Ministry of Education and Science of Ivan Franko State University Міністерство освіти і науки України Житомирський державний університет імені Івана Франка

ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура

INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture

Scientific Periodical Випуск 7 Issue 7

Zhytomyr Житомир 2020 УДК 94 (477)/475 Видається за рішенням вченої ради Житомирського державного університету імені Івана Франка (протокол № 11 від 26 грудня 2019 р.)

РЕДАКЦІЙНА КОЛЕГІЯ Головний редактор: Кругляк Марина – кандидат історичних наук, доцент кафедри гуманітарних та соціальних наук Державного університету «Житомирська політехніка» (Україна). Заступник головного редактора: Венгерська Вікторія – доктор історичних наук, доцент, завідувач кафедри історії України Житомирського державного університету ім. І. Франка (Україна). Відповідальний секретар: Рацілевич Андрій – кандидат історичних наук, доцент кафедри історії України Житомирського державного університету ім. І. Франка (Україна).

Члени редколегії: Вербицька Поліна – доктор педагогічних наук, професор, завідувач кафедри історії, музеєзнавства і культурної спадщини Інституту гуманітарних та соціальних наук Національного університету «Львівська політехніка» (Україна). Магась В’ячеслав – кандидат історичних наук, доцент Житомирського військового інституту ім. С.П. Корольова (Україна). Портнов Андрій – кандидат історичних наук, професор історії України в Європейському університеті Віадрина (Франкфурт-на-Одері, Німеччина). Сталя Юзеф – доктор габілітований, професор Католицького університету імені Івана- Павла ІІ (Польща). Осевська Ельжбета – доктор габілітований, професор Державної вищої професійної школи в Тарнові (Польща). Мамандалієв Анвар – кандидат педагогічних наук, доцент. Міжнародний мережевий центр фундаментальних і прикладних досліджень (Вашингтон, США). Срібняк Ігор – доктор історичних наук, професор Київського університету імені Бориса Грінченка (Україна). Руссев Ніколай – доктор історичних наук, професор кафедри філології, історії та суспільних наук Тараклійського державного університету імені Григорія Цамблака (Молдова). Білобровець Ольга – кандидат історичних наук, доцент кафедри історії України Житомирського державного університету ім. І. Франка (Україна). Стародубець Галина – доктор історичних наук, професор, завідувач кафедри всесвітньої історії Житомирського державного університету ім. І. Франка (Україна). Шандра Валентина – доктор історичних наук, професор Інституту історії України НАНУ (Україна). Кононенко Валерій – доктор історичних наук, доцент кафедри правових наук та філософії Вінницького державного педагогічного університету імені Михайла Коцюбинського (Україна). Коженьовський Маріуш – доктор габілітований, професор, керівник Центру досліджень Центральної та Східної Європи університету ім. М. Склодовської-Кюрі (Польща). Стасюк Олександра – кандидат історичних наук, старший науковий співробітник відділу Новітньої історії Інституту українознавства ім. І.Крип’якевича НАН України (Україна). Жуковська Вікторія – кандидат філологічних наук, доцент міжкультурної комунікації та прикладної лінгвістики Житомирського державного університету ім. І. Франка (Україна). Барвінська Поліна – доктор історичних наук, доцент кафедри всесвітньої історії Одеського національного університету імені І.І. Мечникова (Україна). Жуковський Олександр – кандидат історичних наук, доцент кафедри історії України Житомирського державного університету ім. І. Франка (Україна). Стельникович Сергій – доктор історичних наук, професор кафедри історії України Житомирського державного університету ім. І. Франка (Україна). 2

Мусял Філіп – доктор історичних наук, професор, Академія «Ігнатіанум» (Польща). Салата Оксана – доктор історичних наук, професор кафедра історії України Київського університету імені Бориса Грінченка (Україна). Новак Магдалена Джоана – доктор габілітований, професор Інституту історії університету Гданська (Польща).

Засновник і видавець: Житомирський державний університет імені Івана Франка. Журнал зареєстровано в Міністерстві юстиції України. Свідоцтво про державну реєстрацію друкованого засобу масової інформації Серія КВ № 22983-12883Р. Журнал включений до переліку наукових фахових видань України: наказ Міністерства освіти і науки України № 326 від 04.04.2018. Департаментом атестації кадрів України фаховий журнал включено до списку журналів, в яких рекомендується публікувати роботи претендентам на здобуття вчених звань та наукових ступенів (історичні науки). Адреса редколегії: м. Житомир, вул. В.Бердичівська, 40, корпус № 4, ауд. 204 (кафедра історії України). Контактний телефон: 068-218-89-30 моб. E-mail: [email protected] URL журналу: http://intermarum.zu.edu.ua Журнал включено до міжнародної наукометричної бази Index Copernicus https://journals.indexcopernicus.com/search/details?id=46608

ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. Житомир: Вид-во Житомирського держ. ун-ту імені І. Франка, 2020. Вип. 7. 154 с.

Підписано до друку 10.01.2020 р. Формат 60х90/8. Папір офсетний. Гарнітура Times New Roman. Друк різографічний. Ум. друк. арк. 8.25. Обл.-вид. арк . 8,95. Тираж 150. Замовлення 16. Видавництво Житомирського державного університету імені Івана Франка Свідоцтво суб’єкта видавничої справи: серія ЖТ №10 від 07.12.04 р. електронна пошта (E-mail): [email protected] Україна, 10008, м. Житомир, вул. В. Бердичівська, 40. тел. (0412)431195, 431417

ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) © Житомирський державний університет імені Івана Франка, 2020

3 UDC 94 (477)/475 Approved for publication by the Academic Council of Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University protocol № 10 dated from 26.12.2019

Editorial Board: Editor-in-Chief: Kruhliak Maryna – PhD in History, Associate Professor at the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Zhytomyr State University «Zhytomyr Polytechnic» (Ukraine). Executive Editor: Vengerska Victoria – Doctor of Sciences (History), Head of the Department of , Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University (Ukraine). Executive Secretary: Ratsilevych Andrii – PhD in History, Associate Professor at the Department of History of Ukraine, Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University (Ukraine).

Members of the Editorial Board: Verbytska Polina – Doctor of Sciences (Pedagogy), Head of the Department of History, Museum Studies and Cultural Heritage, Polytechnic National University (Ukraine). Mahas Viacheslav – PhD in History, Associate Professor, Zhytomyr Sergii Korolov Military Institute (Ukraine). Portnov Andrii – PhD in History, Professor of History of Ukraine, European University Viadrina (Frankfurt (Oder), Germany). Stalia Yuzef – Dr. habil, Professor, John Paul II Catholic University (Poland). Osevska Elzhbeta – Dr. habil, Professor, State Higher Vocational School in Tarnow (Poland). Mamandaliiev Anvar – PhD in Pedagogy, Associate Professor, International Network Center for Fundamental and Applied Research (Washington, USA). Sribniak Ihor – Doctor of Sciences (History), Professor, Borys Grinchenko University (Ukraine). Russev Nikolai – Doctor of Sciences (History), Professor at the Department of Philology, History and Social Sciences, Tsamblak State University of Taraklia (Moldova). Bilobrovets Olha – PhD in History, Associate Professor at the Department of History of Ukraine, Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University (Ukraine). Starodubets Halyna - Doctor of Sciences (History), Head of the Department of World History, Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University (Ukraine). Shandra Valentyna – Doctor of Sciences (History), Professor, Institute of History of Ukraine of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (Ukraine). Kononenko Valerii – Doctor of Sciences (History), Associate Professor at the Department of Legal Sciences and Philosophy, Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University (Ukraine). Kozhenovskyi Mariush – Dr. habil, Professor, Head of the Center for Central and Eastern Europe Studies, Maria Curie-Skłodowska University (Poland). Stasiuk Oleksandra – PhD in History, Senior Researcher at the Department of Modern History, Krypiakevych Institute of Ukrainian Studies (Ukraine). Zhukovska Viktoriia – PhD in Linguistics, Associate Professor at the Department of Crosscultural Communication and Applied Linguistics, Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University (Ukraine). Barvinska Polina – Doctor of Sciences (History), Associate Professor at the Department of World History, I.I. Mechnikov National University (Ukraine). Zhukovskyi Oleksandr – PhD in History, Associate Professor at the Department of History of Ukraine, Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University (Ukraine). Stelnykovych Serhii – Doctor of Sciences (History), Professor at the Department of History of Ukraine, Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University (Ukraine). Musial Filip – Doctor of Sciences (History), Professor, Ignatianum Academy in Krakow (Poland). Salata Oksana – Doctor of Sciences (History), Professor at the Department of History of Ukraine, Kyiv Borys Grinchenko University (Ukraine). Novak Magdalena Joanna – Doctor of Sciences (History), Associate Professor, Instutute of History, University of Gdansk (Poland).

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Founder and publisher: Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University. The journal is registered in the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine. Certificate of state registration: Series КВ № 22983-12883P. The journal is included in the list of scientific professional publications of Ukraine, which can publish the results of the thesis for a Doctoral and Candidate Degree in History – Resolution of Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine № 326 from April 4, 2015. Editorial address: Zhytomyr, Velyka Berdychivska Str., 40, Building 4, Room 204 (Department of History of Ukraine). Phone number: 068-218-89-30 Email: [email protected] Website: http://intermarum.zu.edu.ua Indexed in: Index Copernicus https://journals.indexcopernicus.com/search/details?id=46608

INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. Zhytomyr: Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University Press, 2020. Issue 7. 154 p.

Signed for printing 10.01.2020 р. Size 60х90/8. Offset Paper. Font Times New Roman. Risograph printing. Conventional printed sheets 8,25. Printed sheets 8,95.Number of copies 150. Order 16. Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University Press Licence of the Subject of Publishing: Series ZhT № 10 from 07.12.04. (E-mail): [email protected] Ukraine, 10008, Zhytomyr, Velyka Berdychivska Str., 40. tel. (0412)431195, 431417

ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

© Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University, 2020

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Vengerska V., Zhukovskyi O., Maksymov O. ESTATES IN THE ACTIVITIES OF JUDICIAL INSTITUTIONS AND PENITENTIARY ESTABLISHMENTS IN RIGHT-BANK UKRAINE (1864–1914)…...7

Kondratiuk D. FORMATION AND ACTIVITIES OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES IN UKRAINE IN 1917–1921: HISTORIOGRAPHICAL OVERVIEW………………………………29

Stelnykovych S. TRAGEDY IN BAZAR IN THE COMMEMORATIVE PRACTICES OF THE ANTI-BOLSHEVIK INSURGENCY AND UKRAINIAN EMIGRATION IN THE 1920s– 1930s……………………………………………………………….….49

Rybachok V. “NEW ” AND “GREAT ” PROJECTS AS REPRESENTATION OF THE URBAN PLANNING SEARCHES DURING THE PERIOD OF INDUSTRIALIZATION ………………..………………...………65

Podobied O. «THE BLACK DEEDS OF THE KREMLIN: A WHITE BOOK». UKRAINIAN EMIGRANTS TESTIFY ABOUT 1932–1933 YEARS ………………...…………….....82

Kovalchuk I. THE FIGHTING BETWEEN UKRAINIAN NATIONALIST STRUCTURES AND SOVIET UNDERGROUND FORCES AND PARTISANS IN THE TERRITORY OF ZHYTOMYR REGION DURING THE NAZI OCCUPATION: REASONS, NATURE, THE EFFECTS (THE ATTEMPT OF CASE STUDY)…..96

Sychevsky A. IN THE EKATERINOSLAV DIOCESE AND ACTIVITIES OF ORTHODOX MISSION AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20th CENTURY……………………………..115

Sukhobokova O. "WE SHALL TELL YOU THE TRUTH": "VOICE OF AMERICA" IN THE GLOBAL INFORMATION SPACE (1940- IES – BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURY) …………………….136

6 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

UDC 340.15 (477) + 34.1+281.9 «1864-1917» DOI 10.33287/112001 Vengerska Victoria, Doctor of Sciences (History), Head of the Department of History of Ukraine, Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University [email protected] ORCID ID: http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8936-8893 Zhukovskyi Oleksandr, PhD (History), Associate Professor at the Department of History of Ukraine, Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University [email protected] ORCID ID: http://orcid.org/0000-0003-1567-924X Maksymov Oleksandr, PhD (History), Senior Lecturer at the Department of History of Ukraine, Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University [email protected] ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5251-3794

ESTATES IN THE ACTIVITIES OF JUDICIAL INSTITUTIONS AND PENITENTIARY ESTABLISHMENTS IN RIGHT-BANK UKRAINE (1864–1914)

