through, but as things were they and to use it as a basis for national identity went on and on and there was nothing and pride (Croft 2011). He claimed to set the before them on the empty horizon, not a record straight, implying that explorers’ tales tree, not a sign of water … Even across a were ‘epics of fortitude and heroic endeavour gap of a hundred years it is difficult not which have made Australia a nation … They to feel indignant. Surely they might have died, but the Heart of a Continent lived’ been allowed, if not success, at least a (Clune 1981, pp. 173, 182). Clune’s (1981, little respite: a shower of rain, a pigeon p. 14) catering to an adventure-loving … just one whisper of hope instead of this audience involved close concentration on endless implacable rejection (Moorehead some virtues: courage, loyalty, obedience 1963, p. 121). and endurance. He centred his story and moral justification on Burke, a ‘hero’ from the start. Wills, to a lesser extent, earned Clune’s Early myth-makers and their view admiration for his unquestioning loyalty. of Aborigines Others, especially Beckler and Becker, were Both Clune and Moorehead saw the journey dismissed summarily. Wills was ‘the only true as part of a story of conquest and control, scientist’ (Clune 1981, p. 21), although no part of the dominant progress ideals of explanation was offered for that conclusion. their day. They accepted and traded on their In this schema, the traditional owners readers’ acceptance of European-derived

182 Telling and retelling national narratives assumptions about ‘useful’ and ‘useless’ land, journeys as though bewitched by some about the superior qualities of civilisation, fetish’ (Moorehead 1963, p. 93). The cover of about racial hierarchy. Both were highly Moorehead’s book featured this alternative influential for at least a generation. Clune perspective: Sidney Nolan’s critical view of sold over 100 000 copies by 1957 (Bonyhady Burke was a powerful departure from those 1991, p. 297) and Moorehead’s book was set of Strutt, Summers and Longstaff. In later reading for Matriculation English Expression paintings of the expedition, Nolan showed in Victoria for many years (Bonyhady 1991, the explorers even more decisively as half- p. 304). crazed victims of their single-minded vision, Both Clune and Moorehead were casually weirdly out-of-place figures journeying and racist, Clune referring to Aborigines as dying in an empty landscape that suggested ‘blacks’ or ‘abos’ throughout, and Moorehead a matching inner emptiness. The obvious using terms such as ‘childlike’, ‘like boys’, fact that the Aborigines lived with relative ‘jabbering’. Aboriginal behaviour was either ease in a land so murderous to the European hostile or pathetically innocent. Their conquerors was beginning to pose questions kindliness and practical help at the end of about cultural realities. the journey was seen as due recognition The striking feature of Clune’s and for the explorers’ heroism, not as simple Moorehead’s accounts of both Australian humanity. Clune (1981, p. 70) did admit nature and the Aborigines’ culture that the Aborigines prospered in a country within it is that they virtually ignored where his heroes died, but took refuge in contradictions in their own stories. Both a patronising joke: the Aborigines ‘amused noted the appearances and disappearances themselves by the age-old Australian pastime of Aboriginal groups to the expedition as if of watching the other bloke work’. Ironically, they were random, rather than a response to this observation inadvertently promoted resources or otherwise determined by a life the Yandruwandha to a central place in independent of the explorers. They wrote Australian culture, though not a desirable of the Aborigines’ behaviour as at the same one. time noble but untrustworthy, primitive Moorehead (1963, p. 1) offered the but capable, hospitable yet unaccountably standard 1960s view of Australian aggressive. The Aborigines’ apparent swings settlement: the continent was ‘absolutely from friendliness or helpfulness to hostility untouched and unknown’, empty ‘except and resistance were mere switches of for the blacks, the most retarded people on mood or location, not the product, as they earth’. Yet he also noted that those same probably were, of concern over water or people were dispersed across the continent, food availability, the need to use ceremonial everywhere living healthy lives in close places or legitimate annoyance at the proximity to the dying explorers. In the exploring party’s indifference to some basic 1960s, understanding of the Indigenous courtesies such as acknowledgement of presence was on the cusp of change ‘country’. prompted by both scientific and political Clune and Moorehead almost incidentally recognition of their long occupancy, noted differences of response within the intimate knowledge of land and rights exploring party, but seemed unable to to it. Possibly in tune with this cultural reflect on any cultural conclusions to be transition Moorehead also had a moment drawn from those different approaches. of imaginative insight, observing that ‘the Both commented that Burke and his party Coopers Creek blacks had again caught sight appeared to have gone by the notable (and of these incredible bearded white men who sacred) gorges at Mootwingee ‘almost with dragged themselves along on their aimless a shudder’ (Moorehead 1963, p. 60) whereas

183 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

‘Becker would have delighted in all this’ and The tone attributed Howitt’s apparent both Becker and Beckler were intrigued and capacity to live well in the bush and learn curious at the diversity and abundance of the from the traditional owners as almost a oasis. Both authors casually noted that some personal accident, a social and intellectual people have the capacity to see differently, foible that didn’t reflect on Burke. to change and learn. In their extremity, as they wandered endlessly and hopelessly Contesting the Burke and Wills myth along the outlets of Cooper Creek, Wills and Even from earliest times there were serious King began to observe and even attempted cracks in the façade of accepted success to learn from the Yandruwandha. Wills began for the dominant values. For almost a a list of words, King communicated over century these questions were kept at bay food-gathering and shelter. But Burke fired by various forms of cultural blindness, shots at their helpers until his end. Clune did such as those of Clune and Moorehead. not seem to know what to make of his own Cultural and historical fashion can be note of Wills’ and King’s burgeoning open- very flexible in accommodating such mindedness, attributing it to Wills’ scientific blindness. Maria Nugent (2006) described training and King’s knowledge of ‘black men’ how commemoration of historical events from India. can appear to acknowledge Indigenous That Howitt was able to easily negotiate involvement while actually obscuring the the country that had been so pitiless to Burke truth (of dispossession, for example) in was impossible to ignore; indeed, Moorehead relation to the events being memorialised. clearly admired Howitt as a model of Some research has added detail to bush skills, interestingly noting that coverage of traditional issues, tending to Howitt’s open-minded attitude overturned reinforce dominant values. These included relationships with both Aborigines and the mixed and confused rationale for the nature: journey (Murgatroyd 2002; Phoenix 2012); [Howitt] was full of curiosity and vigour, the choice of leader and Burke’s capacity to everything on the Cooper fascinated lead (Murgatroyd 2002); interpretations of him, the tribesmen, the rocks and plants, the route followed (Bergin 1981; Leahy 2011); the meteors that kept trailing sparks Burke’s treatment of Gray and the mystery of through the night sky. He moved easily Gray’s burial place (Corke 1994); the nature and confidently through this primeval of Burke’s death and of King’s survival (Lewis world, and he possessed a quality that 2007); the varying levels of culpability of is very much lacking in the determined, the Royal Society and others, even Beckler embattled world of the Australian (Fitzpatrick 1961–63; Pearn 2012); and explorers – a touch of humour. There was whether the expedition was a tragedy or an no disagreement in his camp, he was expensive mistake (Hadwen 2012). There has very much the leader, and because of also been material on less-analysed aspects his knowledge of the bush, they were all of the expedition as a colonial enterprise: eating and living well. The condition of the lack of medical knowledge (Pearn 2012), the horses and the camels had actually and the various relief expeditions and their improved since they left the Darling. All achievements (McCourt 2012; Gibson 2012). at once the dark threatening atmosphere Only recently have other versions of of the Cooper is lifted, and this is now a the Burke and Wills myth challenged the place where white men can live in safety elements that dominated from the 1860s and look at the scene around them rather until the 1980s, and offered other ways of than at themselves (Moorehead 1963, relating to Australia for the 21st century. The p. 150). view that recently attracted attention is that

184 Telling and retelling national narratives colonial culture could have taken different blind spots through Howitt’s persona. paths, approaches or ideals in engaging Edmond (2009) resurrected Becker’s tragic with Australian nature and people. Such story, offering it as an exploration of what accounts included previously unpublished the artistic imagination can achieve. A material by Tipping (1979) and Beckler recent edited collection (Joyce and McCann (1993); academic analyses by Reynolds 2011) offered comprehensive accounts of (1980), Bonyhady (1991), Murgatroyd (2002) the scientific legacy of both the expedition and Allen (2011); and fictionalised history and its various rescue parties by experts in by Attwood (2003) and Edmond (2009). a range of disciplines. Notable was Allen’s These versions focused on the story as careful documentation that the land was opportunity lost, or emphasised previously Aboriginal space and place (Allen 2011), ignored or undervalued experiences something that was clear even to the partial and achievements made through other and often erratic gaze of the explorers. approaches to exploration and discovery. All these authors looked at the Aborigines’ Tipping’s beautiful presentation of Becker’s role differently: in describing Becker and art and diary showed the lasting value of Beckler’s scientific and artistic interests and the scientific and humanist perspective in activities, they noted their acute interest his descriptions, paintings and drawings of and appreciation in the setting and the local nature and of the Aborigines. A translation people. They acknowledged the presence of of Beckler’s diary was published for the first Aborigines as members of the expedition, time in English as recently as 1993; it offered or as path-finders. They gave credit to the a view of the wonders of nature Beckler Aboriginal Dick’s gallant rescue of McPherson found in the midst of his own quiet heroism and Lyons, and noted how Becker, Howitt and unselfish attempts to look after dying and King used the exceptional opportunity to members of Wright’s party. observe and learn from the Aborigines. They Reynolds (1980, p. 214) was clear that also explained the Aborigines’ attitudes to ‘European settlers did not tame a wilderness the explorers as valid responses to uninvited, but turned a usurped land to new uses. dominating, ignorant and discourteous While they explored its surface and tested intruders. its potential, they were highly dependent These authors were motivated by their on Aboriginal expertise’. He saw this belief that the lesser-known explorers recognition as adding new significance to and indigenous peoples offered personal a well-worn pathway. Bonyhady’s (1991) qualities, observations, perceptions and detailed account focused on the role of the skills that were given scant attention at story in the national consciousness and the time but that could have encouraged a identity. Murgatroyd (2002) emphasised mythology that celebrated a different kind the entrepreneurial motivation for colonial of experience, one that encouraged a more acquisition of new territory and land positive relationship between cultures and opportunities as a reason for Burke’s to places than the threatening and hostile irrational haste. She also noted Burke’s basic ‘ghastly blank’ and futile courage of the hostility to the land and the Aborigines, earlier accounts. Unencumbered by the need seeing his blindness on such matters as to glorify conquest or self-destruction, these ultimately part of his tragedy (and that writers saw Burke’s leadership as a sad and of others). Attwood’s (2003) fictionalised wasted opportunity. retelling of King’s story reflected on the Murgatroyd (2002) and Attwood (2003) events as seen by the underdog. It was also considered Howitt’s methods to show how highly critical of the expedition’s cultural ‘hostility’ emerged from the mind of the (as well as geographical and organisational) explorer rather than from the intrinsic

185 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills situation. These authors focused on Howitt’s impossible to describe Aborigines’ presence relationships with landscape and people: his in those terms – they were interrelated with own party and the Aborigines. In catching the reality of the desert, not superimposed the train to Bendigo then the stage coach to on it. Swan Hill to begin his rescue mission, Howitt exemplified economy of style (and a sense of Do myths influence realities? modern-day political correctness) that gave All these later accounts took a very him the time and energy to be curious and different view of the role of the Aborigines attentive on his journey. encountered on the expedition from that That the naturalists saw more is tellingly, of the earlier myth. Yet in the 1980s and if fictionally, explored by Attwood in a piece 1990s new versions of the story continued of careful myth-contesting, a view supported to reinforce the myth of tragic grandeur, by Tipping’s publication of Becker’s long- perhaps to their detriment. The 1985 film overlooked collection of paintings. Whereas Burke & Wills was a critical failure and box- Becker was there to reveal nature through office flop that had ‘some trouble maintaining science, Burke ‘waged war against the a dramatic center’, perhaps, as one critic emptiness of the interior’ and tried to show pointed out, because of the difficulty of his own worthiness through winning that retelling such a well-known story without ‘war’ (Attwood 2003, pp. 140–141). Attwood a new angle (http://movies.tvguide.com/ contrasted Howitt’s ‘exploring properly’ burke-wills/121799). The film ‘runs short with Burke’s ‘rushing about like madmen’ of plot even before the explorers run short (Attwood 2003, p. 94). of water’ even though it made an effort to Murgatroyd (2002), Attwood (2003) and convey something of the genuine beauty and Bonyhady (1991) focused on Burke’s self- diversity of the Australian landscape. destructive racism. They contrasted it The inclusion of a triumphal climactic with Wills’ and King’s gradually dawning scene – woefully inaccurate, historically – in appreciation and Howitt’s effortless which the explorers cavorted on a white recognition of and interest in the Aborigines’ sandy beach in a moment of explorational cultural differences. Murgatroyd (2002, triumph at reaching the Gulf of Carpentaria, pp. 150–154) deplored Burke’s lack of demonstrated how the film emphasised old ordinary good manners in encounters with values and expectations. In this scene 19th- the Aborigines, suggesting that what was century imperialism met the 20th-century needed was recognition of simple protocols beach fetish in a welter of improbability, for sharing space and resources, rules of since everyone who knows the story knows hospitality that are universal and often that the exhausted and frustrated Burke and similar but that depend on recognition of Wills turned back when they saw the rise and common humanity, something that Burke fall of salt water in the mangrove swamps lacked. and were robbed of the movie’s destination- Burke’s intellectual and physical capacity focused satisfaction. Perhaps the film could compared with those of the Aborigines was have been more in touch with contemporary brought into perspective by the outcome. sensibility had it more fully recognised Attwood (2003, p. 268) cited an Age report Walter Goodman’s (1987) point in his New following Brahe’s return to Melbourne: York Times review that: ‘the entire company of explorers has been The most evocative element of ‘Burke and dissipated out of being, like dewdrops Wills’ are the tribesmen, who move like before the sun’, highlighting the essentially shadows along the expedition’s way, part ephemeral nature of the explorers’ presence of the land that the white men have set in the desert landscape. It would be out to exploit. The observation of a young

186 Telling and retelling national narratives

soldier that the country is, after all, the safety protocols. In many outdoor and black man’s, seems a gesture to present- adventure activities, inappropriate ideas day sensibilities, yet each time the natives about Australian nature and how to live appear, in the often surprising editing of in it continue to resonate. Culturally, it is Tim Wellburn, the movie sounds a deeper possible to see aspects of this as extensions note. of popular mythology in the Burke and Wills In the populist television program Bush tradition. Tucker Man, Les Hiddens was at pains to show how the land in which the explorers ‘The journey’ in perished was a ‘supermarket’ of good food Outdoor Education to the educated (i.e. Aboriginal) eye. His Australian Outdoor Education (and program, however, made its point about our bushwalking and outdoor pursuits generally) relationship with the land more powerfully was founded in the classic discovery and through its signature scenes of his huge 4WD exploration narrative: ‘the journey’ was a rig rocking around bends in a cloud of soil, key idea. In Outdoor Education, journeying and in his remark that this country is best implies an extended walk requiring extensive visited in a helicopter (Hiddens 1996). planning, carrying everything you need, It seems that the great disaster was protecting yourself from hostile weather, capable of spawning updates on the myth, mastering skills such as finding your way, keeping pace with a changing Australian first aid, cooking, finding water, making society: from macho imperialism to beaches camp. Just like Burke and Wills. The rationale and four-wheel drives, all found a place. involves embracing discomfort, endurance How do they do this? Paul Carter (1996, and difficulty in order to achieve a host of p. 10) suggested that ‘the colonizer produces psychological, social, health and personal the country he will inhabit out of his own goals (Slattery 2004). imagining’. Popular Australian imaginings, These are practices and goals of people founded on myths, are easier to accept than who do not live with or in the landscape. some alternative realities. As Europeans They perhaps depend on a fundamental have possessed Australia, ‘imagining’ misconception about ‘being’ in a place, has required accommodating or ignoring one that has colonial origins. In colonial the dispossession of the Aborigines and terms, Aborigines were often characterised destruction of much of their culture. It has as ‘nomads’. But an objective look would denied the inappropriateness of European see that colonising people were the true agriculture for most of the continent, or wanderers (see Figure 10.2). They spread the constraints imposed by boom and their presence well beyond their place of bust ecological cycles. Popular acceptance origin, whereas ‘nomadic’ people, ironically, of exploration as heroic discovery and are deeply connected with a fixed area necessary conquest of Indigenous people of country and do not make unnecessary and nature has been problematic. It remains journeys which are inherently expensive prevalent but is no longer useful in building in terms of energy and efficiency (Brody sustainable relationships, a process that is a 2001). Journeying takes time that could preoccupation of many practitioners in the be better spent in living with what the field of Outdoor Education. landscape provides: this time is needed for These days terms such as ‘exploration’, the equivalents of preparing nardoo, jerking ‘expedition’, ‘adventure’ and ‘wilderness’ are camel meat, looking for water – something commonly used in this context, where they Tom Bergin felt strongly in his 1977 re- sit rather uneasily with an array of modern enactment (Bergin 1981). Knowledge of designer gear, communication devices and other places is shared through overlapping

187 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Figure 10.2: ‘The Exploring party coming upon an encampment of natives 1861’. Henricus Leonardus van den Houten. Oil on canvas. National Library of Australia Pictorial Collection. Accession no. R11532. language, geographical and ceremonial exploration. In the 19th century exploration boundaries, not necessarily through described ‘bushmanship’ as leadership, journeying for its own sake. Even the cause showing qualities such as decision-making, of Burke and Wills’ deaths, poison from confidence, organisation of supplies and thiaminose-blocking vitamin B absorption, management of horses. It also involved would have taken years of interaction to ‘reading the landscape’ for comfortable discover and deal with: detailed interactions campsites, negotiable routes, food and water and knowledge are required. sources for men and animals, openness to Although surmounting intrinsic problems ‘local’ knowledge and avoidance of various is claimed as a success in the practice hazards (Cameron et al. 1999). These are of journeying, it is in fact parasitic on close to skills valued and taught in Outdoor the knowledge and goodwill of ‘nomadic’ Education and outdoor pursuits, but they people. In Australia the Aborigines often tend to avoid questions about how education shared information and acted as guides and might develop relevant and productive custodians: explorers were literally handed practices for living in Australian conditions from group to group by local owners, who as custodians rather than as conquerors or also acted as envoys and negotiated the settlers. explorers’ passage for them (Reynolds 1980; Allen 2011). Even though Burke resisted, Conclusion he was still helped by locals: at the Gulf of Myths are open to contest. As suggested Carpentaria, while floundering in bogs, Burke by Attwood, Bonyhady and Murgatroyd, and Wills were shown a hard well-trodden other versions of achievement, relationship, path, water and yams (Wills diary, quoted in heroism and competence could have been Murgatroyd 2002, p. 212). told as part of the Burke and Wills story; More broadly, the concept of they usually have not been told. Most people ‘bushmanship’ also continues to mimic have never heard of Dick and Peter, of the

188 Telling and retelling national narratives

Yandruwandha, of Becker and Beckler and people, the Victorian Exploring Expedition few have heard of Howitt, yet in terms of and the relief parties. In Burke and Wills: lasting contributions to a national culture, The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian a culture of engagement with the outdoors, Exploring Expedition. (Eds B Joyce and D their contributions provided a firmer basis McCann) pp. 245–274. CSIRO Publishing, than those of the heroic Burke and Wills. The Melbourne. prevailing myth depends for its strength Ascherson N (2002) Stone Voices: The Search on admiration of the value of conquest and for Scotland. Granta Books, London. discovery, not of slow careful observation and Attwood A (2003) Burke’s Soldier. Viking, adaptation to a place and to another culture. Melbourne. The qualities that alternative versions of the Burke and Wills narratives suggest boil Beckler H (1993) A Journey to Cooper’s Creek. down to admiration for a certain openness (Trans. and eds S Jeffries and M Kertesz). to the world outside the self, a state of mind Melbourne University Press and State capable of deriving enormous interest from Library of Victoria, Melbourne. staying put. These interpretations reject aims Bergin T (1981) In the Steps of Burke centred on realities that are carried with the and Wills. Australian Broadcasting self rather than found independent of it. Commission, Sydney. They praise curiosity about various versions Bonyhady T (1991) Burke and Wills: From of structured reality of the external world as Melbourne to Myth. David Ell Press, a source of intrinsic interest. Howitt, Becker Sydney. and Beckler’s attitudes express this. Here, the broader frame of reference Brody H (2001) The Other Side of Eden. is the way in which a nation’s identity is Hunter-gatherers, Farmers and the constantly negotiated, being ‘secured and Shaping of the World. Faber and Faber, legitimated’ through appeals to the ‘common Vancouver. heritage of its people’, in formal history Cameron J, McLaren G and Cooper W (1999) or elsewhere (Soper 2003, p. 31). Recent Bushmanship: the explorers’ silent narratives about the expedition can be seen partner. Australian Geographer 30(3), as part of what is called the history wars, 337–353. or perhaps even ‘black armband’ history Carter P (1996) The Lie of the Land. Faber and (McIntyre and Clark 2003). These histories Faber, London. Boston. are not negative in the sense of rejecting Clune F (1981) Dig: The Burke and Wills the value of the achievements of the settler Saga. Angus and Robertson, Sydney. (First society of the 19th century. Rather, they try published 1937). to find dimensions in those achievements that retain value in a non-imperial age, when Corke D (1994) Where did they bury Charlie indigenous Australian people and nature are Gray? Victorian Historical Journal 65(1), acknowledged. In respecting different views 45–56. of skill, knowledge, empathy, perception or Croft J (2011) Clune, Francis Patrick. In environmental response they suggest new Australian Dictionary of Biography. http:// models to be admired and perhaps emulated, adb.anu.edu.au/. and offer new ideas about how we explore Edmond M (2009) The Supply Party. East and extend this identity. Street Publications, Adelaide. Fitzpatrick K (1961) The Burke and Wills References Expedition and the Royal Society of Argus, 1 September 1858, Editorial, p. 4. Victoria. Historical Studies (Melbourne, Vic.) Allen H (2011) The space between: Aboriginal 10, 470–478.

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Gibson D (2012) John McKinlay – ‘knight Murgatroyd S (2002) The Dig Tree. Text errant of explorers’: an explorer’s Publishing, Melbourne. explorer? Queensland History Journal Nugent M (2006) Historical encounters: 21(8), 575–584. Aboriginal testimony and colonial forms Goodman W (1987) New York Times, 12 June. of commemoration. Aboriginal History 30, http://www.burkeandwills.net.au/. 33–47. Hadwen I (2012) The literature of Burke and Pearn J (2012) ‘Surgeon’ Wills of the Burke Wills. Queensland History Journal 21(8), and Wills expedition 1860–1861: new 537–550. research and a medical perspective of William John Wills (1834–1861). Hiddens L (1996) The great misadventure. Queensland History Journal 21(8), 522– Bush Tucker Man: Survival with Les 536. Hiddens. Australian Broadcasting Commission. http://movies.tvguide.com/ Phoenix D (2012) Burke and Wills: burke-wills/121799 an overview of the expedition, its preparation, planning and outcomes. Joyce B and McCann D (eds) (2011) Burke and Queensland History Journal 21(8), 497– Wills: The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian 509. Exploring Expedition. CSIRO Publishing, Melbourne. Reynolds H (1980) The land, the explorers and the Aborigines. Historical Studies Leahy F (2011) William John Wills as scientist. (Melbourne, Vic.) 19(75), 213–226. In Burke and Wills: The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian Exploring Expedition. (Eds Slattery D (2004) If Burke had been a B Joyce and D McCann) pp. 23–57. CSIRO naturalist: telling and retelling national Publishing, Melbourne. narratives. Australian Journal of Outdoor Education 8(2), 13–21. Lewis D (2007) Notes and documents: death Soper K (2003) Naturalised identities and on the Cooper: King’s secret? Aboriginal the identification of nature: a realist and History 31, 141–146. humanist perspective. In Nature and Long CR (1903) Stories of Australian Identity: Essays on the Culture of Nature. Exploration. Whitcombe and Tombs, (Eds K Pedersen and A Viken). Norwegian Melbourne. Academic Press, Kristiansand. McCourt J (2012) William Landsborough and Thorne P (2011) Foreword. In Burke and the Burke and Wills search expedition. Wills: The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian Queensland History Journal 21(8), 565– Exploring Expedition. (Eds B Joyce and 574. D McCann) p. iii. CSIRO Publishing, McIntyre S and Clark A (2003) The History Melbourne. Wars. Melbourne University Press, Tipping M (ed) (1979) Ludwig Becker: Artist Melbourne. and Naturalist with the Burke and Wills Moorehead A (1963) Cooper’s Creek. Hamish Expedition. Melbourne University Press, Hamilton, London. Melbourne.

190 Chapter 11

The influence of Aboriginal country on artist and naturalist Ludwig Becker of the Victorian Exploring Expedition: Mootwingee, 1860–61

Peta Jeffries

Introduction Exploring Expedition of 1860–61. The position encompassed the multiple roles This chapter is about how the artist and of ‘Geological, Mineralogical, and Natural naturalist of the Burke and Wills Victorian History Observer’, which included a ‘wider Exploring Expedition, Dr Ludwig Becker, range of scientific activities in addition interpreted an Australian Aboriginal place in to that of expedition artist’ (Ninnis 2011, 1861. It is an exploration of one particular p. 315). A largely overlooked aspect of the painting, ‘Water reservoir at Mutwanji’ (see purpose of the Victorian Exploring Expedition Figure 11.1), and the varied worldviews that was that it was a ‘scientific expedition’ it represents. It argues that the painting was (Thorne 2011, p. iii). The expedition was both before and ahead of its time; clearly it organised by the Exploration Committee of was of the time, but it also prefigured later the Royal Society of Victoria, which included ideas about relationship to landscape and leading scientists of the colony who set the with country. By tracing the theoretical, scientific goals for the expedition. aesthetic and scientific influences upon On expeditions and explorations, before Becker this chapter also proposes that the photography became more common, the subjective nature of the work offered an main method of recording the scientific understanding of Aboriginal connection to data of flora, fauna, landscape, Indigenous country. people and meteorological phenomena was Ludwig Becker was appointed artist and by sketching and painting. Becker was given naturalist of the Burke and Wills Victorian detailed instructions, which focused on

191 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills specific requirements for illustration and of Species, he might well have produced a record-keeping (Macadam 1860 in Ninnis unique response to this proposed ordering 2011, p. 315), for example: ‘Sketches of all of Nature and transformed nineteenth- remarkable geological sections are desirable, century art in this country’. Haynes similarly also outline views of mountain ranges, linked Becker with both the Romantic remarkable hills, and other physical features movement and scientific ideas. Becker’s on either side of the line of route; also of approach was revealed through his artwork all objects of natural history and natives with its German Romantic sensitivity ‘to (aborigines)’. elements that transcend physical and Ludwig Becker, inspired by Romanticism material explanation’, effects that are ‘more and the Romantic Sublime, perceived the felt or imagined than visual or measurable’ environment in a unique way, especially (Haynes 1998, p. 100). ‘It is this rare compared to other members of the combination of insights from his two role expedition. Jeffries (1993, p. 191) noted that models – the Romanticism of Friedrich and Becker invoked the category of the sublime the scientific regimen of von Humboldt when referring to the landscapes of western – that makes Becker’s desert landscapes New South Wales or New England. Haynes unique’ (Haynes 1998, p. 100). In ‘Water (1998, p. 100) claimed that ‘had Becker lived reservoir at Mutwanji’ Becker created a work to become familiar with Darwin’s Origin that reveals the challenges faced by many

Figure 11.1: ‘Water reservoir at Mutwanji’. Ludwig Becker. 1861? The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

192 The influence of Aboriginal country on artist and naturalist Ludwig Becker

Australian landscape artists – the desire nature becomes more and more an object to find and express the interconnection of scientific manipulation the attempt to between people and place, self and other reveal a non-sensuous truth not available to – that is, to understand country. This science often tends to be transferred into artwork moves beyond the colonial romantic art. This truth is no longer representable representation of landscape as an act of in any other medium than the particular imperial transformation and verges instead work of art concerned, which therefore on the Abstract Sublime, which challenges becomes an attempt to say the unsayable’ the viewer to consider their relationship (Bowie 2003, p. 46). The naturalist was with nature. Abstract Sublime informed intended to conform to a general scientific the Abstract Expressionist movement, law but Becker, affected by varied influences, which gave non-Aboriginal people a way to communicated a truth of the Australian understand a multi-dimensional sense of landscape that general science alone could country as portrayed in Aboriginal art. not communicate. Art had become a way, This more felt or imagined perception of especially in the tradition of the Sublime, to landscape was particularly revealed in ‘Water express the unsayable. reservoir at Mutwanji’, which was aligned Ludwig Becker, born in Darmstadt, with Aboriginal ways of relating to country; Germany and his friend Viennese-born it revealed the beginning of an alternative Eugène von Guérard, of German parentage, perspective to the naturalist way of belonged to a group called the Forty-Eighters perceiving the landscape. Our understanding whose renunciation of the old world led them of Aboriginal relationships to country has to search for identity in the new – common been made more possible or accessible since reasons for many Europeans to emigrate the emergence of contemporary Aboriginal to Australia after the 1848 revolutions. desert art and our current understanding of Becker and von Guérard stemmed from aesthetic theories and artistic movements. similar backgrounds with noble connections, Therefore, this analysis of how Aboriginal and had travelled extensively in Europe people and place influenced Becker must (Tipping 1991, p. 83). von Guérard received take into consideration the synthesis of a more formal education than Becker and different art movements and other significant in Germany had viewed ‘the work of great influences upon this artist and naturalist of artists in museums … admiring in particular the Victorian Exploring Expedition. the work of Casper David Friedrich’; not ‘only Kant but Goethe must have had some effect Becker’s sublime sentiment as on Guérard’s intellectualism’ for he found a way to understand Aboriginal that he could ‘relate to Kant’s dictum that “Nature adorns eternity with ever-changing country: a link between art appearances” and that the meanest and the and science noblest of her creatures were just as rich One aim for the naturalist artist was to and as inexhaustible’ (Tipping 1991, p. 85). record and document with rational scientific The two men, although practising very detachment. However, because subjectivity different styles of art, both struggled with is inevitably revealed through art practice, repercussions of Enlightenment ideas and art was eventually taken out of the general the rise of modernity, especially the impact scientific law. This polarisation of art and upon the Aboriginal inhabitants of Australia science created many avenues of aesthetic and their environment. Their greatest response to the environment in the ongoing concern was how to represent this. search for meaning and connection. von Guérard and Becker offered unique ‘Kant limits the sublime to nature, but as representations of colonisation, especially

193 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills in regard to Aboriginal people and their Becker within a field of thought that relationship with the environment. They was more able to recognise Aboriginal ‘gave little indication that they considered philosophies of land management or ecology. the natives inferior to Europeans. Nor did Sachs (2003, p. 111) shared a close reading they romanticise the image of the noble of the writings of the explorer–scientist– savage’ (Tipping 1991, p. 82). This is abolitionist Alexander von Humboldt (1769– especially relevant in Becker’s artwork: with 1859). With reference to current ecological elements that transcended physical and issues, Sachs argued that Humboldt could material explanation, his work displayed have been the founder of a humane and effects that are ‘felt or imagined rather than socially conscious ecology. Sachs mediated visual or measurable’ (Haynes 1998, p. 100). the overlaps between environmentalism, As an admirer of Casper David Friedrich, post-colonial theory and the practice of ‘Becker was conscious of looking for the history. He suggested that ‘Humboldt’s antipodean equivalent’ and ‘(u)nlike his efforts to inspire communion with Nature English contemporaries, he was able to exult while simultaneously recognizing Nature’s in the immensity of the Australian desert “otherness” can be seen as radical both in as sublime rather than threatening, and to his day and in ours’ and that his ‘analysis interpret it visually in the romantic tradition’ of the link between the exploitation of (Haynes 1998, p. 100). This is an important natural resources and the exploitation point, because although in early colonial of certain social groups anticipates the Australia there was hope of an inland sea global environmental justice movement’ and visions of grand settlement, much of the (Sachs 2003, p. 111). These were the issues ‘desert’ would later be perceived as ‘useless’ addressed by the philosophies of the German and ‘barren’ land. Romantics and the Sublime artists, and Becker’s greatest desire was to unveil they are especially pertinent in the work of some of the mysteries of this country, a Ludwig Becker. desire shared by Humboldt, who believed The philosophies offer a contemporary that unveiling could be achieved by ‘patient and evolving way of relating to the study of Nature’s differences as part of an environment that has been informed by infinitely varied cosmos’ (Haynes 1998, theory developed over hundreds of years p. 100). He explained that Becker’s landscape and significantly mirroring Aboriginal law, paintings show a degree of experimentation Dreaming and country. ‘A truly mature in recording that is not apparent in the relationship between environmentalism work of any other 19th-century artist. This and post-colonialism’ would likely result in is especially obvious in the painting, ‘Water ‘the embrace of something like the social reservoir at Mutwanji’. ecology that Murray Bookchin has been developing over the last four decades’ which Humboldt’s influence and the can be traced back to Humboldt (Sachs 2003, implications for environmental p. 113). All over the world, but particularly justice and contemporary in the USA, he became known as the founder ecological understanding of a new science, a grand theory which sought to link all the physical elements of interconnectedness and of the world, including every kind of interdependence human being, in a web of interdependence, Humboldt’s influence on Becker in areas ‘to recognize unity in the vast diversity related to ecological thought has significance of phenomena’ and to ‘study the great in some early 21st-century discussions on harmonies of Nature’ (cited in Sachs 2003, environmental justice, because it placed p. 114). This aspect of Humboldt’s theories

194 The influence of Aboriginal country on artist and naturalist Ludwig Becker can be related to Aboriginal philosophies of Abstract Sublime, and most specifically interconnectedness and interdependence, by Abstract Expressionist artists to whom awareness and understanding, which had harmony with nature (both internal and existed for thousands of years prior to white external) is the key. settlement in 1788. Humboldt combined rational empiricism This chapter supports Haynes’ suggestion with a romantic sense of harmony; he had ‘an that if Becker had read Darwin’s Origin almost postmodern awareness that nature of Species he might well have produced a and culture are inextricably linked; yet he unique response to its proposed ordering also felt a profound respect for nature’s of Nature and transformed 19th-century art differentness’ (Sachs 2003, p. 119). Becker in this country. Influenced by Humboldt, shared this understanding or appreciation, Becker did produce a unique response and if revealed in ‘Water reservoir at Mutwanji’ as he had lived longer he may have developed his experiment to understand and connect it further. Humboldt’s reputation later with the landscape. diminished ‘in large to the ascension of Darwinian thought’ and the ‘supplanting of Embracing Indigenous Australian Humboldt’s vision of a unified, harmonious world by Darwin’s “struggle for existence”’ knowledge to develop a sense of (Sachs 2003, p. 116). In this context, belonging and care for country responsibility fell onto artistic aesthetic Becker’s artwork has influenced many artistic depictions of the environment, to express in depictions of the interior of Australia, a topic a more pronounced way what science could that is outside the scope of this chapter but not. Becker offered a understanding of the that is relevant because it places Becker at effect of colonisation, specifically the Burke the forefront of a non-Indigenous attempt to and Wills expedition, on Aboriginal people connect with the landscape in a manner that and place – this painting reveals his search is more in tune with Aboriginal philosophies. for an understanding of humanity in nature. As Gammage (2012, p. 323) stated: ‘if we During colonisation, the artist as are to survive, let alone feel at home, we naturalist operated within the centric must begin to understand our country. structure that objectifies the other, the If we succeed, one day we might become artist as spectator was separated from Australians’. This section reflects on ways nature. ‘Post-colonialism, at its best, means in which non-Indigenous Australians have recuperating the objects of the traveler’s embraced elements of Indigenous Australian gaze’ and ‘in a world so profoundly shaped cosmology to develop a sense of belonging – damaged (he would argue) – by colonialism and care for country. These concepts have and imperialism, it is imperative that become better understood due to artistic scholars focus on celebrating the colonized, representation of place, particularly from on hearing the voices of “others”’ (Sachs Aboriginal art and from rare glimpses that 2003, p. 117). Sachs’ close reading of images such as Becker’s have offered. The Humboldt’s major writings revealed the inclusion of Indigenous peoples’ traditional extent to which he developed ‘a socially understanding of nature benefits not only conscious ecology, a positive vision of practical strategies in the conversation and humanity in nature’ – Humboldt aimed ‘to practical groundwork of conservation and depict the contemplation of natural objects, current environmental justice debates, it also as a means of exciting a pure love of nature’ offers settler Australians a way of connecting (Sachs 2003, p. 118). This pure love of nature with the environment to create a deeper and vision of humanity in nature is revealed sense of belonging that is respectful of in the work of the Romantic Sublime and Aboriginal philosophies.

195 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Becker’s artwork painted at Mootwingee, advice of Bill Neidjie: ‘You got to hang onto a place of great significance to Aboriginal this story because the earth, this ground, people, revealed an interesting response to earth where you brought up, this earth he country. ‘Country’ is an Aboriginal English grow you … This piece of ground he grow term that represents a place that is: you.’ This piece of ground grows you in the … small enough to accommodate face- same way as it grows a plant or a tree, or to-face groups of people, large enough to the cotton that forms our clothes. In this ‘we recognize self-interest in nurturing others sustain their lives, politically autonomous so that for example others will be available in respect of other, structurally equivalent to be hunted, fished or gathered’ (Rose 1999, countries, and at the same time p. 178; Plumwood 1999). With this brief interdependent with other countries, each understanding of Aboriginal relationships country is itself the focus and source of with the environment we can now look at Indigenous law and life practice. To use Mootwingee as Ludwig Becker interpreted it. the philosopher’s term, one’s country is a Insights from Herman Beckler will also be nourishing terrain, a place that gives and considered. receives life (Rose 1999, p. 177). It is important to understand that country is ‘multidimensional: it consists of people, Interpreting Mootwingee animals, plants, Dreamings; underground, Mootwingee is approximately 130 km north- east of Broken Hill in New South Wales,. earth, soils, minerals and waters, surface Another German scientist on the expedition, water, and air’. It has a past and a future and Hermann Beckler, described Mootwingee (or exists both in and through time; humans Mutanié) as ‘a small paradise’ (Beckler 1993, were created for country and p. 107): human groups hold the view that they Nature, so sparing over large areas here, are an extremely important part of the had lavishly thrown a wealth of varying life of their country. It is not possible, beauty and grace over the Mutanié however, to contend that a country, or Ranges. Because of their diversity and indeed regional system of countries, is because they were concentrated in such human centered. To the extent that a a small area, they are very difficult to country or region can be said to have a describe in detail. There was a charming central focus, that focus is the system of valley, about ten miles in length and half interdependent responsibilities by which to one mile across, enclosed on either the continuity of life in the country and side by gentle hills which alternated with the region is ensured (Rose 1999, p. 178). steep rock-faces and weathered stone. These ‘nourishing terrains’ require a Contained within the eastern hills were consciousness and responsibility from five major gorges, each containing one or all participants in living systems, their more rocky reservoirs. Every one of them interdependence leading to a fundamental was unique in its shape and formation. proposition of Aboriginal law: ‘those who Thick scrub covered the row of hills and destroy their country destroy themselves’ the rocky outcrops to the east right down (Rose 1999, p. 178). Country is the created to the valley floor, whereas on the left world, ‘brought into being as a world of form, (westwards) the plant cover was thinner difference, connection and responsibility by and consisted primarily of smaller the great creating beings, called Dreamings’ plants. On the flat floor of the valley, the (Rose 1999, p. 178). They encourage scene was so peaceful and inviting that connection with and a sense of caring for one thinks of oneself as surrounded by country. We should listen to the Indigenous cultivated land and wants to look for

196 The influence of Aboriginal country on artist and naturalist Ludwig Becker

the homes of civilised people. This was low cassia bushes whose natural growth Mutanié (Beckler 1993, p. 105). was such that from a distance they This description showed the uniqueness of appeared to have been clipped, forming Mootwingee’s geography in the surrounding regular green lines or strips. Once again semi-arid landscape. Beckler viewed the place one felt that a civilised hand must have as worthy of settlement and considered that been at work (Beckler 1993, p. 107). it looked like it had already been ‘civilised’. Most obvious in this passage is the This supports the thesis that the country human-centric tradition, with Beckler was ‘made by the Aborigines’ (Gammage describing the country’s suitability for 2012). However, any acknowledgement by feeding stock, showing the utilitarian hopes Beckler of Aboriginal presence and agency for the country but giving no apparent credit was only subtle. He continued: ‘It is highly to the Indigenous inhabitants. Developing probable that a settler has already set up a sense of familiarity was a prerequisite for his hut there as I write these lines and is settlers to feel ‘at home’ and comfortable in grazing his sheep. And to live there in peace, new environments; part of the process of far removed from the noise of the world in colonising a place was creating an aesthetic the modest, uncomplicated way offered by image reminiscent of ‘home’. Visions or the extreme isolation and the bush – I do recognition of cultivation, of humanity not hesitate to call Mutanié a small paradise’ within nature, were obviously comforting (Beckler 1993, p. 106). for Beckler. The cultivated appearance of This colonising response to place reveals Mootwingee was aesthetically beautiful to the that Beckler ‘draws on a principal rhetorical colonial eye, and it offered something more: convention from the humanist tradition, the I had indeed intended to describe the locus amoenus (a pleasant place) in order individual gorges, but however readily to express his enthusiasm for Mootwingee’ my memory returns to them, the task (Jeffries 1993, p. 191). Jeffries incorrectly seems more and more thankless. We will suggested that, unlike Ludwig Becker, Beckler take leave now from Mutanié with a last never invoked the sublime when referring visit to the second gorge from the south, to the country through which they travelled the most magnificent of them all and the (Jeffries 1993, p. 191). Beckler did express one which held the largest and loveliest both the instrumentalist cause and sublime reservoir. Even after repeatedly visiting sentiments of awe and great love towards this gorge, the traveller is overcome by a nature: sense of reverent awe. Vertical rock-faces, Our camels stood chest deep in the best dark grey to a height of 20 to 35 feet and feed wherever the gravelly beds of the above that a lively yellow clay colour to a creeks entered the valley. There was height of 60 to 70 feet, enclosed a sheet also plenty of grass available so that the of water of about 50 feet in diameter on horses were equally well provided for. three sides. The sun was close to setting Large, isolated eucalypts stood along the and the night’s shadows had already watercourses, and here and there was a crept on to this lonely spot, but the ruin- splendid grevillea (never found south of like, rocky spires still reflected the light of the Mutanié Ranges) with rough, black, the fading sun – an astonishing effect of iron coloured bark, leaves in bundles light and shade in such a closely confined and numerous white clusters of flowers space. Still darker rocks were mirrored on standing vertically upright (in the the dark, shadowy water surface (Beckler manner of our wild chestnuts). As one 1993, p. 107). travelled northwards the valley acquired Thus Beckler did refer to Mootwingee with a curious appearance from the rows of ideas of the sublime, denoting a ‘sense of

197 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills reverent awe’ and using German Romanticism detailed rational representation of the rock to describe the ‘ruin-like, rocky spires’, formations, the outline of the gorge and the an analogy that paralleled nature with the rock pool, but it fell short of addressing the church. Perhaps the perceived loneliness of artist’s relation or interdependence with Mootwingee expressed a personal longing to nature. Only through the abstraction of this connect. Beckler’s recollection of the gorge careful sketch can we begin to appreciate the is a fitting description of Becker’s painting: complex diversity of this place. ‘This scenery caused very great difficulty for our artist. The narrow picture rose in front of Beyond rational empiricism and around us to such heights that, viewed towards harmony in complex at close range, it could not be accommodated by the rules of perspective’ (Beckler 1993, diversity: art theory as a way p. 107). of comprehending Aboriginal Becker may have had difficulty not only philosophies of country with the rules of perspective; he could have Becker’s ‘Water reservoir at Mutwanji’ been struggling to convey the ‘astonishing overlaps the aesthetic boundaries of effect of light and shade’ and his response to Northern and German Romanticism, the this spiritually significant Aboriginal place Sublime and the Abstract Sublime, resulting (see Beckett et al. 2008 for the significance in a semi-abstract interpretation of a highly of Aboriginal connections with the country spiritual Aboriginal place that expresses of Mootwingee). However, as can be seen the sentiment of Aboriginal country. This in Figure 11.2, Becker resolved any issues overlap is important to consider, together about perspective. The empirical sketch is a with the understanding that each movement

Figure 11.2: ‘Reservoir in Mootwanji Ranges [Gorge Mootwanji]’. Ludwig Becker. 1861? The Royal Society of Victoria Collection: The State Library of Victoria. Accession no. H16486.