Abstract Right-bank Ukraine became part of the after the second partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1792. The integration of these territories into the new administrative, economic and cultural space caused certain difficulties. In the first half of the 19th century, the region had the highest percentage of peasant serfs and the elements and institutions of the non-existent state (including the courts) still existed and kept functioning. The defeat in the Crimean War of 1853–1856 imposed on the Russian Empire the need for radical reforms in all spheres of life. The 7 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) wave-like periods of cooperation-confrontation between the Russian authorities and the local nobility brought about regional provisions in virtually all the reforms, launched by the peasant reform of 1861. The judicial reform and the emergence of new institutions and practices had to resolve existing problems, disputes, and punish criminals legally. The social estate (stanovy) character of the society was reflected in the establishment and activities of the volost courts, as the lower courts. The district courts were a completely phenomenon in the legal culture; their functioning was ensured by professional lawyers on the basis of new judicial statutes. The purpose of this article is to consider the court practices and functioning of penitentiary establishments in Right-Bank Ukraine (on the example of Volyn province) under implementation of the judicial reform through the prism of social and estate factors, based on the cases of the Zhytomyr District Court and the reports of the heads of local prisons. The methodology of the research includes the tools of social history and the so-called "new imperial history" that have helped to trace the adaptation of new legal practices to the socio-ethnic peculiarities of Right Bank Ukraine. The methods of history of everyday life and history of reading have been employed to consider the under-researched component of the penitentiary system of the Russian Empire, namely the libraries and their funds. This component should be attributed to the novelty of the suggested research findings. Conclusions. Estate privileges were maintained in the Russian Empire throughout the "long 19th century". Belonging to a higher social status practically made the Polish nobles equal in the rights with the imperial officials, endowed with power. During court decisions and sentencing, an ethnic criterion was not taken into consideration or had secondary significance. Many years of placing the peasants outside the legal field developed a steady arrogant attitude of the power-holders towards the representatives of this social estate. Though the peasants dominated in the social structure of the Empire population, they remained the most prevalent class. Since the early 20th century, some shifts in perception and attitudes towards peasantry were observed. Key words: judicial reform, volost court, district court, estates, penitentiary system, punishment, legal culture, prison libraries. 8 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Findings and discussion. After a series of upheavals and resounding defeat in the Crimean War of 1853–1856, the Russian Empire needed a complete “reboot”. The first step in this way was the solution to the peasant and land issues. To resolve the existing problems, Emperor Alexander II preferred the path of reform. All spheres of life in the Empire, including the judicial system, required modifications and adaptations to the current demands of the times. The reforms of the 1960s and 1970s, and primarily the land reform, gave rise to changes in the legal status of former serfs and standardization of their relations with the former landowners. The Russian society and all relations, including the legal ones, were based on estate division. The lofty words and tasks proclaimed by the reformers failed to improve the position of the peasantry as the most humiliated social class, although some changes in that sphere were observed. Foremost, the judicial reform of 1864 introduced new rules into criminal proceedings. But at the same time, its implementation was to demonstrate the benefits of novel approaches as a basis for changes in the legal culture of various social groups. The primary task of the reform was to make all people equal before the law and ensure the quality of justice. The courts were declared to be unbiased to estate division. However, as in the case of equality before the law, these features were purely formal and often came into conflict with judicial practice. The maintenance of the volost courts did not satisfy the proclaimed ideals. They were intended to resolve minor conflicts and violations in rural communities and were created in the context of the peasant reform of 1861. The district courts were not part of the common court system and were based on customary law. The amount of research devoted to implementing of the so-called “great reforms” of the 60s-70s, including the judicial one, is considerable. Contemporaries of the reforms, as well as modern researchers, have examined the particularities of enacting the judicial reform, considered one of the most successful. The theorists and practitioners of the reform have discussed the strengths and weaknesses of its implementation, analyzed various laws, debated on the use of different approaches in the court practices and the penitentiary system. The topic of the reforms is not very popular with present-day Ukrainian 9 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) researchers. Moreover, the studies on the social aspects of their implementation are still lacking. The reasons for adopting the reforms, particularities of their introduction or consequences are chiefly considered as a specific context of another topic. T. Portnova, exploring the social geography of Katerynoslav the 19th - early 20th century, among other things, focused on crimes relating to the industrial workers of the contemporary . The overwhelming majority of those workers were natives of the villages (Portnova, 2010, p.19.). R. Wortman particularly noted the peasant and the judicial reforms. He emphasized on their importance for the nobles, especially in the Russian provinces. Having lost power over the peasants as a result of the abolition of serfdom, they preferred to consider the newly created courts a means of defending their rights. The author focused on private property protection by new legal instruments, which, in his opinion, was connected with the prosperity of the state (Worthman, 2004, p. 496). German researcher J. Baberowski did not idealize the judicial reform of 1864, because he thought of as a backward country, and considered judicial transformations as an untimely progress acceleration. He declared the introduction of the jury trial an attempt to civilize the peasants because the nobles refused to participate in it. He noted that the prosecutors, the lawyers, the judges spoke in a language incomprehensible to the peasants; the latter preferred to do justice without trusting the law. According to J. Baberowski, the Russian jury handed down most of the acquittals in Europe. He considered the judicial reform on the Right Bank as an extension of the rights of the rural population and undermining the rule of the Polish elite. The researcher positively assessed the aspirations of the Russian progressive circles to the European rule of law, but in the conditions of a multinational empire he considered it absurd (Baberowski, 2006, p. 357). O. Bolshakova made an overview of the English-speaking publications devoted to the judicial reform of 1864, published in the 1990s. The scholar noted the interest of the Western researches in several aspects of the reform, namely in the government’s policy in the sphere of the judicial reform. Moreover, the historians paid considerable attention to the political culture of bureaucracy, the evolution of the Russian law, the formation, and functioning of judicial institutions and 10 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) their influence on the development of justice in Russia (Bolshakova, 2000, pp. 7–23). Despite a considerable amount of research on the judicial reform in general, the social class aspects of its implementation, with regard to regional specificities, are still under-researched. Also, it is important to examine the specific character of the penitentiary system functioning. These issues will be discussed below. The Court Statutes of 1864 established the basis of the new system. They included several key laws, that underlay the Russian judicial system from 1870 to 1917. Among these laws were: "On the Establishment of Courts", "The Statute of Criminal Justice", "The Statute of Civil Procedure, "The Statute of Sentencing, Appointed by Justices of the Peace," "The Military Statute of Sentencing," and the "The Penal Code" of March 22, 1903 (Blinov, 1914, p.187–188). In 1889, new, temporary regulations on the activities of the volost courts were issued, but they were introduced merely in those provinces where zemstvo functioned. Right-bank Ukraine, and Volyn province as a part of it, did not belong to them, because of high percentage of the Polish landowners. Therefore, the old norms regulating the activities of these institutions were however applied. The reform of the penitentiary system as an integral part of the execution of punishments was equally urgent. In 1879, the Russian Empire began reforming prisons. First and foremost, the Main Prison Administration was established. In 1895 it was transferred from the Ministry of the Interior to the Ministry of Justice. To monitor regional prisons, the prison inspection was organized, that audited prisons, managed their activities and was entitled to the legislative initiative (Blinov, 1914, p. 123). Lack of funds in the state treasury remained a traditional problem for the Russian Empire during the 19th century. Despite the attempts of some officials to reorganize the penitentiary system following the model of European prisons, specifically the Irish system, and implement the idea of re-educating prisoners rather than punishing them, these efforts remained at the level of projects. The maintenance costs of regional

11 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) prisons and county lockups1 were transferred to provincial and city budgets. It involved full-time maintenance, which included the purchase of food, firewood for heating in the winter, maintenance of prison staff, including a doctor, a priest, and in some cases, a librarian and a teacher (or teachers). The latter positions appeared in prison staffs after the Revolution of 1905. The freedoms proclaimed in the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, found their way into completely new practices in the activities of prisons. One of the consequences of the implementation of the reforms, including the reform in education, was the increase in the number of literate peasants, and educated people, in general. Modernization processes produced a beneficial impact on the development of publishing, the increase in the number of periodicals, the total number of printed books. Libraries, in some cases schools, appeared in the Russian prisons and lockups. As might be expected, this was not about significant collections of literature or systematic education. But the sheer fact of their appearance symbolized the beginning of changes in the system of punishment. The reports of governors of prisons in the Volyn province contained information about the conditions and funds of prison libraries. They differed in quantitative and qualitative indicators, but there was a "compulsory" set of literature available in all libraries. These were books of religious and instructive content with educational elements (exclusively of Orthodox orientation), for example: "Church-Slavic Alphabet", "Alphabet for Teaching Children", "The Truth about the Union and Orthodox Christianity" and others (State Archives of Zhytomyr region, F. 41, Op. 1. D. 1. L. 3–65). In every prison library in the Volyn province, there was literature only for peasants. This fact proves that the peasants dominated among the prisoners. To be specific, the reports of the governors of prison in Ostroh, Novograd-Volynskyi, Zhytomyr, Kremenets contain the following book titles: “On Land Issues”, “How Much Money Do We Spend on Drink?” (the original

1 In lockups, the accused on the verdicts of justices of the peace and zemstvo leaders served their sentence. Lockups were also used when local prisons were overcrowded. Since zemstvo was officially introduced on the territory of Volyn province only in 1911, the maintenance costs of lockups were attributed to the zemstvo duties and were managed by special committees headed by the district marshals of nobility or police chiefs. 12 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) title), "On Land Redistribution", "The Land Question", "How to Get a Good Harvest", "A Guide to Sowing, Harvesting, and Threshing", "Cattle Breeding", "Does a Man Need a Lot of Land?", "Practical Beekeeping" and others (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 41, Op. 1. D. 1. L. 3–65). The catalogs of prison libraries in the region contained lists from 35 to 120 titles. Their content typically reflected the preferences, literary and general tastes of the governors of prison, a local priest, or/and a teacher (sometimes full-time, sometimes invited). In the report to the Volyn Province Inspector of Prisons, the governor of the Ostroh prison provided a catalog of books that were in the library of his institution. He highlighted the urgent need to supply the library with new books. The report also mentioned the lecturers and the town school teachers who came every week to read to prisoners and brought books from the school library. He was in charge of the prison library personally, although, as he noted in the report, it was "associated with considerable inconvenience and took him away from the duties" (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 41, Op. 1, D. 2, L. 6–7). In the Dubno prison, there was a school, with a library operated by a local teacher, the Provincial Secretary A.S. Ignatiev (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 41, Op. 1. D. 1, L. 21). Among the requests to the administration of the prison, there was the need to supply the library with the literature of spiritual, moral, historical, and fiction content (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 41, Op. 1. D. 1. L. 22). The governor of the Old Constantine prison demonstrated a radically different approach and attitude towards the necessity of maintaining the library. He noted in the report that there were no "trending and harmful" books in the prison and there was no prison library in the full sense of the word. There was only a small bookcase, where “The Russian Pilgrim” for 1889, 1895, 1900–1903 and 1911 was available. Concluding his report, the governor of prison emphasized that there was no need to supply the library with new books, and the fact that “the senior warden was responsible for the bookcase” was quite indicative (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 41, Op. 1. D. 1. L. 13). Such a state of the library represented rather an exception in the region. In some prison libraries, there were periodicals of a completely different character: from "thick", literary-scientific papers, like "The 13 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Neva", to popular scientific publications, like "Around the World", "Nature and People" (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 41, Op. 1. D. 1. L. 14–22). The most "advanced" prison libraries, as in the Dubno, Ostroh, Novograd-Volynsky, Zhytomyr prisons, contained historical and popular literature, for instance, such books and editions as "Old Kyiv", "Napoleon Bonaparte", "Louis IX, Confessor of the Faith", "The Patriotic War of 1812", "The Ancient Country of Egypt", "In the Kingdom of Significant Inventions and Discoveries", "About Heat and Air”, “A Collection of Tasks and Problems”. In the Dubno prison library, prisoners could read world classics: F. Cooper (12 books), A. Lori ("Robinson's Heir", "The Mystery of the Mole"), M. Cervantes (7 books), M. Gogol – 11 books, and I. Turgenev - 2 books, F. Pisemsky in 6 vols., L. Tolstoy (3 volumes) (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 41, Op. 1. D. 1. L. 22). High intentions of the idealistic reformers about the educational character of the prisons were reflected in the publications on the issues of preserving and strengthening health, like “Fundamentals of Health Care” (State Archives of Zhytomyr Region F. 41, Op. 1 L. 23). The lists of books and publications in the "funds" of prison libraries are indicative of the general trends in political, and to some extent, social changes. The statistics available confirm the highest percentage of peasants among the prisoners (the quantitative information is given later in the article). The analysis of the content and the quantity of the literature suggests that local prisons have, to some extent, been transformed into life schools and universities for the imprisoned peasants. The predominant type of punishment in the pre-reform period was corporal punishment, especially lashes and sticks. Military and political prisoners were commonly punished by flogging and running the gauntlet. Such punishments were most often used against peasants. As a rule, the decision on the use of corporal punishment was brought up by volost courts, which emphasizes that customary law was still applied in the peasant environment. It should be noted that such a phenomenon did not make the Russian Empire unique, since in most European countries, corporal punishment remained an element of the punitive system throughout the 19th century, and in some cases until the mid-20th century. However, the educated part of society has shown a sharply 14 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) negative attitude and rejection of such humiliation of human dignity. For the overwhelming part of the peasants, and representatives of other social classes, not burdened with moral sentiments, this type of punishment was interpreted as an acceptable alternative to fines, imprisonment, or exile. The peasants (by a decision of the volost courts) were punished by lashes until 1904 (Tenishev, 1904, p. 104). Corporal punishment in the army and navy was abolished in the Russian Empire in 1904. Let us focus on some practical aspects of punishment under the new rules, which were enshrined in the Statute of Criminal Procedure. According to it, one of the leading roles in the criminal process was played by the district court. In the general judicial procedure, the district courts were responsible for all criminal cases that were withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the courts of justice. The jurisdiction of the district courts did not include cases of state crimes, which were only the responsibility of the Chambers of the Courts or the Senate (On the Establishment of Judicial Institutions and the Judicial Statutes, 1865, p. 229). District courts were established in all provinces and major . Zhytomyr province was not an exception. The Zhytomyr District Court dealt chiefly with cases involving damage to a person or property (murder, theft, robbery). Other offenses included disrespect to officials while on duty, exceeding or inaction of authorities, crimes or misconduct of officials, violations of customs regulations, violations of public peace and order, destruction or damage to someone else's property by arson or otherwise. Cases involving penalties combined with the deprivation or restriction of property rights were to be heard by the district court with the assistance of a jury. This institute of the judicial system also became an innovation of the reform (On the Establishment of Judicial Institutions and the Judicial Statutes, 1865, p. 230). As already noted, the vast majority of small-scale offenses committed by peasants were considered by the volost courts. However, more serious offenses fell under the jurisdiction of the district courts. The modernization and reformation of different spheres of life took place on the background of the demographic explosion of the 1980s. Naturally, population growth has had its effects on the increase in the 15 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) number of violations and various crimes. The total population of Right- Bank Ukraine during this period was about 7 million people. Peasants constituted 6, 26 million, i.e. 90, 6% of the total population (Beauvois, 2011, p. 652). In Volyn province peasants amounted to 91,6% (2 375 896 people) of the population, nearly 200 000 people lived in cities (The First General Census of the population of the Russian Empire in 1897, 1904, pp. 153–163). Accordingly, a significant part of those sentenced to death by the Zhytomyr District Court were peasants. On average, from 1884 to 1895, the Zhytomyr District Court sentenced 355 peasants, 242 burghers, and 18 nobles. Almost 58% of criminal cases heard by the district court were peasants, 39% were burghers and only 3% were nobles (Maksymov, 2011, p. 122). Among the most common crimes within the jurisdiction of the Zhytomyr District Court were crimes related to the misappropriation of property of others. Robbery, burglary, theft, fraud accounted for about 35% of the total number of criminal cases adjudicated by the district court (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Op. 1. D. 587. L. 11). Crimes related to causing harm to the life and health of a person (murder, suicide, personal injury) amounted to about 14% in 1884–1887 (Maksymov, 2011, p. 122). Other crimes committed within the jurisdiction of the Zhytomyr District Court accounted for more than 50%. To a large extent, this percentage constituted a violation of public peace and order (spreading harmful rumors, slander, false testimony), demonstrating disrespect for government agencies and officials in the line of duty (slander, insulting officials). The judicial reform was to ensure that all estates of that time were equal before the law. The realities demonstrated the discrepancy between the declaration and the current state of affairs. The peasant merely due to their estate apriori lost cases in the courts. The endless red tape, significant material expenditures, often linked to bribery of court staff, made them uncompetitive compared to the local nobility or people in power. Property inequality, decrease in the size of the land allotments per capita (Volyn province – in 1863 – 2,1 dessiatinas of land, 1892 – 1 dessiatinas of land) (Bovua, 2011, p. 670) made them resort to the 16 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) extreme measures - forcible seizure or destruction of crops, forests, pastures of the landowners. Such actions of the peasants were qualified as "crime" and they were grounds for landowners and the authorities to do justice against the rebels acting by courts. Each year in the Zhytomyr District Court, about 25 cases were considered with the wording – forcible seizure of other people’s property, cattle, destruction of boundary marks, destruction or damage to property, appropriation of other people’s property. In 1903, a criminal case was opened in the Zhytomyr District Court against the peasants who, with the prior consent, conspired not to obey the government order and filled a boundary ditch separating the fields of the landowner K. Ostashevsky from their pasture (State Archives of Zhytomyr region. F. 24. Op. 15. D. 1722. L. 1). At the pre-trial investigation, the defendants did not admit their guilt. However, during the trial, they changed their testimony and pleaded guilty. This argument was critical for the court and influenced the final sentence. The defendants facilitated the court case and did not give it wide publicity. As a result, the defendants received relatively short terms of imprisonment. According to the final verdict of the Zhytomyr District Court, the defendants were not found instigators, although the court identified the most active peasants during the riots (not without the assistance of the victim's witnesses). The guilt of the peasants, admitted by the court, was only that they had not, by common agreement, disobeyed the orders of the head to fill the ditch. Instead of one year and four months in prison, they received two months each (State Archives of Zhytomyr Region F. 24. Op. 15. D. 1722. L. 41–42). Another, no less indicative of the relationship between the district court and the peasants, was the trial on the case of unauthorized deforestation in the estates of Baron de Schoduar in county. By the court verdict, the villagers were found guilty of illegal deforestation, but due to a mitigating circumstance (the Manifesto of August 11, 1904, which, as noted, abolished the use of corporal punishment against the peasants), the defendants were obliged to pay a fine for damages. The fine was 23 rubles and copecks from each (out of ten defendants in the case). Such fines were significant, especially for the peasants at that time, (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Op. 15. D. 2037. L. 47 opp.). In contemporary realities, short-term imprisonment was accepted 17 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) as an acceptable alternative to paying fines, but in that case, the landowner would not receive compensation for encroachment on his private property. Verbal or physical abuse of an official in the course of duties remained another crime that the peasants were often convicted in. The punishment for such actions was usually short-term detention. Such a conflict was the cause of the statement of claim. While collecting arrears from the peasants, the volost head, along with other officials, came across their resistance. The peasants called them drunkards, thieves, robbers, and vagrants. The court sentenced one of the protestors to three weeks of arrest for offending officials while performing their official duties (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Op. 15. D. 231, L. 34). In another case, while raising funds for the Kurnen People's College, the peasant accused the volost head that he "gathered a crowd of drunkards, wandered around houses and robbed" (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Op. 15. D. 351. L. 25). The district court opened a criminal case against the peasant. The witnesses of it were the parish priest Pavlyuk, the police officer Yurchuk, the parish clerk Grusevich and Shvedyuk, in a word all those who were with the sergeant during the incident. Their testimonies were not in favor of the peasant who, as a result, was sentenced to three days of arrest by the verdict of the court (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Op. 15. D. 351. L. 26). Despite short terms of imprisonment, such cases proved the social inequality and the ensuing status of the peasants. In the 80s of the XIX century, the peasants of the Right Bank suffered not only from the lack of arable land but also from the lack of draught animals (oxen and horses). So it is not surprising that such type of crime as horse-stealing was also widespread. The penalties for such crimes were relatively mild, on average a six-month prison sentence, that explains the motives behind them. In 1881, 4276 horses were stolen in Volyn province (Bovua, 2011, p. 653). Due to the considerable number of cases, the district court has not always been able to advise considering such a number of abductions. In one of the cases of stealing horses, the court did not receive sufficient evidence of the defendant's identity either from a court investigator or from witnesses. The district court found the defendant guilty and sentenced him to 1 year and 3 months in correctional facilities. Over time, the court received 18 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) information that the convicted person in the case of horse-stealing was prosecuted repeatedly for such a crime. Twice by a court of justice (for the first stealing he was sentenced to 6 months in prison, for the second to 7 months) and once by a district court (4 months). But all these crimes were listed individually, so the sentences were insignificant. As a result of enlisting the previous sentences, the defendant was sentenced to 3 years of imprisonment (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Op. 15. D. 187. L. 128). Excess of authority by officials was punished less severely (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Op. 15. D. 104. L. 35). Customatily they had to pay fines. If the convicted were able to pay 1 ruble, they were released of charges. If, however, such a sum proved "unreasonable", they were punished with three-day imprisonment State Archives of Zhytomyr region F 24. Op.24. D. 175. L. 28). When the verbal abuse by the official was proved, he received reprimand (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Op. 15. D. 221. L. 43). Assault and battery involved punishment in the form of arrest for three to four days (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Op. 15. D. 344. L. 14). Consequently, the punishment of officials, compared to other categories of the population, was much milder. The law was on the side of government officials. They did not always respond to the positions they occupied, and often led an immoral lifestyle. The peasants occasionally (and not unreasonably) accused them of drunkenness and parasitic lifestyles, but in most cases law and court remained on the side of the officials in the imperial service. This setup also worked in the case of lawsuits and conflicts. In the confrontation between a nobleman and an official, even of the lowest rank, the court decision was usually in favor of an official. To a great degree, when it was disrespect of government agencies and officials in the course of their duties (defamation, verbal or physical abuse). An example of such a crime was the case of the nobleman K. Kibalchyts’ offense of a bailiff in the course of his duties. The bailiff arrived with the request of the justice of peace to widen the road that lay on the landowner's land. K. Kibalchyts did not obey the order, and swore at him and called him a bribe-taker. The court punished the landowner with one-month military detention (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Op. 15. D. 288. L. 31). 19 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

In another case adjudicated in the Zhytomyr District Court in January 1892, the defendant (Count A. Schembek), while occupying the position of manager of the farm of the landowner Kraszewska in the period from 1887 to 1889, cut down about 5 acres of forest that did not belong to the protective category, without permission, developed the plot and sowed it with wheat. During the interrogation of witnesses, it was discovered out that the forest had been cut down before Count A. Schembek began to work in Krashevska's estate, but the uprooting of trees was at the direct order of the defendant. This fact was not decisive for the district court. The court verdict pleaded the defendant guilty. He was obliged to pay a fine of 5 rubles for every 100 square sazhen of the cleared area – in the total amount of 615 rubles (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Op. 16. D. 367. L. 71). But the sentence was appealed. Since the defendant was a wealthy man, he hired a lawyer. The defendant's defense indicated that Count A. Schembek was not liable to punishment regarding the imprescriptible nature of the crime. The lawyer's arguments were based on the fact that the uprooting of trees took place in the spring and fall of 1890, and the case was instituted on January 21, 1892, it was after the end of the one-year period allowed to bring the case to court. This argument was principal for the defendant's acquittal. The final decision of the court dismissed all the charges from the defendant, and the payment of the fine was to be paid at expense of the treasury (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Op. 16, D. 367, L. 71 opp. – L. 73 opp.). The comparison of punishments for different types of crimes reflects the weaknesses of laws and the judicial system of the Russian Empire. In case the abuse (verbal or physical) was committed by any other person, not an official, the accused received punishment in the form of a three-week arrest. A similar sentence was brought against a person who committed involuntary manslaughter. In addition to types of crimes that fell under the jurisdiction of the Zhytomyr District Court, the factors influencing the court decision are worth mentioning. Judicial proceedings in the late 19th – early 20th centuries were based on the testimony of witnesses. The court took these statements into account, but not always they were reliable. The procedure for dealing with witnesses had its peculiarities. After witnesses were sworn, they were asked to leave the courtroom. Next the 20 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) court chairman summoned them in turn to testify. The interrogation began with the witness being asked to present the circumstances of the case. Thereafter, the presiding judge allowed the parties to ask the witness questions. If the subject of the testimony was not sufficiently clarified by the answers to the parties' questions, then the chairman, the members of the court, the jurors could ask the witness additional questions. The interrogated witnesses remained in the courtroom until the end of the hearing (On the Establishment of Judicial Institutions and the Judicial Statutes, p. 266). Punishments for giving false testimony also varied. Most importantly, consideration was given to whether or not the person was under oath. If the court proved that a person under oath had deliberately presented false testimonies, they would have been evicted for settlement in Siberia. Provided that a person under oath without a deliberate intention committed such a crime, the punishment was somewhat mitigated; deprivation of personal and property rights was supplemented by sending to correctional detention units for a two-year term (State Archives of Zhytomyr region. F. 24. Op. 15. D. 346. L. 50 opp.). Punishment for false testimony not under oath was the most insignificant in comparison with the previous ones. For example, in one of the cases considered by the Zhytomyr District Court, a Jew who had a grudge against another Jew gave false testimony that his neighbor illegally had hacked the door in his apartment (which violated the building charter). During the examination of the case, the witnesses proved that the door had been hacked two years before in compliance with all formalities, so the court, having closed the previous case with the wording “in the absence of a crime”, opened a new one for giving false testimony. The verdict for the convicted was insignificant since he had testified not under oath. As a result, he was sentenced to one-month imprisonment, which he was to serve in the police station (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Opp. 15. D. 943. L. 28 opp.). The court of juries and the selection criteria to this institution fulfilled a significant role. Prohibition to elect jurors in the Right Bank allowed the authorities to appoint jurors from people loyal to them. The peasants of Orthodox faith and Ukrainian descent constituted the overwhelming majority in the jury lists. In 1885–1887, out of 12 jurors, in average five were Orthodox peasants, three were officials of different 21 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) departments, three were Catholic nobles () and burghers, one was either an Orthodox nobleman or a retired military, or a clergyman (State Archives of Zhytomyr region F. 24. Op. 14. D. 199, 226, 279, 388, 432, 498, 504, 532). Appointing so many peasants and officials as jurors permitted the court to possess the majority that represented the interests of the state. Predominantly the representatives of the peasant estate were officials of the lowest rank, who did not assert the right for a class rank – the volost heads. They represented the interests of the state on places. As for the high-rank officials, there were representatives of various administrative institutions and social estates, who were equally conscious of their mission as jurors. Such a selection of jurors provided the competent majority, especially in cases that required protection of private property, property or other interests of the state, and officials authorized by it. To sum up, the reforms in all spheres of life of the Russian Empire possessed certain peculiarities that were connected with its unlimited spaces and the specificity of the regions joined to it at different times. Notwithstanding permanent confrontation between the Russian authorities and the nobility of Right-Bank Ukraine, the latter preserved the feeling of belonging to the higher social class. Changing the status of the peasants did not improve the attitude towards them. This was especially valid of the least wealthy peasantry. Many years of placing the peasants outside the legal field produced a determined superficial attitude of the people in power towards the representatives of this social category. Though the peasants dominated in the social structure of the Empire population, they remained the most prevalent class. One of the results of the land reform was the gradation of the peasantry by property. Compliance with the established criteria allowed certain categories of peasants to participate in the activities of the volost authorities, the volost courts, and to serve as jurors in higher courts. This state of affairs received paradoxical consequences: the status of an imperial official, even of the lowest rank, made the representatives of the nobility and peasant estates equal in the rights (and in some cases, granted even more rights). Ethnic criterion played little or no role in the adjudication and sentencing. From the beginning of the 20th century, there were some shifts in the attitude towards the peasantry. In the punitive system, this was reflected in the abolition of corporal 22 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) punishment most often used against peasants and the emergence of libraries and schools in prisons as a new re-education practice. Further research on the issues discussed in our paper may be undertaken in the following areas. On the one hand, the study of the integration of part of the peasantry into the imperial bureaucratic apparatus and the allocation among them the advocates of the interests of authorities in the regions will be of interest. More research is also needed to determine the impact of the "great reforms" on the change in legal culture of the population in the Russian Empire, including Ukrainian provinces.