198 The influence of Aboriginal country on artist and naturalist Ludwig Becker influenced Abstract Expressionism. In Madrid due to the low horizon and seemingly in 2008, there was an exhibition called The featureless vista. Mootwingee offered Becker Abstraction of Landscape: From Northern an opportunity to depict the arid regions Romanticism to Abstract Expressionism, which through the aesthetics offered by the art followed the ‘evolution of the Romantic movements evolving simultaneously in landscape throughout modernism up to its Europe and the USA. ultimate abstraction in American Abstract The ‘desert’ (arid and semi-arid zones Expressionism’ as conceived by art historian of Australia) seemed a place of few visual Robert Rosenblum of Oxford University. This objects but apparently limitless space synthesis began in an earlier publication charged with a sense of the infinite. Edmund (Rosenblum 1961), in which he ‘first Burke’s Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin proposed a connection between the Romantic of Our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful tradition of Northern Europe and the (1757) offered the most influential analysis movement American Abstract Expressionism’ of such feelings: ‘Greatness of dimension (Fundación Juan March 2008, p. 7). This is a powerful cause of the sublime’ (cited section covers Rosenblum’s thesis that the in Rosenblum 1975, p. 161). Quoting from 19th-century landscape and the Northern Kant’s Critique of Judgment (1790 1, Book 2, Romantic tradition was ‘the origin of modern §23), ‘the Beautiful in nature is connected abstraction … the birth of abstraction’ with the form of the object, which consists in which came ‘out of the spirit of Romantic having boundaries, the Sublime is to be found Landscape’. in a formless object, so far as in it, or by Linking Becker’s work to the Romantic, occasion of it, boundlessness is represented’. Romantic Sublime, Abstract Sublime and It has been argued that ‘such a breathtaking Abstract Expressionism offers a theoretical confrontation with a boundlessness in which entry point into understanding the ‘truth’ we also experience an equally powerful that he was attempting to reveal with totality is a motif that continually links the ‘Water reservoir at Mutwanji’. The following painters of the Romantic Sublime’ (Fundacion discussion looks at how Rosenblum’s thesis Juan March 2008, p. 163). Examples are is supported by Becker’s interpretation of the Caspar David Friedrich’s Monk by the Sea Australian landscape and how this connects (c. 1809), a great inspiration to Becker, and with our contemporary understanding of Turner’s Evening Star (c. 1830), a painting Aboriginal country. that has many similarities to Becker’s work. The colonial structure inflicted many of Another is Rothko’s Light Earth over Blue the first Europeans to explore Australia with (1954), which reveals affinities of vision cultural blindness to Aboriginal country. The and feeling. These artistic developments of most alarming prospect faced by the inland Abstract Expressionism replace ‘the abrasive, explorers, coming from heavily populated ragged fissures of Ward’s and Still’s real Britain and Europe, was the ‘Ghastly Blank’ and abstract gorges with a no less numbing (Moorehead 1963, p. 1). This was ‘particularly phenomenon of light and void, Rothko, true of the desert with its repeated vistas of like Friedrich and Turner, places us on empty horizontal plane under a cloudless, the threshold of those shapeless infinities overarching sky’; it seems paradoxical that discussed by the estheticians of the Sublime’ this vast expanse of apparently empty space (Rosenblum 1961, cited in Fundacion Juan was so frequently described, in explorers’ March 2008, p. 163). Becker’s work shows accounts, ‘in the Gothic terms of enclosure similar developments. and entrapment’ (Haynes 1998, p. 77). The Becker softened and abstracted the ragged arid regions challenged the European rules fissures of the Mootwingee Gorge, offering a of perspective and picture composition, phenomenon of light and void. The painting

199 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills offers vision and feeling of something which of the mysteries of this country, to offer a Becker found indescribable in words; the ‘true’ response to the people and the place. work was not mentioned in his journals The painting shows Becker’s resistance to or letters and he did not record its date of the French and Dusseldorf influences that completion. The painting offers a sense of inspired artists such as von Guérard to timelessness and wonder: it offers stillness paint fanciful, finely detailed, allegorical or that exists both in and through time. The religious stories where the landscape and painting offers no hint of time, and we could Aboriginal were often ‘backgrounded’ (Rose easily assume that it is contemporary instead 1999, p. 176). The challenge of revealing of 19th-century Australian colonial Romantic the ‘truth’ was shared by many artists and art. scientists of the time and is still relevant Becker’s painting emanates an unseen today in forming relationships with place force similar to that found in the blurring and accepting the concepts associated with boundaries of Romantic Sublime and the Aboriginal-defined multi-dimensional Abstract Sublime. During the Romantic era, country. ‘the sublimities of nature gave proof of the Becker painted not solely what he saw divine: today such supernatural experiences at Mootwingee but also what he saw within are conveyed through the abstract medium himself. The central perspective was where of paint alone’ (Rosenblum 1961, p. 166). the water met the rocks at the centre but, Is what we see in Becker’s painting the with the reflection of the sky in the water, the beginning of a similar experience, where contrast of light and shadow and the blurring the only way to express the timelessness of the jagged rockface, Becker showed a or spiritual unknown of the landscape is subjective response which draws the viewer through abstract painting? Like Turner’s deep into another world. He offers a brief and Friedrich’s works in which ‘the mystic glimpse of the visible world, and a sense of a trinity of sky, water and earth … appears to sublimely immense unknown world. emanate from an unseen force’ (Rosenblum Becker’s painting introduces the viewer to 1961, p. 166), a similar description could a world that can be more easily understood be applied to Becker’s painting. Rosenblum through Aboriginal concepts of the held that the line from ‘the Romantic interconnectedness and multi-dimensionality Sublime to the Abstract Sublime is broken of country and/or the art theory of the and devious, for its tradition is more one of Sublime, Abstract Sublime and Abstract erratic, private feeling than submission to Expressionism. The viewer’s eye is led below objective disciplines’. This private feeling the horizon and deep into the earthen rock is expressed in Becker’s painting with its where the sky reflected in the water creates sublime abstraction, especially if we compare another space. This challenges the idea of it with the pictorial work of von Guérard, central perspective in art, as does the lack of who preferred the French tradition that a horizon line in the work of central desert dominated landscape painting at the time. landscape painters. Ludwig Becker maintained the continuity and overlap of the Romantic tradition and Aborigines inventing the idea of touched upon the Abstract Sublime to express the multi-dimensional quality of modern art: Australia’s unique the Aboriginal landscape. Becker’s artwork art movement showed a void filled with a meditative The lack of horizon line and flattened stillness and reflective response that perspective of landscape art is reasonably revealed the limitless power of this sacred well-understood and it could be argued that place. It was an attempt to unveil some Aboriginal philosophies of country were at

200 The influence of Aboriginal country on artist and naturalist Ludwig Becker the forefront of this artistic development. then that Aboriginal art did not properly Australian art historian Ian McLean (2011), seduce the artworld until the late- a well-known commentator on Aboriginal twentieth century (McLean 2011, p. 23). and non-Aboriginal Australian art, edited Eurocentric eyes could not fully appreciate and introduced a book of writings on Aboriginal aesthetics without understanding Aboriginal contemporary art, How Aborigines the significance of Abstract Expressionism Invented the Idea of Contemporary Art. As and the connection between Romanticism, the previous sections have shown, Becker’s the Sublime, the landscape and the multiple influences offered an alternative interconnectedness of humans with nature. way to relate to the people and places he Becker was influenced by Aboriginal people, encountered, which enabled him to explore appreciating their artwork at Mootwingee and the interconnectedness of nature and their philosophical and spiritual connections humanity revealed by Aboriginal people with country revealed to him through the and place. The influence of Aboriginal educational influences of Romanticism and country on Becker situates his work within a Humboldt. Becker was searching for the contemporary aesthetic. It could be argued antipodean equivalent to the art and science that Aboriginal philosophy is most strongly popular in Europe and the USA in a manner portrayed through art and is more easily that decentred the colonial structure. understood through the framework of our As McLean (2011, p. 23) stated, the contemporary understanding or appreciation ‘Australian artworld’s blinkered Eurocentrism of aesthetics – through art theory and is the main reason for its extreme tardiness historical identification of ‘art movements’. in recognising the aesthetic relevance of Appropriation of Aboriginal philosophies Aboriginal art’. Although Johnson (1987) as a way to develop connections and argued that ‘the triumph of Aboriginal understanding of place has a long history contemporary art was the result of a within Australia, particularly within the art deliberate move by Aboriginal artists on the world. The Australian ‘Modernists’, such as art world, rather than an internal move in the Margaret Preston and Len Lye, realised in self-fascinated games of the art world’, the the 1920s that the Aboriginal aesthetic had art world had to ‘change its way of thinking ‘relevance to their own practice’ (McLean before Aboriginal art could hope for a place 2011, p. 23). Later Modernists were ‘enticed at the table’ (McLean 2011, p. 43). By 1989 by the affinity they saw between Aboriginal the contemporary Australian art ‘landscape’ art forms and avant-garde European art, had been ‘upturned so thoroughly and in especially cubism and expressionism’ ways completely unforeseen’ that ‘there was (McLean 2011, p. 23): no going back’ (McLean 2011, p. 42). The One newspaper reporter was onto it critic Nicholas Baume wrote: early, facetiously writing in 1929, in There is a kind of art now being produced a report on the Melbourne exhibition in Australia … that isn’t stifled by Australian Aboriginal Art, that ‘many of influence. Ironically, it is often said to these (bark paintings) are the works of resemble the very styles whose influence the fierce Alligator River tribes, whose on modern Australian art has been artists evidently included cubists and most stifling – Abstract Expressionism impressionists’. If the Kakadu barks and Minimalism. Unlike the provincial looked cubist, most Aboriginal art would versions of such movements, this art is not begin to look like modernism until not derivative, its resemblance being later in the century, when abstract more a matter of coincidence than expressionism and minimalism became emulation. Aboriginal art, in particular the avant-gardist norm. Little wonder that made in Central Australia using

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non-traditional materials, has achieved as Abstract Expressionism, Minimalist, a degree of international recognition Fauvist’. However, the terminology of art accorded to few, if any, contemporary theory and criticism does offer a way to white Australian artists. It is a long time interpret and respond to a work in which the since Australia has boasted anything that aura is so strong that there is no denying could conceivably be called a ‘school of the interconnectedness between artist and painting’. The very idea of a stylistically country, self and other, internal and external. and ideologically coherent movement in With the appreciation that Aboriginal art is all but unthinkable in the 1980s, and non-Aboriginal art such as the work of a period marked by stylisation rather Ludwig Becker has meaning when understood than any particular visual continuity, in terms of subjects rather than objects, we by ambiguity rather than ideology. begin to see the similarities within the desire Nevertheless, a movement is precisely to express the multi-dimensional sense of what has been recognised (Baume 1989, country. Langton stated that Aboriginal art p. 110). is more than ‘an important component of In no way is this chapter comparing the contemporary artworld: it fulfills the Becker’s ‘Water reservoir at Mutwanji’ to primary historical function of Australian art the reverence and power of Aboriginal art’s by showing “the settler Australian audience, ability to express interconnectedness with caught ambiguously between old and new nature. The intention is to show that Becker lands” a way to “belong to this place rather was sensitive to the sacred significance than another”. Thus Aboriginal contemporary of Mootwingee and was able to articulate art is not just the most successful Australian or interpret it through his painting. By art movement, it is what Australian art has highlighting how and at what points of always aspired to be’ (cited in McLean 2011, p. 63). This chapter has proven that this is reference this was possible, we show that exactly what Ludwig Becker and his artwork Becker was attempting to unveil the secrets aspired to do and be. of place. His painting reveals a spiritual connection and acknowledgement of the earth centre as Mother, as home. In no way Conclusion has he appropriated motifs or sacred stories; Becker was a person of science and art; he has in a Romantic, Abstract Sublime way inspired by Humboldt and the Romantic portrayed the inexplicable. The horizon line and Sublime traditions, he was aware of the is lifted and the central perspective leads interconnectedness and interdependence into infinity, the core of the earth. The sky is of all species. He was aware of and thought reflected in the water, connecting heaven to about relationships between self and nature, the earth to create a multi-dimensional sense the internal connections to the external of place. world. In ‘Water reservoir at Mutwanji’ the We could argue that although Becker was central perspective is slightly dislocated – the responding to place and his relationship to vanishing point is not towards and into the country, the painting can only be interpreted horizon but into the earth. The abstraction of through the Eurocentric understanding of form and colour creates a sensory connection Modernist art and not through Aboriginal to place, a mirror to immensity. philosophies. As Margo Neale (1998, p. 23) In order to ‘begin to understand Aboriginal stated in regard to Emily Kame Kngwarreye’s people’s perception of the desert we must work: ‘abstraction neither belongs to nor appreciate the inseparable trinity that is owes anything to the linage of mainly white fundamental to their culture and beliefs: male modernist artists who preceded her the Ancestors – spiritual beings who created … The paintings refuse to be categorised and continue to nurture the land in which

202 The influence of Aboriginal country on artist and naturalist Ludwig Becker they dwell; the biological species including and nature. In this painting the narrative of humans, that the Ancestors created; and colonial occupation has subsided, for Becker the living, sustaining the land’ (Haynes did not need to represent familiarity; it offers 1998, p. 12). Aboriginal philosophies and/or instead a multi-dimensional relationship with Creation stories locate creative power not in place. the heavens but deep within the land. This is reflected in Becker’s painting. Endnote Art offers a view of the world that science 1 This research was supported by Australian cannot. It involves subjective responses Research Council funding (The Burke and from both artist and viewer, each filtered Wills Scientific Expedition 1860–61: the through their separate influences and Aboriginal Story: LP 110100088). experiences. The ‘authenticity of the artists’ spiritual practices must be taken seriously. Far from being a repressed supplement in References an otherwise conceptualist or postmodern Adams WM and Mulligan M (eds) (2003) practice, as it is for many postmodern critics, Decolonizing Nature: Strategies for Aboriginal spirituality is the “difference that Conservation in a Postcolonial Era. makes the difference”’ (McLean 2011, p. 62). Earthscan Publications, London. As outlined in this chapter, non-Indigenous ‘Aboriginal art show opened’ (1929) 9 July. spiritual connections to the land must also The Herald, Melbourne. be taken seriously otherwise there will Baume N (1989) The interpretation of remain a sense of detachment from place, Dreamings: the Australian Aboriginal self and other. An artistic response to place acrylic movement. Art and Text 33, 110. may be the only way to articulate that which is ‘unsayable’. Becker L (1979) Letter to Dr Macadam, 25 Australian artists have long aspired to December 1860. In Ludwig Becker: Artist develop a way to portray their connections and Naturalist with the Burke and Wills to country, and Becker’s synthesis of Expedition. (Ed. M Tipping) pp. 190–191. styles reveals his attempt to move beyond Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. the traditions of European landscape Beckett J, Hercus L, Martin S and Colyer painting towards an intersubjective story C (eds) (2008) Mutawintji: Aboriginal of place. ‘Water reservoir at Mutwanji’ Cultural Association with Mutawintji does not subdue the spiritual vibrancy of National Park. National Library of the landscape but enhances it to create Australia. Office of the Registrar, an semi-abstract Romantic Sublime sense Aboriginal Land Rights Act 1983, Sydney. of harmony and balance. Becker’s work Beckler H (1993) A Journey to Cooper’s Creek: has strongly influenced contemporary Hermann Beckler. (Trans and eds S Jeffries interpretations of landscape in Australian and M Kertesz). Melbourne University art. It is worthy of further aesthetic analysis Press and State Library of Victoria, for it clearly reveals the attempts made by Melbourne. settler Australians, who were caught not Bowie A (2003) Aesthetics and Subjectivity: only between old and new lands but between From Kant to Nietzsche. Manchester old and new ways of relating to the land, to University Press, Manchester. search for a way to belong to this place. The painting reveals a visually creative form, a Carter P (1987) Road to Botany Bay. Faber and new aesthetic understanding of beauty in Faber, London. the 19th century, and a consideration and Chatwin B (1987) The Songlines. Picador, awareness of the relationship between self London.

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Dening G (1996) Performances. Melbourne Hamilton, London. University Press, Melbourne. Neal M (1998) Two worlds: one vision. In Dugan KG (1979) Marsupials and Emily Kame Kngwarreye: Alhalkere: monotremes: anomalies in the Paintings from Utopia. (Ed. M Neale). development of biological theories. PhD Queensland Art Gallery, Brisbane. dissertation, University of Kansas. Ninnis E (2011) The art of the Victorian Fundacion Juan March (2008) The Abstraction Exploring Expedition. In Burke and Wills: of Landscape: From Northern Romanticism The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian to Abstract Expressionism. Exhibition Exploring Expedition. (Eds EB Joyce and DA catalogue, 5 October 2007–13 January McCann) pp. 321–327. CSIRO Publishing, 2008. Fundacion Juan March, Madrid. Melbourne. Gammage B (2012) The Biggest Estate on Plumwood V (1999) Ecological ethics from Earth: How Aborigines made Australia. rights to recognition: multiple spheres of Allen and Unwin, Sydney. justice for humans, animals and nature. In Haynes RD (1998) Seeking the Centre: Global Ethics and Environment. (Ed. N Low) The Australian Desert in Literature, Art pp. 188–221. Routledge, London. and Film. Cambridge University Press, Plumwood V (2002) Environmental Culture: Cambridge. The Ecological Crisis of Reason. London, Hoffmann W (2008) The parts of the whole. Routledge. In The Abstraction of Landscape: From Plumwood V (2003) Decolonizing Northern Romanticism to Abstract relationships with nature. In Decolonizing Expressionism. Exhibition catalogue, 5 Nature: Strategies for Conservation October 2007–13 January 2008, pp. 17–28. in a Postcolonial Era. (Eds WM Adams Fundacion Juan March, Madrid. and M Mulligan) pp. 51–78. Earthscan Jeffries S (ed.) (1993) A Journey to Cooper’s Publications, London. Creek: Hermann Beckler. (Trans. and Plumwood V (2008) Shadow places and the eds S Jeffries and M Kertesz). Melbourne politics of dwelling. Australian Humanities University Press and State Library of Review 44, March. ANU e-Press, Canberra. Victoria, Melbourne. http://www.australianhumanitiesreview. Johnson V (1987) Our appropriation is your org/archive/Issue-March-2008/plumwood. dispossession. Praxis M 17, 495. html. Accessed 17 July 2009. Joyce EB and McCann DA (eds) (2011) Burke Rayment D (2008) Love and pain as portals to and Wills: The Scientific Legacy of the the centre. Studies in Religion, University Victorian Exploring Expedition. CSIRO of Sydney. http://ojs-prod.library. Publishing, Melbourne. usyd.edu.au/index.php/SSR/article/ Kant I (1790) Critique of Judgement.1, Book view/617/590. Accessed 21 May 2012. 2, §23. Reynolds H (2006a) A new historical Langton M (1996) What do you mean by landscape? A response to Michael Connor’s wilderness? Wilderness and terra nullius ‘The Invention of terra nullius’. The in Australian art. Sydney Papers 8(4), 10- Monthly 11, 50–53. 31. Reynolds H (2006b) The Other Side of the McLean I (ed.) (2011) How Aborigines Invented Frontier: Aboriginal Resistance to the the Idea of Contemporary Art. Institute of European Invasion of Australia. University Modern Art. Power Publications, University of New South Wales Press, Sydney. of Sydney. Rose DB (1996) Nourishing Terrains: Moorehead A (1963) Cooper’s Creek. Hamish Australian Aboriginal Views of Landscape

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and Wilderness. Australian Heritage History and Theory 42(4), 111–135. Commission, Canberra. Thorne P (2011) Foreword. In Burke and Rose DB (1999) Indigenous ecologies and an Wills: The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian ethic of connection. In Global Ethics and Exploring Expedition. (Eds EB Joyce and Environment. (Ed. N Low) pp. 175–187. DA McCann) pp. iii–vi. CSIRO Publishing, Routledge, London. Melbourne. Rose DB (2000) Writing place. In Writing Tipping MJ (1978a) ‘Becker’s portraits of Histories: Imaginations and Narration Billy and Jemmy (Tilki)’. La Trobe Library (Eds A Curthoys and A McGrath). Monash Journal 6(22), 1–7. Publications in History, Monash University. Tipping MJ (1978b) The life and work of Rose DB (2004) Reports from a Wild Country: Ludwig Becker (1808–1861): with a critical Ethics for Decolonization. University of analysis of his Australian oeuvre and an New South Wales Press, Sydney. appreciation of his contribution to artistic Rosenblum R (1961) The abstract sublime. and scientific developments in Victoria. ARTnews 59(10), 38–41, 56, 58. In Unpublished dissertation. Fundacion Juan March (2008) The Tipping MJ (1979) Ludwig Becker: Artist Abstraction of Landscape: From Northern and Naturalist with the Burke and Wills Romanticism to Abstract Expressionism. Expedition. Melbourne University Press for Exhibition catalogue, 5 October 2007–13 the Library Council of Victoria, Melbourne. January 2008. Fundacion Juan March, Tipping MJ (1991) Ludwig Becker and Eugene Madrid. von Guerard: German artists and the Rosenblum R (1975) Modern Painting and the Aboriginal habitat. In From Berlin to the Northern Romantic Tradition: Friedrich to Burdekin. (Eds J Tampke and D Walker) Rothko. Thames and Hudson, London. pp. 81–107. University of New South Wales Sachs A (2003) The ultimate ‘other’: post- Press, Sydney. colonialism and Alexander von Humboldt’s Weiskel T (1986) The Romantic Sublime. ecological relationship with nature. Johns Hopkins University Press, London.

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‡7HQ&RPPLWPHQWVSSLQGG $0 Chapter 12

If I belong here … how did that come to be?

Paul Lambeth

Introduction ongoing collective cultural narrative via a representation of the events at Cooper Creek A notion available to non-Indigenous in 1861. Australians at this point in our history is a Almost 150 years after Burke and Wills recognition we are living in an Aboriginal headed north on their ill-fated expedition to land. Investigating this view within arts the Gulf of Carpentaria and back, I stood on practice led me to question, ‘If I belong here a small hillock somewhere in south-western … how did that come to be?’ The series of Queensland and considered my position in events leading to the deaths of Burke and this place on this continent at this time as a Wills on Cooper Creek in 1861 provided non-Indigenous Australian. Many accounts a departure point for consideration of of inland Australian exploration can be my question. While the Burke and Wills considered extraordinary human endeavours: expedition is a well-documented event in accounts of the Burke and Wills expedition Australia’s colonial history, over time it has stand out as raw tragedy, inherently loaded merged to myth status for a post-colonial with poetic opportunity for contemporary audience. While the expedition may be readings including exploring what it is to be read as an investment in both science and non-Indigenous in an Indigenous land. The imagination, our post-colonial collective events in raw form rise above an account imaginations have continued to develop of mere facts. The final days of Burke and mytho-poetic readings of its events. This Wills at Cooper Creek may well have come chapter will contribute to Australia’s from the imagination of a gifted writer

207 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills exaggerating for effect, and climaxing in this country in the 21st century. Unlike the the death of Burke and Wills. The story members of the Burke and Wills expedition, is a rich source of material for creative the success or otherwise of my movement response, loaded with content relevant to through place was not measured by physical contemporary human experience. survival or by confirmation that inland A key component in this imaginative Australia is a land of riches or an Arcadian juxtaposition of the Burke and Wills story wonderland, but rather by a self-set artistic with my contemporary response was a visit plan. to the Dig tree in 2007. The content of the images central to this investigation is a combination of my imaginative response and my physical experience of the landscape traversed by the Burke and Wills expedition. The raw information for my creative response was acquired by immersion in the various written and visual accounts of the Burke and Wills expedition, coupled with direct personal contact with the general and specific places that are the backdrop to this part of Australia’s non-Indigenous formative history. The intention was to transform a personal history of artistic practice into a cohesive body of work, both written and visual. I am treading uncertain ground, if claiming to Figure 12.1: ‘The meaning is here, tragic as it feels’. make a contribution via a discussion of felt 2007. Paul Lambeth. Oil on canvas, 60 × 60 cm. discordant and harmonious responses to © The artist. place. The word ‘felt’ is problematic in an academic context where the focus is on the In establishing a plan to trace the contribution of ‘knowledge’. cultural steps of place using the Burke and Wills expedition as a platform for creative If I belong here … how did that exploration, I observed an imbalance come to be? between a genuine knowledge of place and the popular knowledge of inland Australians Paul Carter’s (1987) notion of spatial held by most people who inhabit the coastal history was central in my thinking about fringe of this continent. The tragic outcome my non-Indigenous position in place and for Burke, Wills and others underlined the role of the Burke and Wills expedition the limited knowledge of place held by in contributing to my understanding of my inherited cultural position (see Figure both organisers of and participants in the 12.1). Carter (1987, p. xxi) suggested that expedition (see Figure 12.2). An obvious our colonial forebears were ‘making spatial supporting point is the decision to cross history. They were choosing directions, the continent during the hottest and most applying names, imagining goals, inhabiting difficult time of year (ignoring for a moment the country’. the background political reasons for doing There has been change in understanding so). Shifting this observation to the 21st and aspiration of place in the 150 years century, I posed a number of questions between the Burke and Wills expedition and for contemporary consideration. For this my own movement across the inland of non-Indigenous Australian, what part did

208 If I belong here … how did that come to be? the tragic deaths of Burke and Wills play in while acknowledging existing background determining my position in this place? More references. poetically, does it take culturally connected For post-modern humanity and a post- bones in the earth to understand one’s place colonial Australia, the Australian landscape in it? Is our collective knowledge of place will continue to be a multi-layered space still inadequate to manage ourselves, our of physical and philosophical meaning, no environment? What role can a contribution matter what current descriptors are used to to our cultural narrative play in stimulating frame our narratives of this place. In addition understanding of place? to the multiple layers of existing stories associated with the country, my presence in these spaces came with a life of learned information that determined a personal perception of place (see Figure 12.3). I was like Burke and Wills, a package deal of curiosity and baggage, which caused me to ask as Carter (1987, p. xxi) asked: ‘Before the name: what was the place like before it was named?’

Figure 12.2: ‘This is not a dead heart, the colour of soil and blood’. 2008. Paul Lambeth. Oil on canvas, 45 × 45 cm. © The artist.

My approach in aspiring to contribute to our perpetual cultural narrative may be described as a search for small signs articulating qualities of place in the form of images and poetic language, recognising I came in the skin of an outsider with Figure 12.3: ‘Bring your curiosity, bring your an aspiration to connect with place. baggage’. 2007. Paul Lambeth. Oil on canvas, 45 × The duality of my self-recognition as 45 cm. © The artist. both an outsider and belonging to place presented a platform for my questioning Another key purpose in choosing events of and the subsequent creative responses. the Burke and Wills expedition as background When moving through unfamiliar places research material was to provide a location of inland Australia, I reminded myself of in time and place for imaginative projection the pre-existing Indigenous and colonial and reflection. During this process my focus stories of the land, recognising it is a shifted from responding to specific places palimpsest of geological, organic and human to including non-specific places, by which I endeavour. The experience of positioning meant the spaces between places. That is not self in a physical and cultural place offered to say these places were not named or were opportunity to exercise creative curiosity not places with meaning, simply that my lack

209 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills of knowledge limited my access and ability as background material for a visual artistic for a framed cultural reading. My reading of journey, was to avoid descriptive narrative place was a broken line with some in-between or direct visual reference to the explorers knowledge, either imagined or inherited. I themselves or to the detailed events of was both insider and outsider to place (see the expedition. However, I made direct Figure 12.4). As insider, knowledge of the reference to the events at Cooper Creek in Burke and Wills story provided meaning to the poems as a vehicle of representation the Dig tree site, an otherwise non-imagined and investigation of exultant ideas. Within place. As outsider, the journey to specific my hierarchy of concerns was a comparative sites with attached non-Indigenous story response to place between Burke and Wills such as the Dig tree, was predominantly a and myself. This comparison was informed journey through unnamed territory. The by researched accounts and imagined views Dig tree site has become a specific place of expedition events. for contemporary Australians; for a non- In my imagined readings of the expedition Indigenous coastal-dwelling outsider, the I considered the nature of the individual journey there was a generalist experience characters of Burke and Wills using a across unnamed unimagined no-man’s culturally powerful image of misplaced land. The post-colonial map of physical optimism, that of Cervantes’ novel Don place provided names of general areas only. Quixote, a story of appalling innocence in Claiming physical ownership or knowledge of the face of overwhelming odds. I overtly place may start with naming or renaming but superimposed the relationship between belonging to place, feeling place, may require Don Quixote de la Mancha and his blindly another level of connection. A connection faithful squire Sancho Panza over that of developed through collective experience and the central characters in our Burke and Wills continued analysis of our ongoing cultural story. I pictured Burke as an anti-hero, an narrative. Irish-Australian version of Alonso Quixano, the protagonist in Don Quixote, a character parodying chivalrous unworldly behaviour. In my construction William John Wills became Burke’s Sancho Panza, an unquestioning servant, and Julia Matthews, stage actress and unattainable object of fascination to Burke, his Dulcinea del Toboso. My imagining of the intense drama surrounding the last days of Burke and Wills on Cooper Creek in 1861 occupied a key position in my creative thinking. The Dig tree provided an organic site integral to the imaginative leap required for a creative representation in image and text form. I realised that it was not important that my images narrated details of specific place – components of place in time or in geography Figure 12.4: ‘No matter, I am home in unknown – but that they suggested place and became place’. 2007. Paul Lambeth. Oil on canvas, 60 × 60 cm. © The artist. place themselves. In essence, geographic place kicked them into the world and human My approach on this occasion, in creative place nurtured them to image form responding to the Burke and Wills expedition (see Figure 12.5).

210 If I belong here … how did that come to be?

internationalism. Abstracting my response to place broadened my perspective, consistent with the initial artistic plan. My experience in reading the story of this land from a post-colonial point of view often involved recognition of overlays. The most apparent and dramatic was the overlay of the European perspective on an Indigenous sensibility, understandable both in terms of traditional European colonial dominance and the intangible nature of Indigenous knowledge to a European sensibility. As this chapter took focus from a Visual Arts-based form of research, I understood I should not think of the outcome only in rational objective terms, but should produce images Figure 12.5: ‘I breathe your dust you breathe mine’. and text in response to the conceptual 2007. Paul Lambeth. Oil on canvas, 45 × 45 cm. © The artist. framework I had set. After reading a wide range of literature, some solid and some of As I came to understand, and inserted in questionable quality, I used the vers libre my free-verse response to that investigation: form of poetry to dig into the content and But place is now here respond to the human qualities embedded The same place as home in the accounts of what happened in 1861. I can become this place In addition to the reading, I meandered This place can become me backwards and forwards across the route No matter which way I come from taken by the Burke and Wills expedition in This does not take sense, just sensibility the 1860s. For the purposes of this project I attempted to view the gap in experience of place between Indigenous Australians and my own, hinging the arguments at the point of specific versus non-specific place. I suggested that Indigenous Australians’ formal connection to land, inherited through story, was often expressed as specific to place. In comparison, I was connected to many places through personal and family experiences. Often, connection to specific places was a circumstance of employment or real estate ownership, rather than by cultural inheritance. My question, in light of this investigation and the title question, was whether this condition meant my connection to place was more generic than that of Indigenous Australians. While my connection to place was through experience of land, it was also informed by contemporary experience of nationhood and

211 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Robert O’Hara Burke

Summer is not a time for cultural superimposition Bowl-shaped sky rolling over thick horizons Caught between gulf and temperate country Intense long hot flame days Bitter cold nights, flickered warm light on camel and horse In furnace draught the human heart projects no heat Scraggly figures in gibber and sand More than cultural blindness places them here An experience too intense to bear for long But trust in providence and classical thought Whilst others live light, dark thoughts weigh heavy Blood in veins flow slow, nostrils burn False knowledge rises to the surface Even with survival in sight, no matter the pledge Bleached bones will tell the story, of Nardoo struggle Caught between death and life with knowledge of one Glory is gone, the imagined nirvana, lost

If you were here, in the tracks of the hapless Coming in the skin of an outsider With unnecessary tools though aplenty In this place, at this time, how would you cope Earth red inflame your soul without reprieve It would be the same for you, same end There would be nothing more to prop you From time afar we know what they came for This was not a prize to be had by stealth Leave the trodden path and pay the price Look behind you, see where you’ve come A life, a path, a death. Same as here, though shorter The meaning is here, tragic as it feels When complete death enters Surely this had meaning, small meaning If we could only be here to see the summary I hope they get us right, because this is the place

212 If I belong here … how did that come to be?

An end in itself, far from the womb but not so far The inland sea does not exist, a dry sandy sea

But place is now here The same place as home I can become this place This place can become me No matter which way I come from Or which time I come from This does not take sense, just sensibility Because, the place is here before you You learn the place the place does not learn you Bring your curiosity, bring your baggage Bow to the essence, pray to the primal This is not a dead heart, the colour of soil and blood There is life in the dead ancestors here, we are lucky They cannot speak with us, we must learn from the knowers Theirs is a language beyond life, beyond now My rags are disintegrating, like my flesh I cannot sense any flesh in the brittle dry Even our words hang in the air It is we, our bones Who mark the end of this story I breathe your dust you breathe mine Our dust is our story Let others despair, they breathe air It is the flies that carry the flesh Get them out of eyes and mouth Let them become sand like the rest of us It is the flies that make me irritable I cannot laugh at flies

The river down there, the fire here Far from what I thought mattered Neither river nor fire care If ours is a symbolic sacrifice It is ours alone Our bones shall become sand

213 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

They can bury our sand Because we have forgotten the civilised Not such a quiet place after all Our thoughts only matter if found

There never was certainty Equipment made us believe so Do you remember the equipment It made us do what we did But at night it forgot it was we It was we who carried it to new meaning I have never seen a black flame Can you see the black flame It is not the flame of home Death must not be ready yet But we are surrounded by death We must not feel special Does no sound mean death No sound moves over the sand There are curious eyes for death Coming from their smoky fires A kindness they bring, at a distance We are strange when alive What must we be like near death They still come I don’t stop the wind now It moves right through me Face down in the sand I have no energy for self reflection And what a nonsense that would be anyway To scrutinise myself like a stranger Past masters look down on me But soon I will look down on them Or is it the kindly dark faces of my dream Faces baked in clay, of the earth I am not alarmed by them I assume I know them though not intimately We are the same, we are not the other

214 If I belong here … how did that come to be?

They know that, maybe it is not too late for me Suddenly I recognise them, can I proceed The wind is again against me My problem is I can’t see the line What is now and what was then There is no path to tread Without comprehension I exclaim, this is easy What is this absurd drama which hasn’t yet been invented There is no concept driving this pattern My uncertainty drives this pattern If I pray, would it make a difference No matter, I am home in unknown place The future is here at last Sung with another’s voice My taste for salvation has gone Yesterday was another world These are not my words These are the words of the eternal My tongue does not speak, it is swollen I have not been to this place But this place claims me as its own There is an essential piece of me somewhere else But only words shall retrieve it If not soon I shall belong to somewhere else My body will follow my mind And think ahead to new times and belongings My death a royal gift, me the King But these are warm thoughts and I am cold These are thoughts with promise But I taste no sweetness of future I fall under my own weight of pulse And the dark force knowledge re-enters Angry I rage at my own recklessness Before laughing with a trickle of strength Am I destined to cringe in shame at my human failure The motives weren’t mine alone But I shall be remembered You once saw me as honourable, a fool’s vision

215 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

The stains on my shirt are not honour They seep from my human self Keep your vision and my spirit will live Though don’t expect a valediction I have gambled my last

Green Southern gardens would complement inland red Can they live side by side or do they need to let go of one another Life cannot live with death, not with our lot anyway It is just the way we see it We need the other to position ourselves This makes a long road to liberation A long way to future love of country, of self On my death sand I can feel attachment to place The things place brings, wealth and security I sought them myself But they vanish at the touch Becoming less important at each historical decade Gone before they are realised

I am warm again Warm in feeling In this place Without apparent connection Will others share their genius I wanted to share the future But mine is to myth Separated from the thing I once was Ironically more a part of this place than those who survive me Forgotten at home remembered here Mine will be a strange remembrance The hapless explorer lost at home Home is the easiest place to be lost If you do not have the knowledge I cannot walk backwards to the place of knowing That is before others There will be much ado about our deaths Many will duck and weave

216 If I belong here … how did that come to be?

You see, we were the instruments of others’ dreams as well These men shall become forgotten, we will be antique ideas This is our inheritance from place, a fortune you might say To inherit we needed to be lost

That crow there, shoot it Here is my pistol I cannot hand it to you The fire still burns you can eat Your dry coarse tongue will rasp the crow’s bones One bang and you can live Stay alive, tell our story, get it right The fire still burns

Why is this so hard The exploration was difficult but this is impossible Is it easier to die with love In the hands of love Making dust from my shirt, between thumb and index finger I still breathe air not dust

False notions of dark knowledge suggest a new chapter Why then does this feel final Realisation tells me this is so While my mind is active tell me what you think Share with me my own perceptions Out with bragging, we have lost Let our thoughts dance but not as an epitaph As living words with future Can those at the fires hear our words Will we join their dead, or do we go to our own Do I become part of their history, their place It is getting dark we have no light to think I thought our history was far away but now I am unsure

If I could sing, I would sing right now A simple song of regret.