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Венгерська Вікторія, Жуковський Олександр, Максимов Олександр. СОЦІАЛЬНО-СТАНОВІ АСПЕКТИ ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ СУДОВИХ УСТАНОВ ТА ЗАКЛАДІВ ПЕНІТЕНЦІАРНОЇ СИСТЕМИ ПРАВОБЕРЕЖНОЇ УКРАЇНИ (1864-1914 рр.) Анотація Правобережна Україна стала частиною імперії після другого поділу Речі Посполитої 1792 р. Включення цих земель до нового адміністративного, економічного та культурного простору відбувалось непросто. Протягом першої половини ХІХ ст. в регіоні був представлений найвищий відсоток кріпосних селян та зберігались елементи й функціонували інститути (в тому числі й судові) неіснуючої держави. Поразка у Кримській війні 1853–1856 рр. поставила Російську імперію перед потребою у радикальному реформуванні всіх сфер життя. Хвилеподібні періоди співробітництва-конфронтації російської влади й місцевої шляхти призвели до появи окремих (регіональних) положень практично у всіх реформах, яким дала старт Селянська 1861 р. Зміна соціальних статусів, стосунків, питання власності та ставлення до представників влади потребували юридичного урегулювання. Судова реформа й поява нових інституцій та практик мали вирішувати наявні проблеми, суперечки, карати злочинців на законних підставах. Збереження становості суспільства знайшло відображення у створенні та діяльності волосних судів, як найнижчої судової ланки. Окружні суди являли собою цілком нове явище у правовій культурі, функціонування яких забезпечувалось професійними юристами на основі нових судових статутів. Мета статті. Проаналізувати судові практики та особливості функціонування закладів пенітенціарної системи Правобережної України (на прикладі Волинської губернії) в умовах реалізації судової реформи крізь призму соціального та станового фактору, на основі аналізу справ Житомирського окружного суду та звітів керівників місцевих в’язниць. 25 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Серед методів, які були використані у дослідженні – інструментарій соціальної історії, та так званої «нової імперської історії», які допомогли зосередитись на особливостях адаптації нових правових практик до соціально-етнічних особливостей Правобережної України. Методи історії повсякдення та історії читання дозволили розглянути практично не досліджену складову функціонування пенітенціарної системи Російської імперії – бібліотеки та їх змістовне наповнення. Цю компонента одночасно слід віднести до новизни запропонованого матеріалу. Висновки. Станові привілеї зберігались в Російській імперії протягом всього «довгого ХІХ ст.». Належність до вищого соціального стану практично зрівнювало у правах дворян-поляків із імперськими чиновниками, наділеними владним повноваженнями. Під час винесення судових рішень та призначення покарань етнічний критерій не відігравав практично ніякої ролі, або ж мав другорядне значення. Тривале перебування селян поза правовим полем сформувало стійке зверхнє ставлення можновладців до представників цієї соціальної категорії. Попри домінування селян у соціальній структурі населення імперії, вони залишались найбільш упослідженим станом. Від початку ХХ ст. спостерігаються певні зрушення у сприйнятті та ставленні до селянства. Ключові слова: судова реформа, волосний суд, окружний суд, соціальні стани, пенітенціарна система, покарання, правова культура, в’язничні бібліотеки.

Węgierska Wiktoria, Żukowski Oleksandr, Maksymów Oleksandr. SPOŁECZNO-STANOWE ASPEKTY DZIAŁALNOŚCI SĄDÓW ORAZ INSTYTUCJI SYSTEMU PENITENCJARNEGO PRAWOBRZEŻNEJ UKRAINY (1864–1914) Streszczenie Prawobrzeżna Ukraina stała się częścią imperium po drugim rozbiorze Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w 1792 r. Włączenie tych ziem ukraińskich do nowej przestrzeni administracyjnej, gospodarczej i kulturalnej nie było łatwe. W czasie pierwszej połowy XIX wieku w rejonie był najwyższy procent pańszczyźnianych chłopów, a także istniały elementy i funkcjonujące instytucje (między innymi sądy) od nieistniejącego już państwa. 26 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Porażka w wojnie krymskiej w latach 1853–1856 postawiła Imperium Rosyjskie przed koniecznością radykalnych reform wszystkich dziedzin życia. Faliste okresy współpracy-konfrontacji rządu rosyjskiego i lokalnej szlachty przywiozły do pojawienia się oddzielnych (regionalnych) regulaminów praktycznie we wszystkich reformach, które rozpoczęły się od reformy uwłaszczeniowej chłopów w 1861 r. Zmіna statusów społecznych, stosunków, kwestia własności i relacja do przedstawicieli władzy wymagały legalnej regulacji. Reforma sądowa, nowe instytucje i praktyki miały rozwiązywać potoczne problemy, spory, karać przestępców zgodnie z prawem. Zachowanie stanowości społeczeństwa odtworzyło się w stworzeniu i funkcjonowaniu sądów rejonowych jako sądów najniższego rzędu. Sądy okręgowe były zupełnie nowym zjawiskiem kultury prawnej, a ich funkcje zostały zapewnione przez profesjonalnych prawników na podstawie nowych statutów sądowych. Cel artykułu. Przeanalizować praktyki sądowe i szczególne cechy działania instutucji systemu penitencjarnego Prawobrzeżnej Ukrainy (na przykładzie obwodu wołyńskiego) w czasie wprowadzenia reformy sądownictwa przez pryzmat czynników społecznych i stanowych, na podstawie analizy spraw Żytomierskiego Sądu Okręgowego oraz raportów kierowników lokalnych więzień. Wśród metod, które zostały wykorzystane w badaniu, są takie, jak narzędzia historii społecznej oraz tak zwanej “nowej historii imperialnej”. To pozwoliło skoncetrować się na specyfice dostosowywania nowych praktyk do społeczno-etnicznych cech Prawobrzeżnej Ukrainy. Metody historii codzienności i historii czytania umożliwiły zbadać praktycznie niezbadaną część systemu penitencjarnego Imperium Rosyjskiego – mianowicie biblioteki i ich treściowe napełnienie. Jednocześnie zastosowanie takich metod stanowi i oryginalność naukową danego materiału. Wnioski. Stanowe przywileje zostały czynne w Imperium Rosyjskim podczas całego “długiego dziewiętnastego wieku”. Należąc do wyższego statusu społecznego, polska szlachta miała praktycznie jednakowe prawa z upoważnionymi do władzy cesarskimi urzędnikami. Podczas podejmowania decyzji sądowej i orzeczenia kary kryteria etniczne odgrywały niewielką lub żadną rolę. Długotrwałe przebywanie chłopów poza obszarem prawnym sformowało silną powierzchowną 27 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) relację władzy wobec przedstawicieli tej kategorii społecznej. Pomimo dominacji chłopów w strukturze społecznej populacji imperium, oni pozostali najbardziej upokorzonym stanem. Od początku XX. wieku są obserwowane pewne zmiany w percepcji i stosunku do chłopstwa. Słowa kluczowe: reforma sądownictwa, sąd rejonowy, sąd okręgowy, stany społeczne, system penitencjarny, prawo karne, kultura prawna, biblioteki więzień.

The article was received 09.30.2019 Article recommended for publishing 10.25.2019

28 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

UDC 94(477)″1917/1921:323 DOI 10.33287/112002 Kondratiuk Dmytro, Postgraduate Student at the Department of History of Ukraine (Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University) [email protected] ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5380-393X

FORMATION AND ACTIVITIES OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES IN UKRAINE IN 1917‒1921: HISTORIOGRAPHICAL OVERVIEW

Abstract The aim of the work is to analyze the range of scientific works on the problem of formation and activities of local authorities in Ukraine in 1917–1921 in domestic and foreign historiography. Research methodology. The methodology is based on the basic principles of historical knowledge. We have been able to research the scientific literature from the time of creation of local authorities in the years of the Ukrainian Revolution to the present, thanks to the principles of comprehensiveness and systematic approach, in particular. Using a specific search method, we have formed a scientific literature on the subject for analyzing to address the goals and objectives of the article. Using the typological and problem and chronological method, we have made a chronological and thematic classification of the existing historiographic base. The method of comparativism allowed us to compare the views of different researchers and to clarify the content of specific works on the problem under study. Scientific novelty. For the first time, a comprehensive review of available research has been conducted to highlight the specifics and trends of the creation and functioning of the local authorities in the era of the Ukrainian Revolution. Summarizing the disparate and fragmentary data, it was possible to determine the conceptual vision of the problem under study in the current historiography.

29 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Summary. On the basis of the analysis of the historiographic base of the problem of formation and activities of local authorities in Ukraine during the Ukrainian Revolution in 1917‒1921 we have made the general classification and divided the available materials into three groups. The first group consists of the works of statesmen and direct participants in the events of the Ukrainian Revolution, in which they characterized the practice of creating local authorities. Soviet historians ignored this topic, considering in their studies the Bolshevik Councils, neglecting the importance of the activities of the authorities of the UNR and the . The analysis of a range of the scientific achievements of contemporary domestic and foreign scientists attests to the considerable attention of historians to the period of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921. However, it is necessary to note the extreme lack of elaboration of the theme of organization and activities of local authorities during the Ukrainian Revolution and to acknowledge the lack of structured comprehensive studies on this issue. Key words: local authorities, the Central Council of Ukraine, municipality, the Hetmanate of P. Skoropadskyi, Directorate of Ukraine, Right-Bank Ukraine.