217 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

William John Wills

The limited cold knowledge I hold cannot be held for long, In the strong Earth God presence of this place How long would it take to know this God, me of Euclidean God I thought I had no heart for hand of providence Youthful blind trust I have had, in the charisma of man In the impetuous energy of the glory moment And yet behind this apparent trust lurks self doubt Though not enough to commend me to God If God is a place, then we are lost More lost than our people in places of their making It helps me, knowing you will at least remember My energy skills and attributes spent in a year A man not of God ought not to wish worship Whilst my frailty brings clarity, it also brings fear Unpropitious, not the dream of my childhood Against the grain of all we discussed, son to father, boy to man, man to man The smell of smoke to my left, near my feet And thoughts of continuation occupy me for a moment There seems plenty of time to wallow in a thought, strange With so little time I can see dark basalt in my mind’s eye, cool to touch, Heavy and hard, unbothered by time There is no depth and no surface to these thoughts In a frayed life, from a time of care and learning I cannot hear other men, other voices No cries of recognition, or yelps of pain No wail of arrival No doubt, oppressed by the slow time of the present Should I be anxious, if so about what I can see through deception, more clearly than before Or is that just the dawn light There is no emotion in my feeble state Cry I would if I could, dry and cold I never considered myself powerful Now I know, life is power itself

218 The influence of Aboriginal country on artist and naturalist Ludwig Becker

Where are the others, by the river Drifting on life water to what destination My quiet domestic dreams of glory, quietly held Look at my toes, withered flowers Not fit for glory

You will only know me as a young man Only my bones will age my superficial thought My skills brought us here with your regret Gray buried already, our deaths synchronised Though not yet known, As we lifted burial mound rocks A man of the sea to die in the desert And what could we do, all so close Our pasts could not carry us now If we were philosophers, we would have stayed at home Or come anyway, but understood why Can I leave something behind, some wisdom He had his charisma, I my algebraic mind Beneath we were all terrified by the space No respite from space, nowhere to hide I think that is why Gray gave in His torment my disgrace And the blowing wind across the ripple river Brings with it the sigh I feel Though showing none of the heat fury we know is here

You told me not to live for regret, I obeyed The sentiment of regret will not be seated at the fire of future place makers So tell me, the direction from here, if you know My future is your future though on your own Because I am not the same man you farewelled and never will be We were good, as father and son, equal minds I had not imaged this as my destination But now I am here I can see it clearly It was here all along

219 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

But we were not acquainted And now that we are, time shall slide This is the perpetual journey

I can see the stars, through shadowed branches Days, weeks, months ago I saw them as an objective observer Reading their information in the language of man Now they tell me what I need to know, in the language of the universe My dry curled fingers, my almost visible bones In life this would be an omen, in death an image Too late for the felt terror In the knowledge that life is present, but curiosity absent My selfish curiosity was my strength But what was my occupation within which I spent this strength Explorer, barely a vocation, place was already here We could not intersect with this place At this time We could not give to this place, this place took from us Until we had nothing left to give We ought not to have asked for so much We got lost in the light, lost in time and space We surrendered, but too late Now I wait the moment, if it happens in a moment This place takes more than the motivation we had to offer Now we are conquered, thought and action inconsequential After a conquest based on movement Even movement is now of no consequence A trace of consciousness all I have, my last left freedom Any significance lost on us.

220 The influence of Aboriginal country on artist and naturalist Ludwig Becker

Conclusion John King, as Burke lay dying on the banks of the Cooper. King was the sole survivor My original intent in choosing poetry to of the party of four who travelled from explore my response to the research was to Cooper Creek to the Gulf and back. The allow an opportunity to follow an imaginative selection of this imagined perspective of path in written form to augment the images. dying Burke to survivor King was a key At the same time, using language in poetic notion in the narrative perspective. The form allowed me to compound the subjective story, told from Burke’s perspective as a qualities intrinsic to my painting process. dying man, highlighted the part King played However, during the creative process over in representing a notion of survival even several months, the poem evolved to a when all had gone hopelessly wrong. In this greater extent than I had imagined and as a way the poem focused not on Burke’s hopes result became central to the methodology of physical survival but on the survival of and outcome of the research rather than a heroic story in which Burke played the a reflective addendum to what I originally leading character. considered to be core explanatory writing. As The second part of the poem was an the work progressed the themes in the poem imaginative construction of a conversation emerged as both central and critical to the of William John Wills to his father. Records whole project. indicate that Wills was very close to Indeed, echoes of the poem began to be his father, the two sharing a profound heard in both the main body of this chapter scientific curiosity about life and a strong and the images, as a result I deliberately emotional connection. This conjunction of moved from viewing the poem as an rational scientist and devoted son provided addendum to the more traditional academic creative tension within the work. It is also writing and the paintings, to recognising a matter of record that Wills’ father was and presenting it as a formal and hopefully apprehensive about his son’s participation powerful conclusion to my intellectual in the expedition and openly expressed that journey. concern. As a result of their close emotional In utilising the poetic form within an attachment and his premonition, Wills’ explanatory text I attempted to bridge what father grieved deeply at the loss of his son. I saw as a gap between written text and the As a consequence, this somewhat ironic visual language of paintings. My intent was perspective of Wills speaking to his father that the poems conjure reflective images is important to the structure of the poem. of the investigation and parallel the poetic Wills’ father was a dissenting voice in the visual aspirations of the figures. To this lead-up to the expedition, speaking strongly end, the ideas evident in the poems aimed about the situation that was putting his son to both tease out arguments exposed in the in unnecessary danger. The dissenting voice text and to synthesise the felt experiences of continued after the death of his son and the painted subjects. The language style or became an important part of the paradox use of language in the poems grew to be as associated with the enterprise that has been important to me as the style of painting. passed down to us. In writing this part of the poem I drew from my own experience as A comment on style and intent both a father and a son, understanding more The first part of this poem, an investigation acutely some of the anguish, deep emotion into the legend of Burke and Wills, was and loss that often attend the father–son written in the first-person omnipresent relationship. voice of exploration leader Robert O’Hara Overall, a central intent in developing Burke, imagined as speaking to comrade the poem this way was to merge intensely

221 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills personal experiences, illustrated through In conclusion, my aspiration was to access the imagined voices of Burke and Wills, with grand themes of life within my work. The more universal human themes of unrequited personal and specific approaches taken to its love, the hopeless search for glory, hubris creation provided the navigational compass and disaster. By riding on the back of the points for the journey. historical account of the Burke and Wills story I intended to tap and illuminate a References story deeply embedded in the psyche of this Carter P (1987) The Road to Botany Bay. Faber nation. and Faber, Boston.

222 Chapter 13

Alfred Howitt and the erasure of Aboriginal history

Leigh Boucher

Introduction: exploration the explorers’remains for a state burial. Unlike Burke’s and Wills’ experiences with and the spatial politics of ‘troublesome natives’, their ‘terrifying thirst’ settler colonialism and their apparent bewilderment at both As collective hopes about Burke and Wills central Australia and its inhabitants, Howitt’s faded in the middle of 1861, 31-year-old diaries were littered with examples of his Alfred Howitt was selected by the exploration intimate engagement with various Aboriginal committee to lead a relief expedition (see communities and, perhaps more importantly, Figure 13.1). As his diaries were published acknowledgements of the ways in which in the colonial press over the next six his success had depended upon Aboriginal months, settlers noted with surprise how knowledge. This is surprising when we easily Howitt moved through a landscape consider the ways in which ideas about that had so clearly alienated Burke and racial difference in the mid 19th century Wills; Howitt’s party comfortably crossed necessarily created rigid interpersonal racial and geographic frontiers beyond frontiers; meaningful interactions between which so many European men had seemed European and Aboriginal people needed unwelcome. Negotiating the other side to first dismantle a border created by of the frontier with ease, they located a condescension and incomprehension. near-death King and the bodies of Burke The idea of the frontier has performed and Wills. They even returned to central tremendous cultural and political work in the Australia on a second expedition to retrieve history of colonialism in Australia (Russell

223 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Figure 13.1: Alfred Howitt, 1861. Batchelder & O’Neill. Photograph. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. H37475/26.

224 Alfred Howitt and the erasure of Aboriginal history

2001). The notion of a clear boundary – more specifically – how understandings between settled and unsettled space and of the relationship between Howitt’s party the assumption that exploration would and Aboriginal people were transformed in incrementally move that boundary towards the years after Howitt returned ‘home’ to complete mastery made the disordered cheering crowds in Melbourne. and uncertain project of settlement look Australian stories about exploration have historically inevitable to both 19th-century long evoked specific emotional landscapes. settlers and their historians. The frontier was As Curthoys (1999, pp. 22–25) noted, rather always an exercise in narrating and imagining than mobilising the ‘conventional’ imperial colonisation rather than a reflection of its tropes of spatial mastery and control, settler material progress. The stories explorers narratives have long stressed ‘struggle, told about their frontier crossings could courage and survival, amidst pain, tragedy not help but reverberate with these politics. and loss’. These remarkably persistent Indeed, as Phillips (1997, pp. 14,70) argued, ideas about the origins of settler society narratives about exploration ‘promoted imagine an ‘alienating … terrifying, hostile support for and involvement in imperialism’ and dangerous … land’ as the ‘obstacle … a because they usually legitimated European settler hero must fight.’ Burke and Wills, as practices of ‘enclosing, defining, coding, Curthoys noted, are ideal examples of the orienting, structuring and controlling space’ ways in which the idea of ‘heroic defeat’ at at the expense of other forms of knowledge. the face of this opponent creates a history In the case of settler colonies such as and mythology of victimhood that, ironically, Australia, the politics of space were and are secures a settler claim to cultural legitimacy even more central to the colonial project. by marginalising the actual victims of From the late 18th century, as Wolfe (1994, colonisation – namely, Aboriginal people. pp. 94–96) argued, settler political and legal However, Howitt’s successes and cultures were structured by an imperative their remembrances confound an easy to secure exclusive control of Australian accommodation with settler attachments space; the denial of Aboriginal sovereignty to failure and loss. The story of Howitt – through the Crown’s refusal to ‘treat’ with is exceptional because he seemed so the ‘natives’ – revealed these brute territorial comfortable in a space that so many of his logics. Simply by staying at home, then, contemporaries saw as a ‘white men’s grave’ Aboriginal people both materially obstructed (The Argus, 28 December 1861, p. 5). As a and morally challenged the legal ‘ruses’ of newspaper report commented upon Howitt’s settler colonialism (Morgensen 2011, p. 7). retirement from public life in 1900, he In this context there is no possibility that seemed to demonstrate ‘the essentials of the a narration of Burke and Wills, or indeed leader of such an expedition … All seems to Howitt, could or can be stripped of a have been perfectly easy and unexciting … relationship to these contested politics. Even had [Howitt] been the leader of the [original] the remarkably persistent notion of Howitt’s exploring expedition there would have been impressive competence – in contrast to the no failure and no loss of life’ (The Argus, 1 ‘melancholic’ tragedy of Burke and Wills – August 1900, p. 7). needs to be understood as part of the cultural Historians in late modern Australia have mechanisms through which colonialism is largely accepted this assessment. Moorehead made to look normal rather than politically (1987, p. 127) suggested that he was ‘really outrageous. We might usefully consider, exceptional … he was a steady and intelligent then, how various representations of Howitt’s man, an anthropologist, a geologist and an expedition have been implicated in the excellent bushman’. Other accounts (Day cultural politics of settler colonialism and 2003, p. 109) similarly noted his ‘rapid

225 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills progress’ across the continent’s interior with Aboriginal people in his published because he was ‘such a reliable expedition diaries. Importantly, these were not ‘private’ leader’. Bonyhady did not shy away from the accounts; they were intended for publication inevitable critique that Howitt’s performance in colonial newspapers as the expedition suggested about the initial party and its unfolded (we need to resist the temptation to leadership. He argued (1991, p. 161) that grant them the authenticity of the personal). Howitt ‘provided that combination of It then considers how Howitt incrementally qualifications which Burke had lacked’. removed that acknowledgement between Howitt ‘was so well qualified that many 1862 and his death. As he became a living people lamented the fact that he had not object of national memory, his narratives been around to lead the original expedition’ were reshaped in accordance with the (Murgatroyd 2002, p. 277). cultural needs of settler nationhood. Much Howitt seemed to be at ‘home’ in the like Burke’s body in the painting produced a Australian landscape because he made few years after his death by William Strutt, exploration look easy and unexciting. Howitt began to drape his narrative in the However, the comforts of home and comforting elegies of imperial hubris. With belonging are not produced without political this in mind, the chapter then traces the implications. According to Sopher (1979, disappearance of Aboriginal people from p. 129), the feeling of being at home is representations in visual art related to produced by having control over who may or Howitt, Burke and Wills. As these events may not enter. In the Australian colonies and took on mythological shape, any Aboriginal then nation, this was precisely the form of presence became difficult to contain within control denied to Aboriginal people in their the narrative and visual frame. Their own homeland. The repeated assertions of removal implies that responsibility for this wider silence should not fall at Howitt’s Howitt’s comfort and competency (both by feet alone – wider cultural forces made Howitt and his historians) are necessarily acknowledgement of Aboriginal historical riven with those politics. Moreover, as importance an impossibility. The chapter Keary’s (1992) careful work showed, Howitt’s closes by considering some of the political initial diaries and despatches acknowledged implications these different rememberings a complex and sometimes ambivalent might have for notions of territorial relationship between the relief expedition entitlement. What do the different modes and the Aboriginal peoples whose territory of representation reveal about the political they were moving through (and, equally faultlines of settler colonialism? Who did importantly, their dependence on Aboriginal the stories suggest was at home on the other knowledge for their survival). Only in the side of the frontier? What do the changing decades after that success was Howitt’s ease stories reveal about the connections explained by his skill alone. Although Howitt between crossing the frontier and the blunt noted the importance of ‘good relations with expropriations of settler colonialism? the natives’ and various moments when the relief expedition had been sustained by Aboriginal knowledge and expertise, by the Howitt on the ‘other side of time of federation and Howitt’s death his the frontier’ success was often explained by the fact that While his success as leader of the Burke he was a ‘master of nature’s secrets’ and a and Wills relief expedition made Howitt a ‘fearless and energetic bushman’ (Launceston household name in 1860s Melbourne, it was Examiner 17 March 1908, p. 3). his later anthropological work that secured This chapter begins by tracing how his historical reputation. Indeed, Howitt’s Howitt acknowledged his engagements anthropological works of the later 19th

226 Alfred Howitt and the erasure of Aboriginal history century made important contributions to however, that successful exploration international debates about social evolution required engagement with Aboriginal ways and are still mined for anthropological of knowing and being. Working as a drover information today. Having experienced a in the mid 1850s, Howitt was chosen by a stirring of ethnographic interest during the Melbourne syndicate to lead an exploration Burke and Wills relief expedition, Howitt to investigate the pastoral potential of the later published works on the ‘Cooper’s Lake Eyre region in 1859. After his successful Creek Aborigines’ (Howitt 1878) but his leadership of an expedition of which reputation in colonial Victoria was earned Aboriginal guides formed an integral part, he by his capacity to cross geographic rather was chosen by the Victorian government to than racial frontiers. Moreover, while the survey alpine country in Victoria in 1859 (Mt anthropological writings for which Howitt Howitt is a self-proclaimed monument to his became well-known in later life asserted an efforts). insurmountable distance between European Once it became apparent that the Burke and Aboriginal people in evolutionary terms, and Wills expedition was in serious trouble his experiences of exploration seemed to not (an eventuality that Howitt had predicted) only cross those boundaries but to reverse and the Exploration Committee decided to the implied hierarchies of knowledge and send relief missions, 100 letters of interest expertise. were sent to the committee, Howitt’s Howitt had arrived in Melbourne from among them. His extensive experience and England in 1852 with his father and brother, reputation made him an almost universally intending to tour the goldfields and, at supported choice (which was unusual for a least on his father’s part, produce literary committee so frequently divided) and his accounts of life in the colonies. When his subsequent successes seemed to justify father and brother returned in 1854, Howitt that good faith. Upon locating King and elected to stay and soon fulfilled his mother’s learning that that the party had succeeded in prediction that he would ‘someday … be a reaching the Gulf of Carpentaria, Howitt was backwoodsman’ (Stanner 1972). He wrote, in bitterly disappointed that this curtailed the a much-cited letter to his family in England, possibility of making the historic crossing that ‘I have a tremendous hankering after himself. After locating and burying the tent life … I am sure that in some state of remains of the leaders, Howitt returned existence I must have been a blackfellow southward, noting that his animals were in (Skeritt 2011, p. 46). better shape than when they departed and Howitt’s letter suggested a sense of the party had enough supplies for another belonging that his subsequent admirers four months (Howitt 1857–1907, 18 October have all too often repeated; he seemed 1863). comfortable, capable and at home in the Howitt’s accounts of exploration were Australian landscape. We might speculate, not straightforward mobilisations of however, that in Howitt’s mind, comfort and master-scripts of exploration and inevitable belonging in the Australian landscape was European possession. His diaries about the signified by Aboriginality – feeling at home Burke and Wills relief expedition revealed in Australia required, at least in one way, a much more complex engagement with learning how to become ‘a blackfellow’. notions of belonging, geographic knowledge This tempered identification with and territorial entitlement. Colonial readers ‘blackfellows’ did not occur overnight. were challenged by a story of ‘exploration’ Howitt’s initial reaction to an encounter that refused a simple script of European with some Wiradjuri peoples was disgust mastery or melancholic loss. If the settler (Walker 1971, p. 145) – he soon realised, colonial project was structured by the

227 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills relentless imperative to secure complete and they did not comprehend. The European exclusive European sovereignty, Howitt’s category of ‘blackfellow’, which was applied diaries narrated an experience that could to Aboriginal people across the continent, not be contained by this fantasy of complete ignored their nuanced systems of identity, possession; the space beyond the frontier language and spatial proprietorship. Howitt’s was clearly somebody else’s home and diaries revealed a party always struggling to Howitt’s successful negotiation of it was figure out who belonged where. made possible by his capacity to recognise Both expeditions were closely monitored both this territorial fact and its associated and managed as they moved across the hierarchies of geographic expertise. boundaries of various Aboriginal groups. As the party made its way to Cooper Creek They were ‘constantly visited by our black and beyond, Howitt noted they traversed the friends, who have an extra-ordinary curiosity territories of three distinct language groups, as regards our doings’ (Howitt 1857–73, 26 each with its own system of managing and April 1862). As a member of Howitt’s 1861 monitoring strangers (Allen 2011, p. 248). party noted, they frequently observed ‘blacks At Menindee the party had engaged two stealthily watching our movements from Aboriginal guides, Sandy and Frank, and as a distance and travelling through the long they moved northward it became clear that grass in the direction we ourselves were although the guides could read the landscape going’ (Welch 1857–73, 13 September 1861). for water and food they struggled to Howitt remarked, when they reached Poria communicate with Aboriginal peoples from Creek, that the party could almost always other language groups. In early September, see ‘very large … signal fires … as we were Howitt encountered: travelling … [these were] no doubt intended five blackfellows on the opposite side of to announce our arrival’The expedition [a] creek … as usual [they] commenced party was frequently accompanied by local shouting and waving their arms. We coo- Aboriginal guides (whether with the party or eed in return and one waded across … monitoring from the edges); movement from the others then followed him … Sandy one territory to another was indicated by the said he could only understand [a few] seemingly sudden departure of one guide words they said; but I believed it was and the arrival of another (Howitt 1857–73, 1 that he could not understand them at September 1861). all, as he was not able to make them In acts of more explicit monitoring and comprehend that I wished to know if they management in early October, the party had seen any stray camels about (Howitt encountered a group of Aboriginal people 1857–73, 9 September 1861). and soon came: Howitt’s diaries noted another example of to a friendly understanding by means these local regimes of possession and their of a few words I knew … the promises effects on his Aboriginal guide. As the party of a knife [convinced] them to show me moved southward from Dampurnoo on the the way … a jolly-looking young fellow second expedition to retrieve the remains of … took the lead … I was very much Burke and Wills, Howitt was shocked to notice amused at the ceremonious way in which that ‘our guide, Winkely, was very loath to my guide led the way, pointing out the leave his tribe and country, and had a great best road and very earnestly making cry on his horse at starting – blubbering with me notice the bushes in my way (Howitt his knuckles in his eyes like a schoolboy after 1857–73, 4 October 1861). the holidays’ (Howitt 1857–73, 23 April 1862). At times these conventions of stewardship Howitt became increasingly aware that assisted Howitt’s party to find places to they were continually crossing borders camp. When the second expedition travelled

228 Alfred Howitt and the erasure of Aboriginal history north from their camp at Merrimoko near ‘discovered’ by Howitt. Once King was well the Mitkacaldratillie Lakes they were guided enough to travel, Howitt decided to return by a ‘blackfellow who professed to know the southward and would not leave without country for several days’. This guide, perhaps registering his thanks. His diary noted that: according to local conventions, brought the two days after we camped here the party directly into the path of a ‘camp of natives left and have not been seen natives … [who] were first much alarmed, but since. I could not think of leaving without became friendly – pointing out a place for us showing them that we could appreciate to camp and sending down a wooden bowl and reward the kindness they had shown of seed’ (Howitt 1857–73, 17 April 1861). to Burke’s party and particularly to The next day, as the party moved towards King. For three miles we travelled over Bateman’s Creek, two men from the camp: alluvial flats along the creek [till finally led us … across a very finely grassed tract we found them] With the aid of King, I at of sandhills and saltbush flats to a dry last got them all seated before me, and lake covered with ‘pappar’ grass, and at distributed the presents, – tomahawks, the east side of which a creek came in. knives, necklaces, looking-glasses, combs There were two water holes here – one – amongst them … [I] explained that these nearly dry, the other good for a couple things were given to them for having fed of months. Leaving this, we proceeded King … They left, making signs expressive to the east of north, over some high of friendship, carrying their presents with red sandhills covered with porcupine them … I feel confident that we have left grass, and then suddenly turned to the the best impression behind us, and that northward for about three miles, when we the white fellows, as they … call us, will came in sight of the timber on this creek. be looked on henceforth as friends and (A number of natives camped by a large that, in case of emergency, any one will waterhole appeared to be friendly, and, as receive the kindest treatment at their usual, pointed out a place for our camp.) hands (Howitt 1857–73, 23 September This was not a party of European men 1861, 24 September 1861). traversing the unknown – this was a group Howitt’s diaries warmly acknowledged of strangers being stewarded through a the debts he and King owed to Aboriginal landscape, being shown where to camp and people throughout central Australia and how to sustain themselves. A few days later, it is not surprising that Howitt recognised Howitt made decisions based on whether this debt according to British conventions the guides were willing to accompany them of cross-cultural engagement; he requested northward, where the men asserted there was that the Exploration Committee produce a no water. Howitt ‘considered it would be the series of breastplates. These were inscribed wisest course to make use of these natives with gratitude ‘for the Humanity shewn to in more fully exploring this tract of country, the Explorers Burke, Wills and King 1861’. than in endeavouring to penetrate more to On his second expedition Howitt presented the northward on a route where they refused the object he assumed would have more to accompany us’ (Howitt 1857–73, 23 April significance than a bag of flour to the 1862). Yandruwandha people. Perhaps the best-known example of the European dependence on Aboriginal expertise and kindness across the entire Burke and Howitt becomes an object of Wills expedition was the way in which King cultural memory was taken in by the Yandruwandha people When Howitt returned to Melbourne in who provided shelter and food until he was 1862, his role in the Burke and Wills saga

229 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills had secured him a place in what was fast Wills began to marginalise the Aboriginal becoming a crucial episode in colonial importance to the mission. He continued to memory cultures. As he wrote in a letter to acknowledge the important role of Aboriginal his mother, ‘I have hardly had a moment networks in sharing news about other free – what with the exploration Committee members of the rescue mission who were no and the funeral and visits and calls and longer with the main party, but his public dinners … I have even seen my name on memories about Aboriginal people began to a boat on the Yarra’ (cited in Walker 1971, closely resemble the subjects he was starting p. 145). It should be no surprise that he to describe in his anthropological work. They repeatedly provided public accounts of this became, like the objects of study described experience over the next five decades. His in his 1878 anthropological account of the early lectures – like one given in Bairnsdale ‘Aborigines at Coopers Creek [,] just like in 1870, where Howitt’s position as a local children’ rather than possessors of important magistrate secured his place in the town’s knowledge about the Australian landscape elite – acknowledged that the rescue mission (cited in Brough Smyth 1878, p. 303). The had depended on ‘black friends’ for its irony was that the anthropological detail success. Howitt noted that ‘my comrades in Howitt’s 1878 account of these ‘children’ [and I] were not above taking a lesson from depended on the intimacies forged while a blackfellow’ about how to find food in a relying on their superior knowledge during seemingly dry landscape. He described how his expeditions. By 1890, when Howitt gave a the party located water in the Stony Desert lecture at Queen’s College at the University of because they followed advice from their Melbourne, references to Aboriginal people ‘black friends’. ‘[U]ndulation after undulation had been reduced to observations about was crossed without change from the endless ‘friendly relations’ with ‘natives’ who could stone pavement’ before the party, reluctantly ‘cause trouble’ for any expedition (The Argus, following the advice of the ‘black friends’, 16 April 1890, p. 7); gone was any sense of made camp and waited, watching the dusk their skill or expertise. sky. When night fell, ‘suddenly the air was By the first decade of the 20th century, alive with water-fowl … squawking and Howitt had become a living object of memory trumpeting in a way that made us jump up about early days of exploration in colonial in a hurry and endeavour in the darkness to Australia and an extremely influential person find their course’. After passing over ‘more in Australian intellectual life. In the early stones’ in that ‘brown desert’ they came to a years of Australian nationhood, Howitt was sight that Howitt said he would ‘never forget.’ showered with honours that noted his ‘good They suddenly found a landscape rich with work as leader of the Burke and Wills Rescue ‘water-holes and creeks, and lagoons on all Expedition’ and his ‘researches in the domain sides, full to the brim’. Howitt’s faith in their of Anthropology of Australian Aborigines … ‘black friends revived’ (cited in Gippsland original Geological and Botanical observation Times, 15 March 1870, pp. 1–2). in Victoria [and] meritorious work over more However, Aboriginal people soon lost than forty years in diffusing knowledge of their place as important contributors to the Australian Natural History’ (Walker 1971, success of the rescue mission, and became p. 14). only incidental elements in Howitt’s public In 1907 Howitt gave his inaugural narratives about Burke and Wills. Perhaps presidential address to the Australian because Howitt’s imaginative and material Association for the Advancement of Science, relation to Aboriginal people had been in which he accounted for the ‘successes reoriented by a flowering anthropological and failures’ of Burke and Wills and their interest, his narratives about Burke and relief parties. He asserted that a ‘series of

230 Alfred Howitt and the erasure of Aboriginal history misfortunes’ and ‘errors of judgement on the in which spaces for Aboriginal people part of Mr Burke’ produced the ‘disastrous in Australian cultural memory began to ending’ of their party. Unlike himself, Burke close as the unruliness of public diaries, did not ‘possess that kind of knowledge that everyday reportage and expedition reports is absolutely necessary to enable even the were transformed into a comfortingly tragic bravest and most determined man to be a narrative about European exploration. Like successful leader of an expedition’ (Howitt Howitt’s lectures, artistic representations of 1908, pp. 18–19). Howitt’s involvement in the Burke and Wills His 1907 address noted that his mythology literally whitewashed Aboriginal own rescue mission had ‘encountered people from the foreground. By the turn of blackfellows’ at various moments and that the century, oil paintings such as William they had played an important part in the Strutt’s well-known and deeply melancholic discovery of King (after which he ‘gave ‘Burial of Burke’ (1911) made for much more them presents’ he ‘thought they might have comforting and comprehensible memories understood’ were in recognition of their because they created an imaginative service to King). His debt to his Aboriginal landscape entirely populated by European guide for finding water in the Stony Desert men (see Figure 13.2). Like the body in seemed to have been forgotten; the party this painting, Burke, Wills and Howitt were simply ‘came across … pools of water’. The incrementally wrapped up in the symbolic desert was, unlike the disturbing spectre of and affective comforts of imperial adventure his previous account, ‘exactly as I expected’. and its melancholic tragedies. Howitt acknowledged that his account about Indeed, the approaching prominence of how the ‘former mystery of central Australia Burke and Wills in the colonial imagination became known’ was of ‘national importance’ was already clear to observers in 1861. As in a newly federated Australia. It would Howitt wrote in a letter to his family that seem that, as the new nation took shape, year, ‘you will laugh when you hear that Howitt found it impossible to acknowledge no less than five artists have commenced the important role his ‘black friends’ had grand historical pictures of me burying played in the nation-forming episodes of Burke’ (cited in Walker 1971, p. 132). As colonial history. There seems to have been Smith (1971, p. 49) noted, ‘heroes of the little space for an account of exploration in colonial frontier … like Burke and Wills ... which Aboriginal people were participants, exercised an enormous emotional appeal’ informants and sometimes collaborators. for artists and audiences alike from the mid 19th century. The expedition became a ‘site of memory’ (Nora 1989, p. 6) and public, The great disappearing act popular and downright populist artists have The gradual removal of Aboriginal people from Howitt’s public narrations of the relief expeditions was not the only cultural site at which the silence became deafening. In many ways, Howitt’s blind spots were sustained – if not directed – by a much wider erasure unfolding in public life. In the decades after 1861, paintings and drawings of Burke and Wills and of Howitt’s relief missions reveal the ambivalent place Aboriginal people occupied in both colonial and national memory. Figure 13.2: ‘Burial of Burke’. 1911. William Strutt. Indeed, the history of artistic representations State Library of New South Wales, Dixson Library. of Burke and Wills demonstrates the ways Call no. DL PXX3.

231 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills continually given its events emotional and bluntly evoked by the prominence of the narrative shape in Australian public life. Union Jack in the 1911 painting), were less Strutt always claimed that the production dominant. Just as the initial sketches of of the 1911 oil painting was prompted by ‘Burial’ featured the much more emotionally the memorialising imperatives of the Gilbee troubling decomposing remains of Burke Bequest, which provided funds for the (rather than simply their imprint in the flag), purchase of a painting of a crucial episode Strutt’s various studies for ‘Burial’ were much in Australian history (Bonyhady 1991, more varied in topic and tone. His earlier p. 132); seen in these terms the painting imaginings were not of a history populated was produced as a commemorative piece. by European men alone. In the immediate However, Strutt had been contemplating aftermath of the expedition, Strutt produced the episode since it unfolded. He was one a powerful watercolour, ‘Cooper’s Creek of five artists who approached Howitt after blacks cover Burke’s remains’. The wailing his return in 1861; he produced a variety of faces of this burial party suggested that sketches about both the initial party and the Aboriginal people were crucial participants relief expeditions. Between 1861 and 1911, in the expedition history. Unlike the he consulted extensively with its subjects, smooth melancholic stoicism of Howitt noting that ‘Welch had approved of this burying Burke, this was an episode in which sketch … and Mr Howitt said this is like the Aboriginal people were both narratively scene’. He was extremely proud of ‘Burial’ and emotionally important. By the late in artistic, emotional and historical terms. 19th century, however, as Strutt chose an By 1911 he seemed convinced that the story appropriate moment of the Burke and Wills of Burke and Wills centred as much around expedition to memorialise, the potencies Howitt’s melancholy rescue mission as the of imperial adventure and its associated initial expedition. melancholies proved more compelling. As Like his 1901 painting of the same title, Burke and Wills were incorporated into the Strutt’s paintings in this later period were realms of cultural memory, Aboriginal people cultural ‘Sentinels of Empire’ in which were removed from its emotional landscape. European men struggled against inhospitable Other artistic representations of Howitt’s landscapes, explorers ventured into unknown relief mission shared Strutt’s decision to territory and indigenous peoples either shroud the less comforting elements of frolicked harmlessly or required armed and the expedition’s history. The discovery of a violent suppression. His paintings granted severely malnourished King, supposedly by colonial figures a ‘heroic monumentality’ Howitt, was an extremely popular episode in (Curnow 1980, p. 54). These were the images of the saga and early representations kinds of stories that made empire look of the moment tended to keep the adventurous but comprehensible rather than Yandruwandha firmly in the narrative frame. brutal and unruly. Strutt’s later work (like When King was discovered, he ‘presented ‘Burial’) mobilised a series of ideas about a melancholy appearance – wasted to a racial difference and imperial adventure that shadow, and hardly to be distinguished offered powerful legitimacy to the notion as a civilised being but by the remnants that European men should take control of the of clothes upon him’ (Howitt 1857–73, 15 imperial periphery.1 September 1861). King had survived only However, the sketches of the expedition because the Yandruwandha people provided Strutt completed between 1861 and 1911 not only shelter, but food. revealed an imaginative landscape in which Importantly, Welch’s diary revealed that the rigid myths of empire and the powerful Howitt was far removed from the moment of feelings they conjured (perhaps most discovery (and neither was King prostrate in

232 Alfred Howitt and the erasure of Aboriginal history a hut – a point which will become important). King’s ‘discovery’ was, more than likely, Welch had ridden ahead of the party and was: due to Yandruwandha emissaries actually attracted by a couple of niggers … [who] leading Welch to the frail and nearly shouted loudly as soon as they saw me unrecognisable figure. and vigorously pointed down the creek Cuthbert Clarke’s drawings made for … moving cautiously on through the the hastily published 1862 pamphlet, undergrowth the blacks kept pace with ‘The diaries of Burke and Wills’ imagined me … their cries increasing in volume a moment in which ‘the blacks inform[ed] and intensity ... the blacks drew hurriedly John King that the Whitefellows are coming’ back to the top of the opposite bank, (emphasis added, see Figure 13.3). Similarly, shouting and gesticulating wildly, and S.T. Gill’s 1862 watercolours attributed leaving one solitary figure … as I passed importance to this moment; he concluded it tottered, threw up its hands in the his Burke and Wills series with ‘Discovery attitude of prayer, and fell on the ground of King with the natives by Howitt’ (see … I was soon beside it, hastily asking, Figure 13.4). While Gill clearly altered the ‘Who in the name of wonder are you?’ personnel present at that moment (Welch was most likely separated from his party ‘I am King, sir’ when he ‘discovered’ King) and changed and again he fell to the ground (Welch King’s location (placing him within a tent in a 1857–73, 15 September 1861). Yandruwandha encampment), he nonetheless

Figure 13.3: ‘The Blacks inform John King that the whitefellows are coming 15 Sept. 1861’. De Gruchy & Leigh. State Library of Victoria Rare Books Collection. Accession no. 30328102131801/9.

233 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

tomb on the Nile’ (Australasian Sketcher, 26 December 1874, p. 27). First was ‘Departure from Melbourne’, followed by ‘Return to the Dig Tree’, ‘Death of Burke’ and finally ‘Howitt’s Rescue of King.’ The plinth and its bas-reliefs provided the narrative frame for the elegiac statues of Burke and Wills above. The final moment was transformed into Howitt leading a party of white men into a camp of seated Aboriginal people and King. The Yandruwandha had been reduced Figure 13.4: ‘Discovery of King with the natives by to placid figures waiting to be discovered by Howitt’. S.T. Gill. State Library of New South Wales, Europeans. Dixon Galleries. Accession no. DGA 15 no. 10. Two decades later, when the popular maintained the importance of Yandruwandha Australian periodical Illustrated Australian people in the narrative. In Gill’s portrayal, News (1 January 1891, pp. 8–9) published King and Howitt were united by Aboriginal an account of the history of exploration in men. Australia, it suggested that the ‘melancholy’ As public memorial cultures took shape, tale of Burke and Wills was ‘at once the the centrality of the Yandruwandha was brightest and the darkest page on the strange forgotten. After Sir Charles Darling unveiled and eventful story of Australian exploration’. Charles Summer’s now-famous ‘Burke and In the only full-page illustration in the Wills Monument’ to the ‘melancholy end’ of luxurious supplement, F.A. Sheap’s ‘Finding Burke and Wills, before an impressive crowd of King’ repeated the now-conventional on Collins St, Melbourne, it was another 18 form of placing two European figures at the months before the installation of the four centre of the narrative (see Figure 13.5). The bas-reliefs around the plinth that narrated Yandruwandha were firmly relegated to the the story of Burke and Wills. By the late edge of the story. 1870s, crowds were nearly always present at The changing fate of the Yandruwandha the base of the statue, ‘inspecting … the bas- in public art and Strutt’s decision to reliefs … with something of the reverential memorialise a moment solely with European interest that … archaeologists bring to people, reveal the ways in which Howitt’s bear on the painting on the inner walls of a expedition was incrementally whitewashed

Figure 13.5: ‘The Finding of King, the Survivor’. 1891. F.A. Sheap after J. Macfarlane. Illustrated Australian News, 1 January 1891, National Library of Australia.

234 Alfred Howitt and the erasure of Aboriginal history in the second half of the 19th century. These Saxon race [by] unveiling unknown portions various works seem to confirm Healy’s (1994, of Australia’ for settlement (McCann and p. 132) suggestion that for much of the Joyce 2011, p. 10). This idea was always 19th and 20th centuries white Australians implicit in the occupation of colonial space experienced their history as a series of with ‘Anglo-Saxon’ bodies. collective psychological monuments which However, frontier crossings necessarily would comfort through their familiarity. The raise as many questions as they resolve comforting tragedy of Burke and Wills and about belonging and dispossession. The Howitt’s seemingly melancholic mission were very act of crossing a frontier suggests created not simply by the events themselves, recognition that the space on the other side but by choices about which of their elements belongs to someone else. Histories and to place in the foreground of colonial and memories of exploration cannot help but national consciousness. The elevation of dramatise the uncertainties about belonging Burke and Wills to colonial and national myth and territorial entitlement that have long – which began the moment they departed haunted settler imaginings of the Australian from Royal Park – was made possible by landscape. Australian explorer narratives attempts to expel Aboriginal people from often muzzled these moral dilemmas the troubling position they occupied in through a powerful language of failure, a story about European exploration. In victimhood and loss. Indeed, the story of a collectively remembered story about Burke and Wills’ failure both raised questions crossed frontiers, foolhardy explorers about the (im)possibility of complete and inhospitable (possibly uninhabitable) European sovereignty over Australian space outbacks, the presence of Aboriginal people and then resolved them by making Europeans within, alongside, against and around the the victims of a terrifying landscape rather exploration parties might have made for than invaders of another people’s land. uncertain mythological terrain. Sadness has textured this remembrance since news reached Melbourne of the loss Conclusion of Burke and Wills in 1861; the Argus noted Attwood (2009, pp. 1–13) noted that that the ‘narrative’ of the expedition was questions about the legitimacy of ‘now a melancholy one’ (Argus, 4 November colonisation have haunted Australian 1861, p. 4). When Howitt wrote about the public life throughout the history of white ‘melancholy duty [that] had weighed on settlement; the ways in which individual [his] mind’ once he found King, he was – no explorers and their different encounters doubt unintentionally – providing further with the Australian landscape are mourned sustenance for an emotional regime that last and celebrated must, then, be seen as an long after he acquitted that duty. Returning engagement with these moral dilemmas. to bury Wills, the party ‘interred them where Before resisting the notion that seemingly they lay; and … read chap. XV of 1 Cor., humane and heroic explorers such as that we might at least feel a melancholy Howitt are implicated in the pointy end of satisfaction in having shown the last settler colonial politics, we might usefully respect to his remains’ (Howitt 1857–73, 8 remember that at the time there was no September 1861). As Pinto (2010) suggested, question that Burke and Wills were paving melancholic remembrances of death on the way for denser European encroachments the frontier have long been a powerful into Aboriginal territory. Botanist and mechanism through which the history of Exploration Committee member Mueller European dispossession is stripped of its proudly asserted in 1859 that the expedition more troubling emotional possibilities. would ‘widen the dominions of the Anglo- Melancholy can be, after all, sweetly poignant

235 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills rather than unsettling. In psychological the Australian nation took shape should give terms, it is given this texture by virtue pause to our attempts at straightforward of its inward orientation; it manages loss retrieval and inclusion. by turning towards the self rather than Indeed, these histories can have quite acknowledging the presence (let alone the different meanings from those ascribed loss) of an-other. Melancholic attachments by settler cultures. As Aaron Paterson, are, in Freudian terms, fundamentally a Yandruwandha elder, remarked, the narcissistic (Symington 2004); they allow story of King has long been a part of his settler culture to focus on itself rather than community’s oral tradition, but in ways on (racial and psychological) others who that might surprise. King, a hero to many evoke more unsettling moral claims. settler Australians, has often been a figure In many ways, the figure of Howitt of mockery in Yandruwandha memory also satisfied the narcissistic needs of because he seemed to spend so much of Australian memory cultures. Not only did his time running around after Burke and his experiences provide narrative grist Wills like their wife (Paterson, cited in for a melancholic remembrance of Burke Sexton 2008). Recent disputes over the and Wills, he also provided a satisfying Yandruwandha breastplates are also relevant alternative to their territorial alienation. to our comforting histories of collaboration. Howitt’s significance was ensured because Scholarship suggests that, while breastplates his unusual competence made him look like these were highly significant within at home in, rather than threatened by, the various Aboriginal communities, their Australian landscape. Unlike the failures of meaning was not necessarily the same to judgement, leadership and arrogance that both parties (Troy 1993). plagued the Burke and Wills expedition, The ‘discovery’ and attempted sale of Howitt’s expedition provided an imaginative two breastplates in recent years revealed counterpoint of competence and territorial unresolved political faultlines over both the comfort. Here, finally, was an explorer who ownership of this past and the objects that seemed able to take possession of Australia, memorialise it. The first was ‘unearthed’ in who offered a way for settler culture to the sand dunes near Innamincka in 2001 belong in a space that alienated so many and its attempted sale by its ‘discoverer’ others. prompted a public intervention by It is important to remember that the South Australian government. The Aboriginal people were crucial participants traditional custodians believed that ‘all in this history of exploration; Howitt’s three breastplates … were buried with the individual skills as a bushman do not men according to customary practices’ adequately explain his success on the (Yandruwandha elders, pers. comm.), which other side of the frontier. He was lauded inevitably raised questions about whether as a ‘master of nature’s secrets’ in later life the apparent discoverer of the breastplate (Argus, 25 April 1889, p. 9), but that mastery could legitimately claim ownership and sell it depended on his capacity to recognise that for personal profit. When the breastplate was Aboriginal people were knowledgeable purchased by a benefactor for the benefit possessors of the land and to adopt their of ‘the nation’ after a lengthy negotiation in strategies for survival within it. However, 2008 (half the proceeds were awarded to the as the century unfolded, this kind of Yandruwandha), the South Australian premier acknowledgement became impossible for proudly asserted that ‘in many respects it is both Howitt personally and Australian one of the earliest symbols of reconciliation culture more broadly. Howitt’s tendency to between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal forget the complexities as time passed and Australia’ (SA Dept of Manufacturing. 2008).2

236 Alfred Howitt and the erasure of Aboriginal history

That optimistic declaration of inclusiveness associated violences of settler colonialism, papered over the more challenging elements lest our hopeful accommodations into of Yandruwandha history, and uncomfortable a heartening national narrative should but politically important questions about reproduce them. This uncomfortable history how it should be told. is equally, if not more, worthy of the kind For Gloria Paterson, another of recognition Paterson and her people so Yandruwandha elder, the breastplate was clearly deserve. a reminder that ‘whitefella culture is here now; we just gotta cope with it’. Her reading Acknowledgements of the significance of the expedition is very Thanks to Amanda Kaladelfos who completed compelling; King was generously sustained invaluable research for this project and to by the Yandruwandha but Howitt’s maps Lynette Russell for continuing to discuss allowed pastoralists to move into their Howitt. I also thank the anonymous referees, territory, where the whites exhibited very the volume editors and, most importantly, little generosity in return. The history the Yandruwandha elders who offered of contact that unfolded after 1861 is thoughtful feedback on this chapter. This a story of a people battered by forceful research was supported by Australian colonisation and struggling to figure out Research Council funding (Victorian how to cope. Gloria Paterson’s grandparents Ethnographers: DP 110100076). told her stories about being ‘chased away from important waterholes’ once they Endnotes were used for stock (which also spoiled 1 We might also note the ways in which such them for human use). The history of brutal paintings distributed grief and mourning. massacres and violence during pastoral Strutt, and many of his contemporaries, expansion in this region during the later considered that the only deaths worth 19th century should temper any comfort mourning on the settler-colonial frontier from these earlier happier encounters, and were those of the white men who perished many Yandruwandha refuse to see them as during acts of exploration.They ignored disconnected. Paterson argued that most the swathes of Indigenous peoples who Yandruwandha realised that their ways were killed simply because their existence of being and living in the world weren’t got in the way of these heroic acts. ‘recognised anymore’ as settler impact on 2 The publicity over this first breastplate the region and its people increased; for prompted two Adelaide brothers to search Gloria Paterson this lack of recognition, for for a breastplate they recalled having and the losses it produced, are deeply felt seen among their family’s belongings; this and mourned by the Yandruwandha ‘every second breastplate was found in their attic day’. It is little wonder that the history and subsequently sold at auction. Their of Yandruwandha engagements with the uncle had acquired the breastplate in the breastplate seem a little ambivalent. One act 1930s, presumably from the family of the of retrieval does not ameliorate a century original owner, but the precise meaning of silence and the associated cultural and and character of the exchange in the material wounds that accompanied it. The 1930s between the Yandruwandha and the story of King and the breastplate are ‘part collector-uncle is unclear. of our history and should be respected’ but the story of settler colonisation cannot be reduced to a single encounter References (Paterson 2009). With this in mind, we need Allen H (2011) The space between: Aboriginal to acknowledge the spatial politics and people, the Victorian Exploring Expedition

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and the relief parties. In Burke and Wills: State Library of Victoria, Melbourne. The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian Illustrated Australian News, 1 January 1891, Exploring Expedition. (Eds B Joyce and D pp. 8–9. McCann) pp. 245–274. CSIRO Publishing, Keary A (1992) Representing the Aborigines Melbourne. in Australia: the exploration and Attwood B (2009) Possession: Batman’s Treaty anthropological writings of AW Howitt. and the Matter of History. Miegunyah Melbourne Historical Journal 8, 1–21. Press, Melbourne. Launceston Examiner, 17 March 1908, p. 3. Australasian Sketcher, 26 December 1874, McCann D and Joyce B (2011) Conflicting p. 27. priorities. In Burke and Wills: The Bonyhady T (1991) Burke and Wills: From Scientific Legacy of the Victorian Exploring Melbourne to Myth. David Ell Press, Expedition. (Eds D McCann and B Joyce). Sydney. CSIRO Publishing, Melbourne. Brough Smyth R (1878) The Aborigines of Moorehead A (1987) Cooper’s Creek: The Victoria. J Ferres, Melbourne. Opening of Australia. Atlantic Press Curthoys A (1999) Expulsion, exodus and Monthly, New York. exiled in white Australian historical Morgensen LS (2011) Spaces between Us: mythology. In Imaginary Homelands: Queer Settler Colonialism and Indigenous The Dubious Cartographies of Australian Decolonisation. Minneapolis University Identity. (Eds R Nile and M Williams) Press, Minneapolis. pp. 1–18. University of Queensland Press, Murgatroyd S (2002) The Dig Tree: The Brisbane. Burke and Wills Story. Text Publishing, Curnow H (1980) The Life and Art of William Melbourne. Strutt. Alister Taylor, Martinborough. SA Dept of Manufacturing, Trade, Innovation, Day A (2003) The Encyclopaedia of Discovery Resources and Energy (2008) National and Exploration of Australia. Scarecrow treasures secured. . Gippsland Times, 15 March 1870, pp. 1–2. Nora P (1989) Between memory and history. Healy C (1994) From the Ruins of Colonialism: Representations (Berkeley, Calif.) 26, 7–25. History as Social Memory. Cambridge Paterson G (2009) Burke and Wills: a University Press, Melbourne. Yandruwandha perspective. History Trust Howitt A (1878) Notes on the Aborigines of South Australia. http://www.history. of Cooper’s Creek. In The Aborigines of sa.gov.au/history/courage_humanity_ Victoria. Vol. 2. R.B. Smyth, Melbourne. breastplate.html>. Howitt A (1908) President’s address. In Report Phillips R (1997) Mapping Men and Empire: A of the 11th Meeting of the Australasian Geography of Adventure. Routledge, New Association for the Advancement of York. Science. (Ed. Walter Howchin). Government Pinto S (2010) Emotional histories and Printer, Adelaide. historical emotions: looking at the past in Howitt A (1857–1907) Letters. In Alfred historical novels. Rethinking History 14(2), William Howitt Papers 1837–1930. MS 189–207. 1047. State Library of Victoria, Melbourne. Russell L (2001) Colonial Frontiers: Howitt A (1857–1873) Diaries. In Records of Indigenous–European Encounters in Settler the Victorian Exploration Expedition and Societies. Manchester University Press, Relief Expeditions 1857–1873. MS 13071. Manchester.

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Sexton M (2008) Burke & Wills artefact adb.anu.edu.au/biography/howitt-alfred- unearthed in the Australian outback. The william-510>. 7.30 Report. ABC Television. . The Argus, 4 November 1861, p. 4; 28 Skeritt H (2011) Picturing Alfred Howitt. December 1861, p. 5; 25 April 1889, p. 9; Meanjin 70(3), 40–51. 16 April 1890, p. 7; 1 August 1900, p. 7. Smith B (1971) Australian Painting. Oxford Troy J (1993) The King Plates. Aboriginal University Press, Melbourne. Studies Press, Canberra. Sopher DE (1979) The landscape of home: Walker M (1971) Come Wind, Come Weather: myth, experience, social meaning. In The A Biography of Alfred Howitt. Melbourne Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes. University Press, Melbourne. (Ed. D Meinig). Oxford University Press, Welch E (1857–1873) Fieldbook. In Records of Oxford. the Victorian Exploration Expedition and Stanner WEH (1972) Howitt, Alfred William Relief Expeditions 1857–1873. MS 13071. (1830–1908). Australian Dictionary of State Library of Victoria, Melbourne. Biography. National Centre of Biography, Wolfe P (1994) Nation and miscegeNation. Australian National University.

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‡7HQ&RPPLWPHQWVSSLQGG $0 Chapter 14

Remembering Edwin J. Welch: surveyor to Howitt’s Contingent Exploration Party

Frank Leahy

Introduction to despatch what was clearly a search party, but curiously titled ‘The Victorian Contingent Edwin Welch, fresh from the British Navy and Exploration Party’ – possibly hoping the the Crimean War, stepped into the Burke and name would allay any fears that the situation Wills saga in June 1861. After the fanfare could be serious. Alfred Howitt was chosen of Burke’s departure from Melbourne on 20 to lead a party of four, with Welch as second- August 1860, regular reports reached the in-command and surveyor. newspapers as the expedition progressed Howitt led two expeditions associated through Victoria and southern New South with the Burke and Wills expedition. The first, Wales. This ceased when Burke left the the Victorian Contingent Exploration Party, ‘settled districts’ at Menindee on the Darling left Melbourne in June 1861 as a search party River on 19 October 1860. Ten days later, at and the second, the Victorian Exploration Torowoto Swamp, Burke instructed William Party, was despatched by the Royal Society Wright, the local guide he had recruited, in December 1861, to recover the remains of to return to Menindee and bring to Cooper Burke and Wills. Welch was a member of both Creek the rest of the party and stores. but, due to damage to his sight, had to retire For various reasons, Wright was slow to from the second before it left the settled move and did not leave Menindee until 26 districts on the Darling River. January 1861. When no more word of Burke’s Little is remembered of Welch other than whereabouts had reached Melbourne by June him being the first member of Howitt’s 1861, the Royal Society of Victoria moved expedition to come upon John King, the only

241 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills survivor of Burke’s party which had reached The finding of King the Gulf of Carpentaria. In 2002 the National Howitt’s party had set off quickly on what was Library of Australia mounted an exhibition likely to be a long journey in search of Burke of an ‘unprecedented array of material but before reaching Swan Hill on the Murray collected and produced’ by the Burke and River, they happened upon William Brahe Wills expedition and later search parties. In hastening back from Cooper Creek. Brahe’s the catalogue, Tim Bonyhady, the curator, disquieting news was that Burke was well remarked: overdue at the depot on Cooper Creek (Welch Welch is generally remembered, if at 1861a). Without waiting for Wright’s party all, for his discovery of John King – the that was bringing extra horses, camels and stores, Burke, with Wills, King and Gray, had camel hand who was the only member left the depot on 16 December 1860 to make of the Burke and Wills expedition to cross a dash for the Gulf of Carpentaria. Brahe the continent and survive. Yet Welch was remained in charge of the depot with vague also one of the most successful collectors instructions from Burke to wait three months. on any expedition into the Australian Four months passed and Wright’s supply interior. He not only acquired remarkable party had not appeared. With members of European and Aboriginal material at his party sickening and stores becoming Cooper’s Creek but a high proportion of exhausted (Victoria 1861–62), Brahe decided his collection survives with invaluable to return to Menindee on 21 April 1861. Eight documentation revealing where, when days later he chanced upon Wright’s party in and from whom he obtained it (Bonyhady a critical condition – camped on the Bulloo 2002, p. 1). River, desperately ill and skirmishing with a belligerent local Aboriginal community. Three Welch should be remembered for many members (Stone, Purcell, Becker) died in the more aspects of his association with the week Brahe arrived, Patten (of Brahe’s party) Burke and Wills expedition, especially his died six weeks later. observations of the Aboriginal peoples While waiting for the invalids to recover, encountered on Howitt’s first expedition and Wright and Brahe made a quick dash back to his lifelong reflections on those times. He the Cooper Creek depot to check if Burke had took up journalism and was distinguished returned; they reached there on 8 May. As by writing extensively on 19th-century the plant of food appeared untouched, they Australian exploration in general and that left almost immediately. In fact, the cache expedition in particular. In his last years he had been opened when Burke, Wills and King wrote regularly, generally on exploration, (Gray having died a few days previously) for the weekly magazine The World’s News. struggled into the camp on the evening of He completed his last article the day before 21 April 1861 – the same day Brahe had left. Welch, in reporting the rescue of King, was his death in 1916 – it was published, along told that the coals of Brahe’s camp fire were with his obituary, in that magazine two still glowing (Welch 1861a). weeks later (The World’s News 1916). Welch Burke, Wills and King failed in their lived a varied life both before and after the attempt to journey the 240 km down Burke and Wills expedition but the frequency to Mount Hopeless homestead in South with which he retold his role as second- Australia and had returned to Cooper Creek in-command and surveyor of Howitt’s first in a desperate condition. All camels had expedition, and the episode of finding King, perished and food was exhausted – they indicated that this was the highlight – and struggled to stay alive on nardoo, the staple worth telling again. of the local Aborigines (see Figure 14.1). On

242 Remembering Edwin J. Welch: surveyor to Howitt’s Contingent Exploration Party

30 May, Wills, recognising a personal disaster In later writings Welch referred to himself was on the cards, made a second visit to as second-in-command of the Contingent the depot, opened the cache and ‘Deposited Exploration Party and this was repeated in some journals, and a notice of our present his obituary (The World’s News 1915, 1916). It condition’ (Wills 1863). is likely that Welch was second-in-command On learning Brahe’s news, Howitt hurried of the original party of four members, but back to Melbourne where he ‘submitted plans the expanded party included Brahe and to the exploration committee for a bigger Howitt’s diaries made it clear that Brahe had and better prepared search party’ (Walker become the second-in-command (Howitt 1971, p. 123). Welch took the other party 1861). members on to Swan Hill. When Howitt met Much of the following will include up at Swan Hill, the party had grown to 10; quotations from Welch’s diaries. At least the Aborigines, Sandy and Frank, joined at three versions exist. What is likely to be the Menindee. More horses had to be purchased original is in the State Library of Victoria; and significant sorting and repacking of it consists of notes Welch made among Burke’s stores left at Menindee completed his daily navigational records. These were before the party was ready to set out for brief, mixed with ‘dead reckoning’ data, Cooper Creek on 14 August 1861, with 37 and appear to be have been jotted down horses and seven of Burke’s camels. at the conclusion of each day’s travel. In

Figure 14.1: ‘John King shows the blacks the remains of Burke, which they cover over with bushes’. 1861 or 1862. De Gruchy & Leigh. Lithograph. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. 30328102131801/8.

243 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills this chapter, the diary is referred to as the with the Mitchell diary but, as will be shown, SLV diary (Welch 1861b). A much expanded some of the differences, although seemingly version is stored in the Mitchell Library minor, are significant. Welch wrote that he within the State Library of New South was a long-time friend of Favenc and he may Wales. That version is referred to here as have supplied this version of his diary for the Mitchell diary (Welch 1861a). It was Favenc’s publication (Favenc 1888; Sydney presented to the Mitchell Library in 1918 by Morning Herald, 18 November 1908, p. 7). Welch’s daughter and has a covering note: Howitt’s party journeyed to Cooper Diary of Edwin James Welch, of Howitt Creek with little difficulty. The party Expedition could be guided by Brahe who had twice traversed the entire track to Cooper Creek Miss Welch informs me there is no doubt and the final difficult sector, four times. whatever that this is the actual original Welch obviously kept up a running dead- diary. Her father frequently told her how reckoning navigation but had little need he wrote the entries in it on the pommel for astronomic observation. This was of his saddle and when she enquired how fortunate as he had injured his eyes when he preserved it from getting wet and making sextant observations on the sun at being damaged by the weather, he said Swan Hill to the extent that he was finding that he had it enclosed in an American further observations difficult. Welch (1861a) leather cover: that he used no other frequently mentioned that ‘Burke’s track’ diaries and that this actually was the could be seen and closely followed. It is of original. interest, from a navigational aspect, that This assurance of originality is easy to Welch’s record makes it clear that in soft doubt as the diary script is so neat and in ink ground the tracks made by Burke’s camels – difficult to achieve if written on horseback. and horses could be clearly seen some 10 Further, the opening sentence is: months later. June Wednesday 26th. Original party By 13 September Howitt’s party was composed of Messrs Howitt, Welch, Aitkin back at Burke’s depot, Camp 65, on Cooper and Vining left town by the 5.45pm train, Creek. This was Brahe’s second return and en route for Swan Hill. he again judged that the cache had not Use of the word ‘original’ indicates the been disturbed as he saw no evidence that entry was made some time after 26 June Burke had camped there and no markings as Howitt’s new party was not formed had been added to his notice ‘DIG’ on the until at least a week later. Welch would large coolibah tree (see Figure 14.2). The have known that his navigation records party quickly moved on without further and the associated notes would have to be investigation. submitted to the Exploration Committee at The next day, Howitt was puzzled by the conclusion of the expedition and so the camel tracks going up the creek, i.e. towards Mitchell diary could well have been written the depot at Burke’s Camp 65. Thoughts as a personal memoir. It may not have been were raised that Burke may have returned to written immediately at the end of each day, the depot: ‘Today I noticed in two or three but soon after, when time permitted an places old camel-droppings and tracks, expansion of his first jottings. where Mr. Brahe informed me he was certain Ernest Favenc’s (1888) major work, The their camels had never been, as they were History of Australian Exploration 1788–1888, watched every day near the depôt and tied quoted a third version of Welch’s diary. This up at night’ (Howitt 1861). The Howitt party version (referred to here as the Favenc diary) camped that night close to Burke’s Camp 66 – (Favenc 1888) is generally in close agreement a site known to Brahe as he had accompanied

244 Remembering Edwin J. Welch: surveyor to Howitt’s Contingent Exploration Party

Figure 14.2: The DIG tree, September 1986. Philip A. Clarke, Cooper Creek 1986.

245 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Burke on the first day of the dash to the along Cooper Creek which ran through ‘a Gulf of Carpentaria. Tension was obviously long narrow valley from 3’ to 4’ (3 miles to 4 rising within the group. In a lecture given miles) wide formed by Welch mountains on in Bairnsdale, Victoria, in 1870, Howitt the north side & a range of low stony rises on reminisces: the South’. Howitt had named the mountains This evening, many were the discussions in Welch’s honour a few days earlier. In the evening, he took time for astronomy and by the camp fire about the missing observations for latitude and time – the latter explorers, and the general opinion in based on his dead-reckoned longitude and the party seemed to be that Burke and made for the purpose of correcting his watch. his companions had probably been On 15 September, Welch was more or less killed by the natives before leaving the riding on his own as ‘he usually rode at the creek, or immediately on their return rear of the party finding it easier to note the to it, and that the stray camel was one variations in the course, than in the front’. of theirs. I felt extremely puzzled, and Howitt and others had moved some distance certainly inclined to the belief that such from the creek looking for signs of Burke’s a theory might prove correct. Mr. Brahe track. Welch’s story of finding King is perhaps had informed me that the blacks were best told in the Mitchell diary: troublesome while he was at the depot, and that he had once been obliged to fire At 10.20 Passed a large body of natives his revolver, over their heads to frighten on the opposite side of the creek who them away; he also pointed out to me shouted loudly at us and kept pointing further down the creek, much to our the native who had been the ringleader astonishment, although as we were now among them at that time. Ever since we following the track of the small party had been on the creek the natives had that had left the depot for the North been very excited, eternally hovering coast, we were eagerly looking forward to about us, and shouting ‘Gow’ and waving any indication of their return. Following their hands. We had interpreted this, and up this sheet of water, a number of I think not unnaturally, as a hostile sign, natives were observed at the other end, ordering us out of their country; but the apparently waiting for us. Looking real meaning was at that time unknown carelessly at the natives ahead to whom to us. Add to this the comparatively we were gradually approaching I was recent track of a camel going up the startled at observing what appeared to be creek and the belief that something had a white man come from amongst them, happened to Burke’s party might have although had it not been for the hat, it some probability. might still have been mistaken for an Dire were the threats of vengeance aboriginal as many of them had obtained among the men should it turn out that old clothes at the Depot. the blacks had murdered Burke (Howitt The hat convinced me it was a white man 1870). and giving my horse its head I dashed Earlier in the lecture Howitt had explained down the bank towards him, when he that he discovered afterwards that ‘the word fell on his knees on the sand for a few “Gow” means goodwill, very much as we moments in an attitude of prayer. On might say “All right”’. rising I asked him ‘Who in the name of Welch’s diary shows him to be more wonder are you?’ and received the reply ‘I relaxed – his excitement was to come in am King, sir, the last man of the Exploring the morning. For this day, he was content Expedition’ (Welch 1861a, emphasis in to mention the party proceeded westward original).

246 Remembering Edwin J. Welch: surveyor to Howitt’s Contingent Exploration Party

Howitt and Welch, two thoroughly Over the next two years William and the boys visited the goldfields, first at English men take to exploration Beechworth and later at Bendigo. They Alfred Howitt was born in 1830 into a were moderately successful in finding gold. literary family in which both parents William and Charlton returned to England (William and Mary) published extensively. in 1854 but Alfred had become committed The family were also committed Quakers to Australia, especially the ‘bush’. His entry and William in particular was an exuberant, in the Australian Dictionary of Biography if naive, social reformer – among his causes includes: was a petition to the government for the Howitt was sent in 1859 by a Melbourne disestablishment of the Church of England. syndicate to examine the pastoral William was a druggist by profession but potential of the Lake Eyre region on more committed to literary life. The family which Peter Warburton had reported were well-acquainted with Wordsworth, rosily. He led a party with skill and speed Dickens, and Robert and Elizabeth Browning. from Adelaide through the Flinders Tennyson was a regular visitor – details were Ranges into the Davenport Range country given in Howitt’s biography written by his but found it desolated by drought and granddaughter Mary Howitt Walker (1971). returned to warn his sponsors. His ability When Howitt was in his 10th year the as a bushman and resourceful leader family moved to Germany, where his came to public notice when, after briefly schooling continued for three to four years. managing a sheep station at Hamilton During that time he took up some un-Quaker- and prospecting in Gippsland, he took a like pursuits, including dancing. Later, government party through unexplored a letter home from Australia showed his alpine country to gold strikes on the enthusiasm lasted – he described at some Crooked, Dargo and Wentworth Rivers. length the considerable effort he put into He was an obvious choice as leader when organising a ball. in 1861 the exploration committee of the By 1852 Howitt’s uncle Godfrey, William’s Royal Society of Victoria decided to send brother, was well-established in Melbourne an expedition to relieve or, as the worst as a physician, botanist, entomologist and fears sensed, to rescue Robert O’Hara property owner. His house was at Number 1, Burke, William Wills, John King and Collins St with a frontage to Spring St and a Charley Gray. garden extending down to Flinders Lane. The arrival of his brother and two nephews was Edwin Welch was also of the English announced in the Melbourne Argus and led to middle class, born into a family deeply many visitors, including Governor La Trobe, entrenched in the British Royal Navy. His the mayor and ex-mayor of Melbourne, the obituary in the Sydney Morning Herald consul-general for Portugal and the chief highlighted the naval background – his justice. father was Captain David Welch, wounded Howitt’s father William had brought him when serving on Nelson’s flagship HMS and his brother Charlton to Melbourne, Victory (it was unclear whether the wound attracted by the goldfields but also gathering occurred during the battle of Trafalgar, when material for publication. His books A Boy’s Nelson died). Captain Welch later became Adventures in the Wilds of Australia, Land, commander of the Victory at Portsmouth. Labor and Gold; or, Two Years in Victoria, His older brother, Sir David Welch, was in and Tallangetta, the Squatter’s Home the service of the royal family for upwards appeared over the next few years (http:// of 50 years in charge of the royal yachts adb.anu.edu.au/biography/howitt- (Sydney Morning Herald, 27 September godfrey-3917). 1916, p. 9).

247 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Edwin Welch was born in 1838 and entered Neumayer’s employ at least from 1860 and what his obituary termed the ‘Royal Naval possibly a year or so earlier. When Welch was School’ as a cadet in 1853. This was probably recruited for Howitt’s Contingent Exploration the Greenwich Royal Hospital School, which Party, the Melbourne Argus, extolling the in Welch’s time focused upon enrolling ‘the worthiness of the members, described Welch sons of officers and men of the Royal Navy as ‘the surveyor, a young man who has had and Marines’. Close to the time when Welch considerable bush experience’ (Argus, 27 would have been in the school, the Illustrated June 1861, p. 4). Considering this and the London News (http://www.mariners-l.co.uk/ ease with which he moved into a leading GreenwichRoyal2.html) carried an article role in an exploration party, it is possible listing the subjects studied there, which that some time between the goldfields and included ‘Geometry, Algebra, Navigation and Neumayer’s observatory, Welch spent time Nautical Astronomy, Engineering and Steam on a sheep or cattle run. Some phrases in his Machinery, Chart and Mechanical Drawing’. expedition diaries indicated that he did have Welch served in the Crimean War on HMS pastoral experience. Certainly naval service Himalaya, witnessed the siege and fall of would not seem to be the best background Sebastopol and was awarded three medals – for extended travel with horses and camels the associated Royal Naval records listed him in the Australian outback. as ‘Masters Assistant’. As a masters assistant Both Wills and Welch were employed at or masters mate, his duties would have the observatory for continuous recording included assisting with the ship’s navigation, of meteorological and magnetic field using the ‘Navigation and Nautical measurements. There was also a need Astronomy’ which he had learnt at Greenwich to reduce Neumayer’s astronomical (http://search.ancestry.co.uk/cgi-bin/sse. observations taken to locate the dll?db=NavalMedalRolls&rank). measurements made during his magnetic At the war’s end, Welch left the navy field surveys. As with Wills, it is likely that and made his way to Australia and the Welch’s proficiency in positional astronomy goldfields. A remarkable number of major was a factor in securing a position with players associated with the Burke and Wills Neumayer. In 1861 Welch prepared a Expedition had experience on the Victorian ‘Scientific Memoranda’ (Welch 1861c), goldfields: Burke as police superintendent at which reads like a textbook on positional Castlemaine, Wills as assistant in his father’s astronomy with formulae and algorithms surgery in Ballarat, Howitt with his family listed along with diagrams and example at Beechworth and Bendigo, Neumayer and computations – possibly he needed to Becker at Bendigo and Brahe at the Ovens refresh his skills when taking up work with River. The Sydney Morning Herald obituary Neumayer. stated that Welch worked on the Victorian Among the Burke and Wills material goldfields in 1858 but ‘did not find it in the at the State Library of Victoria is a sheaf chunks he expected’, so moved to a position of reductions of Wills’ astronomical at Neumayer’s Magnetical Observatory in observations taken in September 1860 as Melbourne. Burke’s party travelled between Swan Hill Welch was acquainted with both Burke and Bilbarka on the Darling River. Neumayer and Wills, ‘and in the case of Wills intimately accompanied the party to this stage and so as an associate in the Meteorological it is assumed he brought the observations Observatory under Professor George back to Melbourne. The computations are Neumayer, at Flagstaff Hill, Melbourne’(Welch noteworthy in presentation – in Welch’s clear n.d. [c. 1910]). As Wills left with Burke in handwriting, boldly laid out in the classical August 1860 we can assume Welch was in format, in ink and exuding confidence in that

248 Remembering Edwin J. Welch: surveyor to Howitt’s Contingent Exploration Party there are no crossings-out or erasures. It is top branches, jabbering without stopping no surprise that Neumayer recommended for a moment. Finding that he would not to the Exploration Committee of the Royal come down, and kept pointing to the N W Society that Welch would be a good choice (our course), we left him. All the natives for the post of surveyor. were naked, and the old man was the only one who had any covering for his Relations with Howitt head – a net. We here entered undulating In their old age, Welch and Howitt were sandy country, slightly scrubby and well on particularly comfortable terms, both grassed, and at the same time on came recalling with some nostalgia their on Brahé’s down track (Howitt 1861). adventures on the Contingent Party in 1861. Welch’s version of the meeting is: But at the time, their relationship was not … we disturbed a Camp of aboriginals, always harmonious. The extraordinary who bolted immediately they saw us, similarity of the two diaries suggests but after running along the creek for the men sat together in the evening and some time, sat down and howled at our reviewed the day’s events before writing approach appearing very frightened. their journals. Welch would have reduced One old man we persuaded by signs, to his navigational data beforehand and, as come with us & point out water, but after both diaries included Welch’s estimate of going about 200 yards he took the first the party’s location, that at least must have opportunity of getting up a tree from been discussed. For example, the entry from which he could not by any means induced Howitt’s diary of 6 September 1861 is headed to descend (Welch 1861a). ‘Friday, 6 September 1861 – Camp 24. 28°. On that first trip, tension between the two 142° 2’’ while Welch concludes his entry with can be detected in their diary entries for the the navigational data given more exactly: day of discovering King. Welch does not hide ‘Distance travelled 14 miles. Lat Camp XXIV 28° 00’ S Long 142° 2’E.’ his excitement and the Mitchell diary version A typical event reported by both authors quoted earlier has all the elements of a story was the reaction of ‘a party of natives’ that would be told and retold throughout his surprised by the expedition. Howitt gives the life. Howitt seems to take pains to record more extensive story: that he was otherwise busy on the essential task – finding and following the ‘Burke On a dry watercourse came on a party Track’. His reaction to the news that King had of natives, of whom [most] ran away been found is extremely muted, despite the –, the others, consisting of an old grey- fact that this event was the purpose of the haired man, an old hag of a woman, a expedition: younger man and two or three lubras and children, waited until I rode up. The track was visible in sandy places, They were in a very excited state, waving and was evidently the same I had seen branches and jabbering incessantly. The for the last two days. I also found horse younger man shook all over with fright. traces in places, but very old. Crossing Sandy could not understand them and the creek, I cut our track and rode after I could only catch ‘Gow’ (go on). At last the party. In doing so I came upon three by the offer of a knife I prevailed on the pounds of tobacco, which had lain where old man to come with us to show us the I saw it for some time. This, together with nearest water, but after half a mile his a knife-handle, fresh horse tracks, and courage gave way, and he climbed up the camel track going eastward, puzzled a box-tree to be out or reach. Mr Brahé me extremely, and led me into a hundred rode up to him, when he climbed into the conjectures. At the lower end of the large

249 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

reach of water before mentioned met But here, for the first time, my favourite Sandy and Frank looking for me, with the horse – a black cob, known in the camp intelligence that King, the only survivor of as ‘Piggy’, a Murray Downs bred stock Mr Burke’s party, had been found. A little horse, of good local repute, both for foot further on I found the party halted, and and temper – appeared to think that his immediately went across to the blacks’ work was cut out for him, and the time wurleys, where I found King sitting in a arrived in which to do it. Pawing and hut which the natives had made for him snorting at the noise, he suddenly slewed (Howitt 1861). round, and headed down the steep bank, through the undergrowth, straight for the Perhaps Howitt was displeased that Welch, crowd, as he had been wont to do after on discovering a ‘white man’ among the many a mob of weaners on his native Aborigines, did not immediately inform his plains. The blacks drew hurriedly back leader and allow him to make the first formal to the top of the opposite bank, shouting contact. Howitt may have been uneasy about and gesticulating violently, and leaving Welch keeping a diary – members of Stuart’s one solitary figure, apparently covered party that were successful in reaching the with some scarecrow rags, and part of north coast, were forbidden to keep diaries a hat, prominently alone in the sand. (Webster 1958). Some words may have been Before I could pull up, I had passed it, said about this; the third version of the diary, and as I passed it tottered, threw up its the Favenc diary (Favenc 1888), implies that hands in the attitude of prayer, and fell Welch considers he may have not followed on the ground. The heavy sand helped me the accepted protocol. Welch varies the story to conquer Piggy on the level, and when from that in the Mitchell diary and quoted I turned back, the figure had partially earlier, and writes that as he approached the risen. Hastily dismounting, I was soon excited Aboriginal mob: beside it, excitedly asking, ‘Who, in the A feeling of something about to happen name of wonder, are you?’ He answered, excited me somewhat, but I little expected ‘I am King, sir.’ For a moment I did not what the sequel was to be. Moving grasp the thought that the object of our cautiously on through the undergrowth search was attained, for King being only which covered the banks of the creek, the one of the undistinguished members of blacks kept pace with me on the opposite the party, his name was unfamiliar to me. side, their cries increasing in volume ‘King?’ I repeated. ‘Yes,’ he said; ‘the last and intensity; when suddenly rounding man of the exploring expedition.’ ‘What, a bend, I was startled at seeing a large Burke’s?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘Where is he – and Wills?’ body of them gathered on a sandy neck ‘Dead – both dead, long ago’; and again in the bed of the creek, between two large he fell to the ground. Then I knew who waterholes. Immediately they saw me, stood before me. Jumping into the saddle, they too commenced to howl, throw their I rode up the bank, fired two or three arms about, and wave their weapons revolver shots to attract the attention of in the air. I at once pulled up, and the party, and, on their coming up, sent considered the propriety of waiting the the other black boy to cut Howitt’s track arrival of the party [emphasis added]. and bring him back to camp (Favenc Welch then blames any impetuous 1888). behaviour on his horse. While in the earlier We could be forgiven for thinking that this version Welch is ‘giving my horse his head’, third version was written some time after in the Favenc diary his favourite horse ‘Piggy’ the events as the passage seems rehearsed decides what action is needed: and the language chosen carefully. For a

250 Remembering Edwin J. Welch: surveyor to Howitt’s Contingent Exploration Party man who had served in the Royal Navy and a machinery accident, and said that nothing been an assistant in Neumayer’s Magnetical but amputation could save him’ (Welch Observatory, it is surprising to see the 1861a). phrase ‘as he had been wont to do after many In all the diaries associated with the a mob of weaners on his native plains’ when Burke and Wills expedition and others, such describing the behaviour of his horse – the as Howitt’s, there is very little humour. sort of expression we would expect only if Possibly Wills would qualify, with his ironic Welch had spent some time on a cattle run. comment that his camels were ‘not so nearly Admittedly, it does lend authenticity to the done up as they appeared to be’ when they story. disappeared, leaving him and McDonough It is pleasing, that while the words of to walk back some 100 km to Burke’s first conversation between Welch and King vary a depot on Cooper Creek (Murgatroyd 2002). little, both longer versions retain King’s most Welch records that party members sat up memorable first words, ‘I am King, sir’. with Battan at night after his injury and In the 1870 Bairnsdale lecture, Howitt recounts that ‘much as I feel for him I could summarises the events but with the emotion not help laughing, when giving him a powder we would have expected in the immediacy of during my watch last night, he made a fearful his diary. As he explains in the diary, Howitt grimace, & exclaimed “Oh Massa Welch, was away from the party, tracing Burke’s Sahib, my belly close up broke”’ (Welch track, when he was approached by the two 1861a). Aboriginal members: Welch approached Howitt to have the Sandy, one of the black boys said, ‘Find camel destroyed, ‘as in addition to being ’em, two fellow dead, and one fellow old and useless, he had always shewn alive, belonging to Mr Burke.’ I can himself to be vicious and ill tempered, scarcely tell what my feelings were at more especially latterly, having frequently that moment; thankfulness that at least hunted everybody out of the Camp, or up one had been saved, sorrow that the into trees’. Howitt initially refused then, others had perished, surprise at the realising all other members of the expedition suddenness of the announcement, were agreed with Welch, said he would agree if all mingled together. signed a letter recommending the animal be But he also says ‘I believe Mr Welch, the put down. Welch organised the letter that surveyor, was the first person who had evening. In the morning Howitt announced the good fortune to speak to him’ (Howitt the letter ‘was not sufficient, and even if he 1870), as if he is unsure or has forgotten the got the right thing he would not sanction details of the momentous event and who had the act’. Welch recorded his feelings in his actually found King – certainly Welch was diary and took a shot at the Exploration never reticent about his role. For Howitt, it Committee for good measure: ‘Poor fellow, indicates some residual irritation. has’nt sufficient amount of moral courage At Menindee and early on the second just at present to incur the terrific wrath of expedition there was a major falling-out. the distinguished Exploration Committee’ The contention arose after one of the (Welch 1861a). camels, Nero, had seized the sepoy ‘Battan Welch felt that Howitt’s outburst was by the elbow, lifting him up, and shook him directed at him and in consequence backwards and forwards like a dog would submitted a letter of resignation. The issue shake a rat, for more than a minute. The arm was patched up over ‘two hours of private was fearfully mangled and the expedition conversation which of course terminated doctor [Murray or Wheeler] pronounced it with the shaking of hands and tearing up the to be a compound fracture, very much like document’. The event left Welch unsettled:

251 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

‘As it is I would rather not go, for without After his association with the Burke and any particular reason, I have an indescribable Wills Expedition, Howitt remained passionate feeling of something, without knowing about study and research in geology and what, connected with the present trip. Time anthropology. Although largely self-taught, however will shew & I shall at any rate stick his work was recognised internationally to it now’ (Welch 1861a). – he was appointed Fellow of both the On the second Howitt expedition, the Geological Society of London and the Royal party left Menindee on Thusday 9 January Anthropological Institute of Great Britain. 1862. In July 1861, on the first expedition, He was much honoured in his last years, Welch had damaged his eyes while taking including an honorary doctorate awarded sextant observations on the sun and the from the University of Cambridge. damage had been exacerbated in September Welch’s later life was far more varied. by a long series of observations taken at After a trip back to England he joined the Howitt’s Camp 32, the site where King Queensland Electric Telegraph Department was found. Welch could not take further and supervised the surveying and observations but that was not of great construction of lines throughout the state. consequence as the party could return on He also served in the Roads Department and a track that was now well-known – Brahe of supervised the construction of the bridge Burke’s expedition was with the party and across the Pioneer River at Mackay. He set this was the fourth occasion that he had up a photographic business in Mackay then traversed the track. moved into journalism, owning newspapers As the second expedition moved off from in Mackay and St George in Queensland Menindee, the heat and glare was intense and Mansfield in Victoria. He was editor of and Welch’s eye troubles returned to such the Australian Photographic Review in the an extent that Dr Murray, the expedition late 1890s. He was appointed Secretary to surgeon, and Howitt advised that he should the New South Wales Commissioner to the not continue with the expedition. We cannot Chicago International Exposition of 1893 help thinking that, with Welch uneasy after (http://www.daao.org.au/bio/edwin-j-welch/; the Battan affair, he did not protest too much. Sydney Morning Herald, 27 September 1916, In later life Howitt made a name for p. 9). As mentioned, towards the end of himself in the public service: his life he contributed regular articles on For his services [rescuing King] Howitt exploration to the weekly magazine The was appointed police magistrate and World’s News. warden of the Omeo goldfields, and in In their last years there was a comfortable 1863 began a distinguished career of relationship between Welch and Howitt, with thirty-eight years as a public official, letters exchanged between the families. On twenty-six of them as magistrate. In 1889 Howitt’s death in 1908, Welch penned an he became acting secretary of mines and obituary in The World’s News: water supply and in 1895 commissioner To all who ever came in contact with him, of audit and a member of the Public either in his official or private capacity, Service Board. He retired in January 1902 he was what the world calls ‘a most on a pension but served on the royal lovable man’, straight as a spear shaft, commission which in 1903 examined a hater of shams, and a stern enemy of sites for the seat of government of the humbug in any one of its many shapes. Commonwealth, and was chairman of In all the petty and irritating trials the royal commission on the Victorian incidental to the work of exploration, he coal industry in 1905–06. (Australian was the friend as well as the leader of his Dictionary of Biography). men: and the writer is entitled to speak

252 Remembering Edwin J. Welch: surveyor to Howitt’s Contingent Exploration Party

of him as a staunch comrade as well as contribution to science in general or to a genial companion from whom nothing anthropology in particular … this was but what was good could be learned. a pity, for the observations of these High praise … but by mentioning ‘the explorers provide an extensive view of petty and irritating trials incidental to the Aboriginal life and material culture, work of exploration’ we can surmise that particularly for those Aboriginal people Welch had not totally forgotten the incident who lived along Cooper Creek (Allen with Battan and the camel. 2011, p. 245). In 1907, Howitt became president Allen followed with a thorough, and of the Australasian Association for the much overdue, analysis of the contacts with Advancement of Science, and in his inaugural Aboriginal communities gleaned from the address in Adelaide spoke of exploration and diaries and reports not only of members his Contingent Exploration Party of 1861: of the Burke and Wills expedition but also It was Mr Welch who, riding in the lead, of Wright’s support party and the follow- first saw a strange figure sitting on up excursions of Howitt and McKinlay. the bank and said, ‘Who are you?’ To Perhaps more could be learnt from a similar which the reply was, ‘John King, the last analysis of the records of the search parties survivor of Burke’s party. Thank God, I of Norman, Landsborough and Walker who am saved!’ I was pleased that this part made their way to the Gulf of Carpentaria. of the rescue fell to Mr Welch’s share, Although Burke’s and Howitt’s parties for he was a pleasant companion, a were moving through country that had been good comrade, and a man whom I was traversed previously by Sturt and Gregory, sincerely sorry to part with when I was many of the local peoples would not have starting on my second expedition (http:// had prior contact with Europeans. Howitt’s journeys and experiences in Victoria and www.burkeandwills.net.au/Journals/ South Australia made it likely that he had Howitt/Howitt_1907.htm). considerable contact with the Indigenous people, but Welch probably had not. Having Welch interacting with the arrived in Australia more recently, Welch Aboriginal community would be more representative of the mid In a chapter of the recent publication, 19th-century English establishment’s Burke and Wills: The Scientific Legacy of the reaction to a sudden confrontation with a Victorian Exploring Expedition (Joyce and totally foreign, and in their eyes primitive, McCann 2011), anthropologist Harry Allen society. The diaries of Welch and Howitt opened with: flesh out Allen’s analysis, recording that the party continually sought information At the time the Victorian Exploring from the Aboriginal people and that in Expedition set out from Melbourne, turn the Aboriginal community was very anthropology as a discipline was in its interested in what the intruders were up to. infancy and it remained so in Australia The descriptions, particularly the language for decades afterwards. There was little used, allow us to form an impression of organised knowledge about Aboriginal the exploerers’ predisposition to what they people, with most information coming viewed as a backward population. from explorers … The commentary in Welch’s diary as the To a great extent, the public outpouring party left the settled districts at Menindee of grief which surrounded the deaths shows that the availability of water was of Burke and Wills militated against paramount, particularly as the group was any contemporary assessment of their travelling with 37 horses and seven camels

253 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

(Welch 1861a). The one item of information met – either as Wonominta or Warrigle continually sought from the Aborigines was Blacks. He is also unique in recording the the location of water holes. The entries in characteristics of particular Aborigines Welch’s diary for August are typical: in situations other than belligerent Saturday August 17th … According to the confrontation as reported by McKinlay and Blacks this water is permanent and has Wright (McKinlay 1863; Wright 1862). Of one every appearance of being so … of the Aborigines met at Menindee, Welch writes: Monday August 19th … saw the first Albert, the Wonominta Black boy Warrigle Blackfellows one of whom an extraordinary character, not ran after us talking and gesticulating understanding a word of English, grins considerably but when spoken to could when spoken to, displays his white teeth, give no intelligent information … and ejaculates ‘Wonominta’. Tuesday August 20th … At 9 35 crossed the same creek again, running N&S up to a gorge running up to the ranges in Welch’s comments on King’s the Ed where according to the account of rescuers and trading a Warrigle blackfellow who came up to In one sense, the real rescuers of King were us, there is plenty of good & permanent the Yandruwandha tribe living over an area water. in the vicinity of present-day Innamincka.