Introduction. The problem of organizing and forming the system of local authorities has been and remains one of the priority and integral components of the state-making process. The successful functioning of the political system of any state depends to a great extent on the success of the solution of this issue, as the functions of the local authorities are manifested in the solution of a wide range of administrative tasks – from the adjustment of socio-political and economic life to socio-cultural development of the administrative-territorial entity in general. The efficiency of the local government system is directly linked to the degree of perfection of the relevant regulatory framework and to the existence of a coherent public policy in the field. The issue of organization of the system of local authorities emerged during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921 particularly acute. To implement its policy, the UNR government sought to create both fundamentally new structures of the local authorities and to adapt fragments of the old imperial administrative apparatus in accordance with the needs of the young republic. The Central Council of Ukraine's 30 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) activities in this area proved to be extremely inconsistent and contradictory, which only exacerbated political instability and revolutionary contradictions. The absence of an effective system of territorial representation of the central authorities of the UPR, the Hetmanate, the Directorate was one of the main causes of the systematic defeat of the Ukrainian Revolution 1917–1921. The study of the experience of local authorities creation remains relevant in the context of modern local municipality reforms and state administrative reform initiatives. The aim of the work is to analyze the range of scientific works on the problem of formation and activities of local authorities in Ukraine during the Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–1921 in domestic and foreign historiography. The methodology is based on the basic principles of historical knowledge. We have been able to research the scientific literature from the time of creation of local authorities in the years of the Ukrainian Revolution to the present, thanks to the principles of comprehensiveness and systematic approach, in particular. Using a specific search method, we have formed a scientific literature on the subject for analyzing to address the goals and objectives of the article. Using the typological and problem and chronological method, we have made a chronological and thematic classification of the existing historiographic base. The method of comparativism allowed us to compare the views of different researchers and to clarify the content of specific works on the problem under study. Presenting main material. An indispensable guarantee of an objective study of any historical problem is a detailed study of its historiographic base. The mentioned above problem of organizing and forming of local authorities in Ukraine in 1917–1921 remains one of the least researched aspects of state formation during the Ukrainian National Revolution. Accordingly, the historiographical basis of the question is rather amorphous. In general, the materials available today can be classified thematically as follows: the work of participants and direct witnesses to events, as well as studies of Soviet, foreign and contemporary Ukrainian historians and jurists. The first speakers who directly or indirectly considered the formation of structures of local government under the conditions of the revolution were its direct participants - the heads of state authorities of 31 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) the UPR. First of all, we should mention among them; M. Hrushevskyi, P. Khrystiuk, S. Yefremov and V. Vynnychenko. The leader of the Central Council of Ukraine M. Hrushevskyi theoretically substantiated and outlined the general schematic diagram of the system of local authorities of the UNR in his works: “Free Ukraine” (Hrushevskyi, 1918) and “Who Are and What Do They Want?” M. Hrushevsky believed that local government should be formed with the direct participation of the people through elections, and should include not only Ukrainians but also representatives of national minorities living on the territory of the republic. In accordance with the project, the basic structural units of local government in the model proposed by M. Hrushevsky were Ukrainian committees, which in turn merged into provincial committees. Their main function was to initiate the creation of territorial committees, which were tasked to organize elections, prevent and resolve property, class and ethnic conflicts. These functions were vested in the elective village council and government in villages. Bodies similar in structure were formed in the county and the guberniya. The views of S. Yefremov published in the articles “Updating Local Self-Government Bodies” (Yefremov, 1917), “Before the Municipal Elections” (Yefremov, 1917), “Attempt on Democratic Zemstvo” (Yefremov, 1918), where the author condemns the indifference of the government to the task of improving the system of local authorities and attests to the catastrophic situation in which they find themselves, are noteworthy. The author puts the problem of local government in the first place among the priorities of the authorities, placing it at the level with the agrarian. In accordance with S. Yefremov, well-organized local authorities are the only ones capable of making the political system of the Ukrainian state solid. P. Khrystiuk also identifies this issue in his four-volume work “Notes and Materials to the History of the Ukrainian Revolution” (Khrystiuk, 1969). This research analyzes in detail the socio-political processes 1917–1921, of which he was an active participant and eyewitness, and notes a large number of historical documents, some of which directly relate to the problems of local authorities during the revolution, in particular. The scientist claims that the process of formation and activity of structures of local authorities during the time 32 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) of the Central Council did not acquire a clear structured normative- legislative basis in comparison with the Hetmanate of P. Skoropadskyi, the politician could achieve more noticeable results in this direction in a much shorter time. V. Vynnychenko, similar to P. Khristyuk, confirms the lack of a coherent and consistent policy in the sphere of local government in the UNR authorities, appraising the experience of state-making during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, in his work "Renaissance of the Nation" (Vynnychenko, 1920) At the same time with these authors, M. Shapoval (Shapoval, 1937) succeeds in covering the problems of organization and activity of local authorities on Right-Bank Ukraine in 1917–1921. After the defeat of the Ukrainian Revolution, most of its leaders who sought to escape persecution were forced to emigrate. Therefore, a full-fledged academic study of the revolution as a whole and its individual aspects has unfolded within the walls of Western European and American universities and scientific institutions. While in emigration, D. Doroshenko published a two-volume "History of Ukraine 1917–1923" (Doroshenko, 2002). The author hardly touches on the problem of local authorities, but the value of the work is that he attempted to cover the events of the revolution in all ethnic- Ukrainian territories, using a much larger documentary base than his predecessors. The fundamental work of I. Mazepa "Ukraine in the Fire and Storm of the Revolution of 1917–1921" (Mazepa, 2003), in which the author critically considers the events of national liberation struggles and the actions of their participants, is particularly noteworthy. In addition, the scientist drew attention to the process of formation of local authorities, noting that under the frequent change of government in Ukraine, local authorities were not viable and lost authority in the eyes of the population. Articles and scientific intelligence on the events of 1917–1921 began to appear in the Ukrainian emigrant scientific environment subsequently. As an example would be the work of M. Stakhov (USA) “Ukraine in the Age of the UNR Directorate” (Stakhov, 1963) or “Historical Essays” (Lysiak-Rudnytskyi, 1994) by Professor I. Lysiak- Rudnytskyi, The University of Alberta (UofA). The work of I. Vytanovych (USA), “Agrarian Policy of the Ukrainian Governments 33 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) of 1917–1921” (Vytanovych, 1968), which describes the economic history of the Ukrainian Revolution, is particularly noteworthy. However, the scientific analysis of the state of the legislative and legal system of Ukraine of the Revolutionary era presented in these studies is fragmentary, as diasporic historians have focused on the political and socio-economic aspects of the course of the Ukrainian Revolution. Thus, the problem of formation and activity of local authorities in the conditions of the winds of revolution in 1917–1921 has not been adequately covered in their studies. Official Soviet historiography stood in the position of denying any manifestation of Ukrainian statehood. The idea about the possibility of separating Ukraine from Russia was interpreted as a manifestation of bourgeois nationalism. In order to eradicate nationalist ideas in historical science, the Institute of Ukrainian History of the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR was founded in 1936, which task was to create a “Marxist History of Ukraine”. As a result, the term “Ukrainian Revolution” has ceased to be used in scientific research and social practice by the end of the 1930s. In contrast, ideologists of the Communist Party in Ukraine and the USSR formed the nation-wide paradigm of the Great October Socialist Revolution. Therefore, in the Soviet historiography, the problem of local municipality during the period of the Ukrainian Revolution was not developed, and special scientific researches did not exist on this issue as well. There are mentioned some aspects of the activities only in separate scientific works of A. Richytskyi, M. Popov (Popov, 2019), A. Lykholat (Lykholat, 1954), M. Rubach (Rubach, 1957), M. Volin (Volin, 2005), V. Manilov (Manilov, 1924), M. Suprunenko (Suprunenko, 1966), S. Korolivskyi. In particular, A. Richytskyi characterizes Ukrainian central and local authorities as bourgeois- nationalist and anti-national ones, and considers their activities as illegal in his work “Central Council from February to October” (Richytskyi, 1928). Among the other works of this time we should mention the qualitative and thematic works of S. Korolivskyi (Korolivskyi, 1967), who pays considerable attention to the study of social and political processes in 1917. He emphasizes that Ukrainian historiography does not have more complicated and controversial issue than this one. The 34 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) historian notes that Soviet historical science actually ignored this important issue and rejected the very existence of non-Bolshevik authorities. Based on the available source base, S. Korolivskyi argues that the administrative structures created by the Central Council were not capable of providing full political representation of the central government. It is necessary to mention the collective generalizing work “The Great October and the Civil War in Ukraine: An Encyclopedic Handbook” (Kuras, 1987). Its numerous authors, including Y. Homretskyi, A. Kudrytskyi, V. Melnychenko, V. Yurchuk, L. Nahorna, P. Varhaniuk and others, raise issues of functioning of power structures partly, focusing on the existence and activities of the district and village committees, which defended the interests of landlords and kulaks. Among small amount of works of this period we have to highlight the researches of V. Tverdokhlebov (Tverdokhlebov, 1919) and L. Velykhov (Velykhov, 1996). In the works “Local Finance” and “Fundamentals of Urban Economy” they analyze the activities of local authorities in the socio-economic sphere. The main attention is paid to the peculiarities of formation of local budgets, revenues and expenditures of municipal bodies, forms of control over the municipality of cities. However, as with any other work of the Soviet period, it is necessary to treat them critically. The activity of local authorities was also highlighted fragmentarily in the publications of the historians of law, who wrote mainly about the Soviet statehood of Ukraine. Such publications include the monographs of B. Babii, A. Rohozhyn (Rohozhyn, 1963), V. Koretskyi (Koretskyi, 1961), L. Potarykina (Potarykina, 1957) and B. Tyshchyk (Tyshchyk, 2000) Thus, B. Babii carries out a step-by-step analysis of the activities of the local bodies of Soviet power during the revolutionary era in his monograph “Local Bodies of the State Power of the Ukrainian SSR in 1917–1920” (Babii, 1956). In addition, the researcher denies the fact of the triumphant course of Soviet power and covers the stages of the struggle of Soviet and national statehood in Ukraine between the declaration of Soviet power in 1917 and its final establishment in 1921. Thus, the Soviet authorities neglected the importance of the activities of the Central Council, UNR, ZUNR, the Ukrainian state in 35 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

1918, in the context of revolutionary socio-political transformations of 1917–1921 in Ukraine. Therefore, while covering the activities of the Soviets in Ukraine, historians at the time ignored the very existence of non-Bolshevik power structures. All available local authorities were perceived as either entirely Bolshevik or as supporting them. The profound changes that took place in Ukrainian society during the perestroika, and later with the collapse of the USSR and the proclamation of Ukraine's independence, gave impetus to the beginning of a new phase of research into the formation and activity of local authorities in 1917–1921. Domestic scientists have moved away from ideological and party dogmas, relying on the latest methodological approaches, have introduced into the circulation of many diverse archival documents of the central, regional and departmental archives of Ukraine, expanded the thematic range of research. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, a group of researchers formed in Ukrainian historical science who began to actively engage in the reconstruction of various aspects of the Ukrainian Revolution. This group of scholars consists of V. Veryha, V. Verstiuk, S. Kulchytskyi, V. Soldatenko, O. Reient, O. Rublov, D. Yanevskyi and others. The studies, summarizing the entire period of the Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–1921, appeared in that period of time as well. They concluded a collective two-volume work “Essays on the History of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921” edited by V. Smolii (Smolii, 2012), “The Revolutionary Day in Ukraine (1917–1920): Logic, Knowledge, Historical Episodes, Key Figures” (Soldatenko, 2011), “Ukrainian Liberation Struggles of 1917–1921” (Rublov, Reient, 1999). The problems of local authorities are covered in the fundamental work of V. Soldatenko “The Ukrainian revolution. Historical sketch” (Soldatenko, 1999) only occasionally. Only in the context of revolutionary governments' activities the researcher mentions the tasks and events that were entrusted and directed to local authorities. With the advent of serious generalizing works, as well as dozens of candidate and doctoral theses, it is possible to claim about the creation of a new historiography of the Ukrainian Revolution, both a scientific and socio- political phenomenon.

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The studies of the historiography of the events of 1917–1921 in Ukraine appeared in this period as well. In this context we should note the researches by M. Andrusiak (Andrusiak, 2014), S. Hnatiuk, I. Hutsuliuk (Hutsuliuk, 2009), Yu. Parkhomenkov (Parkhomenkov, 2009), V. Soldatenko (Soldatenko, 1999), R. Pyrih (Pyrih, 2011), L. Radchenko (Radchenko, 1996), V. Kapeliushnyi and others. The thesis of V. Kapeliushnyi (Kapeliushnyi, 2004) is devoted to the historiography of the Ukrainian state formation of national liberation struggles in 1917–1921. It classifies and characterizes the main groups of historiographical sources from 1917 to 2003. The subject of S. Hnatiuk's research (Hnatiuk, 1999) is the historiography of the domestic politics of the Hetmanate. The historian has analyzed various points of view on the problem of the state system, the form of government of the state of P. Skoropadskyi, and the organization of power structures. A qualitatively new stage in the study of the problems of local authorities during the revolution has began since the 2000s, due to the increase in possibilities of communication between domestic and foreign scientists. At this time the studies by V. Boiko (Boiko, 2012), T. Vintskovskyi (Vintskovskyi, 2012), P. Hai-Nyzhnyk (Hai-Nyzhnyk, 2010), K. Dvina (Dvina, 2011), A. Kozachenko, V. Strochaus, which describe different aspects of the functioning of local authorities during the Central Council period, were published. Thus, in the article A. Kozachenko (Kozachenko, 2017) has characterized the activities of the Central Council, the aim of which was to reform the local municipality with further expansion of power of local authorities. The scholar analyzes the legislative acts of this period, the Constitution of 1918, in particular, which declared a fundamentally new system of local self-government, which was based on the principles of decentralization of power. One of the first scientists who began to study the specifics of the formation and activities of local authorities on Right-Bank Ukraine in the days of the Hetmanate was V. Halatyr. His scientific achievements include the researches on the various areas of the work of local government structures from socio-economic to cultural and educational. We have to mention the article “Preparation for Elections in Local Self- Government Bodies on the Right-Bank in the Age of Hetmanate of 37 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