Friday August 23rd … we found a blacks Before leaving the site of King’s discovery, camp, recently left, with fires alight, & Howitt wanted to distribute gifts as a reward boomerangs, waddies, nets &c hung up in for caring for King. The tribe were camped the branches of some scrub, the owners some 6 km along the creek and Howitt, having most probably bolted with fright having some trouble in convincing them to at our approach. come to his camp, visited their camp and ‘giving them a few trifles persuaded them st Saturday August 31 … Between 1 & 2 they should come up to the Camp, and they pm met a camp of Warrigle Blacks; who should all have presents’. King informed showed us water at some distance off the Welch that their reluctance could be that track to the Westward in a small Clay Pan ‘they were afraid they would have to supply which they call Kinlijm … us with Nardoo & Fish as they had done for Generally, apart from the initial fright him’. Welch commented, ‘as there are 12 of of the Aboriginals when startled by the us their shyness is scarcely to be wondered approaching explorers, the meetings were at’. The passage in Welch’s diary, describing peaceful. An exception recorded by Welch is: the distribution of gifts, is quoted in full as Tuesday 10th September … we found it reveals as much about his beliefs as the a large body of natives, one of whom behaviour of the Aborigines: who [sic] was dabbed with clay, skeleton Tuesday 24th September. Shortly after fashion, came near gesticulating breakfast this morning the whole tribe of violently, motioning us away … blacks made their appearance numbering But things returned to normal later in the between 20 & 30. As a body they are a day: most emaciated, hungry, looking crew,* … followed by 15 or 20 natives, some of but more especially the women, one whom by the way were fine strapping fellows of which in particular was the exact and wore a belt of net round their loins … facsimile of a baboon. All appeared in a Welch is one of the few exploration perfect state of nudity as they exist. The diarists who identifies the tribe of natives generality of the men are circumcised,

254 Remembering Edwin J. Welch: surveyor to Howitt’s Contingent Exploration Party in addition to loss of front teeth, and them to conclude, from one shot over some few of these wear a girdle of grass their heads, that Discretion is the better net round the loins. Their only weapon, part of Valour. at least as far as we have seen, is the *This applies only to this particular Camp Boomerang, which tho very rudely cut, or Tribe – as the Coopers Creek Blacks is still effective at short distances, & generally are a far superior lot to those certainly a great exhibition of patience, on the Border Rivers. when one considers they have no tools but a sharp flint to construct them with. After A week later, the party had travelled making them sit down we distributed a some 60 km along the creek on their journey large selection of trifles amongst them back to Menindee. Welch records the build- which we had brought with us to meet up to a trading session that made him ‘one any such an emergency. of the most successful collectors on any expedition into the Australian interior … he These consisted of Tomahawks, Knives, not only acquired remarkable European and Looking Glasses, Beads, Handkerchiefs, Aboriginal material at Cooper’s Creek but a Coloured Ribbon &c &c, with all of which high proportion of his collection survives’ they appeared highly delighted, more (Bonyhady 2002, p. 1). The collection was particularly with the Cutlery and Looking a centrepiece of the Australian National Glasses. In addition to these we gave Library’s 2002 exhibition. them a 50lb bag of flour, explaining it Howitt’s camp was on a large water hole: was ‘White fellow’s Nardoo’ and a small … near a very large camp of blacks, Bag of Sugar which they like very much. the male portion of which however They returned to their Camp, apparently were out fishing. On taking a stroll up in a state of great excitement, yabbering the creek with the Gun, I unconsciously loudly, and continually repeating surprised two of the ladies bathing, who ‘Whitefellow’, ‘Whitefellow’, the only word at first appeared rather frightened, they are as yet acquainted with. From my without being in the least bashful, & soon slight knowledge of these people I should recovering their equanimity, invited me to say, that a little kind treatment, would come and join them. render them subservient & then services a We also passed a large camp on the very valuable addition in many respects, side of the Creek while travelling today, to any white man coming amongst them. members of whom came to us with They are highly superstitious & may Nardoo Cakes and Pitcheri, and an therefore be easily wrought upon either invitation to their Camp, which however, for good or evil. Their great failing, circumstances prevented our accepting. appears to be a disposition to theft, I got a nardoo cake from one of them one very simply counteracted; but the and gave him in return a strip of my kindness of the natives, will I think after pocket handkerchief, which pleased him the foregoing narrative be scarcely called exceedingly, I think on account of the in question. colour, it being red silk … these same They certainly have too great fear of people had run from us on our approach, white men ever to seek a quarrel, but will when going down the Creek, but one of doubtless in the event of them finding the tribe King had lived with, was now themselves the strongest party, appear with them, and his representations of our rather bouncible [sic] (colonial). Their gifts &c at Camp XXXII, had doubtless courage is however doubtful and their wrought this wondrous change (Welch very wholesome dread of firearms leads 1861a).

255 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

It is surprising that Howitt met a member sorting the considerable remnants of Burke’s of the tribe with whom King had lived, six stores. On 5 November, Welch, with Phillips days and 60 km away from where King was as assistant, was given the task of taking found. We can only conclude that, for a local, King back to Melbourne. The Darling River movement over that distance in that time was in flood and, as King could not swim, period would seem to be nothing out of the he ‘was securely attached to the long switch ordinary. tail of a quiet pony, was led into the water That evening, the men from the nearby and practically towed across with Welch camp approached Howitt’s party and on swimming on one side and Phillips the being given the last of the ‘knives and other’ (Welch n.d. [c. 1910]). The three men looking glasses’: arrived in Melbourne on 25 November. In … became very friendly, and one or two of later writings Welch often remarked that he ‘the party’, imbued with the spirit of trade, got to know King well during the journeys soon started them trading their nets, from Cooper Creek to Menindee, and from boomerangs &c for old rags or matches. Menindee to Melbourne, and questioned him For an old pair of Trowsers [sic] I obtained closely about living with the Aborigines on one man’s wardrobe complete, consisting Cooper Creek. Welch became a great defender of a girdle of grass rope and a grass net of King; when a newspaper reported a story for confining the hair; unfortunately of King killing Burke, Welch quickly defended nothing of the sort could be obtained from the late King. (For a fuller discussion of how the Ladies, as they roam around in the Burke died, see Ch. 9.) perfect state of ‘Nature’, untrammelled The unattributed article in The by either girdles or nets. Just after dusk Queenslander (1 May 1875, p. 7) reported a we startled & amused them greatly by person travelling along Cooper Creek, in the sending up rockets and burning blue vicinity of Innamincka and Howitt’s second lights, had they not seen us stand so close excursion depot. Howitt’s and, supposedly, to them, they would doubtless have run Gregory’s marked trees were sighted. Welch off into the scrub (Welch 1861a). objected to the passage: The Aborigines returned a number of An old gin I spoke to recollected the times during the night, and at daylight explorers, and helped cover Burke’s wanted to trade more: body with bushes after his death. She I had the greatest possible fun with some also affirmed Burke had not died from of them shewing my watch, the tick of starvation but had been shot by ‘nother which they could not make out, but the one white fellow’ … she persisted in finishing stroke was by touching the saying she had actually seen a white spring & letting the case fly open, this fellow – who answers in every way the frightened them so much they got up and description of King – come behind Burke ran away, and did not return until I left when he was stooping at the fire roasting the spot. When the horses were brought a duck, and shoot him in the side … up, they shifted further away, ejaculating King, after his return to Melbourne, told ‘Yaramandy, Yaramandy’ and would not the Expedition Committee that there come near us (Welch 1861a). was some secret in connection with the expedition, that he would not divulge while living … It was then generally Reaction to the report of King supposed that King’s secret was connected killing Burke with Gray’s death on return journey from Howitt’s party was back at Menindee by Carpentaria, and who was said to have 28 October and spent a week packing and been so ill-used by Burke so as to cause

256 Remembering Edwin J. Welch: surveyor to Howitt’s Contingent Exploration Party

his death. Wills, however, fully exonerated body and mental, not all suited to the his chief from this imputation, but it was reception of the startling amount of notorious that both King and Gray had worship prepared for him en route. He not very kindly feelings towards Burke. was in a pitiably weak condition and Welch was known as a writer who was fainted on several occasions due to over straightforward, ‘a strong and caustic pen’ excitement … at Bendigo, whilst in a state of great weakness and nervous who ‘naturally made enemies as well as excitement caused in that town and friends’. This can be believed – in a letter neighbourhood, he inadvertently made to the editor of The Queenslander (8 May a remark, the meaning of which I asked 1875, p. 7), he began with ‘I am quite sure him some hours later when partially that those who are acquainted [with] the recovered. His excitement returned, and melancholy history of the Burke and Wills with great difficulty he confided to me expedition will treat this published fable with a statement under a solemn promise the contempt it merits.’ of absolute silence unless afterwards Welch focused on the last sentence Burke requested by him to repeat it. The scribbled as he was close to death – ‘King has importance of this communication behaved nobly’ – and the fact that the note appeared to me at the time very trifling was ‘written in the presence of and handed and I believe must have worn the same for safe keeping to the man now accused of aspect for himself when he recovered murdering him!’ And King had no motive for himself and spirits at a later period. murder: Welch’s letter finishes with some highly The murder of one dying man for another, passionate but legally careful words –some for what? So far as it being notorious of which Welch would probably have liked ‘that both King and Gray had not very to have said to King. And one suspects the kindly feelings towards Burke’, the records phrase ‘My promise to King has been kept’ of the past will show that in every case was one he would have liked on his own where Burke’s judgement, decisions or epitaph: actions were called in question during the I solemnly assert that this so called secret progress of the subsequent enquiry, King had no reference whatever to crime or was his earnest defender and advocate; guilt of any kind. That its publication and, from the day he was first found could not then, or any time since, have on Cooper’s Creek he was thoroughly been attended with any good results. That enthusiastic and consistent on this point. its suppression was desirable for many Most interesting is Welch’s comment good reasons, and did not in the slightest about ‘some secret in connection with the degree affect the verdict of the public on expedition’. He does not dispute there is a the subject of Victorian exploration, or secret, but declares that this is the ‘first I the name, fame, or reputation of anyone have heard that the existence of such secret connected therewith. My promise to having been made public’. He revealed King has been kept, and will be unless that he knew of an event, associated with something very extraordinary should the expedition, that King wished to keep render the opposite course necessary, to himself; Welch’s knowledge of it ‘was in which case there would be great purely accidental’. King’s return to Victoria disappointment for those who expect was chaotic, particularly in the gold-mining anything sensational. towns of Bendigo and Castlemaine: For those who are familiar with the diaries He was received as a hero, and and transcript of the Commission of Inquiry, deservedly so, but in a state of health, Welch’s view is commonsensical and the fact

257 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills that he was so closely involved must add Murgatroyd (2002, p. 361) wrote that weight to his view. Like Welch, the author common knowledge around Innamincka and of this chapter believes that the idea that belief among descendants of John King’s King murdered Burke is fanciful. And again family involved King’s Aboriginal family: like Welch, this author doubts that Burke’s … with a story now acknowledged by disciplining of Gray, although ill-advised in senior members of the Yandruwandha. the circumstances, contributed to his death In 1867a drover named James Arnold, in any real way. also known as ‘Narran Jim’, was riding What remains is the nature of King’s through the Cooper area. He came secret. To this author, it was unrelated to across a little half caste girl around five the death of Gray – King was very vocal or six years old who was living with the about that, both in his testimony before the Aboriginal people. She was nicknamed Commission of Inquiry and, astoundingly, in ‘Yellow Alice’ and ‘Miss King’. The what may have been his first reported public Yandruwandha alive today believe she statement on his return to Victoria. Welch was John King’s daughter. says that at Bendigo, King was in a ‘pitiably John Conrick, born at Portarlington in weak condition and fainted on several occasions due to over excitement’ and could Victoria in 1852, followed the Burke and Wills not at all handle the crowds’ adulation. track and established Nappa Merrie Station in Stories must have circulated about Burke’s 1871, in an area which included the DIG tree alleged role in the death of Gray and King and Camp 65. In the early 1990s the author steeled himself against his weakness, to say of this chapter questioned his grandson, just one sentence – ‘Burke did not thrash also a John Conrick, about his knowledge of Gray!’ The full Argus transcript read: ‘Yellow Alice’. He said that she was employed by his grandmother as a housemaid in the Messrs. Welch and Phillips, of Howitt’s early days at Nappa Merrie and, in time, contingent, arrived at three o’clock this ‘went walkabout and died young’. evening, in charge of Mr. King. They were met at the boundary of the municipality by the chairman, and members of the Conclusion municipal council, and escorted to Edwin Welch’s record of the meeting of the Shamrock Hotel, where they were Howitt’s Contingent Exploration Party and received and entertained by a huge the Aboriginal communities of the Cooper number of the most influential citizens. Creek in 1861 contrasts with those of Mr. King appeared on the balcony, and earlier explorations by Europeans. Despite after also on the stage of the Theatre Howitt’s warning that ‘Dire were the threats Royal, and received a perfect ovation. of vengeance among the men should it turn Mr. King, who is rather weak, will remain out that the blacks had murdered Burke’, here till Monday morning. He states that the meetings were harmonious and without Burke did not thrash Gray (25 November the violence associated with McKinlay’s 1861, p. 4 [emphasis added]). excursion, the skirmishing of Wright’s party The author of this chapter believes that or the distrust and confrontational attitude King’s secret is more likely to be related to displayed by Burke. The circumstances, of his experiences living with the Aboriginal course, were different. Howitt’s party was community and the possibility of him moving quickly and not utilising valuable having a daughter, born after he left Cooper resources for extended periods. The one Creek – an event that, if revealed, would not extended camp of 10 days was at the site of have sat well with the heroisms ascribed King’s rescue, an occasion celebrated by both to the expedition by Victorian Melbourne. communities and obviously intended to be of

258 Remembering Edwin J. Welch: surveyor to Howitt’s Contingent Exploration Party short duration. The succour provided by the dll?db=NavalMedalRolls&rank. tribe to King engendered a great deal of trust http://www.burkeandwills.net.au/Explorers/ on both sides. Camel_Sepoys/mahomet.htm Welch could claim some credit. His http://www.burkeandwills.net.au/Journals/ comment ‘that a little kind treatment, would Howitt/Howitt_1907.htm render them subservient & … a very valuable addition in many respects, to any white man http://www.daao.org.au/bio/edwin-j-welch/ coming amongst them’ reveals him to be http://www.mariners-l.co.uk/ an expatriate Englishman in a colony of his GreenwichRoyal2.html. time. But his better side is evidenced by his Joyce EB and McCann DA (2011) Burke and obvious delight in the frivolity associated Wills: The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian with the trading sessions and the recognition Exploring Expedition. CSIRO Publishing, of the long-term value of the goods collected Melbourne. – in Bonyhady’s words, ‘one of the most McKinlay J (1863) McKinlay’s Journal of successful collectors on any expedition into Exploration in the Interior of Australia. the Australian interior’. And perhaps mention (Burke Relief Expedition) with Three Maps. should be made of his continual use, in F.F. Bailliere, Melbourne. contrast to other diarists, of the term ‘the ladies’ when referring to the women of the Murgatroyd S (2002) The Dig Tree: The tribes. Story of Burke and Wills. Text Publishing, Melbourne. References The Argus 27 June 1861, p. 4; 25 November 1861, p. 4. Allen H (2011) The space between: Aboriginal people, the Victorian Exploring Expedition The Queenslander 1 May 1875, p. 7; 8 May and the relief parties. In Burke and Wills: 1875, p. 7. The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian The Sydney Morning Herald 18 November Exploring Expedition (Eds EB Joyce and DA 1908, p. 7; 27 September 1916, p. 9. McCann) pp. 245–274. CSIRO Publishing, The World’s News 18 September 1915, p. 10; 7 Melbourne. October 1916, p. 10. Bonyhady T (2002) Burke and Wills: From Victoria (1861–62) Burke and Wills Melbourne to Myth. Exhibition catalogue. Commission. Report of the Commissioners National Library of Australia, Canberra. Appointed to Enquire into and Report Favenc E (1888) The History of Australian upon the Circumstances connected with Exploration from 1788 to 1988. Turner and the Sufferings and Death of Robert O’Hara Henderson, Sydney. Burke and William John Wills, the Victorian Howitt AW (1861) The Victorian Contingent Explorers. Parliamentary Paper No. 97, Party, 1861. . Accessed 6 September 2012. Walker MH (1971) Come Wind, Come Weather: Howitt AW (1870) Lecture: explorations A Biography of Alfred Howitt. Melbourne in Central Australia. . Accessed 6 September Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. 2012. Welch EJ (1861a) Diary, ML C332, Mitchell http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/howitt- Library, State Library of NSW. godfrey-3917. Welch EJ (1861b) Diary, MS13071, State http://search.ancestry.co.uk/cgi-bin/sse. Library of Victoria.

259 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Welch EJ (1861c) Scientific Memoranda, through the Interior of Australia, from Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW. Melbourne to the Gulf of Carpentaria: Welch EJ (n.d. c. 1910) The tragedy of Edited by his Father, William Wills. Richard Coopers Creek, being the story of the Bentley, London. Burke and Wills Exploring Expedition. Wright W (1862) Mr. Wright’s diary. In Angus and Robertson: Records, 1888– ‘Exploring expedition from Victoria to the 1932. ML MSS 314/225, p. 2, Mitchell Gulf of Carpentaria, under the command Library, State Library of New South Wales. of Mr. Robert O’Hara Burke’. Journal of the Wills WJ (1863) A Successful Exploration Royal Geographical Society 32, 507–526.

260 Chapter 15

‘We have received news from the blacks’: Aboriginal messengers and their reports of the Burke relief expedition (1861–62) led by John McKinlay

Fred Cahir

One of the tasks often given to Aboriginal not only get an insight into the important people on the Australian frontier was that function these news carriers performed, but of messenger. Prior to the construction of also the mechanisms by which Aboriginal a trans-Australia telegram communications news of the frontier (i.e. frontier news network in the 1870s, news from the important to Aboriginal people) was ‘unsettled’1 districts was often conveyed interpreted by newspapers eager for news by Aboriginal messengers. The first part about the Burke and Wills expedition and the of this chapter will examine characteristic exploratory relief parties in 1861–62. features of Aboriginal communications Explorer accounts of intra-Aboriginal and the Aboriginal role of messenger in communications and intercultural Australian exploration history. The second communications – between Aboriginal and part is a study of Aboriginal messengers, non-Aboriginal – were frequently commented in particular their importance for the 1861 upon. For example, A.W. Howitt (1904, South Australian rescue expedition led by p. 720) observed when travelling through John McKinlay which was despatched from the Lake Eyre district in 1859 that he daily Adelaide to find the missing members of the saw Dieri smoke signals which were to Burke and Wills expedition (see Figure 15.1). alert expected visitors about the position The chapter also analyses the news relayed of their camp and to ‘call the attention of by Aboriginal messengers about the McKinlay other parties of Yandairunga to the strangers expedition to the colonial press. In tracing [Howitt’s party] travelling in their country’. the history of this story and its variants, we Likewise, Major Mitchell (1838, p. 241),

261 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Figure 15.1: John McKinlay. 1862. Batchelder & O’Neill photograph. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. H37475/31.

262 Aboriginal messengers and their reports of the Burke relief expedition (1861–62) during his exploratory journeys of south- against white people. Smyth explained how eastern Australia, observed that ‘the natives Aboriginal people: have an easy method of telegraphing news … exhibited great ability in managing to their distant friends’. Mitchell often saw their system of telegraphy; and in former columns of smoke ascending through the times it was not seldom used to the injury trees in the forests, and soon learnt that of the white settlers, who, at first, had no Aboriginal people used the smoke to make idea that the thin column of smoke rising known their movements to their friends. through the foliage of the adjacent bush, Near Mount Frazer in Queensland he and raised perhaps by some feeble old observed a dense column of smoke; other woman, was an intimation to the warriors smokes subsequently arose, extending to advance and attack the Europeans. in a telegraphic line far to the south An instance of messengers being used along the base of the mountains and thus to forewarn the colonists was recorded communicating to neighbouring Aboriginal by William Thomas, Assistant Protector of people, who might be upon Mitchell’s Aborigines and later Guardian of Aborigines. route homewards, the tidings of his return. Thomas (cited in Smyth 1878, vol 1, p. 133) Mitchell discovered that this form of bush recalled how Aboriginal people tried in vain communication was used for intercultural to use their messengers to warn Melbourne purposes as well. At Portland Bay in Victoria, which Mitchell reached in 1836, he noticed residents of impending doom: that at the sight of a whale in the bay the A sorcerer, celebrated as a man local Aboriginal clans were accustomed to possessing great power, a very old black, send up a column of smoke, thus giving and a member of the same tribe as that timely intimation to all the non-Indigenous to which Mun-nie Brum-brum belonged, whalers. If the whale were pursued by one was a prisoner in the Melbourne gaol boat’s crew only, it might be taken; but if many years ago. He had committed some pursued by several, it would probably be run depredations on the flocks of the settlers. ashore and become food for the Aborigines. The news of his arrest was carried to near Other explorers also observed rapid and far-off tribes – to tribes more than Aboriginal communications about the 200 miles from Melbourne. The men were movements of white people. Jardine et al. greatly distressed. Telegraph fires were (1867, p. 85), writing about the Aboriginal lighted, and night after night these could people of Cape York, remarked that: be seen in all directions. Messengers from … communication between the islanders seven tribes were sent to my blacks. My and the natives of the mainland is blacks importuned me day after day to frequent; and the rapid manner in liberate the black stranger. Finding that which news is carried from tribe to tribe I would not liberate him, they urged me to great distances is astonishing. I was and all the settlers with whom they were informed of the approach of H.M.S. friendly to leave the district and go to Salamander on her last visit two days Van Diemen’s Land or Sydney. before her arrival here. Intelligence is The role of Aboriginal messengers has conveyed by means of fires made to throw been the subject of much discussion by many smoke up in different forms, and by anthropologists and writers, particularly in messengers who perform long and rapid the 19th century when their role was of great journeys. significance to fledgling colonies. Influential Ethnographers such as R.B. Smyth publications on Aboriginal ethnology such as (1878, vol. 2, p. 602) noted how Aboriginal Smyth’s (1878) often devoted large sections ‘telegraphy’ was used with devastating effect to the subject of messengers. Smyth drew

263 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills heavily upon the correspondence of long- on them. It has been said that they can term residents across Australia to provide be read and understood by the person to intricate details of Aboriginal customs and whom they are sent without the marks on beliefs. He observed that messengers had an them. ambassadorial role: Long-time colonists on the Lower Murray On very solemn occasions two River such as Peter Beveridge (1861) ambassadors or messengers are confirmed that the role of sacred and appointed; ordinarily, only one. The ceremonial messengers was equivalent to messenger has to carry a token, by that of postman: the ‘Aboriginal people on virtue of which he passes safely through the Lower Murray had one or two men in the lands of the several tribes, The each tribe, who were termed gualla nattom token is a piece of wood, eight or ten (messengers or postmen), whose persons inches in length, sometimes round and were sacred.’ Beveridge observed that sometimes flat, and seldom more than the messengers could travel among other one inch in thickness. On it are inscribed tribes with freedom. Their function was hieroglyphics which can be read and not just to pass knowledge from one group interpreted, and which notify all persons to another but to conduct all negotiations of the nature of the mission (1878, vol. 2, connected with barter. Other commentators p. 134). (Smyth,1878, vol. 1, pp. 133–134) also Howitt (1904, p. 678) devoted an entire stressed the sacredness – the inviolability of chapter to the subject of messengers and the messenger, and the message itself. message sticks. He explained that the role of ceremonial messengers was highly ritualised Aboriginal messengers on and highly regarded in Aboriginal society prior to colonisation: the frontier Aboriginal messengers, unlike trackers, In all tribes there are certain men who have not entered the 21st-century cinematic are, so to say, free of one or more of the or socio-cultural consciousness. While adjacent tribes. This arises out of tribal Aboriginal trackers have attracted attention intermarriage; and, indeed, marriages are sometimes arranged for what may in non-Indigenous history books, literature be termed ‘state reasons’, that is, in order and films (thanks in large part to Rolf de that there may be means of sending Heer’s (2002) The Tracker, Patrick Hughes’ ceremonial communications by some one (2010) Red Hill and Phillip Noyce’s (2002) who can enter and traverse a perhaps Rabbit Proof Fence) Aboriginal messengers unfriendly country, with safety to himself have been marginalised. Probyn (2005) and with security for the delivery of his asserted that the tracker is a multi-faceted message. In some cases these ceremonial enigma that has been closely scrutinised messengers, as will be seen later on, and Cahir (2010) noted that Aboriginal are women. But the bearing of merely guides have attracted some discussion friendly messages within the tribe is about their pre-eminence in the exploratory usually by a relative of the sender. The era of Australian history (e.g. Short 2009; message itself is, in other tribes, conveyed Clarke 2008; Reynolds (2000), but Aboriginal by what the whites in certain districts call messengers have not been accorded the a ‘blackfellow’s letter’ – a message-stick. importance attached to them in the 19th There has been much misunderstanding, century by explorers. This is unexpected, not to say misstatement, as to the real given that the expertise of Aboriginal character of these message-sticks, and messengers was quickly capitalised upon the conventional value of the markings by white colonisers on the fringes of the

264 Aboriginal messengers and their reports of the Burke relief expedition (1861–62) frontier. Foster (1998, p. 105) stated that the sent ahead a messenger with news which the ‘utilisation of Aborigines as message carriers colonial press was eagerly awaiting: for Europeans developed very early on the To ensure his good treatment by any Australian frontier and was an extension of white man he might meet on his way the Aboriginal role as guide’. through the settlements, I wrote a sort It is interesting to note that studies of of passport which I folded up and put Aboriginal people’s conceptualisation of into the end of a stick. I explained to him work on the frontier (Broome 1994; Pope what it was, and when he sorrowfully 1988; McGrath 1987; Cahir 2001) and before started on his long journey he carried colonisation (Berndt and Berndt 1999) the stick perpendicularly in his hand in affirmed that work (whether for white people front of himself, as a sort of talisman or for ceremonial purposes) reflected the which would ensure safety (Howitt 1904, deepest meanings of life and one’s place p. 688). in it – work was always religiously and As Howitt explained, the stick in which personally significant and sanctioned by the paper yabber was carried served as a custom. Aboriginal people often chose to visible symbol of neutrality to members of work for white people, especially in the other tribal groups that the messenger might capacity of messenger ‘for the novelty – not encounter on his travels. from hunger – and probably to establish In the colonial period, white people who a closer, reciprocal relationship’ with the had had ‘long experience with the blacks’ colonists who had taken up residence on (Foster 1998, pp. 107–108) often placed overt their ancestral lands (Broome 1994). An emphasis on their honesty and correctness anthropologist, Baldwin Spencer (1928, in reporting oral news. This prominence p. 546), stated that there was a great is of interest in light of how Aboriginal similarity between the role they assumed of messengers were used extensively by colonial news carrier for the whites ‘to the traditional newspapers to bring news (both written role of messengers’. Over time the Aboriginal memos and oral messages) from the frontier role of message carrier for white people to their readers. Smyth’s (1878, vol. 1, p. 133) assumed more formal, even ritual qualities chapter on Aboriginal messengers included: and it became customary for the message to However unpleasant the tidings may be, be carried in the end of a cleft stick. Howitt the persons of the messengers are held (1904, p. 688) stated that there were ‘official’ sacred, and they are always patiently heralds who could travel safely between heard and hospitably treated ... The adjoining tribes and, because they were well- blacks usually chose for messengers and known, they had no need to ‘carry any badge to send on expeditions such men as they or emblem of office’. However, if employed could trust, and men who could talk well. as a white man’s messenger the paper was Whatever report they brought back was ‘fastened in the end of a split stick’. Carrying generally believed. this before him, he might pass safely through Mr. Green, of Coranderrk (Yarra Yarra an enemy’s country because he was seen to River), informs me that, for bringing a be the white man’s messenger; if any harm false report from another tribe to his own were done to him, the tribe of the white man tribe, a man was for the first offence will would be very angry. be beaten with the waddy; for the second Foster (1998, p. 106) noted how Howitt speared in the thigh; and for the third he employed the technique in his own dealings might be killed. with Aborigines. Returning to Adelaide from the Cooper Creek region in the 1860s, with The Rev. F. A. Hagenauer writes thus: the Burke and Wills rescue expedition, Howitt –‘The Aborigines punished in their wild

265 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

state all deception and lying by open the South Australian border, and thenceforth fight. If children did it, their parents became associated with that province.’ had to stand and fight for it. The blacks Formative attitudes towards Aboriginal always gave quite correct reports of their people are visible in a letter to his mother in expeditions, and do so to the present day.’ June 1839: ‘In parts of the colony the Blacks The validity of the information, or the still continue their Barbarism … they have ‘genuineness of the message’ being conveyed been and continue to be always molesting by the messenger and their medium is and injuring the whites’ (McKinlay 1839, still contested (Thomas 2004, p. 10). A cited in Lockwood 1995, p. xxi). In the early biographical study of the anthropologist R.H. 1850s McKinlay took Barkindji land and his Mathews (1897), who wrote at length on the attitude towards Aboriginal people and land subject of messengers and message sticks, tenure hardened further. He was reputed appealed for a greater appreciation of the to have written that the Barkindji ‘were similarity between Aboriginal messengers committing frightful murders and destroying and message sticks and ethnographers and their flocks and herds to an alarming extent. books or pamphlets: The blacks in fact took possession of the country, threatening to utterly exterminate The direct exchange between pamphlets the white man, and establish a perfect reign and message sticks suggests a certain of terror’ (Lockwood 1995, p. xxiii). However equivalence between these items. Yet extreme McKinlay’s outlook on Aboriginal the two categories of object have been people, it was tempered by his need for their treated very differently in ethnographic knowledge. His attitude towards Aboriginal discourse and display … Is there anything people was utilitarian, and throughout his life in Mathews’ description of a message stick he was willing to utilise Aboriginal expertise that could not be said of one of his own where required. There were also several booklets? It too communicates through episodes which clearly altered McKinlay’s the inscription of ‘marks’ or ‘notches’ Eurocentric perception about the nature of on a surface. It too travels along trade Aboriginal people (Lockwood 1995, p. 16). routes. And like the message stick, the It is unlikely that, when appointed to lead ethnographic text provides evidence SABRE, an instruction to ‘engage the services (too often uncritically accepted) of the of two aboriginal natives, as trackers’ ‘genuineness of the message’ (Thomas (Lockwood, 1995, p. 5) would have troubled 2004, p. 10). McKinlay. The expedition started from Adelaide on 14 August 1861 for Blanchewater McKinlay and messengers with 10 men, 22 horses, four camels, 12 In 1861 the South Australian government bullocks, 100 sheep, one dog and a light cart. decided to send an expedition to the relief Many biographical accounts of John of the ill-fated Burke and Wills expedition. McKinlay have been published (Loyau 1880; It was known as the South Australian Burke Whyte 1881; Browne 1993; Davis 1863; Relief Expedition and given the acronym Lockwood 1995; Gibson 2012; Favenc 1908; SABRE. John McKinlay had already acquired Harlow 1992) but still none which deal a reputation as an experienced bushman. comprehensively with McKinlay’s knowledge According to Favenc (1908, p. 275), McKinlay of and use of Aboriginal messengers. On first came to the colony of New South Wales the one hand this is hardly surprising, in 1836 and joined his uncle, a prosperous given that the preface to McKinlay’s Diary grazier, ‘under whose guidance he soon of his Journey across the Continent of became a good bushman with an ardent love Australia (1863, p. i) erroneously asserted of bush life. He took up several runs near that McKinlay was ‘Unaccompanied by

266 Aboriginal messengers and their reports of the Burke relief expedition (1861–62) any aborigines’. In fact he employed three Although the writer of the preface in Aboriginal men at Blanchewater and enlisted McKinlay’s published diary attempted many others during the journey. McKinlay to excise the integral role of Aboriginal started his journey with ‘Peter and Sambo messengers/guides, McKinlay himself made … also Jack, the native shepherd’. When extensive references to his use of Aboriginal those three left the expedition he ‘Started messengers and the vital role they played. with the camels and Mr Middleton and a There is further evidence that McKinlay used native named Bulingani [from the Lake Hope and trusted Aboriginal messengers, in an region], provisions and water, to go to the undated oral history anecdote (presumably relief of the whites said to be In the Interior’ pre-SABRE): (McKinlay 1863, pp. 1–2). An Aboriginal named Kato was given a Remarkably, the anonymous writer of the letter by McKinlay to take to a place on preface disowned any Aboriginal assistance Lake Victoria. The letter was taken from to the McKinlay expedition for the entire Kato by a shepherd, who opened it and journey from Adelaide to Queensland, read it. McKinlay flogged the shepherd, avowing that he ‘trusted solely to his own and finally found Kato and said: ‘Now, skill as a bushman’. We could be forgiven for you scoundrel, tell me to whom you gave assuming that McKinlay placed little value that letter, or I will punch your old head on Aboriginal messengers or guides; at the off.’ Kato jumped into the river from a commencement of his diary he provided a 20ft bank and halfway across called ‘now, very guarded appraisal of the veracity of Mr McKinlay, I’m bin gabber along you, I news he had received from Aboriginal people bin losem that letter, and white man bin about a party of whites (presumably Burke find em, me plenty frightened and run and Wills) trapped in the Australian interior: away’ (Kerridge family, cited in Lockwood A few days before arriving at said station 1995, p. xxiv). [Blanchewater], I was informed that the natives had brought in a report of some The function of Aboriginal messengers white men and camels being seen at some on the McKinlay expedition inland water by them, or rather others McKinlay’s party left Blanchewater Station, of Pando or Lake Hope tribe, but did not the northernmost outpost of white give the report much credit knowing occupation at that time, then traversed Lake how easy a person may be misled from Torrens and, striking north, crossed the the statement he hears from natives, lower end of Cooper Creek at a point where and the probability of putting a wrong the main watercourse is lost in a maze of construction upon what he hears, more channels. There he learnt from Aboriginal particularly from a tribe of people who messengers definite and particular details really do not understand what you say respecting the rumoured white men, and to them, having hardly any English, but became ‘anxious to get to the place reported intend making every inquiry and, if at by the natives as the abode of the white all satisfactory on the point, will make a man, or men’ (McKinlay 1863, p. 2). Having push for their relief (McKinlay 1863, p. 1). formed a depot camp, he went ahead with In a letter to the South Australian premier, two white men and Bulingani, an Aboriginal McKinlay (cited in Lockwood 1995, p. 10) messenger who ‘knew something of white explained that the reason why he thought men’. It was not surprising that McKinlay the story not genuine was based on local would take immediate action on the ‘say-so’ Aboriginal intelligence: ‘So far as I can make of Aboriginal messengers: ‘Considering the out from the natives on the spot, I think it minute and circumstantial accounts that only an idle rumour’. have from time to time been related by the

267 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills blacks concerning Leichhardt, one is not numerically inferior and decidedly uneasy astonished at the legends told to McKinlay about being in Aboriginal country: … so that McKinlay was led to place some Friday, October 11 – Camped surrounded credence in this story’ (Favenc 1908, p. 294). by [200 of] them on all sides … We kept In his diary McKinlay made constant watch and during the night, sending the references to employing local Aboriginal native [Bullingani] who was with us to messengers, as well as Bulingani. His camp with the blacks, who gave us some use of local guides and messengers was fish (McKinlay 1863, p. 2). evidenced by his extensive recordings of At times McKinlay was frustrated by the very specific local place-names – McKinlay, paucity of information he was able to glean like many explorers before him, utilised local from Aboriginal messengers. In one instance Aboriginal place-name knowledge. So often he lamented that he was unable to elicit did he elicit and record Aboriginal place- information about the whereabouts of Burke names that it is difficult to follow his route and Wills party: ‘They give no particular without a map and the journal containing the Intelligence as to the camel save mimicking record of his travel during the first weeks: their awkward way of travelling, with their ‘Not only does he give the native name of heads thrown back’ (McKinlay 1863, p. 7). every small lakelet and waterhole in full, There were also occasions when he needed but he omits to give the bearing of his daily to receive and send messages from his course’ (Favenc 1908, p. 204). McKinlay was advance position at Cooper Creek back to acutely aware, as they progressed further supply camps. On one occasion McKinlay north, that their messengers or guides might enlisted three Aboriginal women to act as be killed by local clans because they did not messengers, as he considered there was a have customary permission to be on country better chance that the message would get that was foreign to them. The shortcomings through swiftly: of employing Aboriginal messengers such as Bulingani who was not able to converse in Friday October 18 – Saw some of the the local languages became clear to McKinlay, natives on the way here, and sent Mr and at various times he commented on the Hodgkinson and Bullingani back for palpable fear which Bulingani expressed. one of them to forward a letter to Camp Another member of the expedition was also Depot, to desire them to move on to aware of the fear Aboriginal people had of this place – so much more desirable for being outside their country: a depot than where they are now. In I also had to keep a sharp eye on a native the meantime three lubras [vernacular friend who had come with us a short for Aboriginal women] arrived on the way to prevent his bolting, as our long opposite side of the lake, and we called tried companion, Mr Nilmily, vanished them over … started the lubras back to immediately on our arrival here, and has the cart with a note requesting them not been seen since; he got the funks on [other members of the expedition] to the march I fancy, as he was getting out advance to this lake (McKinlay 1863, p. 7). of his latitude … he has been really useful Saturday November 29 – two natives to the party (Davis 1863, p. 243). arrived on opposite side of lake, bringing Because of these factors, explorers the joyous tidings that the party under such as McKinlay employed both local and charge of Mr Hodgkinson had camped at external Aboriginal messengers for various a creek called Keradinil, about eight miles positions. These included the important from this last night, so that I can expect function of mediating peaceful relations them every hour. I was heartily glad to in an environment where the whites were hear of them (McKinlay 1863, p. 3).

268 Aboriginal messengers and their reports of the Burke relief expedition (1861–62)

On other occasions McKinlay sought and found Burke’s grave, Wills’ grave and to obtain information from Aboriginal Howitt’s abandoned camp, so returned to messengers and guides about the condition Lake Perigundi. Aboriginal messengers of the track ahead (p. 7), how to obtain had informed Bulingani of what had taken reliable water (p. 7), the occurrence of rain place, and he then relayed information to (p. 14), the direction of creek flows (p. 14), Hodgkinson (South Australian Advertiser, 23 ‘the names of the different waters and places’ November 1861, p. 2) about the events that (p. 15) and the fate of some white people, had allegedly occurred at the lake: whom McKinlay believed to be Burke and I have, however, forgotten that during the Wills (p. 7): day Bulingani had taken an opportunity Some natives visited the camp during my when we were riding apart to tell both absence … I sent for one to endeavour to Mr McKinlay and myself that there was get some information from the messenger but one whitefellow and one horse; … I mean to take him out east if he stops that the latter had been killed by the the night. former for food, and that lastly the white man had been slain by the natives From a long conversation I had with with one of the wooden swords I have a native yesterday, who came to the described. This tale was repeated with an camp, I am led to believe that only one appearance of the most profound grief, of the whites were murdered at lake ending with a request that we would go Cadhibaerri, [Kadhiberri] at the time of back to Mullndhuroona, and shoot the the attack upon them … So minutely does perpetrators of the massacre (Hodgkinson this native know all their movements, in South Australian Advertiser, 23 that he has described to me all the waters November 1861, p. 2). they passed. The next day McKinlay’s party interrogated On 18 October 1861 McKinlay left Keri Keri, an Aboriginal man, about the two men at the Lake Buchanan (Lake graves and discovered that he had scars Coogicooginna) depot and took his second- which implicated him in the events at the in-command Hodgkinson, Middleton and lake (see Figure 15.2): Bulingani to Lake Kadhiberri. They came to On being questioned as to the a watercourse where they found signs of a whitefellows, he led us to an adjacent grave, and picked up obvious white artefacts sandhill, and without hesitation such as a battered pint-pot. Next morning, commenced scratching on a spot from seeing that the ground had been disturbed which he brought to view a quantity of by a spade, they opened what proved to burnt horsehair, used for the stuffing be a grave and in it found the body of a of saddles. He was then taken to our European, the skull marked, so McKinlay camp, fed, and more closely examined. stated, with two sabre cuts. He thought the A wound on his knee attracting our body was that of Charley Gray, a member attention, he showed how he had been of Burke and Will’s party. McKinlay found shot, by pointing to my gun, and carried the remains of another partially empty from the spot on another native’s back. grave and surmised that the entire Burke Besides the wound on his knee, there and Wills expedition had been killed there, was another bullet-mark on his chest, re- so he called the place Lake Massacre. When issuing between the shoulders, and four they returned on 2 December, McKinlay buckshot still protruding from the centre took two men and two Aboriginal guides of his back. He corroborated all Bulingani to the Cooper to see if Howitt had arrived. had said relative to the massacre They arrived at the Cooper on 6 December and its cannibalistic denouement,

269 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

distinctly stated that four whites were all times.’ Several days later he was again killed (Hodgkinson in South Australian dubious about the veracity of Aboriginal Advertiser, 23 November 1861, p. 2). messengers who conveyed more bad A great deal of mystery still surrounds news, this time about an impending flood: this discovery. The identity of the whites ‘Ariimitha was coming down, and that who had bloody altercations with the we must get out of this or we should be Aboriginal people in the region remains drowned’ (McKinlay 1863, p. 13). Although he was very sceptical about a flood in the unknown, and an alternative version of the middle of a very dry summer, McKinlay’s long events was offered by ‘one old native with and beneficial associations with Aboriginal whom he had a long conversation’ (McKinlay messengers ‘made it his business to ascertain 1863, p. 7). McKinlay believed there was the truth or otherwise of this information’. some truth in the alternative version. The prediction of flooding came to pass; The second version was to the effect that McKinlay and his party were surrounded by a the whites had been attacked by Aboriginal ‘perfect sea rising fast’. warriors, but had repulsed them. One white man had been killed and was buried, and the other whites went south. McKinlay was Aboriginal news of McKinlay told that the Aborigines had dug up the body in the news and eaten the flesh. The old Aborigine also Writing about Aboriginal testimony and described minutely ‘the different waters colonial forms of commemoration, Nugent passed by Burke, and the way in which the (2006, p. 33) argued that the evidence for men subsisted on the seeds of the nardoo historical events – such as Captain Cook’s plant, all of which he must have heard from arrival at Botany Bay – by the colonial press other natives’ (cited in Favenc 1908, p. 203). and by ‘historians, writers, politicians, However, there are many instances where remembrancers and others’ was often McKinlay did not trust information from authenticated by Aboriginal eyewitnesses. Aboriginal messengers. On 24 January 1862 Analysis of the steady stream of newspaper McKinlay, in dire need of water, noted: reports about the Burke and Wills expedition ‘Natives are with me, but they declare it [a and the McKinlay rescue expedition lake to the north of the party] to be all dry: (1861–62) revealed a similar trend. A vivid but I cannot rely on their statements at example is a story that for several months

Figure 15.2: ‘Kadhi Bieri, or Massacre Lake’. R.P. Leitch. Illustrated London News, 1 March 1862. National Library of Australia, Rex Nan Kivell Collection.

270 Aboriginal messengers and their reports of the Burke relief expedition (1861–62) was headlined in colonial newspapers across News from Aboriginal people has been Australia. A letter which emanated directly used to authenticate and to ‘provide the from Aboriginal messengers prompted “other” side of the story of an historical McKinlay to change his route to investigate event, to settle a controversy over the rumours revolving around a ‘fabulous story’. interpretation of the past in the present, Aboriginal messengers had advised that or to make a critical point about the value members of the Burke and Wills party were or otherwise of Aboriginal knowledge in living on a raft at Cooper Creek. This was Australian history or memory’ Nugent (2006, an intensely attractive story for the colonial p. 33). At times Aboriginal knowledge of press that could be authenticated only by explorers far in the interior was reported Aboriginal messengers: by the colonial press as a matter of fact. A report in the South Australia Advertiser (23 Wirrilpa, September 12th 1861. June 1862, p. 4) about an encounter between Sir – I have the honour to forward the Stuart’s expedition and local clans in central following particulars gathered from the Australia was clearly sourced from Aboriginal blacks, seeming to refer to Mr Burke messengers: and party. A black fellow called Sambo, News from the far north: a letter received who has lately come in from Lake Hope, by Mr James Chambers from Mr Steven brought with him the hair of two white Jarvis and dated Mt Margaret May 5th, men, which he showed to the cook and 1862, was on the 30th Ult forwarded to stockmen at Tooncatchim; he says it was the Hon. Commissioner of Crown Lands. given to him by other blacks, who told him We gleaned from the despatch that on that there were white men living further April 22nd a black fellow came to the out than where he had been. Frank James, station at Mt Margaret stating that he one of Mr Butler’s stockmen, saw Sambo was sent by old man Jamie, the king of th again on the 6 instant and tried to get the tribe, to tell Mr Jarvis that: ‘the wild the hair from him; he had unfortunately blacks had taken flour; that the white given it away to other blacks. James fella with all about nanto had been loose promised him tobacco for it, and he has ‘im, and no flour set down now.’ He also promised to get it again. Sambo says the stated that the blacks threw the flour on white men are naked; have no firearms the ground and ‘man him pelter’ that they or horses, but animals from which his had the wurley-pelter, meaning a tent description are evidently camels; that they which Stuart put up on the flat there; and sleep on a raft which they built on the that the blacks had cut it to pieces with water; they live on fish which they catch a stone, so that ‘all about black fellow with nets made with grass. Sambo says pelter him’. the other blacks told him that the white He was also informed that there was a men arrived there this winter. According ‘nanto’ (horse) at one of the springs where to Sambo these people are 20 sleeps from they get water. By pelter the blacks mean Tooncatchim, by way of Lake Hope Creek anything which they put on themselves. … so it is possible that they all are on or On receiving this information Mr Jarvis, near Coopers Creek. Sambo is quite willing thinking it advisable to test the truth to go out all the way with a party of white of the statements, went out on the 23rd men. He also says the blacks on Lake Hope Apri l… it is thought that no fears need Ck. are afraid of these white men. be excited by this information, as it is James Howe, P.S supposed that the tent was deserted when

(‘Mr Burke’s Party’, South Australian found to be too cumbersome; and also Advertiser, 20 September 1861, p. 4). that the nanto is only a stray packhorse

271 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

(South Australia Advertiser, 23 June Weatherstone, of the Finniss Springs, who 1862, p. 4). informed him that the blacks reported More news of inland explorers – this time that Mr McKinlay had passed over from McKinlay’s party – was conveyed to readers Cooper’s Creek to the north of Lake Eyre. in the same edition, attributed directly to Of course, this information, coming solely Aborigines and with other Aboriginal sources from the natives, cannot be vouched for. But it is probably correct, as one of the seemingly substantiating its authenticity: chief objects of McKinlay’s exploration The natives at Lake Hope say that Mr was to proceed in the direction indicated. McKinlay is a long way to the north, and At times, Aboriginal accounts of events that the floods from the North East have were downplayed as little more than ‘children surrounded him, and he will be obliged to of nature’ gossip that bore no resemblance to stay where he is until the waters subside. truth. Concerns in the colonial press about This report agrees with that given by the the fate of explorers often focused on the Coopers Creek natives (South Australia ‘treachery of natives’ – there were persistent Advertiser, 23 June 1862, p. 4). Aboriginal news reports that McKinlay’s party Rival newspapers, not to be outdone, had been murdered by Aborigines: also utilised Aboriginal news to report on Mr Goyder has brought later news into exploration parties. The South Australian town of Mr McKinlay and his party. The Register (20 June 1862, p. 2) reported ‘With intelligence, however, is derived primarily regard to McKinlay’s expedition, rumours from the blacks, so that it must be taken were prevalent amongst the natives that the for what it is worth. It appears that whole party were camped to the West of Lake somewhere in the vicinity of Angipens, Hope, all well, and preparing for a final start Mr Goyder met Mr Weatherstone, who upon their explorations to the North and had come down from his run in the Far North West.’ North for letters and despatches, and The European receptiveness to Aboriginal Mr Weatherstone stated that the blacks news as truthful and precise can be traced informed him of ‘ whitefellow with nanto in large part to racial notions held by and amu-nanto’ [horses and camels], at Europeans of Aboriginal societies. The widely a point considerably north of Lake Eyre. read journals of exploration by Mitchell Mr McKinlay must therefore have struck (1838), Eyre (1845) and Grey (1841) all out this route from Cooper’s Creek, and if spoke glowingly of Aboriginal fidelity and so he has crossed a country never before highlighted this aspect of their nature as traversed by white men. The whole party proof of their ‘humanness, regardless of the are represented as being in good health. unfamiliar natural and social conditions in It is of course uncertain from these scanty which they lived’ (Strong 1986, p. 183). details to pronounce with certainty what However, Aboriginal eyewitness trace- Mr McKinlay has been doing, or intends accounts were sometimes used duplicitously to do, but unless he should make up in the colonial press. Accounts by Aboriginal his mind to push across the continent, people of explorers’ whereabouts or a supposition by no means ridiculous, movements were sometimes discredited if we may expect to hear from him in two not vouched for or corroborated by whites. or three weeks’ time (South Australian A report in the South Australian Register (25 Advertiser, 24 April 1862, p. 3). April 1862, p. 2) is a representative example: Interestingly, there is also some Mr Finlay’s Party – Mr Goyder, Surveyor- indication in Aboriginal news reports (South General, who has just returned from Australian Advertiser, 4 April 1862, p. 2) the Far North, states that he saw Mr that explorers’ movements were knowingly

272 Aboriginal messengers and their reports of the Burke relief expedition (1861–62) manipulated by Aborigines. This may be ‘gammoning’ or joking with white people. evidence of Aboriginal agency in terms of Aboriginal peoples were (and still are) well- how they wished events to be chronicled. known for their predilection for poking fun It is unclear why Aborigines would report at greenhorns (inexperienced white people) extravagantly that whites were murdered in the bush. Stanner (1982, p. 43) and Cahir by other Aboriginal people; possibly it was (2001, 2006) pointed to an established to demonise other Aboriginal peoples with tradition of ‘venomous endearments’ directed whom the sources were at enmity.2 towards themselves and white people and We have been favoured by the their customs. Commissioner of Crown Lands with the However, Aboriginal-derived reports of following copy of a letter just received McKinlay and his party being massacred from Corporal Wauhop who is in the continued to appear in the newspapers. Some far north, and which pretty well sets at examples are provided below: rest any apprehensions which may have The natives who gave rise to the rumours been felt respecting the rumour of Mr we have referred to are known to be McKinlay’s party having been murdered untrustworthy, and their story is not by the blacks. believed by the police in the north. Mr ‘Police station, Mt Searle, March 25th, McKinlay, too, is one of the last men to be 1862 surprised by natives. A more wary and experienced bushman never had charge ‘Sir – I have the honour to report for your of an expedition (‘McKinlay’s Expedition’, information that I have just returned Sydney Morning Herald, 29 March 1862, from Blanche Town and Tooncatchin, p. 8). outstations of Mr Bakers, accompanied by police trooper Poynter [Aboriginal Mr Walter Jacka has just arrived in trooper] and made every inquiry Adelaide from the far North, and respecting the reported murder of Mr has furnished us with the following McKinlay and party, and cannot hear information; he states that the blacks anything to substantiate the report of had reported to the overseer of Jacob’s Owandine, Billy, and Pompey, who now outside station that their party (supposed contradict their former statements by to be McKinlay’s) had all died, or tumbled saying they were only “Monkey Yabber” down as they say in their vernacular; (meaning that it’s untrue). and that the horses or ‘nantos’ and the camels or ‘long back nantos carry I have seen several other natives, and piccaninni hills’ had all shared a similar from enquiries made of them they say fate. Our informant also adds that the that the natives are too much frightened natives were, when he left, mustering of Mr McKinlay to come in contact with very strong, and becoming somewhat him again. The settlers living about there troublesome. 700, it was reported, were also disbelieve the report … Mr Howitt going down to Chambers Station scouring states that the natives on the creek the country on their way (‘The Far North’, are on friendly terms with himself and South Australian Register, 26 March party and has no reason to suppose that anything has happened to Mr McKinlay 1862, p. 5). and party, and it is his intention to make Police Station Mount Serle, Feb. 20, 1862. enquiries on his return (South Australian From the northern patrol, I have the Advertiser, 26 April 1862, p. 5). honour to lay before you the following It is feasible that the misreporting or information, received by him from ‘monkey yabber’ was merely a form of Edward Glood, stockkeeper at Petemara,

273 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

one of Mr Jacob’s stations, viz., that to fears of murder and cannibalism by he had seen two Hill natives named Aborigines – and the lack of investigation Owandina Billy and Pompey, who told into the historical veracity or cultural him that they were on the plains in the context3 of such reports: direction of Lake Hope, and had seen Mr McKinlay however, did more than some of the natives of that place, who discover the remains of Europeans. He told them that the Saltwater blacks had collected indubitable proof that these killed Mr McKinlay and party, and had Europeans had been massacred. The eaten all the sheep and bullocks.The Euro natives of the district confessed to the Nantoes, they said, ran away – meaning murder of the party, and acknowledged the camels. that they had feasted on the remains of ‘Police trooper Besley states that he their victims. Nor had this tragical result made it his business to see the native been attained without a struggle. who returned from Mr McKinlay’s party Biber (2005, p. 623) noted that ‘the about five weeks since, also a number discourse of cannibalism is a repeated of Lake Hope blacks, at Tooncatchim (an and powerful trope in colonial contact and out station of John Baker’s Esq.), and conflict. Fascination with and accusations of made every enquiry of them respecting anthropology, ritual sacrifice and survival Mr McKinlay and party, but none of them cannibalism disclose the fear of the native appeared to know any thing of the above “Other”’. rumour. Reports of McKinlay’s party (South Australian Register, 22 November 1861, p. 5) ‘Police trooper Besley made every firing upon and massacring an unidentified endeavour to see the two Hill blacks who number of Aboriginal people (verified gave rise to the above report, but was by McKinlay and Hodgkinson) were also unable to do so. included in the newspapers. McKinlay wrote ‘It is my impression that the statement that he tried to use an Aboriginal messenger of the two blacks, Pompey and Billy is to avert the need to fire upon a large group without foundation and I should have of Aboriginal warriors: ‘I immediately considered it unworthy of your notice, ordered them back, also telling the native but thinking it might reach Adelaide from that was with me [Bulangani] to tell them that other parties [sic] if they did not keep back I would fire upon ‘I have, &c., James Wauchop, Corporal them, which they one and all disregarded.’ (‘Reported Murder of Mr McKinlay’s Party’, It is noteworthy that the accolades South Australian Register, 26 March bestowed upon McKinlay after his expedition 1862, p. 4). included praise that not one of his men had perished during the arduous journey; The dependability of Aboriginal the South Australian government ignored news about explorers’ whereabouts was McKinlay’s acknowledged order to fire upon a critical to many explorers’ survival as group of Aboriginal people. relief parties might only be despatched on the basis of Aboriginal messenger information. Many explorers’ accounts Conclusion reported their dependence on the veracity This study of the role of Aboriginal of Aboriginal knowledge, but it was also messengers on the Australian exploratory often misunderstood. A report in the South frontier conducted through the gaze of the Australian Advertiser (23 November 1862, South Australian Burke Relief Expedition, p. 4) revealed the press’ swift pandering led by John McKinlay, reiterated the extent

274 Aboriginal messengers and their reports of the Burke relief expedition (1861–62) to which Aboriginal messengers were relied crying.’ For further information also see upon to accomplish the mission and enable Goldman (1999). safe travel through Australia from south to north, the second exploration party to References achieve that. Analysis of the news relayed by Berndt RM and Berndt CH (1999) The World Aboriginal messengers about the McKinlay of the First Australians. Aboriginal Studies expedition to the colonial press revealed Press, Canberra. the crucial function of these news carriers in relaying the only available information Beveridge P (1861) A few notes on the about exploratory parties deep in the dialects, habits, customs, and mythology interior, to the wider community. It has of the Lower Murray Aborigines. also been possible to view the mechanisms Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal and motives by which Aboriginal news Society of Victoria 6, 14–24. of McKinlay’s party – news important to Biber K (2005) Cannibals and colonialism. Aboriginal people and newspaper editors Sydney Law Review 27(4), 623–637. alike – was interpreted and manipulated by Broome R (1994) Aboriginal workers on south both messengers for their own purposes. eastern frontiers. Australian Historical Studies 26(103), 202–220. Endnotes Browne LFS (1993) John McKinlay and the 1 The term ‘unsettled districts’ was used by Mary River Mud. State Library of the successive colonial governments in 19th- Northern Territory, Darwin. century Australia to describe a district Cahir D (2001) The Wathawurrung people’s which had not been surveyed or gazetted encounters with outside forces 1797– as a district. 1849: a history of conciliation and 2 See Berndt and Berndt (1999) for a conflict. MA thesis. University of Ballarat. discussion about intertribal attitudes. Cahir D (2006) Black gold: a history of the 3 Berndt and Berndt (1999) noted that role of Aboriginal people on the goldfields within certain contexts, namely as part of Victoria, 1850–70. PhD thesis. School of of funerary rites, ritual cannibalism did Business, University of Ballarat. occur in some groups. Smyth (1878, vol. Cahir F (2010) ‘Are you off to the diggings?’: 1, pp 120–121) cited Samuel Gason: ‘the Aboriginal guiding to and on the author of the little work on the manners goldfields. La Trobe Journal 85, 22–36. of the Dieyerie [Dieri] people gives the Clarke PA (2008) Aboriginal Plant Collectors: following description of the modes of Botanists and Australian Aboriginal people disposing of the dead. It appears that the in the Nineteenth Century. Rosenberg fat of the corpse is eaten: When a man, Publishing, Dural, NSW. woman, or child dies, no matter from what cause, the big toes of each foot are Davis J (1863) Tracks of McKinlay and Party tied together, and the body enveloped across Australia. Sampson Low, Son, in a net. The grave is dug to about three London. feet … a native proceeds to cut off all the Eyre EJ (1845) Journals of Expeditions of fat adhering to the muscles of the face, Discovery into Central Australia, and thighs, arms, and stomach, and passes Overland from Adelaide to King George’s it round to be swallowed; the reason Sound, in the years 1840–1: Sent by the assigned for this horrible practice being Colonists of South Australia, with the that thus the nearest relatives may forget Sanction and Support of the Government: the departed and not be continually Including an Account of the Manners and

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Customs of the Aborigines and the State of Loyau GE (1880) The Gawler Handbook : A their Relations with Europeans. T. and W. Record of the Rise and Progress of that Boone, London. Important Town, to which are added Favenc E (1908) The Explorers of Australia Memoirs of McKinlay the Explorer and Dr. and their Life-work. Whitcombe and Nott. Goodfellow and Hele, Adelaide. Tombs, Christchurch. Mathews RH (1897) Message sticks used by Foster R (1998) Paper yabber: the messenger the Aborigines of Australia. American and the message. Aboriginal History 22, Anthropologist 10, 288–297. 105–115. McGrath A (1987) Born in the Cattle: Gibson D (2012) John McKinlay – ‘Knight Aborigines in Cattle Country. Allen and Errant of explorers’: an explorer’s Unwin, Sydney. explorer? Queensland History Journal McKinlay J (1863) McKinlay’s Diary of his 21(8), 575–584. Journey across the Continent of Australia. Goldman L (1999) The Anthropology of E. and D. Syme, Melbourne. Cannibalism. Bergin and Garvey, Westport, Mitchell T (1838) Three Expeditions into Conn. the Interior of Eastern Australia: With Grey G (1841) Journals of two Expeditions Descriptions of the Recently Explored of Discovery in North-west and Western Region of Australia Felix, and of the Australia: during the years 1837, 38, Present Colony of New South Wales, T. and W. Boone, London. and 39, under the Authority of Her Majesty’s Government: Describing many Nugent M (2006) Historical encounters: Newly Discovered, Important, and Fertile Aboriginal testimony and colonial forms Districts, with Observations on the Moral of commemoration. Aboriginal History 30, and Physical Condition of the Aboriginal 33–47. Inhabitants. T. and W. Boone, London. Pope A (1988) Aboriginal adaptation to Harlow S (1992) John McKinlay: his early colonial labour markets: the South significance as a Northern Territory Australian experience. Labour History 54, explorer. Journal of Northern Territory 1–15. History 3, 55–65. Probyn F (2005) An ethics of following and Howitt AW (1904) Native Tribes of South-East the no road film: trackers, followers and Australia. Macmillan, London. fanatics. Australian Humanities Review 37. Howitt AW (1907) Inaugural presidential Reynolds H (2000) Black Pioneers. Penguin, address. In Report of the 11th Meeting Melbourne. of the Australian Association for the Short J (2009) Cartographic Encounters: Advancement of Science. Australian Indigenous Peoples and the Exploration Association for the Advancement of f the New World. Reaktion Books, Science, Adelaide. London. Jardine F, Byerley FJ and Jardine A (1867) Smyth R Brough (1878) The Aborigines of Narrative of the Overland Expedition of the Victoria: With Notes relating to the Habits Messrs. Jardine from Rockhampton to Cape of the Natives of other Parts of Australia York, Northern Queensland. J.W. Buxton, and Tasmania. Government Printer, Brisbane. Melbourne. Lockwood K (1995) Big John: The South Australian Advertiser [electronic Extraordinary Adventures of John McKinlay resource]. 20 September 1861, p. 4; 23 1819–1872. State Library of Victoria, November 1861, p. 2; 4 April 1862, p. 2; Melbourne. 24 April 1862, p. 3; 26 April 1862, p. 5; 23

276 Aboriginal messengers and their reports of the Burke relief expedition (1861–62)

June 1862, p. 4; 23 November 1862, p. 4. journals, 1697–1845. Ethnohistory 33(2), John Henry Barrow, Adelaide. 175–194. South Australian Register [electronic Sydney Morning Herald [electronic resource] resource]. 22 November 1861, p. 5; 26 29 March 1862, p. 8. Charles Kemp and March 1862, pp. 4–5; 25 April 1862, p. 2; John Fairfax, Sydney. 20 June 1862, p. 2. Robert Thomas and Thomas M (2004) R.H. Mathews and Co., Adelaide. anthropological warfare: on writing the biography of a ‘self-contained man’. Spencer B (1928) Wanderings in Wild Aboriginal History 28, 1–32. Australia. Vol. II. Macmillan, London. Whyte D (1881) Sketch of Explorations by Stanner WEH (1982) Aboriginal humour. the Late John McKinlay in the Interior of Aboriginal History 6, 39–48. Australia, 1861–2: Being a Paper read Strong P (1986) Fathoming the primitive: before the Cowal Society, Oct. 28, 1878. Australian Aborigines in four explorers’ Aird and Coghill, Glasgow.

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‡7HQ&RPPLWPHQWVSSLQGG $0 Chapter 16

William Landsborough’s expedition of 1862 from Carpentaria to Victoria in search of Burke and Wills: exploration with native police troopers and Aboriginal guides

Peta Jeffries

Introduction chapter will show that Jemmy, Fisherman and Jackey, the Aboriginal people involved The fate of Burke and Wills is well-known with Landsborough’s expedition, not in Australian history, but less has been only guided the non-Aboriginal explorers written about the several relief expeditions through country, they also fed and watered and little about the Aboriginal people them. They were vital contributors to the involved with the journeys. This chapter experiences that became stories of colonial examines the influence and agency of exploration and settlement. Aboriginal guides and explorers during 19th- William Landsborough (1825–86) grew century colonial Australia. It focuses on the up in Scotland and in 1841 migrated to New ways in which stories of place influenced South Wales, where his elder brothers held relationships between Landsborough’s two stations. In 1861, Landsborough was rescue expeditionary party (Figure 16.1) recommended by A.C. Gregory and chosen by and Aboriginal peoples in the Barcoo and the Victorian and Queensland governments Cooper Creek regions. These intercultural to lead a search for Robert O’Hara Burke encounters will be highlighted alongside and William John Wills from the Gulf of examples of ‘cultural blindness’ (Plumwood Carpentaria southwards towards Victoria 2003, p. 60), followed by discussion and (Trundle 1974). The fate of Burke and Wills analysis of the separate cultures’ mutual was unknown at the time. adaptation to find a sense of continuity and Landsborough’s was one of four belonging in a rapidly changing world. The expeditions sent to search for the missing

279 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Burke and Wills. The first was formed The main ‘place’ of focus is named the in Melbourne, with the Royal Society of Barcoo River (Barcoo is an Aboriginal word) Victoria appointing Alfred William Howitt and the interconnecting water systems to lead the Victorian Relief Expedition. The including the Thomson River and Cooper second was formed in Adelaide, and led by Creek. The main part of this story is situated John McKinlay. The Exploration Committee within the rectangular geographical locations of the Royal Society of Victoria appointed between what is today known as Longreach Frederick Walker to lead a third party on the Thomson River, Barcaldine on the of 12 men from Rockhampton along the Alice River (which feeds into the Barcoo Barcoo and Thomson rivers to the Norman River) to the Warrego River further south River, then to the Gulf of Carpentaria to and then west to Cooper Creek. We will also meet Commander Norman and H.C.M.S. mention the surrounding areas, due to the steamship Victoria. The main focus of this great distances travelled and the relevance of chapter is Landsborough’s expedition, the the experiences that shaped the events. fourth relief party. The party left Brisbane In 1862 the centre of Australia was on the Firefly, escorted by the steamship unknown to people in settled districts; Victoria despatched by the Victorian following the Burke and Wills expedition, government, sent to the Gulf of Carpentaria it has been commonly termed ‘the ghastly to assist Walker and Landsborough from the blank’ (Moorehead 1963, p. 1). It was simply Albert River (Burketown). The Landsborough imagined by settlers who dreamed of vast expedition party successfully travelled all pastures, gold or maybe an inland sea. As the way from the Gulf of Carpentaria to Moorehead (1963, p. 1) wrote in Cooper’s Victoria. Creek: ‘here perhaps, more than anywhere, humanity had had a chance to make a fresh Stories of place start. The land was absolutely untouched and Landsborough’s journal recorded events unknown’. and experiences that occurred between 4 One defining term in the explorers’ February and 21 May 1862, from the Albert accounts is ‘wilderness’ (Landsborough River to the Warrego River. This chapter will 1963, p. 59). It suggested that Australia follow this linear storyline, through a place- was ‘nature untouched’, which denied based (Rose 2000) analysis of the country Aboriginal ecological agency. This concept of through which they travelled. Following wilderness ‘plays a key role in colonization Relph’s (1992, p. 37) definition, ‘the word because it justifies a system of appropriation “place” is best applied to those fragments based upon the way the lands of others are of human environments where meanings, represented as pure nature, as terra nullius’ activities and a specific landscape are (Plumwood 2003, p. 75). The denial of implicated and enfolded by each other’ Aboriginal presence and involvement in the (Cameron 2003, p. 173). Earlier stories colonial exploration of Australia maintained of specific place can add meaning and ideas of wilderness, of untouched ‘pure’ significance to expedition accounts of the nature, in which the term terra nullius places through which they travelled. This sometimes operated to the detriment of the will draw out the ways in which explorers. Landsborough and other members of the The idea that Australia was wilderness party were influenced by these earlier or pure nature was insensitive to the long- stories, and reveal how these stories of standing connection of Aboriginal people past events remained ‘in place’, shaping to country. This chapter, while considering explorers’ relationships to the environment the arguments around the use of terms and people they encountered. that supported colonial occupation, such

280 William Landsborough’s expedition of 1862 from Carpentaria to Victoria

Figure 16.1: William Landsborough with two Aboriginal explorers, Jemmy and Jack Fisherman. c. 1862. Batchelder & O’Neill, photograph. State Library of Victoria Pictures Collection. Accession no. H29452.

281 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills as terra nullius (Langton 1996; Reynolds Brisbane region; and Jackey, Aboriginal guide 2006a), mentions the centric dynamic of from the Wide Bay district. There were 20 or us–them polarisation by ‘acknowledging and 21 horses (Bourne 1862, p. 26). reclaiming continuity and overlap between Jemmy’s life experiences prior to this the polarized groups, as well as internal expedition were important: he had been diversity within them’ (Plumwood 2003, taken to Brisbane and placed in the police p. 60). Countering the dynamic, ‘denial, force after his mother and father had been assimilation and instrumentalization’, shot by ‘whites’ (Bourne 1862, p. 26). It of the colonial centric structure requires is difficult to understand what happened ‘recognition of the Other’s difference, to Jemmy and his family, but this tragedy independence and agency’. Centrism is (it was not an isolated event. In the Sydney would be nice to say ‘was’) ‘a framework of Morning Herald (12 December 1861, p. 5), an moral and cultural blindness’ (Plumwood unknown author wrote about the abduction 2003, p. 60). Many of the published of Aboriginal children from the Queensland recollections of the Burke and Wills saga river regions, assumed to be between the revealed moral and cultural blindness, which Nagoa River and Barcoo River regions, is why it is beneficial to use primary sources and another case where a small Aboriginal (and oral traditions) to find evidence of child was told that his parents had been overlap between these traditionally polarised shot. The article disclosed ‘a new phase of groups, and evidence or traces of moral and aboriginal treatment’ in the 19th century cultural seeing. and raised many questions, especially in The expedition journals do reveal traces relation to Jemmy, the native police force of moral and cultural seeing and recognition and its recruitment practices. Jonathan of vital Aboriginal involvement during Richards in The Secret War: A True History of settlement. This is revealed not just in the Queensland’s Native Police stated that various forms of generous hospitality shown ‘Native Police troopers in the northern to the explorers (for example, that of the districts of New South Wales (present- Yandruwandha people towards Burke, Wills day Queensland) were all recruited in the and King) but in the attempts of individuals southern colonies before 1860, and until to find ways of being in country together, about 1870 many of the troopers came from of mutual adaptation. Most of all, this Victoria and New South Wales’ (Richards chapter reveals the importance of Aboriginal 2008, p. 122). knowledge, without which the newcomers Was Jemmy a willing recruit or was he may have perished in the unfamiliar misled by the authorities, taken far from environment. home and told that his family was dead? These questions are difficult to answer, and Jemmy, the ‘Queensland raise more questions about relations between Mounted Police Trooper’ Aboriginal people and the colonisers. from Deniliquin Richards (2008, p. 125) held that ‘the issue of The Landsborough expedition party Aboriginal collaboration with the colonizers, consisted of six men: William Landsborough, and the implications of this for frontier commander; George Bourne, second-in- violence, are important topics that need command; W. Gleeson (or Leeson: Bourne further careful research’. This chapter will 1862, p. 26), groom, cook and former discuss collaboration between Aboriginal sailor; Jemmy, Queensland Native Mounted and non-Aboriginal people and look at Police trooper, originally from Deniliquin; violence that occurred on the Landsborough Fisherman, Aboriginal guide from the expedition.

282 William Landsborough’s expedition of 1862 from Carpentaria to Victoria

Historical traces of reliance Landsborough (1862) documented the events that transpired on the Barcoo River, on Aboriginal guides during in the letter informing the Royal Society exploration and colonisation of Victoria of his party’s safe arrival at Three significant historical documents Bunnawaunah on the Darling River, New upon which we will draw are the Journal of South Wales. Describing the state of the Landsborough’s Expedition from Carpentaria, country, he wrote that the ‘road we came in Search of Burke and Wills (Landsborough was so easy, from the richness of the 1963), an Extract of Despatch from Mr. pasturage and the abundance of water, Landsborough to the Hon. the COLONIAL that a foal, named Flinders from his having SECRETARY, Queensland, dated Bunnawaunah, been foaled on the Flinders River, followed Darling River, June 1st, 1862 (Landsborough his mother most bravely from the time he 1862) and Bourne’s Journal of Landsborough’s was a few hours old until he reached here’ Expedition from Carpentaria in Search (Landsborough 1862, p. 40). Further, the: of Burke and Wills (Bourne 1862). These route from the Gulf of Carpentaria, Mr reveal the contrasting intentions of the Gregory’s route to South Australia (down Landsborough expedition: (in no order of the Barcoo River and the Cooper Creek preference) the intention to search for and into South Australia) and the routes of find Burke and Wills, and the intention to other explorers, demonstrate the fact colonise. that sheep, cattle, and horses can be There is no denying that the expedition taken at a small cost and in the finest members experienced life-altering events, condition, from South Australia, Victoria, which would have moved them from one and New South Wales, and the inland phase of emotional and intellectual processing districts of Queensland, to stock the towards another. The life-and-death situations country near the Gulf of Carpentaria, created mutual dependency. For example, in a or for exportation to India or elsewhere letter to the Royal Society of Victoria (2 June [emphasis added]. 1862), Landsborough (1963, p. 102) stated that The tone used to describe the country the lives of his expedition party depended on fits into the colonising structure where the the ‘vigilance’ of the watchmen, in this case land is reduced to ‘being a means to the Jemmy the Aboriginal police trooper. He also colonizer’s ends’ (Plumwood 2003, p. 59). recorded that an Aboriginal guide, Jackey, ‘shot These statements reveal that the purposes of about a half-a-dozen of whistling ducks and a Landsborough’s expedition were colonisation large grey crane’ which made ‘great quantities’ and to search for Burke’s party, following of ‘fresh food’ (Landsborough 1963, p. 6). We ‘Gregory’s route from Queensland to South ‘had also as many nice little figs as we like to Australia, to a point marked first Depot on eat from a large shady clump of bushes near Burke’s route on the map which shows the the camp’ (Landsborough 1963, p. 22). These routes of different explorers’ (Landsborough examples reveal that the Aboriginal members 1862, p. 40). protected the lives of the whole party by Landsborough records that they ‘took offering ‘vigilance’, ‘great quantities’ of ‘fresh many opportunities of asking the blacks food’ and even ‘shady’ campsites. Although respecting the explorers they had seen’, the expedition traversed a large area, from which was possible because ‘Jemmy the the Gulf country where ‘figs’ grew and further native police trooper could speak their south to more arid regions where food and language’ (Landsborough 1862, p. 40). The water resources were limited, this discussion assistance of the Aboriginal guides and focuses on one particular ‘place’ – the Barcoo troopers was essential in overcoming the River. language barriers between the English-

283 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills speaking men and the Aboriginal peoples certain point down the river, but beyond (Richards 2008). There is no denying that this point I did not know where the river the Aboriginal troopers and guides assisted flowed. On this expedition I followed it in decisions about the direction that the down to near its junction with the Barcoo party should take. For example, a previous River (formerly known as the Victoria expedition searching for traces of Burke and and as the Cooper) and discovered that it Wills had travelled through rocky, barren and was the Thomson River. After leaving the parched country, after which Fisherman said well-watered country of Bowen Downs, ‘(s)uppose you leave him river, you won’t with the assistance of one of the blacks of find other fellow water’ (Landsborough 1963, that locality, we came through a fine rich p. 23). Following this advice they changed country to the Barcoo River; then without course and eventually came across a river following the river further, or searching and Aboriginal camp. ahead for water, we went across to the The party’s decisions about which Warrego River without the horses being at direction had been intended to involve help any time longer than a day and part of a from the journals and notes of previous night without water (Landsborough 1862, explorations, particularly the journal of p. 41). A.C. Gregory on his 1858 search for Ludwig This excerpt reveals the reliance on Leichhardt (Gregory and Gregory 1884). At Aboriginal guides through certain parts of the Albert River depot, where the Walker and the journey. Of particular interest is how Landsborough relief expeditions met the Landsborough was guided through country, supplies being shipped in on the Victoria, his relationship with the guides, how stories Landsborough asked to read Walker’s of place influenced both the Aboriginal and ‘previous discoveries’. However, they were non-Aboriginal members of the expedition of ‘very little assistance’ as Walker ‘had left party and how each person related to the instructions that while his chart and journal country and people they met. Each of these were in Captain Norman’s charge, (Captain of aspects will be analysed with reference to a the HMCS Victoria and Commander-in-chief particular encounter on the Barcoo River. of the Northern expedition parties) no one should be allowed to take notes from them’ (Landsborough 1862, p. 41). Landsborough Stories that influenced encounters nevertheless attempted to follow Walker’s with people and place tracks to the Flinders River, ‘where he A letter to the Royal Society explains that reported he had left the tracks of Burke’s a violent encounter with Aboriginal people party’, then managed to trace them ‘with on the Barcoo River was regrettable but considerable difficulty for four days’ to the necessary: Leichhardt River ‘where so much rain had I am sorry to have to inform you that fallen on the rich soil that it was impossible our familiarity at last led to our having to trace them farther’ (Landsborough 1862, a hostile collision with them on the p. 41): Barcoo River, near where the blacks From the Leichhardt River we traveled treacherously tried to take Mr Gregory’s over well-watered country to the Flinders party by surprise during the night. They River; then traveled up that river, tried to take us at night by surprise. If through fine rich pastoral country, to they had succeeded they would no doubt about latitude 20 degrees 40 minutes; have overpowered us; but it was during from there we reached Bowen Downs in a Jemmy’s watch and, as he always kept few miles. The creeks and the river that his watch well, he awoke us when they water that country I knew previously to a were within a few yards of our fire, and

284 William Landsborough’s expedition of 1862 from Carpentaria to Victoria

we fortunately succeeded in driving overtook them, when, as if by magic, them away. Next morning (very early) they all disappeared. We pulled up and two of them came near our camp. At found they had jumped into a waterhole, my request Jemmy warned them to and were lying under every bush and leave us, for we had now a most hostile log they could find, with just the nostril feeling towards them. Instead of their and mouth above water. Perfect silence showing the least symptom of leaving us prevailed, although there were some very they got their companions (who were in young children, and an inexperienced ambush, heavily armed with clubs and person would have passed the spot, little throwing-sticks) to join them. Under these thinking that thirty human beings were circumstances we fired on them. In doing hiding like a lot of wounded wild ducks. so, and in following them up to where We could not induce them to answer us, so the horses were feeding, one was shot I determined to go in and drive them out. and another slightly wounded in the leg Their terror when I jumped into the water (Landsborough 1963, p. 57). was extreme; they must have thought me It is important to note that Landsborough a fiend, to judge from the expression of believed that it was his ‘familiarity’ with the their faces. After being driven from their Aboriginal people that led to this ‘hostile hiding place, they attempted to propitiate collision’, so in an attempt to understand us by offering us two of the best looking his familiarity and the hostility we need girls, which present of course was to explore the events leading up to this declined. We made them a few presents, encounter, and the stories that influenced it. gave them a little bread which they would On 13 March, the party was heading not eat, and let them go. They were a towards the Barcoo River area: from the very good sample of natives, far superior ‘path along the rising ground we observed, to those seen down south, living upon in the distance, a number of blacks, near the rats, mussels, fish, &c., which are plentiful river … also that birds chiefly consisting of here, and no doubt wallaby, emu, and pigeons, cockatoos, quail, and hawks, were kangaroo are also easily got in the seen in great abundance’. The following neighbourhood of these mountains. While day Landsborough (1862, pp. 83–84) wrote: bathing, which we never omit, I was able ‘When we had come seven miles, over rich to get a large supply of mussels, the boys well-grassed downs, we observed a great getting many more; we have had a great number of blacks on a level flat … Mr. Bourne feast for once. Myall and boree plentiful. and I approached them, and they all ran Bourne’s suggestion that the Aboriginal away, except some gins and children, who people must have thought him a fiend is hid themselves in a waterhole’. Bourne (1862, an interesting point that deserves further p. 34) gave a more detailed account of the discussion. Howitt, who led the relief encounter: expedition that found Burke and Wills’ March 14 – Camp 26 – To-day we saw, on bodies and the survivor, King, became quite a large plain to our right, a lot of natives. knowledgeable about the people and places Feeling anxious to get a nearer view of Cooper Creek and the Barcoo River areas. of them, I started in pursuit, followed He found a ‘belief among the Yantruwunter by Mr. Landsborough. They, seeing us [Yandruwandha] natives that white men were approach, separated into two bodies, the once blacks’ and was himself asked by some men outrunning the gins, excepting one old Aboriginal men ‘how long it was since’ immense fat fellow who endeavoured for he ‘was a blackfellow’ (Howitt 1878, p. 307). a short time to drive them before him. By He was even told that he ‘had once been a urging our horses into a gallop, we soon Yantruwunter – one of the Mungalle family’