P. Skoropadskyi” (Halatyr, 2013), in which the positive and negative aspects of the 1918 electoral legislation are outlined. In the booklet of O. Yaremenko “Administrative Reform of ” (Yaremenko, 1998), the author analyzes the main aspects of the political and legal activities of the Hetmanate. A lot of attention is paid to the process of power distribution in the Ukrainian state and the work of Zemsky institutions of the Podil region, while the author raises the problem of the intervention of the Austro- Hungarian military authorities in the activities of local governments. The subjects of attention by such scholars as V. Adamovskyi (Adamovskyi, 2015), V. Hudyma (Hudyma, 2015), S. Kalytko (Kalytko, 2011), I. Ratushniak (Ratushniak, 2017) are regulatory and legal support for the organization and activities of local authorities in the days of the Hetmanate and the Directorate of the UPR, the relationship between central and local authorities, and the specific nature of the civil service. It is also worth noting the appeal of modern Ukrainian researchers to the analysis of the regional specificity of the activities of local government structures of the era of national liberation struggles in 1917–1921. For example, the peculiarities of the creation of new local authorities after the February Revolution in 1917 and their work during the period of activity of the Ukrainian Central Council are revealed by V. Venherska in the first chapter of the collective monograph “Essays on the History of Zhytomyr Region in the First Half of the Twentieth Century” (Venherska, 2017, p. 35). In turn, in the third section of this study O. Bilobrovets highlights the participation of the Polish community in Zhytomyr in the formation and activities of self- government bodies of the city (Bilobrovets, 2017, p. 198). The socio-economic component of the powers of local authorities has been considered in the studies by O. Bundak (Bundak, 2010), V. Halatyr, P. Hai-Nyzhnyk (Hai-Nyzhnyk, 1996), V. Lozovyi (Lozovyi, 2005), O. Potapov (Potapov, 2006), O. Starukh, (Starukh, 2001) and others. In particular, V. Halatyr in the article “Measures of local authorities to overcome the devastation in agriculture on the Right- Bank Ukraine in April-December 1918” (Halatyr, 2014) tries to show the crisis situation of the Ukrainian village. The author emphasizes that the orders of the about the forced labor of the peasants in the 38 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) landed estates and the requisition policy of the German command led to catastrophic situation in the counties and the approach of famine. The results of the round table on the 125th and 130th anniversary of the birth of the provincial commissioners of Podillia in the days of the UNR Directorate by F. Sumnievych and M. Kurylenko, that took place in Kamianets-Podilskyi on July 2, 2015, are noteworthy. According to the results of the round table a scientific collection “Formation and activity of local state administrations and self- government during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1920s” (Travinskyi, 2015), which contains rich factual material, was published. In addition, the state is trying in every possible way to encourage the researches on the problems of the period of the Ukrainian Revolution. Thus, Presidential Decrees “On Measures to Commemorate the 90th Anniversary of the Events of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921”, “On Measures to Commemorate the 100th Anniversary of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917‒1921”, “On the perpetuation of the memory of prominent figures of the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic” contributed to the emergence of various scientific works and gave impetus to scientific conferences under the auspices of the Institute of History of the NAS of Ukraine, Institute of Political and Ethnographic Studies of NAS of Ukraine. Conferences are being held at the regional level in Kharkiv, Lviv, Zaporizhia, Chernivtsi, Odesa increasingly. Conclusions. Consequently, the existing historiographical base on the problem of the formation and activities of local authorities in Ukraine during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921 can be divided into three groups: the works of participants and direct witnesses of the events of the Ukrainian Revolution; historical studies of the Soviet era; scientific works of Ukrainian and foreign historians and jurists during the period of Ukrainian independence. Former leaders of the Ukrainian Revolution, who published a series of papers, outlined the advantages and disadvantages of their policy in the field of local government formation, were the first to analyze the issue. In their research on the Councils in Ukraine Soviet historians ignored the themes of local authorities, considering them entirely Bolshevik or supporting them. In the context of revolutionary socio- political transformations of 1917–1921 in Ukraine, the Soviet 39 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) authorities neglected the importance of the activities of the Central Council, UNR, ZUNR, the Ukrainian state in 1918, and the Directorate. Therefore, an objective and impartial study of these topics was impossible in the context of ideological Soviet historical science. Modern Ukrainian researchers have succeeded in forming a holistic picture of the general political processes of the period 1917–1921, but a number of individual aspects of social and political transformations during the Ukrainian Revolution has not acquired structured scientific coverage. In particular, there is no special study, in which the problem of the formation and activities of local self-government structures both in Ukraine as a whole and in the regional aspect would be comprehensively considered, in the present historiographical dIBLevelopment of the period of the Ukrainian statehood formation from 1917 to 1921.

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Kozachenko, A. (2017). Central Council and Zemstvo Self- Government: March –October 1917. Problems of legality, (136), 8–14. doi: 10.21564/2414-990x.136.91625 Koretskyi, V. (resp. ed.). (1961). History of the State and Law of the Ukrainian SSR (1917–1960). Kyiv: Publisher of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 730 p. Korolivskyi, S. (1967). The Civil War in Ukraine. (in 3 v.). Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 873 p. Korolivskyi, S. (edit.). (1967). The Victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution in Ukraine. Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 392 p. Kuras, I. (resp. ed.). (1987). The Great October and the Civil War in Ukraine: An Encyclopedic Handbook. Kyiv: Head edit. URE, 632 p. Lysiak-Rudnytskyi, I. (1994). Historical Essays (in 2 v.). Kyiv: Osnovy. Lykholat, A. (1954). The defeat of the nationalist counter- revolution in Ukraine (1917–1922). Kiev: State Political Publishing House, 657 p. Lozovyi, V. (2005). Peasant justice in the days of the Ukrainian Revolution (1917–1921). Ukrainian Historical Journal, (6), 88–89. Mazepa, I. (2003). Ukraine in the Fire and Storm of the Revolution of 1917‒1921. Kyiv: Tempora, 608 p. Manilov, V. (1924). Several documents about the October Days of 1917 in Kiev. Komunar, (13), 52–71. Parkhomenkov, Y. (2009). Soviet historiography on socio- political processes in Ukraine in 1917 and early 1918. Science. Religion. Society, (2), 70–74. Pyrih, R. (2011). Sources on the History of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921: published documents and materials. Archives of Ukraine, (5), 98–112. Potapov, O. (2006). The material and financial basis of the activities of city councils in the period of the Ukrainian State of P. Skoropadskyi. Scientific works of the History Department of Zaporizhzhia State University, (20), 143–148. Potarykina, L. (1957). Committees on Revocation of Ukraine in 1918–1920. Kyiv: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 156 p.

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Кондратюк Дмитро. ФОРМУВАННЯ ТА ДІЯЛЬНІСТЬ МІСЦЕВИХ ОРГАНІВ ВЛАДИ В УКРАЇНІ В 1917–1921 РР.: ІСТОРІОГРАФІЧНИЙ ОГЛЯД Анотація Мета роботи полягає в аналізі наукового доробку з проблеми формування та діяльності місцевих органів влади в Україні в 1917– 1921 рр. у вітчизняній та зарубіжній історіографії. Методологія дослідження. В основу методології покладено базові принципи історичного пізнання, зокрема завдяки принципам всебічності та системності вдалося охопити наукову літературу з часу 45 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

створення місцевих органів у роки Української революції до сьогодення. Для розв’язання поставлених у статті мети й завдань з використанням конкретно-пошукового методу було сформовано базу наукової літератури з даної проблематики для проведення аналізу. За допомогою типологічного та проблемно-хронологічного методу здійснено хронологічно-тематичну класифікацію наявної історіографічної бази. Метод компаративістики дозволив співставити погляди різних дослідників та висвітлити зміст конкретних праць з досліджуваної проблеми. Наукова новизна. Вперше проведено комплексний огляд наявних досліджень, що висвітлюють специфіку та тенденції створення і функціонування системи місцевих органів влади в добу Української революції. Узагальнивши розрізненні та фрагментарні дані, вдалося визначити концептуальне бачення досліджуваної проблеми в наявній на сьогодні історіографії. Висновки. На основі аналізу історіографічної бази проблеми формування та діяльності місцевих органів влади в Україні періоду Української революції 1917–1921 рр. проведено загальну класифікацію і поділено наявні матеріали на три групи. Першу групу складають праці державних діячів та безпосередніх учасників подій Української революції, в яких вони характеризували практику створення місцевих органів влади. Радянські історики ігнорували зазначену тематику, розглядаючи у своїх дослідженнях більшовицькі Ради, нівелюючи значення діяльності органів влади УНР та Української держави. Аналіз наукового доробку сучасних вітчизняних і зарубіжних вчених засвідчує значну увагу істориків до періоду Української революції 1917–1921 рр. Однак, слід відзначити крайню недостатність розробки тематики організації та діяльності місцевої влади часів Української революції і визнати відсутність структурованих комплексних досліджень з цього питання. Ключові слова: місцеві органи влади, Українська Центральна Рада, самоврядування, Гетьманат П. Скоропадського, Директорія, Правобережна Україна.

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Kondratiuk Dmitry. STWORZENIE I DZIALNOŚĆ WŁADZ LOKALNYCH NA PRAWOBRZEŻNEJ UKRAINE: (1917–1921). PRZEGLĄD HISTORIOGRAFICZNY. Streszczenie Celem pracy jest analiza pracy naukowej nad problemem formacji i działalności władz lokalnych na Ukrainie podczas narodowych zawodów wyzwoleńczych w latach 1917–1921 w historiografii ukraińskiej i zagranicznej. Metodologia badań. Metodologia oparta jest na podstawowych zasadach wiedzy historycznej, w szczególności ze względu na zasady wszechstronności i systematycznej w artykule objęto literaturę naukową od momentu powstania władz lokalnych w latach rewolucji ukraińskiej do chwili obecnej. Aby zrealizować cele badania przy użyciu określonej metody wyszukiwania, stworzono bazę literaturę naukową na ten temat do analizy. Metodą typologiczną i problemowo-chronologiczną dokonano chronologiczno- tematycznej klasyfikacji istniejącej bazy historiograficznej. Metoda porównawcza pozwoliła na porównanie poglądów różnych badaczy i wyjaśnienie treści konkretnych prac dotyczących badanego problemu. Nowość naukowa. Po raz pierwszy przeprowadzono kompleksowy przegląd dostępnych badań w celu uwypuklenia specyfiki i trendów tworzenia i funkcjonowania systemu samorządowego w period rewolucji ukraińskiej. Porównując rozbieżne i fragmentaryczne dane, możliwe było określenie konceptualnej wizji badanego problemu w obecnie dostępnej historiografii. Wnioski. Analiz historiograficznej podstawy problemu powstawania i działalności władz lokalnych na Ukrainie podczas narodowych zawodów wyzwoleńczych w latach 1917–1921 pozwolił stworzyć ogólną klasyfikację, a dostępne materiały podzielić na trzy grupy. Pierwsza grupa składa się z prac mężów stanu i bezpośrednich uczestników wydarzeń rewolucji ukraińskiej, w których scharakteryzowano praktykę tworzenia władz lokalnych. Radzieccy historycy zignorowali ten temat, badając w swoich badaniach rady bolszewików, zaniedbując znaczenie działań władz UNR i Państwa Ukraińskiego. Analiza osiągnięć naukowych współczesnych naukowców ukraińskich i zagranicznych świadczy o znacznej uwadze historyków z okresu rewolucji ukraińskiej w latach 1917–1921. Należy jednak zwrócić uwagę na skrajną niedostateczność rozwoju tematu organizacji 47 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) i działalności władz lokalnych podczas rewolucji ukraińskiej oraz uznać brak strukturyzowanych złożonych badań. Słowa kluczowe: władze lokalne, Ukraińska Rada Centralna, samorząd, Hetmanat P. Skoropadskiego, Directory, Prawobrzeżna Ukraina.

The article was received 09.30.2019 Article recommended for publishing 10.27.2019

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UDC 94(477) DOI 10.33287/112003 Stelnykovych Serhii, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor, Professor at the Department of History of Ukraine, Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University [email protected] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9121-8977

TRAGEDY IN BAZAR IN THE COMMEMORATIVE PRACTICES OF THE ANTI-BOLSHEVIK INSURGENCY AND UKRAINIAN EMIGRATION IN THE 1920s–1930s

Abstract The objective of the article is to investigate the commemorative practices related to the tragedy in Bazar in the context of the anti- Bolshevik insurgency and Ukrainian emigration of the 1920s–1930s. The methodology of the scientific research is based on the general scientific and special historical methods, taking into account the basic principles of historical world perception: historicism, scientific character, objectivity, systematic approach. The principles of historicism and scientific character have made it possible to reproduce the peculiarities of the commemorative practices associated with the tragedy in Bazar in all its complexity and diversity, interrelation and interdependence with the events of the time. The principle of objectivity is a helpful way to analyze the outlined problem with a critical survey of reference data. The principle of the systematic approach has enabled us to form a coherent picture of the manifestations of the commemorative practices in memory of the victims of the tragedy during the outlined period. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the fact that it examines the events of November 1921 from the standpoint of the historical memory schools for the first time. A great variety of reference data has made it possible to examine the commemorative practices in the memory of the victims of the tragedy in Bazar in a short chronological period from the 1920s and during the 1930s. As a result of the study, the author concludes that the first attempts to

49 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) commemorate the victims at their burial sites occurred in the early 1920s. The preservation of the memory of the tragedy in Bazar fostered the spread of anti-Bolshevik insurgencies in Zhytomyr region. As the Soviet authorities aimed to destroy the historical memory of the victims of the November 1921 execution, the attempts to preserve it through various commemorative practices were connected with the Ukrainian political emigration abroad (Poland, France, and ) because the former Ukrainian military as well as the emigration government structures of the UNR were situated there. In the interwar period the commemoration of the tragedy in Bazar was embodied and reflected in the works of fine art. Furthermore, memoirs on both the of the UNR Army and the tragedy in Bazar were published during this time. Key words: commemorative practices, historical memory, tragedy in Bazar, interwar period.