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(Howitt 1878, p. 307). The Yandruwandha line through them’, as though travelling in a people believed in ‘jumping-up of straight line were better than following the blackfellows as white men’ (Howitt 1878, easier path (Howitt 1878, p. 307). It appears p. 308). Although the area to which Bourne’s that the placement of non-Aboriginal peoples story related was not Yandruwandha country into an Aboriginal spiritual belief system it could be assumed that its inhabitants held moved the explorers towards adopting a similar beliefs. Clark and Cahir (2011) wrote specific relationship to people and place. about the Kulin Aboriginal word Ngamadjidj As mentioned above, Howitt believed the as a term explaining how western Victorian Aboriginal people thought that he was Aboriginal groups reportedly ‘recognised formerly Aboriginal because of his ability to Europeans as deceased clan members who travel from ‘place to place in straight lines’ had returned to life’ (p. 105): ‘the arrival of (Howitt 1878, p. 307). Travelling in straight Europeans caused many to conclude that lines denied Aboriginal ‘dream songs or these newcomers must have belonged to begere, relating the adventures of ancestral the land, or at least knew of it, in a previous beings’ (Berndt and Berndt 1999, p. 369) life’ (Clark and Cahir 2011, p. 106). Howitt and stories of place. Howitt did follow and (1878, p. 307) made a similar observation assume Aboriginal beliefs and protocols of the Yandruwandha people who ‘cannot of ways of being in country, but his use imagine how we can travel from place to of brutal force in obtaining and keeping place in straight lines, or how we can speak Aboriginal guides (Howitt 1878, p. 307) any of their languages, without having revealed his sense of colonial superiority at one time been blacks in their country’. over Aboriginal people. Following Aboriginal Although reactions to explorers would protocols was not something that the have been diverse, and most likely strongly Landsborough expedition consistently did, anchored in fear and terror (Reynolds 2006b, as revealed in another perspective of the p. 42), the inclusion of non-Aboriginal into interaction at the water hole on 14 March: Aboriginal spirituality reveals the overlap We remained near them for a short time, of two different cultures creating a new way and were joined by Jemmy and Jackey. of belonging and adapting to the changing The gins and children soon abandoned environment. It seems that Aboriginal people their hiding-place, and assembled on the in many areas of Australia believed that the bank, where they had their coolamans white men who travelled through and settled filled with rats. The old gins repeatedly in their country were once black, and the offered the wives of the men who had placement of non-Aboriginal people within run away from us. Amongst the females Aboriginal cosmology was thus a way of whom I observed, was a girl about synthesising the changes occurring in their ten years old, with a large bone stuck society. through the cartilage of her nose. We Not only was this useful for the Aboriginal declined the offer, although I dare say people, but it must also have given the Jackey would have taken one of the newcomers a greater sense of belonging to ratcatchers with him: but Jemmy said country and with the Indigenous people – or he would not, as he does not approve of a sense of superiority over the Aboriginal wedded life. He has seen it, I presume, people. Howitt ‘only found one native guide under disadvantageous circumstances. who could make a straight course’ and said The young gins had fine eyes, white that Aboriginal people ‘often remarked’ on teeth, and good expression. The children how he (and other non-Aboriginal explorers) looked particularly lively and intelligent. ‘travelled in straight lines across the Jemmy understood a few words of sandhills, while the natives took the easiest their language, but not sufficient to get

286 William Landsborough’s expedition of 1862 from Carpentaria to Victoria

information from them. Their word for have been regarded as a true adult. Jemmy’s water, ‘cammo,’ I caught while we were removal from his country may have meant getting them to fill our pint pots with that no wife was selected for him (Berndt and water. After bidding them farewell, Mr. Berndt 1999). Was Jemmy denying his culture Bourne and Jackey proceeded after the or did he not know his traditional culture? packhorses: Jemmy and I went up the flat Or did he hope that he too would ‘jump-up to a place about three and a-half miles a whitefella’ and was thus embracing the south of Bramston Range (Landsborough culture of colonisation as a way to belong? 1963, pp. 83–84). Or did he believe that he was already a Not only did the white men frighten the ‘whitefella’? For whatever reason, Jemmy Aboriginal people by playing up the role was not prepared to carry on Aboriginal of ‘fiend’, they may have perceived the traditions. He was more committed to Aborigines’ behaviour as worship of the following in Landsborough’s footsteps and ‘whites’. Through rejecting the propitiatory declined the offer of Aboriginal women. offering of ‘two of the best looking girls’ and A second series of encounters began on ignoring the opportunity for reciprocation 2 April. Landsborough and Jemmy were – the denial of ‘wife lending’ (Berndt and travelling ahead of the remainder of the Berndt 1999, p. 189) – the expedition party party ‘looking for a camping place’ when a separated itself from the local Aboriginal ‘number of natives ran out from the creek people, creating a sense of superiority and and followed’ them ‘for two or three miles’ detachment from people and place. Not only (Bourne 1862, p. 38). The party made it a were the white men declining the offer of rule to not let the Aborigines see where they Indigenous women, Jemmy was also denying camped: his traditional culture. It was getting late, I did not wait to speak Jemmy’s disapproval of wedded life can to them, but they followed us so close be interpreted several ways. He may have that I was compelled to stop the horses, been homosexual: according to Berndt and turn them about, and face them, upon Berndt (1999, pp. 188–189, 195) marriage one of the black boys telling me that was ‘expected’ with a ‘stress on heterosexual one very powerful fellow was running relations’ and homosexuality was apparently behind me and shaking his boomerang, traditionally ‘not encouraged’. However, as if about to throw it. The other kept a without knowing Jemmy’s orientation, this more respectful distance, but this fellow discussion will continue on the assumption seemed determined to do as he pleased. that after Jemmy’s parents were shot by Upon seeing him in the act of throwing ‘whites’, he believed that if he married and his boomerang at me, I fired a bullet from had children they might have suffered a my revolver so close to him that, although similar fate, and thus he declined. Or it could he laughed, he evidently thought it as be assumed that Jemmy, growing up without well to keep a little further away. Jemmy, his family and outside his society, missed the trooper, who had asked me several initiation into traditional cultures and ways times to allow him to fire, now fired his of being. Berndt and Berndt (1999, p. 188) regulation pistol, the bullet of which held that childhood is ‘preparation for made such a noise that he turned about marriage’ and a ‘boy can be reasonably sure and ran. Soon after, Mr. Landsborough that he will follow in the steps of his father and Jackey came up. As we were pitching and grandfather’. If Jemmy missed out on camp, several more came up and took childhood because he was taken away from little notice of our motioning them away, his family, it is easy to believe that he missed until Mr. Landsborough fired a rifle at a various rituals of initiation and thus may not tree, which alarmed them slightly. After

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a time they retired about half-a-mile and Jemmy, who understood their language, ‘that camped (Bourne 1862, p. 38). they had seen nothing of any explorers with On the same day the party ‘travelled camels’. After setting up their camp for the down the river till six in the evening, evening the party noticed that the Aboriginal journeying later than usual to get out of people were near to the site that the party the neighbourhood of some’ Aborigines had chosen: that they had ‘passed about seven miles I was sorry to find that we had not got out back’. Earlier that day Landsborough and of the neighbourhood of the blacks, as Jackey had noticed some Aboriginal people I observed some of them were watching nearby and perceived them to be a threat: us from behind some trees close at hand. they ‘galloped towards them to make them Jemmy told them that I was angry at run away; but instead of doing so, they them for following us. In reply, they remained and received’ the whites ‘in a said I was mistaken, that they had not friendly manner, and offered … spears and followed, they had never seen us before. boomerangs’ (Landsborough 1963, p. 92). In Shortly afterwards, Jemmy had a long an interesting example of cultural exchange conversation with them, during which, and overlap and consideration of Aboriginal they informed him they had seen a party protocols of reciprocity (Berndt and Berndt of explorers to the eastward, but that 1999, p. 1210), Landsborough let Jackey they had never seen any with camels or take a spear and two boomerangs: ‘the spear drays. When they left they assured that we wanted for making ramrods; in return they would not return until morning for their presents I gave them a tomahawk’. (Landsborough 1963, p. 93). Landsborough and Jackey caught up with The following morning, 3 April, four the rest of the expedition party and Bourne of the Aborigines, made a second visit. informed him ‘that the blacks had followed Landsborough (1963, p. 93) said that … for about three miles, and that one of ‘they were very communicative’ about them, a powerfully built man, about six feet the direction of the rivers and the state high, had been so very bold, that he [Mr. of surrounding country. Bourne (1862, Bourne] had repeatedly fired over his head p. 39) thought it was ‘strange’ that Jemmy without causing him any alarm; and that on and the visitors spoke the same language: one occasion, on looking around, he saw ‘Fortunately, but strange to say, one of them him apparently in the act of throwing his spoke the same language as the trooper boomerang at him’ (Landsborough 1963, Jemmy, and we obtained considerable pp. 92–93). It is interesting to note that information from him about the country, &c.; Bourne claimed to have shot only one bullet and still more strange, none of them had over the Aborigine’s head but Landsborough ever seen any one of the parties, who must said that Bourne fired repeatedly. Perhaps have passed in this neighbourhood.’ Bourne was trying to justify his actions – This commonality of language raises a exaggerating the perceived danger to make few questions, including whether Jemmy the need for violent retaliation more credible. actually originated from this area rather than Or perhaps Landsborough was suggesting Deniliquin. Or was one of these Aborigines that the Aborigines were more of a threat from Jemmy’s area? Or maybe the and more persistent than Bourne thought, Aborigines were not speaking the same and he was pre-empting more dangerous language? Why did Bourne consider it encounters. strange that they could speak the same However, Landsborough (1963, p. 93) language? And why did he think it even noted that his meeting with the Aborigines stranger that they had not seen Burke and earlier in the day was useful. They told Wills? Was Bourne sensing something that

288 William Landsborough’s expedition of 1862 from Carpentaria to Victoria he did not include in his journal? Bourne River proper. The surrounding country (1862, p. 39) wrote that: was ‘wretchedly dry’ and seemingly had They were anxious to examine our no ‘rain for twelve months, and certainly firearms, and so I fired my revolver close did look something like a desert’ (Bourne to one’s head, when they ran off much 1862, p. 39). After making camp, the party alarmed, but returned upon our assuring received a visit from the people local to the them we were not angry. We gave them area. Landsborough (1963, p. 95) recorded an old rasp to make into a tomahawk, that ‘a middle-aged black fellow, two youths, and some bread, with which they were and two little boys paid us a visit; they much pleased. However, nothing can be were very friendly, but we did not get any clearer to anyone who knows them well, information from them’. Bourne (1862, p. 39) that they would overpower any party if described them as ‘very quiet and friendly’; possible, and hence the folly of allowing ‘one of them has an iron tomahawk which them to come too near in any numbers. he must have had for years, as it was worn almost to the eye’ but he could not ‘learn These interactions and exchanges with from him where he got it’. In Queensland, the local Aboriginal people reveal important iron tomahawks were the most common moments of mutual dependency expressing tools offered to Indigenous people (Rowlands the significant overlap that occurred between 2011). Perhaps these Aboriginal people had people and cultures. The Aborigines showed visited the settled areas or had traded for the great interest in the firearms; ‘news of the axe. Or perhaps it was a cultural exchange danger and mysterious power of firearms was with a prior expedition. For example, the almost certainly passed on to the Aborigines Gregory party had travelled near the Barcoo before they came into physical contact with River in 1858, four years prior to the Europeans’ (Reynolds 2006b, p. 37). They Landsborough party, in search of Ludwig were obviously cautious of the weapons and Leichhardt. apparently afraid of the gunshot, but Bourne Sunday 6 April was a day of rest. They ‘did was still intimidated by the strength and not think the blacks numerous or dangerous power of the Aborigines even though they did not carry and use guns. It took great in the neighbourhood … we rested ourselves strength, courage and determination for the and horses’ (Landsborough 1963, p. 95): Aborigines to approach the explorers for the The elderly blackfellow and one of the purpose of learning their cultural practices. others we had seen yesterday paid us Bourne giving the rasp to the Aboriginal a visit, and in the course of the day he people to make a tomahawk is another brought the others of his party, and a interesting example of adaptation, involving man about his own age, whom we had the useful term ‘entangled objects’ (Rowlands not seen before. He made me understand 2011, p. 183). The sharing of cultural that his elderly friend wanted to see a objects was not one-way; for example, the gun, so I gratified his curiosity. The boys explorers used Aboriginal spears as ramrods did not run away as they had done when (Landsborough 1963, p. 92). The exchanges they saw me fire a shot on a previous display the willingness of Aboriginal people occasion. The blacks examined with great to learn as much as possible from passing curiosity our equipment, and accepted strangers and to use others’ cultural objects greedily everything we gave them, but in a way that suited their needs. did not steal anything. Mr Bourne gave On 5 April the party made camp at a ‘fine our newest acquaintance a shirt, which deep waterhole at least sixty yards wide, very pleased him very much. They relished deep, and a mile in length’, which Bourne some food he gave them, and said, (1862, p. 39) believed to be the Thomson ‘Thank you, sir,’ upon Jackey making

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them understand it was proper to say so. paid no attention to the route we had The presents which pleased them most come, I was rather at a loss which way were a broad file, a needle and thread, a to go. I judged, however, that the horses broken glass bottle, and clothes. The file would take us to the river, so let them they could make a better tomahawk of go their own way. At 4 in the morning, than their stone ones; the broken glass when we had travelled for some time in bottle they would use for knives or wood a N.E. direction, we stopped and tied up scrapers. We did not give them many the horses till 7.10 (Landsborough 1963, clothes, as cold weather had warned us p. 96). we had none to spare. Jemmy, on further The next day the party reached its acquaintance with the blacks, found they previous camp, to find the Aborigines gone. could speak a language he understood. Landsborough attempted to repair his The party reached Bowen Downs on 7 damaged sextant, but was ‘so unsuccessful April and the local Aboriginal people told as to make it useless’ (Landsborough 1963, Jemmy of a suitable path to follow: the party p. 96). Was he nervous about the direction had to ‘cross on to the river mentioned by that his guides were taking him? Had Jemmy the natives, which must be the Victoria, or intentionally misled the party towards the Cooper’s Creek, here called the Barcoo, and distant smoke, or was it an honest mistake? from the dry appearance of the country there Had the local Aboriginal people deliberately is not likely to be much water between the misled the whole party? Was Jemmy rivers’ (Bourne 1862, p. 40). The path was supporting the locals? apparently a ‘well-watered road leading to The next day, Jemmy and Landsborough a river to the southward. On that river they left the camp in search of water. Following said the blacks had clothes, and it was from the directions that Jemmy had received a few them that they got their iron tomahawks’ days prior from the Aboriginal people: (Landsborough 1963, p. 96). We expected to find in that distance Landsborough told Bourne to let a well-watered river, which Jemmy Jemmy lead in the direction pointed out, understood the blacks to say formed the while Landsborough and Jackey made an river a short distance below the camp. As observation of the sun. Bourne and Jemmy we had not found it there we went west, saw smoke in the distance and changed and reached the river in about four and direction towards that point, because ‘the a half miles. We then followed it down for country is very dry, the black boys, as well about two miles in a southward direction, as myself, think there is water close to this where we found the blacks we had seen fire which has not long been lighted by the up the river. Upon telling them we had natives’ (Bourne 1862, p. 40). Landsborough not found water back from the river, and and Jackey followed the tracks and caught that we now wanted them to show us the up with Jemmy and Bourne; after travelling road to the next river, and would give further together ‘they reached at dark a water them a tomahawk and a shirt for doing channel with no water in it, so Landsborough so, they promised if we would bring our told Fisherman and Jemmy to guide them party down the river they would do so. back to the last camp’ (Landsborough 1963, We saw here two old gins and a little girl, p. 96): whom we had not seen before. One of After travelling a considerable distance, the gins was a disfigured looking object; and when I thought we ought to be near she had lost her nose and her lips. The our camp, I ascertained our guides had little girl was about four years old; she not the slightest idea of our situation. had good features, and was fat and As I had been misled by them, and had plump. To please the blacks, we let one

290 William Landsborough’s expedition of 1862 from Carpentaria to Victoria

of the little boys ride a horse for a short blacks from the camp would bawl out in distance. After asking them to remain in reply for some minutes; the women and this neighbourhood we returned to camp children would be seen to scurry off in (Landsborough 1963, p. 97). haste. Then several blacks would come Upon returning to camp on 10 April, forward, and a camping-ground shown to Landsborough ascertained that Gregory’s us (Howitt 1878, p. 307). party had traced the Thompson River to When Aboriginal guides offered this its head and therefore the nearby river was kind of introduction to people and country unlikely to be the Thompson. He determined the explorers were given a safer passage ‘as we had used most of our stores, to through other peoples’ territory. However, leave the river, if possible, and start for none of the Aboriginal guides on the the settled districts. It was very vexatious Landsborough expedition displayed any sign to come to this resolution, as the river was of understanding or following that protocol, flowing almost in the direction of Burke’s and it could be assumed that the lack of starting point on Cooper’s Creek’. This cultural awareness would have made the decision suggests that Landsborough was party unwelcome in some areas and with increasingly concerned – water was hard to some of the locals. They did seem to follow find, the stores had run low, the party had concepts of reciprocity or trade, which could lost direction and possibly been misled by make relationships between the groups the Aborigines. He may have thought that comfortable and friendly. their lives were in danger and that without Bourne (1862, pp. 40–41) wrote that the a functioning sextant it would be difficult to local Aboriginals: follow Gregory’s route. Their only hope of … went with us to Camp and remained finding water and a safe passage back to the until evening, when we sent them away settled regions was with the help of local to their own camp, giving them some Aborigines. rations, the trooper (Jemmy) showing It took five hours to reach the place them how to bake a damper, which where the party had arranged to meet the astonished them very much. They were Aboriginal people upon whom their lives very suspicious of eating anything we now depended. Landsborough wrote that ‘the gave them at first, but soon got over blacks were waiting for us, and conducted it. One young man among them was us about half a mile further down the river particularly amusing, imitating every to a good place for our encampment’ (1963, gesture I made, and showing a great p. 97). This appeared to be the first time that inclination to pilfer everything he could. the exploration party accepted the assistance He was very tall, with an immense of locals in regard to campsite selection. protruding stomach, no doubt the effect The Landsborough expedition and its of hard times and starvation in his earlier guides did not appear to follow Aboriginal days. From his very peculiar formation protocols for approaching groups while I christened him with the rather vulgar travelling. In his notes from Cooper Creek, cognomen of ‘Potgut,’ with which he Howitt explained protocol on approaching was delighted, repeating it incessantly. Aboriginal groups: He succeeded afterwards in stealing a … on nearing any camp, when paniken, notwithstanding our vigilance. accompanied by a guide, we have had The same evening, Landsborough gave to halt while he went forward. He got a pound of flour to an Aboriginal man in on some high ground in sight of the payment, as the next day he would walk to camp, and began to bawl out something, see if there were water in the waterholes holding a branch in his hand. The other ‘on the road to Barcoo River’ (Landsborough

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1963, p. 97). Landsborough also ‘gave the other things, as if he were quite familiar blacks a comb, and Jackey pleased them with them. Before starting we went to very much by combing their hair’ (1963, see the gin and the little boy. She was p. 97). The Aboriginal men reported ‘that the very timid, and ran away when we waterholes they had gone to were empty. approached near to her (Landsborough They told us of two practicable roads to the 1963, p. 98). Barcoo River. One by Stark Creek from a place Bourne (1862, pp. 41–42) wrote: up the river, the other from a place down Having lost so much time lately, we the river; the latter we determined to try’ break through the rule and travel to-day, (Landsborough 1963, p. 97). The next day the making thirteen miles S.S.W. The country party left, with two of the local Aborigines as is still very dry, and may at some periods guides. well be called a desert, two dry seasons The guides led the party down the river, to being enough to make it so, while at other show them the road to the Barcoo River: times it may be flooded and look beautiful This morning we mounted an old as a garden. The uncertainty of rainfall black named Witten on horseback, who will always be a great drawback to this promised, for a consideration, viz., part of the country, otherwise very rich. tomahawk, blanket, &c., to show us But this is more or less the case in most over to the Barcoo. It required some parts of Australia. It is very amusing to persuasion to induce him to mount at see the effect of riding on the old black. first, and his essay at riding was very With great difficulty he gets off the horse, amusing. Perfectly naked, on an old and when off cannot move, and seems very uneven saddle, with two straps for puzzled because we are not stiff also. If stirrups, and a piece of rope for a bridle, he wished to run away he could not do it was wonderful how he managed to keep it … This morning an old black brought his seat at all. He clung to the horse just up to our Camp a gin, perfect enough as a baboon would, and when he did fall, in form for a Venus. He seemed very which he could not avoid occasionally, he proud of her, but she did not much relish did so in such a way as to create roars of our admiring gaze. She had a fine fat laughter, nor did he seem to think much little girl with her, but not her own. The of it after the first tumble. We had made old men always secure the young gins, thirteen miles down the river S.S.W., persuading the younger men that they when the old black meeting some of his would disagree with them, and that the tribe declined going any further to-day, old ones are better for them. This is also so I camped, lest he should leave us, Mr. the case with their food. A young man is Landsborough, having stopped behind only allowed to eat certain animals, most to take the sun, not overtaking us until easily obtained, such as opossum, fish, we had camped. Country very dry, and &c., but should he be fortunate enough natives quiet (Bourne 1862, p. 41). to get an emu, or kangaroo, &c., he must On 13 April the party was ‘glad to find hand it over the old men, who tell him he that’ Wittin: would certainly get ill or die if he dared … had determined to accompany us. to eat it, and many of the young men He brought an intelligent looking white- believe it though, I dare say, there are a headed old man to the camp, and a fine good many sceptics among them. tall well-proportioned young gin, with a That last passage referred to Aboriginal little boy, the two latter remaining some law, which compelled people to care for all distance from our camp. Wittin showed their country. It regulated what people ate, his friend our guns, water bottles, and where they hunted, whom they married and

292 William Landsborough’s expedition of 1862 from Carpentaria to Victoria which stories they could tell of particular was communicating closely with Witten and places. Gammage states that across Australia understood the protocol of some Aboriginal ‘the creation story is essentially the same: law. God made light, brought into being spirits Landsborough was nervous about and creator ancestors, and set down eternal staying much longer in this country, and Law for all creation’ and all things ‘derive wanted Witten to remain as guide despite from their presence or deeds, and are ruled his fear of leaving his country. On 14 April, by the Law they passed on’ and this law is Landsborough ‘made free with the name of pivoted on the Dreaming (Gammage 2012, Sir George Bowen, Governor of Queensland, p. 123). (as though these people know of Bowen) After travelling for some time ‘Wittin told by telling him, that if he showed us the Jemmy that he had seen to the eastward road that the Governor would send from of here, about ten moons ago, a party of Brisbane to the first station formed on Bowen travellers, consisting of four white men Downs, a medal, a tomahawk, and a blanket’ and four black men. He got a shirt from (Landsborough 1963, p. 99). Presumably them, but they did not give him any bread’ Landsborough wanted Witten to show them (Landsborough 1963, p. 98). This was the roads towards the settled areas and not the first time the party had news of other to meet with the other Aboriginal groups; travellers from Aboriginal people. Perhaps Wittin could not guarantee their safe passage trust had developed and Witten was willing to through this part of the country. However, share information, or perhaps he was able to that evening ‘Fisherman and Jackey showed tell the story because he was passing through Wittin corroboree dance. For the dance they the country where this particular story painted themselves with white streaks, occurred and belonged (see Mulligan 2003, and with the light of the fire they looked pp. 268–289 for place-based story-telling and like skeletons’ (Landsborough 1963, p. 99). Gammage 2012, pp. 135–139 for songlines). Gammage (2012, p. 133) stated that ‘the The following day they observed a range: more Law a person knows, the more certain ‘Witten called it Trimpie Yawbah. Afterwards he or she is to undertake and succeed in any we observed other hills to the westward of activity … the more you learn the more you Trimpie Camp the highest of which I called are told … those who learn most become Mount Pring’ (Landsborough 1963, p. 98). clever people, with immense sacred and Bourne (1862, p. 42) noted that ‘The old secular power’. Fisherman and Jackey, having black is getting very uneasy, and wishes to reached the boundary of Witten’s country, return. He is getting too near the boundary may have been sharing a story about their of this hunting ground, and fears being killed country, their Dreaming. They were sharing by the blacks on the Barcoo, who, he says, sacred knowledge. Witten needed to know are very numerous, and for whom he warned the song of a country to be able to guide us to keep a sharp look out.’ Aboriginal the expedition party into that neighbouring people ‘felt intensely for their country. It country. was alive. It could talk, listen, suffer, be Corroboree was a way for Aboriginal refreshed, rejoice’ (Gammage 2012, p. 142). people to pass on stories and songs: The boundaries of country or tracts of land Without knowing the language people ‘are very distinctly defined, and scrupulously still recognised their song and its dances, observed amongst themselves’, a fact which because each had independent embedded ‘implies the existence of personal property characteristics: painting design, colour in the soil’ (Gammage 2012, p. 142). With or symbol, and song melody, rhythm or some persuasion, Witten ‘accompanied us pitch. To survive its continental journey another day’ (Bourne 1862, p. 42). Bourne each song must in theory be exactly

293 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

repeated in at least most of these ways, Witten’s departure must have been because it came from the Dreaming, confronting for Landsborough, especially and its creator ancestor is listening once he learnt from Jemmy that Witten’s (Gammage 2012, p. 126). ‘reason for not going to Barcoo River was, Witten would have understood the song that the blacks there would kill him if they that Jackey and Fisherman performed for found him in their country’ (Landsborough him. It would be interesting to know if 1963, p. 99). This entry indicated that Jemmy understood. Being ‘born on or near a Landsborough had at least a slight songline decides a person’s most important understanding of different language groups totem, and being taught part of a song or and the Aboriginal sense of ‘country’ (see dance legitimates being on the country it Rose 2004, pp. 153–154 for definition of describes. People learn their songs, dances country). Landsborough must have become and country in minute detail. From far away aware that he was travelling through many they can discuss a tree or soak and who is different countries, which may have been responsible for it’ Gammage (2012, p. 126). a result of the corroboree and/or spending It is sad that Jemmy possibly missed out on time with Witten. learning his song. It is likely that Witten would have The following day, 15 April, they steered returned to or stayed on his songline, for for the eastern side of Trimpie Range. We songlines are places ‘of refuge, of comfort, can imagine that as they travelled Witten of communion’ (Gammage 2012, p. 126). may have been singing up the country, Landsborough acknowledged the ownership perhaps he was singing Trimpie Yawbah. It is of Witten’s ‘country’ and that of other worth noting that Landsborough adopted an Aboriginal groups through his use of the Aboriginal name for this range although he words ‘their country’; he also acknowledged still took a bearing from what he identified as Aboriginal law by repeating that Witten Mt Pring (the highest point) – obviously the could be killed – punished if found on naming showed respect towards Witten and that particular country. According to an his family. On 16 April Landsborough ‘tried Indigenous language map, the Landsborough very hard to persuade Wittin to show us all expedition travelled through at least six the way to Barcoo River. He promised to do different countries before reaching the so; but after Jackey and Jemmy went for the Barcoo, and through up to 20 more from the horses, he left the camp as if he were only Barcoo to Melbourne. going down the creek, but he did not make On 17 April Jemmy and Landsborough an appearance again’ (Landsborough 1963, left the camp at Dunsmure Creek to go to p. 99). Bourne notes: the Barcoo River, where they would enter This morning, before the horses came up, another country. The ‘familiar’ people of the black disappeared. I was standing the previous country were behind them. by the Camp fire watching him, but he After riding four miles they reached the walked a short distance so boldly that I watershed of a creek on the Barcoo side of did not suspect his intention of bolting the range and, according to an Indigenous then; but not seeing him return, I went language map, were in either Iningai or after him and found he had got into the Kuungkari country (Horton 1996). Aboriginal bed of a dry creek and ran along the people cut channels through watersheds; channel out of my sight. We tried to find the expedition party probably saw local him without success. I am sorry he has Aborigines trapping fish or using other gone without his blanket and tomahawk means of food and resource production or as he has behaved very well (Bourne management (Gammage 2012, pp. 281–305) 1862, p. 42). but their cultural blindness prevented them

294 William Landsborough’s expedition of 1862 from Carpentaria to Victoria from truly understanding how to live in the hearing themselves addressed in their country. In the following quotes it is revealed own tongue. We gave them a few presents that Landsborough did notice the local and told them to go to their own camp, fishing and hunting practices. After another and come to ours in the morning, but not seven miles they reached the main branch during the night, or we would shoot them. of the creek, most likely Kuungkari country. We camped a mile or so above them on Landsborough (1963, p.100) noted that it: the river. … had extensive floodmarks, and heaps This entry showed that the expedition of mussel-shells on its banks, but the party was unaware of the protocol that waterholes in its channels were empty. should be observed upon approaching or I named it the Archer Creek. After entering into another country or campsite. following Archer’s Creek for thirteen It appeared that the Aborigines were miles, we reached its junction with the desperately trying to warn the whites not to Barcoo River. I was glad to find that the go any further, or to announce themselves, channel of the river was full of water; or perhaps they were telling the party that and as there were fresh tracks of blacks they were not welcome. As Reynolds (2006b, near the river, I supposed them to be in p. 42) explained, ‘So much about the whites the neighbourhood, so, to avoid them, – their appearance, behaviour, possessions, I returned up Archer’s Creek for about accompanying animals – were radically new’ four miles to some fine young grass and so if this were the first time the Aborigines encamped. had seen white people their fear, anxiety On 22 April on the Barcoo River, and curiosity must have been great. Even Landsborough and Jemmy waited behind if it was not the first expedition they had the main party and observed the sun to encountered, these strangers were breaking get a latitude reading. As Bourne (1862, Aboriginal law. The tension eased after pp. 43–44) travelled to the next campsite he Jemmy arrived and spoke to them in their encountered the local Aboriginal people: language, or a language to which they could Just at sundown, as I was making in to relate. Landsborough (1963, pp. 101–102) the river to camp (Mr. Landsborough recorded his perspective of the encounter: having stayed behind to take the sun), … we passed nets for catching emeu a number of natives, alarmed by the [sic], and nets for catching fish. We then screams of a gin who had seen us, ran passed an elderly gin and a little boy out from the river, shouting, shaking their watching earnestly our main party, weapons, and wanting us to stop, but as and immediately afterwards we came it was very late I declined, until compelled upon about a dozen blacks. Mr. Bourne to turn about and face them to keep off. informed me that they had followed him They came quite within throwing distance for several miles, and had persisted in of us, and Jackey assured me that one approaching nearer than was desirable. of them had thrown a stick at him, and Jemmy had a long conversation with begged of me to let him fire, but as I did them respecting the explorers they had not see it, and knowing their eagerness to seen, and also respecting the route shoot blacks, and wishing to use as much towards the settled districts, which he forbearance as possible, I just kept them learned some of them had visited. They off by presenting my gun whenever they said they did not remember any explorers came too near, until Mr. Landsborough who had larger animals than horses, came, as the boy with him speaks their and strange to say, none who had drays. language. When Mr. Landsborough came We presented them with glass bottles, an up they seemed friendly enough upon empty powder flask, and some hair from

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the horses’ tails. Jemmy told them we Landsborough told them, through Jemmy, wanted to encamp, and that we did not to go away, as he was angry at their wish to be too near them. They continued coming up to the Camp at night; but they to follow us, and on Jemmy asking them either did not understand Jemmy or took why they did so, they replied they wanted no notice, and were immediately joined a light. We gave them one, and they left; by about twenty more, who squatted but after we had camped we found they round their fire-sticks in two circles, the had encamped very near us. morning being very cold …

Considering the expedition party had We were now perfectly safe from these travelled through so many different men, as they had no spears but only a language groups, and assuming Jemmy few throwing sticks and boomerangs was actually from Deniliquin, or Wiradjuri which are comparatively harmless, nor country, it could be assumed that there did they show any disposition to attack were language barriers between Jemmy and us in any way, but Mr. Landsborough, the local Aboriginal people. During that finding they would not go away, gave night: the order to fire a volley on them, which Jemmy, the trooper, awoke us by saying we did as they sat, wounding one very the blacks were in the Camp. One had severely; the rest took to their heels and got close up to him as he sat by the fire, disappeared in a moment (Bourne 1862, but ran back on seeing him rise. We pp. 44–45). rose at once, but as it was very dark Bourne, the second-in-command, we could only hear them among some recognised that the Aborigines were trees quite close to our Camp, walking virtually unarmed – they had no spears. and talking slowly. I told Jemmy to ask Landsborough, however, may have been them what they wanted, they replied, culturally blind. He acted upon his a fire-stick. Upon hearing the voice I misunderstanding and fear, ordering his fired in that direction (as did all but Mr. men to fire upon the seemingly harmless Landsborough), hoping to hit one by Aborigines who were sitting on the ground chance, as it was so dark we could not – which cannot be regarded as a threatening see them. They moved away, showing posture. Bourne (1862, pp. 44–45) explained many firesticks in their retreat, proving more of the encounter: the want of one a mere excuse and a They are very timid, and seldom or never specimen of their cunning. We then tried stand for a second shot nor can any to send up a rocket, but they were so encounter with the unfortunate wretches damaged they would not act, and only be dignified by the name of a fight. The created some merriment amongst the wounded man had by this time managed, niggers (Bourne 1862, pp. 44–45). with difficulty, to crawl about 150 Perhaps they repeatedly requested yards away, but was overtaken by Mr. fire as it was the only word or term they Landsborough, Jemmy, and Jackey, and could share with Jemmy, or perhaps despatched by two different shots, though Jemmy had misunderstood and they were begging hard for his life. not even requesting fire. A further entry ‘Though begging hard for his life’, the in Bourne’s journal showed continuing unarmed Aboriginal man was shot. It is miscommunication: interesting that Bourne referred to the This morning, very early, two men made Aborigine as a ‘man’, not a native, a nigger their appearance first, and sat down or a black, but as a man – just like the ‘men’ within ninety yards of our Camp. Mr. of the expedition party. Was Bourne feeling

296 William Landsborough’s expedition of 1862 from Carpentaria to Victoria empathy towards this unfortunate Aboriginal retired to some distance (Landsborough man? 1963, pp. 102–103). His journal did not always show implicit It is difficult to believe that the Aboriginal empathy, however. As shown in the quote people would laugh at a failed skyrocket below, he was again not involved in a considering they had most likely never shooting incident but defended the actions experienced one before so had no idea that of those who were: ‘Some of the horses being it had failed and that laughing at this would close to Camp we caught two and sent two insult the explorers. What it does reveal is boys after the rest; they reported having Landsborough’s fear of Aboriginal people and slightly wounded one man they had found his attempt to dominate with brutal force: secreted in a waterhole. It is more than After the conduct of the blacks last probable that, had we all been asleep last night, and as they approached Gregory’s night, we should have been killed’ (Bourne party in a similar way in the same 1862, pp. 44–45). Bourne also wrote words neighbourhood, I fully intended to shoot of admiration for the strength of these at them if we had a chance; but this Aboriginal men: ‘Passed a great many to morning, although three approached to day but did not stop. These natives are fine within one hundred yards of us while muscular fellows, and are very hardy, as they we were eating our breakfast, I did not are perfectly naked; and although the nights fire at them until Jemmy had warned are bitterly cold they sleep entirely without them of our hostile feeling towards them, covering, merely making a fire on each side and until they, instead of attending to of them, few thinking it necessary to do this the warning they had received to be off, even’ (Bourne 1862, pp. 44–45). got most of their companions, who were The varied interpretations of this incident heavily loaded with clubs and throwing are important when we consider concepts of sticks, to approach within about the same cultural blindness, cultural seeing, mutual distance of our position. I then gave the adaptation and sense of place and belonging. word and we fired at them. The discharge The expedition was dependent upon Jemmy, wounded one and made the rest retire. the native police trooper, yet lacked any Some of us followed them up as far as obvious connection with or understanding of the horses, and again fired, and shot the the Aboriginal people encountered: one who had been wounded previously. The blacks came up, and probably would Afterwards Jackey slightly wounded have overpowered us if they had found another, when Jemmy and he went for us all asleep; but Jemmy, the native the horses. Perhaps these blacks, as they trooper, who always keeps his watch said they had visited the settled country, well, awoke us, and all of our party may have had a part in the massacre except one discharged their guns in of the Wills family Landsborough (1963, the direction from where we heard the pp. 102–103). blacks. I reserved my charge to shoot at It is important that these Aborigines them when I caught sight of them, which had visited the settled district and that I did not succeed in doing until after day- Landsborough justified the killing by light. We set off two sky-rockets, but they referring to the Wills family massacre and did not go up well, because they were an incident involving Gregory in which his bruised, or because the sticks we attached party attacked Aborigines, due to fear of to them were unsuitable. When the first attack on themselves. The Gregory party, rocket exploded, it made the blacks laugh; while attempting to reach the Thompson at the explosion of the second we did not River, came upon a ‘fine lagoon nearly a mile hear them do so as they had probably in length … surprised a party of natives,

297 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills who decamped … leaving their net, fish, etc.’ Conclusion which Gregory ‘of course left untouched, and This urge to act before crisis eventuated, camped at a spot lower down the lagoon’ this fear of attack, must come from a (Gregory and Gregory 1884, p. 250). The previous personal experience or from Gregory party made efforts to not disturb the stories of conflict between explorers and Aboriginal people, however, Gregory did not Aboriginal people. Gregory clearly stated follow protocol and announce the arrival of that he was afraid of a shower of spears, a his party and request permission to camp: fear that may have stemmed from the fate May 9 of Kennedy who died after being speared within the vicinity of Cape York, an area The next day being Sunday, we remained where Gregory had previously travelled. at our camp, and the party of natives He may have used Kennedy’s journal and consisting of seven or eight men, three records to assist with his exploration. or four women, and some children, Second, the people of the Barcoo approached us, and remained the greater mentioned that they had visited the settled part of the day near the tents. They districts and Landsborough assumed that were very anxious to enter the camp, they might have been responsible for the but this was not permitted. By signs they Wills family (unconnected with Burke and expressed that they had observed we had Wills) massacre – he used the possibility not taken away any of their property as justification for killing a defenceless the evening before, when they ran away person. Near the Nagoa River, 400 km west and left their nets, and were therefore of the Fitzroy River in Queensland, the satisfied our intentions were friendly, but Wills family were massacred in October we could not procure any information 1861 shortly after they reached their new relative to the objects of our journey or home, Cullin-la-Ringo. This country is the character of the country before us. approximately 700 km east of the Barcoo. At 4 p.m. they informed us they were On 17 October, 18 of the settlers were killed going to sleep at the most distant part and three escaped. News spread quickly of the lagoon, and would return next to the settled districts and the native morning at sunrise, and then departed. police force was sent to find the people responsible for the massacre. A terrible After dark, however, the natives were revenge followed, in which at least 70 detected attempting to crawl into the Aboriginal people were killed in ‘butchery … camp through the bushes, and though we cruel, cold blooded, and inexcusable as any called to them in an unmistakable tone to to found in the annals of the race’ (Sydney retire, they would not withdraw. As the Morning Herald 1861, p. 5). position they had taken up was such as to There is evidence that native police and command our camp, and render it unsafe colonisers used the Wills family massacre as in the event of an attack, it was necessary an excuse to kill Aboriginal people whether to dislodge them. I therefore fired a pistol or not they were connected to the massacre over them, but was answered by a shout and without allowing the Aboriginal people of derision, which no doubt would have a fair trial. Richards (2008, p. 24) stated been soon followed by a shower of spears that ‘revenge parties operated in Central had we not compelled them to retreat by Queensland for months after the attack at a discharge of small shot directed into the Cullin-la-Ringo’ and the native police force scrub, after which we were not further was one of the ‘major causes of violent molested (Gregory and Gregory 1884, Indigenous deaths in colonial Queensland’ p. 250). (Richards 2008, p. 207).