Introduction. The final stage of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921 were the events of November 21–23, 1921. At that time, the Bolshevik troops executed 359 prisoners of war from the Volyn Group of the Second Winter Campaign of the Ukrainian People’s Republic Army (UNR) in the town of Bazar in Zhytomyr region. These events went down in history under the name of «The tragedy in Bazar» (or «Bazar»). The Soviet authorities made every effort to destroy the memory of the massacre of prisoners. Despite this, in the early 1920s, especially in the context of the anti-Bolshevik insurgency, people initiated relevant commemorative practices, including the commemoration of the victims of Bazar. Over time, emigration and people in the Western Ukrainian territories under Polish rule supported this tradition. The notion of the commemorative practices is interpreted as «a set of actions and objects, such as rituals and ceremonies, monuments and memorial complexes aimed at representing a particular historical narrative that is significant to a large part of the community» (Filiuk, 2017). In the European scientific tradition, various aspects related to commemoration within the development of historical memory schools have been investigated by Richard Ned Lebow, Wulf Kansteiner, Claudio Fogu (Lebow, Kansteiner, Fogu, 2006), Aleida Assmann 50 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

(Assmann, 2014), Pierre Nora (Nora, 2014) and others. In Ukraine, this trend is gaining popularity. The confirmation of this we find in the appearance of a special journal «Ukraina moderna», which contains articles by contemporary Ukrainian, Polish, Russian, Moldovan, German, Israeli researchers of historical memory schools; in the publication of fundamental monographs (Kasianov, 2018; Kyrydon, 2016), and separate publications (Filiuk, 2017); in the organization of a series of conferences held in Rivne, Zhytomyr, Lviv. Today there is no comprehensive study of the tragedy in Bazar in the framework of historical memory schools. As a rule, some scholars have investigated this issue only contextually. For example, paying attention to the commemoration of Bazar victims in general, Yaroslav Faizulin and Vitalii Skalskyi have episodically characterized the period between the 1920s and 1930s (Faizulin, Skalskyi, 2008, pp. 34–35). The author of this article has previously covered the outlined problem in the same context (Stelnykovych, 2016, pp. 121–125). Yaroslav Tynchenko focused on Bazar commemorative practices in the context of anti- Bolshevik insurgencies of the early 1920s (Tynchenko, 2013). Valerii Vlasenko touched upon the theme of the 10th anniversary commemoration of Bazar victims in the context of the Ukrainian diaspora in Bulgaria. He characterized the life of the Ukrainian community in Bulgaria during the interwar period (Vlasenko, 2013, pp. 77–93). Thus, an integral study of the tragedy in Bazar in the commemorative practices of the interwar period has remained neglected by researchers. The objective of the article is to investigate the commemorative practices related to the tragedy in Bazar in the context of the anti- Bolshevik insurgency and the Ukrainian emigration in the interwar period. Findings and discussion. Under the Bolshevik regime, commemoration of Bazar victims at their burial sites was next to impossible. The new government aimed to destroy the historical memory of any «counter-revolution» manifestations. However, in the early 1920s, there were some attempts to visit the graves and commemorate the memory of the members of the Volyn Group of the Second Winter Campaign of the UNR Army in November 1921. On April 23, 1923, the Soviet authorities claimed that the relatives of the 51 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) executed would visit two graves in Bazar, and the burial sites themselves affected politically not only the population of Bazar district (established in 1923) but also of «many other governorates» (State Archives of Zhytomyr Region. Coll. R-28. Aids. 6. Fol. 31. P. 11). Thus, the historical memory of Bazar (1921) among the local population greatly contributed to the spread of anti-Bolshevik movements in the region. The report of the District Border Division dated November 10, 1923 stated that the main threat to the Soviet authorities in Bazar district was «the developed Petliura movement among the intelligentsia» (State Archives of Zhytomyr Region. Coll. R-28. Aids. 6. Fol. 31. P. 25). For local rebel units, Bazar graves became a symbol of anti-Bolshevik struggle. In general, the territory of eastern Volyn (Zhytomyr region) plays an important role in the anti-Bolshevik insurgency in the early 1920s. The development of anti-Bolshevik movements in the region was conditioned, among other things, by the activities of some of the participants of the state-making struggle who stayed in the region after the final stage of the Second Winter Campaign of the UNR Army in November 1921. Under these circumstances in May 1922, the Volyn insurgent army led by Opanas Petryk was established in Zhytomyr region. He managed to escape after the defeat of the Volyn Group of the Second Winter Campaign by Hrygorii Kotovskii’s detachment near the village of Mali Minky. The memory of the tragedy in Bazar hold a prominent place in the ideology of the Volyn insurgent army. In the memory of the executed members of the Volyn group of the Second Winter Campaign of the UNR army in Bazar a special detachment «Revenge» (Pomsta) was formed as a part of the Volyn insurgent army. It was led by the head Ivan Zakusilo (Tynchenko, 2013). In the fall of 1922, the members of the Volyn insurgent army were inclined to erect its flag on one of Bazar graves and to begin a general anti-Bolshevik march-off (Counterrevolutionary Movement Led by Petliura before the Proletarian Court. The Verdict on the Case of the Volyn Insurgent Army, 1923, p. 3). However, the plan failed to become a reality, as the Soviet authorities suppressed the underground resistance of the insurgents. In reaction to any attempts of the local population to honor the memory of the victims of the Bolshevik execution, the Soviet authorities 52 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) would only intensify the propaganda in Bazar district, aimed at forming a cult of the so-called «October Revolution». Its anniversaries fell on November 7 (on October 25 after the Julian calendar) and were supposed to replace any references to Bazar events of November 1921, related to the execution of the members of the Volyn group of the Second Winter Campaign of the UNR Army. On November 18, 1927, at the meeting of Bazar district party committee, it was stated that «due to the early and sufficient preparation, the October holidays were held with enthusiasm and with a large-scale participation of the district population». According to the Soviet authorities, 10515 people took part in the event. At this time, scattered anti-Soviet speeches were made in the villages of Mali Minky and Zvizdal (State Archives of Zhytomyr Region. Coll. P-115. Aids. 1. Fol. 7. P. 117). There was an armed confrontation between the members of the Volyn group of the Second Winter Campaign of the UNR Army and the Bolshevik army in these settlements in November 1921. After this, the festivities devoted to the following anniversaries of the October Revolution in Bazar district only intensified (State Archives of Zhytomyr Region. Coll. P-115. Aids. 1. Fol. 32. P. 202), as well as the ideological propaganda campaign about the ’ struggle against the «internal and external counterrevolution» (State Archives of Zhytomyr Region. Coll. P-115. Aids. 1. Fol. 41. P. 215). The actions of the Bolshevik authorities were aimed at silencing and distorting the historical memory of the tragedy in Bazar. The corresponding ideological campaign of the Soviet authorities was carried out not only in Bazar district but also in Ukraine in general. At the state level, «historical» literature was distributed, which reflected the struggle of the Soviet authorities against the manifestations of the «counterrevolution». It is clear that such «studies» were far from objectivity. At the same time, in the works of the Soviet historians, Bazar events of November 1921 were silenced (Futala, 2012, p. 261). In June 1923, the Soviet authorities arrested one of the leaders of the Second Winter Campaign of the UNR Army, Yurii Tiutiunnyk. His identity was used in an ideological campaign to discredit the Ukrainian military formations during the revolution and to influence the Ukrainian emigrant community. In 1924, the ambiguous memoirs of Yurii Tiutiunnyk «With Poles against Ukraine» were published in Kharkiv 53 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. 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(Tiutiunnyk, 1924). Later the author played himself in the propaganda film «P.K.P.» («Pilsudskii bought Petliura»). The film was shot during the fall of 1925 – spring of 1926 at Odessa Film Studios, and it was released in September 1926. One of the researchers of Yurii Tiutiunnyk’s role summarizes the following: «This episode is perhaps the best illustration of the grotesque life of a former rebel headman who was forced to become a caricature of himself» (Faizulin, 2019). The Soviet authorities executed Yurii Tiutiunnyk on October 20, 1930. Therefore, during the interwar period the commemoration of the tragedy in Bazar was revealed only among the Western Ukrainian emigration, mainly in Europe. The commemoration practices were also evidenced among the residents of Western Ukrainian territories that were under Polish rule. Some of the participants in the Second Winter Campaign of the UNR Army, as well as the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, were in exile. Therefore, the first events to commemorate the anniversaries of the tragedy in the early 1920s took place in the internment camps of the UNR Army in Poland. Over time, after the elimination of the camps and the acquisition of the political expatriate’s status by those who were formerly interned, the commemoration of Bazar victims took place in the countries of compact residence of Ukrainian political emigrants throughout Europe. The corresponding events were also organized in some countries in North and Latin America. The commemorative practices were evidenced in Poland, France and Czechoslovakia in the first place. After all, some members of the former Ukrainian military as well as the structures of the UNR Emigration Government (UNR State Center) stayed there. Already in the early 1920s the city of Tarny and later Warsaw became the centers of the UNR Government's activity in Poland. The Treaty of Riga between Poland and Soviet Russia led to the loss of a special status of the Ukrainian Government in the territory of Poland. As a result, in the interwar period, the UNR State Center was concentrated in Paris and Prague (Ukrainian People’s Republic Government in Exile. Articles and Sources, 1993, p. 70; Marcus, 1986, p. 71). Despite the fact that the Chief Headman (Ataman) of the UNR, , was living in Paris since 1924 (killed on May 25, 1926), and the President of the UNR State Center, Andrii Livitskyi, as well as some ministers were 54 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) taking action in Prague, Warsaw remained the center of the UNR emigration government until the late 1930s (Marcus, 1986, pp. 72–73). On November 21, 1929, a memorial service for all those who died in the struggle for the will of Ukraine was held in the Prague Orthodox parish. On the same day, the Ukrainian community organized the event to commemorate those killed in Bazar. Colonel Vasil Filonovych presented a report «1921 Uprising in Ukraine». The commemoration of the next anniversary of the tragedy in Bazar took place on November 23, 1929 in Paris. The following day, a memorial service for the dead was held in the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the capital of France (Chronicle, 1929, p. 38). An issue of the non-periodical «Hurtuimosia» magazine (November 1929) was devoted to the 8th anniversary of the tragedy in Bazar. At this time, the publication was published in Prague with the support of the UNR Emigration Government. In November 1930 in France, Ukrainian emigrant organizations, including the Association of Former UNR Army Soldiers, celebrated the 9th anniversary of the tragedy on a large scale. One of the issues of the «Tryzub» magazine in 1930, published in Paris as the unofficial printed publication of the UNR emigration government, states: “The day of Bazar in November, the day of the heroic death of 359 soldiers near the village of Bazar in Volyn, is the day of national pride and glory of the Ukrainian army. The death is full of beauty, courage, greatness of spirit: these 359 humble warriors cannot be forgotten, because our young generation will be brought up for heroic acts, for the final realization of our national idea following their example, as a rare one in the history of the people” (From the life of Ukrainian emigration in France, 1930, p. 23). In the French town of Le Creusot, to honor the memory of the executed Ukrainian soldiers, the members of the Association of Former Soldiers of the UNR Army laid a wreath at the monument to those who died in the Great War (From International Life, 1930, p. 17). The events to commemorate the victims continued on the 10th anniversary of the tragedy in Bazar (Faizulin, Skalskyi, 2008, pp. 34– 35) in the centers of Ukrainian community residence abroad. For example, the Ukrainian Community of Bulgaria held rather large-scale events at the end of 1931. At the same time, the representatives of the 55 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Polish and Bulgarian as well as Polish communities joined the Ukrainians. Apart from the memorial service for the executed, a number of reports were made, the «Testament» of T. Shevchenko and the hymn «Ukraine has not died yet» were performed (Vlasenko, 2013, p. 83). In November 1931, the next issue of the «Hurtuimosia» magazine was dedicated to the events of November 1921. The magazine contained a list of the 359 executed Ukrainian soldiers in Bazar, reminiscences about the UNR Army's Second Winter Campaign, the Bolshevik execution, theme songs, etc. Anonymous reminiscences about the execution of the Ukrainian military, in particular, state: “The experience of 10 years ago is like fog. Only the facts that have fallen deep into the memory possess clear features. Over time, I think, they will become more and more obscure. On the day of November 17 (the day of the battle near the village of Mali Minky) and on the day of November 22 (the day of the 359 execution) let each of the Ukrainians remember those who died but believed and wanted to liberate their native land from the executioners and occupants” (November 1921, 1931, p. 27). By the way, it was the «Hurtuimosia» magazine that actively reported on the activities of the Ukrainian diaspora in different countries of Europe to commemorate the anniversary of the tragedy. The publication, which was published in early 1935, contained a reproduction of a painting «Bazar» by UNR Army Colonel Mykola Bytynskyi («Execution of 359 Martyrs in Bazar»). It depicted the Bolshevik Execution of the Ukrainian military in Bazar in November 1921 (the original painting was in the S. Petliura’s Library in Paris). In addition to the reproduction, there was an excerpt from speeches of Ukrainian soldiers at the November 1921 execution in Bazar: “…Foremen and Rifles! We die for the Will of our people… Our death will not be forgiven to our enemies and we will not be forgotten among the Native People… We will consciously die for the Will and for Ukraine… Glory! Glory! ...” (Bytynskyi, 1935, p. 21). The issue also contained a reproduction of the painting by Mykhailo Mykhalevych, the central part of which was occupied by a symbolic image of the cross with the «359» inscription (Mykhalevych, 1935, p. 25). These images, presented on the pages of periodicals, in particular in the magazine «Hurtuimosia», testify to the presence of 56 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) works of fine art among other commemorative practices of the tragedy in Bazar. The emigration intensified the attention to Bazar events in November 1936 during the commemoration of the 15th anniversary of the tragedy. In particular, on November 29, 1936, thematic events initiated by the Ukrainian Community took place in Lyon. The deputy chairman of the Ukrainian Community Halaida said in his report that: “all peoples have their dear graves, which they worship, we also have such graves, and one of them houses 359 best sons of Ukraine, who address the living and unborn countrymen in Ukraine and not in Ukraine and remind what they laid down their lives for” (From the Life of Ukrainian Emigration in France, 1936, p. 21). After numerous speeches and a minute of remembrance, the report ended with a joint performance of the national anthem. On November 29, 1936, apart from Lyon, the commemoration of Bazar victims also took place in Auden-le-Tisch. It was organized by a branch of the Association of Former Soldiers of the UNR Army in France. In the west of France the children's choir of a local Ukrainian school performed the anthem «Ukraine has not died yet»; a report on the history of the November events of 1921 was made, mentioning the names of the 359 executed; people performed «Eternal Memory», etc. (From the Life of Ukrainian Emigration in France, 1936, p. 22). As it was mentioned above, during the interwar period the commemorative practices of the tragedy in Bazar among emigrants, apart from France and Czechoslovakia, were also evidenced in Poland. In fact, in the pre-war period in Warsaw apart from the presence of a large number of Ukrainian political emigrants, there also functioned the UNR Emigration State Center headed by President Andrii Livytskyi. On November 22, 1936, the Orthodox Cathedral of Warsaw at the initiative of the Ukrainian Central Committee held a funeral service in the presence of a significant number of the Ukrainians. On the same day, the Ukrainian Student Community organized thematic events in the Polish capital (Warsaw Ukrainians to the Heroes of Bazar, 1936, p. 6). On November 28, 1936 in Warsaw the corporation «Zaporozhzha», headed by Petro Kholodnyi held «Bazar Holiday». In the west, Andrii Kryzhanivskyi noted that Bazar was «rather a joyous than a sad episode,