298 William Landsborough’s expedition of 1862 from Carpentaria to Victoria

Tom Wills, a survivor of the massacre, that no form of cultural dissemination is ever called for ‘good resolute men that will shoot a one-way process’ (Young 2005, p. 164): the every black they see’ in retribution for the members of the expedition party travelled loss of his family (Richards 2008, p. 66) through country where past experiences, but the Landsborough expedition did not stories of place and cultural practices shoot every Aborigine they saw. Does this were layered on top of each other to create reveal empathy towards Aboriginal people? an uncertain patchwork of identities and Moral judgement? There is evidence of cultural entanglement. early familiarity between the Landsborough expedition and people such as Witten and Acknowledgement his family, which suggests that the Barcoo This research was supported by Australian incident was brought about by cultural Research Council funding (The Burke and blindness. The apparent sense of familiarity Wills Scientific Expedition 1860–61: the appeared to subside upon entering the Aboriginal story. LP 110100088). Barcoo country, about which there were many stories that originated from the colonising structure. With greater understanding of References Aboriginal law Landsborough may have Berndt RM and Berndt CH (1999) The World safely passed through this country. Perhaps of the First Australians – Aboriginal Landsborough misinterpreted Witten’s Traditional Life: Past and Present. warning about the Barcoo people: it appears Aboriginal Studies Press, Canberra. that Witten, who perhaps did not sing that Bourne G (1862) Bourne’s Journal of country, was not allowed in that country Landsborough’s Expediton from or had perhaps earlier broken Aboriginal Carpentaria, in Search of Burke and Wills. law there. There is no reason behind the H.T. Dwight, Melbourne. assumption that the people of Barcoo were Cameron J (2003) Responding to place responsible for the Wills family massacre; in a post-colonial era: an Australian it is far more probable that they were perspective. In Decolonizing Nature: instead victims of colonial fear and cultural Strategies for Conservation in a blindness. Postcolonial Era. (Eds WM Adams and There was no reason to assume M Mulligan) pp. 172–196. Earthscan that the Barcoo people would attack Publications, London. the Landsborough expedition without Clark ID and Cahir DA (2011) Understanding provocation. Bourne (1862, pp. 44–45) Ngamadjidj: Aboriginal perceptions of stated that the people of the Barcoo area Europeans in nineteenth century western were ‘comparatively harmless, nor did Victoria. Journal of Australian Colonial they show any disposition to attack us in History 13, 105–124. any way’. The stories that came out of the Gammage B (2012) The Biggest Estate on colonising structure silenced the Aboriginal Earth: How Aborigines made Australia. 2nd voice, which had the effect of separation: edn. Allen and Unwin, Sydney. denial of mutual dependency added to the magnification of cultural blindness. The Gregory AC and Gregory FT (1884) Journals explorers’ journals show traces of cultural of Australian Explorations. James C. Beal, seeing and mutual adaptation; by drawing Government Printer, Brisbane. The Project upon the cultural overlaps we can create Gutenburg eBook. . continuity. As this chapter has revealed, Horton DR (1996) Indigenous Language ‘analysis of colonial discourse has shown Map based on Language Data gathered

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by Aboriginal Studies Press. AIATSIS and WM Adams and M Mulligan) pp. 172–196. Auslig/Sinclair, Knight, Merz. . landscape? A response to Michael Connor’s Howitt AW (1878) Notes on the Aborigines of ‘The invention of terra nullius’. The Cooper’s Creek. In Aborigines of Victoria: Monthly, May. With Notes relating to the Habits of the Reynolds H (2006b) The Other Side of the Natives of other Parts of Australia and Frontier: Aboriginal Resistance to the Tasmania compiled from Various Sources European Invasion of Australia. University for the Government of Victoria. Vol. 2. (Ed. of New South Wales Press, Sydney. RB Smyth 2009) pp. 300–309. Cambridge Richards J (2008) The Secret War: A True University Press, New York. History of Queensland’s Native Police. Landsborough W (1862) Extracts of despatch University of Queensland Press, from Mr. Landsborough to the Hon. Queensland. the Colonial Secretary, Queensland, Rose DB (2000) Writing place. In Writing dated Bunnawannah, Darling River, Histories: Imaginations and Narration. (Eds June 1st, 1862. Proceedings of the Royal A Curthoys and A McGrath) pp. 75–87. Geographical Society of London 7(1), Monash Publications in History, Monash 40–42. University. Landsborough W (1963) Journal of Rose DB (2004) Reports from a Wild Country: Landsborough’s Expedition from Ethics for Decolonization. University of Carpentaria in Search of Burke and New South Wales Press, Sydney. Wills. Libraries Board of South Australia, Rowlands S (2011) Entangled frontiers: Adelaide. collection, display and the Queensland Langton M (1996) What do you mean by Museum, 1878–1914. Journal of Australian wilderness? Wilderness and terra nullius Colonial History 13, 183–206. in Australian art. The Sydney Papers 8(4), Smyth RB (2009) Aborigines of Victoria: With 1–31. Notes relating to the Habits of the Natives Moorehead A (1963) Cooper’s Creek. Hamish of other Parts of Australia and Tasmania Hamilton, London. compiled from Various Sources for the Mulligan M (2003) Feet to the ground in Government of Victoria. Vol. 2. Cambridge storied landscapes: disrupting the University Press, New York. colonial legacy with a poetic politics. Sydney Morning Herald (12/12/1861) In Decolonizing Nature: Strategies for Reports on the Wills family massacre and Conservation in a Postcolonial Era. (Eds treatment of Aboriginal people at the time. WM Adams and M Mulligan) pp. 167–289. p. 5. National Library of Australia. . Plumwood V (2003) Decolonizing Trundle G (1974) Landsborough, William relationships with nature. In Decolonizing (1825–1886). In Australian Dictionary of Nature: Strategies for Conservation Biography. National Centre of Biography, in a Postcolonial Era. (Eds WM Adams Australian National University. . Relph E (1992) Modernity and the reclamation Young RJC (2005) Colonial Desire: Hybridity of place. In Decolonizing Nature: Strategies in Theory, Culture and Race. Taylor and for Conservation in a Postcolonial Era. (Eds Francis e-Library, Routledge, London.

300 Chapter 17

‘I suppose this will end in our having to live like the blacks for a few months’: reinterpreting the history of Burke and Wills

Ian D. Clark and Fred Cahir

William John Wills penned those words in his basic truth alluded to by Henry Reynolds journal on 6 May 1861 (Wills 1863, p. 282). (1990) – the failure to profit from Aboriginal Three weeks later he wrote ‘We are trying expertise. to live the best way we can, like the blacks, but find it hard work’, and left the notes in a A dedication cache at the Cooper Creek depot on 30 May As part of the suite of activities organised 1861 (Wills 1863, p. 290). Gray had died on by the Royal Society of Victoria for its 17 April 1861, and by the end of June both sesquicentenary celebrations of the Burke Wills and Burke were dead – from starvation and Wills expedition, the society hosted and beriberi. Another four members of the a mock coronial inquest in the Legislative expedition met their deaths: Charles Stone died on 22 April 1861, William Purcell on 23 Assembly of Victoria over the weekend of April, Ludwig Becker on 29 April and William 23 and 24 July 2011. Dr Jane Hendtlass Patten on 5 June. King, the only survivor of was the coroner presiding over the mock the four who made the dash for the Gulf, was inquest, which investigated only the factors adopted into the Yandruwandha who allowed which may have contributed to the deaths him to live with them until he was found by of Burke, Wills and Gray. The coroner Howitt’s relief expedition in September. The explored the issues of management of the deaths of seven men and the survival of King expedition, the nutrition available to the through his adoption by the Yandruwandha four men (Burke, Wills, Gray and King), represent a poignant juxtaposition of the Aboriginal involvement in the exploration,

301 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills the circumstances of Gray’s death and the recognize their full humanity. When King issue of whether King murdered Burke. The returned through Bendigo to Melbourne coroner’s findings, delivered on 19 April townsmen drank the Aborigines’ health. 2012, held that Burke’s appointment as Throughout November, a succession of leader was a fundamental mistake which colonists admitted their admiration for directly related to his death and those of how the blacks had ‘ministered to the Wills and Gray (Hendtlass 2012). In relation wants of the starving white men, not out to nutrition, the coroner found that Gray, of their superfluities, but their poverty; Burke and Wills all displayed the symptoms who found them ahungered and fed of beriberi, and that starvation, dehydration them; strangers, they took them in.’ and thiamine deficiency contributed to their What impressed them most was how the deaths. Burke’s refusal to consult with local Aborigines had treated King with such Aboriginal people meant that he did not fully kindness and wept over Burke’s corpse. appreciate how Aboriginal people prepared ‘Could Christians have done more?’ one nardoo in a way that minimised its effect on resident of Bendigo asked. ‘How many thiamine availability. Ironically, although professing Christians would have done as Burke, Wills and King were attempting to live much?’ But Burke’s use of force against like the Aboriginal people in their last days the Aborigines to deprive them of their together at Cooper Creek, they were unaware fish was more controversial. Although of Aboriginal methods of food preparation, some settlers excused this violence especially of the safest way to prepare because of the explorers’ situation, others nardoo. This point was well made by Phillip were appalled at such robbery and Clarke in Chapter 4. If Burke, Wills, King and injustice when the ‘heathens had willingly Gray had the services of an Aboriginal guide fed their hungry guests’. they could have procured and prepared food, A recent communication from Aaron thus ensuring the group’s survival. In relation Paterson, a Yandruwandha descendant, told to the issue of Aboriginal involvement in the a story passed within the Yandruwandha, expedition, the coroner agreed that ‘One of which reinforced their care of King: ‘The the most fundamental errors made by the story is that other natives came into our expedition was the decision not to utilise camp visiting and saw King and enquired Aboriginal guides (either from the very start what we were doing with him and why of the expedition or during the expedition) in haven’t we killed him. My people told the any systematic way.’ The coroner found that other natives to go away and say no more Charles Gray probably died from starvation, about him.’ thiamine deficiency and dehydration. In In the closure to the Joyce and McCann relation to the final matter of the Aboriginal (2011, p. 291) volume on the scientific oral history that Burke had been shot by contribution of the Burke and Wills a white man, the coroner was reluctant to expedition, the editors acknowledged that accept the report from an unnamed squatter their work was ‘one significant step’ in in the Town and Country journal. addressing the fact that no overall scientific One of the interesting outcomes of the report, nor even any official history, of Burke and Wills story and the recovery the expedition was ever published. In this of King by Howitt’s relief party was the volume we take another significant step accolade given to the Yandruwandha for their forward by giving Aboriginal perspectives hospitality in taking King into their care. a central place in the narrative – the Bonyhady (1991, p. 208) considered that: importance of Aboriginal peoples in the Their treatment of the explorers was one Victorian Exploring Expedition and the of those rare episodes in which colonists subsequent relief expeditions are no longer

302 ‘I suppose this will end in our having to live like the blacks for a few months’ forgotten narratives. We dedicate this volume Society of Victoria 19th April 2012. Royal to the Yandruwandha people of the Cooper Society of Victoria, Melbourne. and other Aboriginal peoples who featured Joyce B and McCann D (eds) (2011) Burke and prominently in the Burke and Wills story. Wills: The Scientific Legacy of the Victorian Exploring Expedition. CSIRO Publishing, References Melbourne. Bonyhady T (1991) Burke and Wills: From Reynolds H (1990) With the White People: Melbourne to Myth. David Ell Press, The Crucial Role of Aborigines in the Sydney. Exploration and Development of Australia. Hendtlass J (2012) Finding in the ‘Mock’ Penguin, Melbourne. Coronial Inquest into the deaths of Robert O’Hara Burke, William John Wills, Wills W (ed.) (1863) A Successful Exploration and Charles Gray. Coroner: Dr Jane through the Interior of Australia, from Hentlass. ‘Mock’ Coronial Inquiry held in Melbourne to the Gulf of Carpentaria. the Legislative Assembly, Parliament of From the Journals and Letters of William Victoria, Saturday 23rd and Sunday 24th John Wills. Edited by his Father, William July 2011. Findings presented at the Royal Wills. Richard Bentley, London.

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‡7HQ&RPPLWPHQWVSSLQGG $0 Index

Aboriginal art 22, 193, 195, 201, 202 Witten 292, 293–4, 299 Aboriginal contributions to the expedition Aboriginal interactions with the expedition 81–107 vi, xiii–xviii, 1–6, 7, 15–44, 53–6, 74, 88– retrospective analysis 105–6, 301–3 102, 152–3, 301–3 Aboriginal ecological knowledge 6–7, 61–75 Balranald to the Darling (first use of and Cooper Creek system 62–8 Aboriginal guides) 90–1 and explorers 61, 68–9, 74 Bilbarka to Menindee 91–2 and food/diet xiv, xv, 20, 52, 61, 62–6, Brahe’s returning party 103 69–75, 134, 136, 158, 271 Bulloo to the Darling 104 gatekeepers 68–9 Bulloo skirmish 81, 84, 102–3, 242, 258 hunting toolkit 62–3 Burke’s advance party to Cooper Creek 92 and Victorian Exploring Expedition 2, Kooliatto Creek incident 101–2 61–2, 69–74 and Lyons 7 and McPherson 7, 95–6 Aboriginal guides Mudplains camp to Bulloo 100–1 Bullinani 45, 268 return to Darling depot 96 and Burke 36, 62, 90 Dick (aka Mountain) 2, 7, 34–5, 45, 69–70, Smith, John 6, 16, 36, 37, 38–9, 44, 92, 74, 92–4, 95–6, 97, 105, 106, 107, 152, 97, 100, 102 156, 159, 160, 180, 185, 188 supply party’s journey to Torowoto 96– and explorers vi, 61, 68–9, 74, 283–4, 100 279–99 Swan Hill to the Darling via Balranald first use of (Balranald to the Darling) 90–1 88–9 Fisherman 279, 281, 282, 284, 290, 293–4 Torowoto to Mudplains camp 100 historical traces during exploration and trooper Lyons (search and rescue) 92–4 colonisation 283–4 and Wright 96–100 and Howitt 286 Aboriginal language see language, Aboriginal Jackey 69, 279, 282, 283, 286–8, 289–90, Aboriginal messengers xviii, 10, 69, 90, 160, 292, 293–4, 295, 296, 297 163, 261–75 Jemmy (Tilki) 26, 163, 279, 281, 282, 283, Aboriginal music 28, 85, 111–14, 156–7 284–5, 286–7, 288, 290, 293, 294–7 Corroboree 22, 26, 28, 85, 111–14, 156–7, Peter 7, 22, 34, 45, 93–4, 96, 104, 105, 165, 293–4 106, 152–3, 156, 159, 180, 188, 267 and relief expeditions 279, 281, 282–8 Aboriginal oral histories 2, 8, 149–65, 169, and Victorian Exploring Expedition vi, 5, 172, 302 51, 55–6, 62, 69–70, 90–1, 283–4, 302 Aboriginal oral traditions 149–65

305 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Burke & Wills 152–3 Aboriginal perspectives Burke & Wills (Cooper Creek) 160–4 of explorers 150–2 and camels 153–5 of Victorian Exploring Expedition 1–10 cross-cultural communications 155–60 Aboriginal place names see place names, and explorers 149, 150–2 Aboriginal Aboriginal people Aboriginal spokesman (Mr Shirt) 22, 37, 84, and Becker vi, 6, 16, 25–9, 44, 82, 85–6, 102–3 88–9, 90–1, 117, 119–22, 153, 156, Albert River 280, 284 191–203 and Beckler vi, 6, 16, 22–3, 44, 81, 82, 85, Allen, Harry vi, 1–2, 8, 16, 18, 35, 44, 51, 81, 100, 101–2, 122, 124–5, 152–3, 155, 189, 82, 123, 129, 253 196–8 anthropology 2, 28, 138, 139, 143, 230, 252, and Burke vi, 6, 16, 25–9, 44, 82, 85–6, 88– 253, 274 9, 90–1, 117, 119–22, 153, 156, 191–203 art and camels 153–5 Aboriginal 22, 193, 195, 201, 202 conflict with Europeans 26, 132–3, 284–99 and Becker vi, 7, 9, 24, 25–7, 82, 84, 89, Corroboree 22, 26, 28, 85, 111–14, 156–7, 93, 96–9, 117, 118, 121, 122, 124, 155, 165, 293–4 185–6, 191–203 and death xiv, xviii, 89 and Beckler 7, 22, 82, 191–203 empathy of German scientists 84–8 and Hodgkinson 35 and Europeans 8, 49, 132–7, 269–70, interpreting Mootwingee 196–8 284–99 and Strutt 18, 31, 42, 43, 181, 183, 226, and explorers 8, 61, 68–9, 74, 132–7, 231–2, 234, 237 269–70, 274, 283–4 theory as a way of comprehending and food/diet xiv, xv, 20, 52, 62–6, 69–75, Aboriginal philosophies of country 134, 136, 158, 271, 283, 302 198–200 and Howitt 8, 10, 106, 138–9, 159, 164, Attwood, A. 176, 185–6, 188, 235 175, 185–6, 223–37, 242, 261, 264, 265, 286, 291 and King xiv–xv, 2, 8, 10, 39–40, 56, 74, Barcoo people 298–9 137, 159, 232–4, 236–7, 254, 258, 302 Barcoo River xv, 10, 279–80, 282, 283–5, and land occupation vi 289–95, 298–9 massacre 26, 132, 154–5, 164, 237, 269– Barkley, Henry 109–10, 111–14 70, 274, 298–9 rescue of Lyons and McPherson 7, 34–5, batwing coral tree (Erythrina vespertilio) 67, 70, 88, 93–4, 95, 105, 159–60 76 stories of place 280–2 Becker, Ludwig Philipp Heinrich and trading 66–8, 72 and Aboriginal people vi, 6, 16, 25–9, 44, and water 90, 123, 124, 150, 154–5, 183, 82, 85–6, 88–9, 90–1, 117, 119–22, 153, 192–3, 202, 253–4, 269–70, 280, 283–4 156, 191–203 and Wills xiv, 5–6, 20–1, 72–3, 134, 149, and art vi, 7, 9, 24, 25–7, 82, 84, 89, 93, 152–3, 157–8, 160–5, 184 96–9, 117, 118, 121, 122, 124, 155, 185– and Wright 23, 53, 69, 102–3, 104, 258 6, 191–203 see also Corner Country biography 23–9, 85–6, 193 Aboriginal people and Europeans bush experience 6 cross-cultural communications 155–60 death 28, 44, 82, 86, 101–3, 301 explorers and Aboriginal guides 61, 68–9, geology 84 74, 283–4 and Humboldtian practice vi, 7, 26, 83,

306 INDEX

194, 201, 202 104–5, 106, 161, 182, 186, 242–4, 248, 252 influence of Aboriginal country 191–203 Bridges, Roy 4 manuscripts 82 Brooks (Victorian Exploring Expedition) 15, at Menindee 70 41, 44 naturalist 28 photograph 24 Brown, Radcliffe 139, 143, 154, 162 scientific instructions/observations 82, Browne, John Harris 135, 143 83, 85, 184, 193–4, 202–3 Bullinani (Aboriginal guide) 45, 268 and Tasmanian Aborigines vi, 26, 86 Bulloo to the Darling 104 and Victorian Exploring Expedition vi, 4, 6, 7, 16, 23–9, 83, 84, 85–6, 192 Bulloo River 5, 22, 23, 28, 35, 36–8, 69, 81, 82, 84, 86, 92, 100–4, 105, 106, 115, 117, Beckler, Herman 123–5, 242 and Aboriginal people vi, 6, 16, 22–3, 44, 81, 82, 85, 100, 101–2, 122, 124–5, Bulloo skirmish 81, 84, 102–3, 242, 258 152–3, 155, 189, 196–8 Burke, Robert O’Hara and art 7, 22, 82, 191–203 and Aboriginal guides 36, 62, 90 biography 21–3, 85 and Aboriginal people xiv–xv, 1–6, 16–18, botanical collection 96 72, 90, 134, 141–2, 150, 152–3, 158, on Burke as leader 52, 56 160–4, 302 bush experience 6, 21, 44 advance party to Cooper Creek 69, 88, 92 and Humboldtian practice vi, 7, 21, 83, 85 and Beckler 52, 56 manuscripts 82, 90, 106, 111–14, 185 biography 16–18 at Menindee 16, 22, 37 bush skills 6–7, 51, 90 observations 82 character 49, 210 photograph 21 contesting the myth 184–6 publications 48 and expedition members 15–16 rescue of Lyons and McPherson 7, 34–5, and Gulf of Carpentaria 7, 138, 242 70, 88, 93–4, 95, 105, 159–60 and Howitt 229–31, 235, 241 resignation 16, 57 leadership qualities 51–3, 185, 302 scientific instructions /observations 82, and Morton 52–5 83, 85 photograph 17, 48 and Victorian Exploring Expedition vi, 6, poem 212–17 16, 21–3, 44, 48, 52, 56, 82, 83, 84, 85, and Victorian Exploring Expedition vi, xv, 102, 192 15–16, 47, 51–2, 83, 90, 106, 227, 242, Belooch Khan 16, 41, 43 302 and Yandruwandha xv, 143, 152, 161 beri-beri (thiamine deficiency) 28, 38, 44, 57, 66, 74, 177, 301, 302 Burke, Robert O’Hara, death of 7, 73, 161, 169–78, 184, 188 Blandowski, William 26, 57, 84, 107 Aboriginal stories 169–70, 172–3, 175–6 Bonyhady, Tim 3, 4, 6, 9, 15, 21, 32, 33, 35, discussion 175–6 39, 44, 129, 172, 174, 176, 181, 185, 186, and King 161, 173, 174–5, 256–8, 302 188, 226, 242, 259, 302 reaction to the report of King killing Burke Boucher, Leigh 9–10, 223 256–8, 302 Bourne, G 285, 287–97, 299 squatter’s story 170–2 Bowman, Robert 16, 35–6, 44 Burke and Wills Expedition see Victorian Brahe, William 3, 5, 7, 16, 18, 29, 31–2, 41, Exploring Expedition 44, 49, 51, 53–5, 69, 81, 87–8, 90, 92, 103, bushcraft 2, 6–7, 41–4, 47–8, 53–4, 56

307 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Cahir, Fred 1, 8, 10, 149, 152, 156, 158, 261, welfare period (1912–1972) 141 264, 273, 286, 301 what is happening now? 141–3 camels and Yandruwandha 129, 131, 134, 157–8 Aboriginal responses to 153–5 Cornish, Henry 49 and cameleers 39–41 Corroboree 22, 26, 28, 85, 111–14, 156–7, Camp 57 92 165, 293–4 Camp 65 (Victorian Exploring Expedition) 53, Cowen, Owen 6, 15, 29, 32, 44 69, 72, 87, 92, 104–5, 106, 208, 210, 244–5, Creber, Henry 15, 32 258 cross-cultural communications 155–60 camp fires (Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal) 52–4 Dick (aka Mountain) (Aboriginal guide) 2, 7, camp sites along the Cooper Creek 92 34–5, 45, 69–70, 74, 92–4, 95–6, 97, 105, Clark, Ian D. 1, 6, 15, 47, 152, 156, 158, 286, 106, 107, 152, 156, 159, 160, 180, 185, 188 301, 302 dietary deficiency 28, 44, 57, 66, 74, 177, 302 Clarke, Marcus 2, 3–4, 51 thiamine (beri-beri) 44, 57, 66, 74, 177, Clarke, Philip A. 6–7, 36, 61, 63, 64, 65, 67, 302 71, 73, 75, 245 vitamin C (scurvy) 28, 38, 44, 67, 72, 75, 86, 101, 102, 103 Cole, William 41 Dig tree site 53, 81, 88, 92, 104–5, 106, 181, Colwell, M. 4, 5–6 208, 210, 234, 244–5, 258 Commission of Inquiry (1861–62) 33, 36, 38, Diyari Aboriginal people 62, 66, 75, 129, 41, 49, 51, 54, 56, 85, 88, 105, 257–8 131, 133–4, 136, 137–8, 139–41, 142–3 Conrick, John xv, 175, 258 Dodd, David 7, 81 Cooper Creek (Kinipapa) xv, 104–5 Drakeford, John 6, 16, 33, 44 and Aboriginal ecological knowledge 62–8 Burke’s advance party 69, 92 Duroadu 121–2 Camp 57 92 Dutton, George 122, 123, 140, 141 Camp 65 (depot) 53, 87, 92, 104–5, 106, 208, 210, 244–5, 258 Elkin, Adolphus Peter 139–40, 143, 162 camp sites (Victorian Exploring Expedition) Erythrina vespertilio (batwing coral tree) 67, 92 76 Dig tree site 53, 81, 88, 92, 104–5, 106, 181, 208, 210, 234, 244–5, 258 Esau Khan 15, 41, 42 Corner Country 8 Europeans Aboriginal people and Europeans and Aboriginal people 8, 49, 132–7, 141– (historical interactions) 132–4, 141–3 3, 284–99 Aboriginal groups 131–32 and Yandruwandha 134, 152, 229, 234, Aboriginal peoples 129, 131 286 Burke and Wills and the Aboriginal people explorers 129–43 and Aboriginal ecological knowledge 61, Lake Eyre Basin missions (1866–1915) 68–9, 74 137–8 and Aboriginal guides 61, 68–9, 74, Lake Eyre Basin peoples (scientific 279–99 interest) 138–41 and Aboriginal people 8, 61, 68–9, 74, pastoral settlement and the Aboriginal 132–7, 283–4 frontier 134–7 Morton’s opinions 52–5

308 INDEX

Favenc, Ernest 4, 49, 244, 250, 266 William Landsborough’s expedition 279– Ferguson, Charles 6, 16, 28, 29–31, 32, 44, 80, 283 49, 52, 56 Guttie (Kerwin), Jack xv fish 6, 20, 52, 54, 56, 62, 72, 73, 74, 75, 134, 158, 271, 294–5 Hercus, Luise 7, 90, 115, 119, 122, 141, 156 Fisherman (Aboriginal guide) 279, 281, 282, Hodgkinson, William Oswald 16, 20, 23, 35, 284, 290, 293–4 37, 90, 92, 97, 100, 102, 103, 268–70, 274 Fletcher, Robert 6, 15, 33, 44 Horn Expedition (1894) 74–5 Flinders Rangers 68, 122, 133, 135–6, 138, Howitt, Alfred xvii, 247–53 142 and Aboriginal guides 286 Flinders River 283, 284 and Aboriginal people 8, 10, 106, 138–9, food 159, 164, 175, 185–6, 223–37, 242, 261, and Aboriginal people xiv, xv, 20, 35, 52, 264, 265, 286, 291 61, 62–6, 69–75, 134, 136, 158, 271, bushcraft 26, 56, 74, 184, 226 283, 302 and exploration 247–8 beri-beri (thiamine deficiency) 28, 38, 44, leadership 225–6 57, 66, 74, 177, 301, 302 object of cultural memory 229–31 preparation 62–3, 302 relationship with Welch 249–53 Victorian Exploring Expedition 6, 35, 38, relief expedition 6, 7, 10, 49, 74, 106, 52, 54, 70–5, 157, 301, 302 159, 172, 175, 176, 223, 226–8, 231, 236, vitamin C deficiency (scurvy) 28, 38, 44, 241, 244 67, 72, 75, 86, 101, 102, 103 rescue of King 7, 47, 74, 175, 176, 234, see also fish; nardoo; yams 242–6 on Victorian Exploring Expedition 47–8, 227, 280, 285–6 German scientists and empathy towards and Yandruwandha people 138, 164, 229 Indigenous peoples 84–8 Howitt, Richie xvi, xvii–xviii goldfields and expedition members 29– Humboldt, Alexander von vi, 7, 21, 26–7, 32 83–4, 85, 87, 192, 194–5, 201, 202 Gordon, Adam Lindsay 8–9 Gray, Charles 6–7, 8, 16, 180, 181 Jackey (Aboriginal guide) 69, 279, 282, 283, advance party 92 286–8, 289–90, 292, 293–4, 295, 296, 297 biography 33 Jeffries, Peta vi, 9, 10, 191, 279 bush experience 44, 56 death 7, 9, 10, 44, 51, 57, 74, 84, 169, Jeffries, Stephen 82, 116, 192, 197 171, 184, 256–8, 269, 301–2 Jemmy (Tilki) (Aboriginal guide) 26, 163, and Gulf of Carpentaria 7 279, 281, 282, 283, 284–5, 286–8, 290, 291, illustration 34 293, 294–7 lithograph 34 relationship with Burke 174, 177, 184, Kerwin, Benny xv 242, 258 warugati wiltfella (‘emu-whiteman’) 8 Kerwin, Benny Jnr xv Greenway, John 5 Kerwin, Edna xv Gulf of Carpentaria 3, 5, 7, 10, 16, 33, 34, King, Alice (‘Yellow Alice’/‘Miss King‘) xiv–xv, 36, 39, 51, 56, 62, 70, 110, 138, 169, 186, 10, 258 188, 207, 227, 242, 246, 253, 256 King, Annie xv

309 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

King, John Karnic (K) 115 and Burke’s death 161, 173, 174–5 Kulin languages (Ku) 116 daughter xiv–xv, 10, 258 Malyangapa 37, 116, 121–2, 123, 129, finding of 7, 242–6 131 and Gulf of Carpentaria 7 Marrula 140 and languages 39 Murray River languages (M) 116 lithograph 40 Muthi-Muthi 117–18 living with Aboriginal people xiv–xv, 2, Neumayer’s word-list 120 7, 8, 10, 39–40, 56, 74, 137, 159, 232–4, Ngamini 140 236–7, 254, 258, 302 Paakantyi 23, 37, 115, 116–17, 120, 121– reaction to the report of King killing Burke 2, 123, 124–5, 129, 131, 132, 140 256–8 Wadikali 37, 129, 131 rescue by Howitt 7, 47, 74, 175, 176, 234, Wangkangurru 129, 131, 138, 139, 140, 242–6 142 and Yandruwandha people xiv–xv, xvii, Wangkumara 37, 115, 123–4, 125, 129, 2, 8, 10, 39–40, 56, 74, 137, 159, 184, 131, 140–1, 143 232–4, 236–7, 258, 302 Wilyali 129, 131, 140 King Peter xv Yandruwandha 115, 116, 164 King Wilpie xv Yardliyawara 129, 131 Yarli (Y) 115–16 Korliatto water hole (Bulloo River) 35, 37, 38, Yarluyandi 129, 131, 142 124, 125 Yawarrawarrka 129, 131, 140, 142 Leahy, Frank 9, 10, 241 Lake Eyre Basin missions (1866–1915) 8, 137–8 Lewis, Darrell 8, 161, 169 Lake Eyre Basin peoples (scientific interest) Long-haired rat (Rattus villosissimus) 38 138–41 Lyons, Myles 2, 6, 7, 22, 34–5, 45, 57, 69–70, Lambeth, Paul 9, 207–22 74, 88, 92–4, 95, 96, 104, 105, 107, 159–60, art 208–11 180, 185 poetry (Robert O’Hara Burke) 212–17, 221 poetry (William John Wills) 218–20, 221 McDonough, Thomas Francis 16, 41 Landells, George James 16, 18, 32, 33, 39, McIlwaine, James 15, 41, 44 41, 57, 91, 177 McKinlay, John (SA Relief Expedition) 7, 10, Landsborough, William 7, 10, 162–3, 253, 35, 135–6, 162, 163–4, 172, 173, 253, 254, 279–99 258, 261–75, 280 Lane, James Robert 15, 41, 44 McPherson, Alexander ‘Sandy’ 2, 6, 7, 16, 22, Langan, Patrick 16, 41 33–5, 69–70, 74, 92–6, 100, 104, 105, 107, language, Aboriginal 7–8, 73, 106, 115–25, 159–60, 180, 185 131, 138, 141 magnetic observations 8, 82, 87 Adnyamathanha 133, 142 Mahomet, Dost 7, 16, 32, 39, 41, 87, 92, 104 Arabunna 142 Bandjigali 37, 129, 131 massacre of Aboriginal people 26, 132, 154– Danggali 129, 131 5, 164, 237, 269–70, 274, 298–9 descriptions 116–17 Menindee 6, 7, 15–16, 18, 22, 28, 33, 34, 35– Diyari 62, 66, 75, 129, 131, 133, 134, 136, 9, 41, 44, 51, 69–70, 82, 85, 86, 91–2, 99, 137–8, 139–40, 142–3 105, 107, 115, 133, 161, 228, 241, 242–3, Garlali 129, 131 251, 252, 253–4, 255, 256

310 INDEX messengers, Aboriginal xviii, 10, 69, 90, 160, Parker, Bob xv 163, 261–75 Parker, Cora xv Mootwingee 97, 123, 183, 196–8, 199, 200, Parker, Nelly xv 201–2 Parker, Robert xv Morrison, Frederick 41 pastoral life and expedition members 33–9 Morton, William Lockhart 47–57 Paterson, Aaron xiii–xvi, 10, 136, 142–3, on bushcraft 52, 53–4 236 photograph 47 public debate on explorers 52, 53–6 Paterson, Gloria 237 on Victorian Exploring Expedition 47–8, Patten, William 6, 7, 16, 32, 41, 44, 87, 92, 52–6 103, 104, 242, 301 Murgatroyd, Sarah 4, 31, 32, 33, 41, 44, 161, Peter (Aboriginal guide) 7, 22, 34, 45, 93–4, 185–6, 188, 258 96, 104, 105, 106, 152–3, 156, 159, 180, music, Aboriginal 28, 85, 111–14, 156–7 188, 267 Corroboree 22, 26, 28, 85, 111–14, 156–7, place names, Aboriginal 165, 293–4 Bulloo 104, 123–5 Muthi-Muthi tribe 117–18 Duroadu 121–2 Korliatto 35, 37, 38, 124, 125 myth making 182–7 Torowoto 2, 4, 6, 22, 34–5, 36, 51, 69, 70, 74, 92–4, 95, 96–101, 104, 105, 121–2, nardoo (Marsilea drummondii/hirsuta) xv, 241 39, 52, 56, 57, 63–6, 70, 72–4, 76, 94, 158, Polongeaux, John 15, 33 160, 187, 242, 254, 255, 270, 302 portulaca (Portulaca oleracea) 66, 67, 76 national narratives, telling and retelling 179- Price, George 41 82 punishment (Aboriginal law) xv–xvi Native Title xvii, 142, 143 Purcell, William 6, 16, 36, 37, 38, 44, 84, 92, Neumayer, Georg von 97, 101, 102, 103, 242, 301 and Aboriginal people vi, 7, 119–20, 151, 159–60 biography 82–3, 86–7 Queensland relief party (Landsborough) 7, and goldfields 248 10, 162–3, 253, 279–99 Humboldtian practice vi, 7, 83 magnetic survey of Victoria 85, 87, 151, Rattus villosissimus (Long-haired rat) 38 248, 251 and meteorology 20, 26 relief expeditions 1, 2, 7, 9–10, 162, 163, photograph 50 184, 223–37, 279, 302–3 and Victorian Exploring Expedition 34, Howitt 8, 49 35, 44, 49, 53, 57, 81, 82–3, 87, 89, 90, Landsborough 279–99 119–20, 152–3, 159–60, 245, 248–9 McKinlay 7, 10, 35, 135–6, 162, 163–4, 172, 173, 253, 254, 258, 261–75, 280 Norman, W.H. 7, 253, 280, 284 Walker 7, 154–5, 162–3, 253, 280, 284 nutrition xiv, xv, 20, 52, 62–6, 69–75, 134, Reynolds, Henry xviii, 5, 152, 185, 295, 301 136, 158, 271, 302 Royal Society of Victoria Barkly’s 1861 Anniversary Address 109– O’Brien, M. 41 10 Outdoor Education ‘The Journey’ 187–8 and Victorian Exploring Expedition 47

311 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

Samla 15, 39, 41 and Aboriginal language 7–8, 73, 106, scientific mission of the Victorian Exploring 115–25 Expedition 83–4, 85 Aboriginal legacy/story 1–10 Balranald to the Darling (first use of scurvy (vitamin C deficiency) 28, 38, 44, 67, Aboriginal guides) 90–1 72, 75, 86, 101, 102, 103 and Becker vi, 4, 6, 7, 16, 23–9, 83, 84, settler colonialism 223–6 85–6, 192 Shirt, Mr 22, 37, 84, 97, 102–3 and Beckler vi, 6, 16, 21–3, 44, 48, 52, 56, Slattery, Deirdre 9, 179 82, 83, 84, 85, 102, 192 Smith, John 6, 16, 36, 37, 38–9, 44, 92, 97, Bilbarka to Menindee 91–2 100, 102 Brahe’s returning party 103 Bulloo to the Darling 104 ‘Sohoben’ 53, 55–6 Bulloo skirmish 81, 84, 102–3, 242, 258 South Australian Burke Relief Expedition and Burke vi, xv, 15–16, 47, 51–2, 83, 90, (McKinlay) 7, 10, 35, 162 106, 227, 242, 302 Stone, Charles 6, 16, 22, 36, 37–8, 44, 84, Burke’s advance party to Cooper Creek 92 92, 97, 100, 102–3, 301 bushcraft 2, 9, 41–4, 47–8, 53–4, 56 Strutt, William 18, 31, 42, 43, 181, 183, 226, and camels 39–41, 153–5 231–2, 234, 237 Camp 57 92 Camp 65 (depot) 53, 87, 92, 104–5, 106, Sturt, Charles xv, 132–4, 143, 152, 153, 175, 208, 210, 244–5, 258 253 camp sites along the Cooper Creek 92 Commission of Inquiry (1861–62) 33, 36, thiamine deficiency 44, 57, 66, 74, 177, 302 38, 41, 49, 51, 54, 56, 85, 88, 105, 257–8 Thomson, Donald 75 contesting the myth 184–6 Thomson River 280, 284, 289 criticism of member selection 47–58 deaths 2–3, 4, 6, 7, 8–9, 10, 44, 48, 49, 51, Tilki (Jemmy) 26, 163, 279, 281, 282, 283, 57, 73, 82, 84, 157, 161–2, 169, 170–7, 285, 286–8, 290, 291, 293–7 180, 184, 188, 209, 242, 256–8, 301–2 Torowoto 2, 4, 6, 22, 34–5, 36, 51, 69, 70, Dig tree site 53, 81, 88, 92, 104–5, 106, 74, 92–7, 100–1, 104, 105, 116, 121–2, 241 181, 208, 210, 234, 244–5, 258 Turner, Henry 5, 15, 49, 51, 56, 199, 200 division into parties 16, 180 early histories 4–5, 48–9 and experience of life on the goldfields Victoria (H.C.M.S.) 7, 280, 284 29–32 Victorian Contingent Exploration Party 10, and experience of pastoral life 33–9 241–59 and experience of working with camels Victorian Exploration Party 241 and cameleers 39–41 Victorian Exploring Expedition food supplies/knowledge 6, 35, 38, 52, Aboriginal contributions vi, 81–106 54, 70–4, 157, 301, 302 Aboriginal contributions (retrospective and Howitt 47–8, 227, 280, 285–6 analysis) 105–6, 301–3 inexperience with exploration 47 and Aboriginal ecological knowledge 2, Kooliatto Creek incident 101–2 61–2, 69–74 members 15–45, 55–7 and Aboriginal guides vi, 5, 51, 55–6, 62, and Morton 47–8, 52–6 69–70, 90–1, 283–4, 302 Mudplains camp to Bulloo 100–1 Aboriginal interactions vi, xiii–xviii, 1–6, and Neumayer 34, 35, 44, 49, 53, 57, 81, 44, 47–8, 53–6, 74, 88–102, 152–3, 301–2 82–3, 87, 89, 90, 119–20, 152–3, 159–60,

312 INDEX

245, 248–9 Welch, Edwin 10, 241–59 and nutrition/food preparation 302 and the Aboriginal community 253–4 perspectives and its results 7–8 on King’s rescuers and trading 254–6 representations 8–9 relationship with Howitt 249–53 return to Darling depot 96 Whitepeeper 119–21 scientific mission 83–4, 85 Wills family massacre 297, 298–9 ‘Sohoben’ 53, 55–6 Wills, William John supply party’s journey to Torowoto 96– and Aboriginal people xiv, 5–6, 20–1, 100 72–3, 134, 149, 152–3, 157–8, 160–5, Swan Hill to the Darling via Balranald 184 88–9 astronomical observations 248 Torowoto to Mudplains camp 100 biography 18–21 trooper Lyons (search and rescue) 92–4 bush craft 6, 52, 56 and water 90, 95, 96, 97, 100, 101, 104, character xiv, 210, 251 105, 106, 133, 154–5, 159, 183, 229, death 7, 44, 51, 73–4, 138, 188, 207–8, 230–1, 249–50, 270, 290–2 301 and Wills 4, 9, 47–9, 87, 129–30, 142–3, and Gulf of Carpentaria 7 175–6, 179–80, 210, 231, 235–6, 242–3, photograph 19, 48 248, 301 poem 218–20, 221 and Wright 6, 16, 22, 23, 28, 34, 35, 36–7, and Victorian Exploring Expedition 4, 9, 38–9, 44, 49, 51, 53, 69–70, 92, 96–100, 47–9, 87, 129–30, 142–3, 175–6, 179–80, 104, 241, 242 210, 231, 235–6, 242–3, 248, 301 and Yandruwandha xiii–xvi, 2, 3, 8, 137, and Yandruwandha people xiv, xv 138, 142–3, 152, 154, 157–8, 160, 161, Witten (Aboriginal guide) 292, 293–4, 299 165, 229, 234, 236–7, 282, 301–3 see also Aboriginal interactions with the Wright, William expedition; relief expeditions and Aboriginal people 23, 53, 69, 102–3, 104, 258 Victorian Relief Expedition (Howitt) 9–10, 47, art 36 74, 280, 302 biography 36–7 vitamin C deficiency (scurvy) 28, 38, 44, 67, at Menindee 16, 28, 35, 36, 38–9, 51, 72, 75, 86, 101, 102, 103 69–70, 241 and supply party to Torowoto 91–100, Walker, Frederick 7, 154–5, 162–3, 253, 280, 101, 105, 106, 241, 242, 253 284 and Victorian Exploring Expedition 6, 16, 22, 23, 28, 34, 35, 36–7, 38–9, 44, 49, 51, water 53, 69–70, 92, 96–100, 104, 241, 242 and Aboriginal defence of 61, 133, 154–5, 183 and Aboriginal ecological knowledge yams 70–2, 123 62–3, 68 Yandruwandha people xiii–xviii and Aboriginal people 90, 123, 124, 150, and Burke xv, 143, 152, 161 154–5, 183, 192–3, 202, 253–4, 269–70, care of King xiv–xv, 2, 8, 10, 39–40, 56, 280, 283–4 74, 137, 159, 232–4, 236–7, 254, 258, search for 96, 106 302 and Victorian Exploring Expedition 90, and Cooper Creek 62, 66, 143 95, 96, 97, 100, 101, 104, 105, 106, 133, and Corner Country 129, 131, 134, 157–8 154–5, 159, 183, 229, 230–1, 249–50, ecological knowledge 62 270, 290–2 and Europeans 134, 152, 229, 234, 286

313 The Aboriginal Story of Burke and Wills

and Howitt 138, 164, 229 157–8, 160, 161, 165, 229, 234, 236–7, languages 115, 116, 164 282, 301–3 Native Title 142, 143 ‘Yellow Alice’/‘Miss King’ (Alice King) xiv–xv, and Victorian Exploring Expedition xiii– 10, 258 xvi, 2, 3, 8, 137, 138, 142–3, 152, 154, Yitha-Yitha people 90, 116, 117, 119

314