57 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) because it is a heroic and creative moment in the Ukrainian state competitions» (In Poland, 1936, p. 23). At the same time, the events to commemorate the 15th anniversary of Bazar tragedy took place in the western Ukrainian territory, first of all in Lviv, Ternopil, Stanislaviv (Ivano-Frankivsk), other cities and villages of the region. Often the commemoration of the victims, which would turn into the national manifestations, was accompanied by the speeches of former participants of the Second Winter Campaign of the UNR Army (The Bow to the Heroes of Bazar in Stanislavov, 1936, p. 6; Bazar Anniversary, 1936, p. 7). The commemoration of the executed in Bazar both in emigration and in the continued in the years to come. On November 27, 1938, at the initiative of the Division of the Ukrainian Central Committee in Lodz, a memorial service was held for those shot dead in Bazar where Father Boretskyi delivered a long speech (In Poland, 1939, 12, p. 15). In late November – early December 1938, the commemoration of the executed took place in Kovel district, where at the urging of priest Ivan Guba, the population donated to the Union of the Disabled Ukrainians, located in the Polish city of Kalisz (In Poland, 1939, 1–2, pp. 44–45). In its turn, the UNR Emigration State Center joined the commemorative practices associated with the tragedy in Bazar at the highest political level. In early 1939, it awarded 359 members of the Volyn Group of the Second Winter Campaign of the UNR Army, executed by the Bolsheviks in November 1921 the crosses of Symon Petliura (posthumously). The participants of the struggle for state independence of Ukraine shot in Bazar were given the distinctions with the numbers 2001–2359 (Tynchenko, 2016, p. 137). During the interwar period, a considerable number of memoirs appeared both about the Campaign itself and the Bolshevik execution of November 1921. They were mainly written by the Second Winter Campaign of UNR Army participants. In the first place, the reminiscences were published on the pages of the Prague magazine «Hurtuimosia» and the Parisian magazine «Tryzub». The calendar «Chervona Kalyna», published in Lviv in 1930, contained voluminous reminiscences of Colonel Roman Sushko, a participant of the Second Winter Campaign titled «Bazar. The grave of 359 heroes» (Ovad, 2006, 58 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) pp. 230–243). Roman Sushko called Bazar bed of honor «a witness of the last breakdown in the liberation contest, the last tragic act of the great saga of 1917–1921» (Ovad, 2006, p. 230). A considerable number of reminiscences about Bazar were published in 1932 in the third part of the journal «For Statehood. Materials on the History of the Ukrainian Army». The collection was published in Kalish at the initiative of the Ukrainian Military Historical Society (For Statehood. Materials to the History of the Ukrainian Army, 1932). Conclusions. The tragedy in Bazar (the execution of 359 members of the Volyn group of the Second Winter Campaign of the UNR Army by the Bolsheviks) became the tragic end of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921. As early as the beginning of 1920s, corresponding commemorative practices related to the tragedy in Bazar and the remembrance of the executed started to be organized. Their preservation was one of the reasons for the spread of anti-Bolshevik insurgencies, especially in Zhytomyr region. At the same time, the Soviet authorities took measures to destroy the historical memory about Bazar. In this regard, the commemorative practices related to the tragedy in Bazar manifested themselves during the interwar period in emigration, in the places of compact residence of the Ukrainian political emigration, where the structures of the emigration government of the UNR were located (Poland, France, Czechoslovakia).

BIBLIOGRAPHY Assmann, A. (2014). Long Shadow of the Past: Memorial Culture and Historical Politics. Moscow: New Literary Overview. 328 p. [In Russian]. Bazar Anniversary. (1936). Case, November 29, 7. [In Ukrainian]. Bytynskyi, M. (1935). Bazar. Hurtuimosia, January–March 21. [In Ukrainian]. Chronicle. (1929). Hurtuimosia, November 21, 38–39. [In Ukrainian]. Counterrevolutionary Movement Led by Petliura before the Proletarian Court. The Verdict on the Case of the Volyn Insurgent Army. (1923). Volyn Proletarian, March 21, 3. [In Russian]. Faizulin, Ya. (2019). KGB Archive Documents Reveal Backstage Mysteries of the Propaganda Film «P.K.P.» («Pilsudskii bought 59 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Petliura»). https://uinp.gov.ua/pres-centr/novyny/dokumenty-z-arhiviv- kgb-rozkryvayut-zakadrovi-tayemnyci-filmu-agitky-pkp-pilsudskyy- kupyv-petlyuru [In Ukrainian]. Faizulin, Ya., Skalskyi, V. (2008). Transcripts of the Ukrainian Revolution. The Second Winter Campaign of the UNR Army. Kyiv: Olena Teleha Publishing House. 41. [In Ukrainian]. Filiuk, К. (2017). The Art of Reminding: How the World Honors the Memory of the Tragic Events of the Past. The Ukrainian Truth. https://life.pravda.com.ua/culture/2017/03/13/223078/ [In Ukrainian]. For Statehood. Materials to the History of the Ukrainian Army (1932). 3, 273. [In Ukrainian]. From International Life. (1930). Tryzub, 47, 16–18. [In Ukrainian]. From the Life of Ukrainian Emigration in France (1930). Tryzub, 47, 23–26. [In Ukrainian]. From the Life of Ukrainian Emigration in France. (1936). Tryzub, 43–44, 21–22. [In Ukrainian]. Futala, V. (2012). Military-political Emigration of Ukrainian People’s Republic in Interwar Poland: Problem Study State to 1991. Military Scientific Journal, (18), 252–264. [In Ukrainian]. In Poland. (1936). Tryzub, 43–44, 22–23. [In Ukrainian]. In Poland. (1939). Tryzub, 12, 13–15. [In Ukrainian]. In Poland. (1939). Tryzub, 1–2, 43–45. [In Ukrainian]. Kasianov, H. (2018). Past Continuous: Historical Politics of the 1980s–2000s. Ukraine and Neighbors. Kyiv: Laurus. 420 p. [In Ukrainian]. Kyrydon, А. (2016). Memory Heterotypes. Theoretical and Methodological Historical Memory Schools. Kyiv: Nika-Tsentr. 320 p. [In Ukrainian]. Lebow, R., Kansteiner, W., Fogu, C. (eds.) (2006). The Politics of Memory in Postwar Europe. Duke University Press, Durham and London. 384 p. Markus, V. (1986). Exile Government of Ukrainian People’s Republic in the Interwar Period (1921–1939). International-Legal and Comparative Analysis. Modern Times, (12), 70–84. [In Ukrainian]. Mykhalevych, М. (1935). Hurtuimosia, January–March 25. [In Ukrainian].

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Nora, P. (2014). Today, Nation, Memory. Kyiv: Klio, 2014. 272 p. [In Ukrainian]. November 1921. (1931). Hurtuimosia, November, 23–27. [In Ukrainian]. Ovad, Kh. (2006). Colonel Roman Shushko (1894–1944). Documents, Materials, Reminiscences, Dairies, Letters, Photos. Toronto. 305. [In Ukrainian]. State Archives of Zhytomyr Region. Coll. P-115. Aids. 1. Fol. 32. 248 p. State Archives of Zhytomyr Region. Coll. P-115. Aids. 1. Fol. 41. 436 p. State Archives of Zhytomyr Region. Coll. P-115. Aids. 1. Fol. 7. 162 p. State Archives of Zhytomyr Region. Coll. R-28. Aids. 6. Fol. 31. 30 p. Stelnykovych, S. (2016). Tragedy in Bazar on November 21, 1921 in Historical Memory of the Ukrainian People. IV All-Ukrainian Scientific Conference Proceedings «The Problems of Ukrainian Liberation Movement in the 20th Century (dedicated to the 75th anniversary of Polessie Sich and to the 95th anniversary of the Second Winter Campaign)», 121–125. [In Ukrainian]. The Bow to the Heroes of Bazar in Stanislavov. (1936). Case, November 27, 6. [In Ukrainian]. Tiutiunnyk, Yu. (1924). With Poles against Ukraine. Kharkiv: State Publishing House. 107. [In Ukrainian]. Tynchenko, Ya. (2013). Recusant Volyn. Ukrainian Week. https://tyzhden.ua/History/86129 [In Ukrainian]. Tynchenko, Ya. (2016). Award Case of Ukrainian People’s Republic Governments, 1917–1992. Thesis for a Candidate Degree in Historical Sciences. Kyiv. 251. [In Ukrainian]. Ukrainian People’s Republic Government in Exile. Articles and Sources. (1993). Philadelphia, Kyiv, Washington. 494 p. [In Ukrainian]. Vlasenko, V. (2013). Ukrainian Community in Bulgaria in the Interwar Period (a Case Study of Parisian Weekly Publication «Tryzub». Dragomanov Schools. The 6th and 7th Conference Proceedings, 77–93. [In Ukrainian].

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Warsaw Ukrainians to the Heroes of Bazar. (1936). Case. November 27, 6. [In Ukrainian].

Стельникович Сергій. БАЗАРСЬКА ТРАГЕДІЯ В КОМЕМОРАТИВНИХ ПРАКТИКАХ АНТИБІЛЬШОВИЦЬКОГО ПОВСТАНСЬКОГО РУХУ ТА УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ЕМІГРАЦІЇ 1920-х – 1930-х рр. Анотація Метою статті є дослідження комеморативних практик, пов’язаних з Базарською трагедією, у середовищі антибільшовицького повстанського руху та української еміграції 1920-х–1930-х рр. Методологія наукового дослідження ґрунтується на основі загальнонаукових і спеціальних історичних методів з урахуванням базових принципів історичного пізнання: історизму, науковості, об’єктивності, системності. Принципи історизму та науковості дозволили відтворити комеморативні практики, пов’язані з Базарською трагедією, в усій складності та багатоманітності, у взаємозв’язку і взаємозумовленості з тогочасними подіями. Принцип об’єктивності допоміг підійти до розгляду окресленої проблематики з урахуванням об’єктивних історичних закономірностей, з критичним аналізом літературно- джерельної бази. Принцип системності дозволив сформувати цілісну картину відповідних комеморативних практик. Наукова новизна роботи полягає в тому, що тут уперше на основі широкої джерельної бази розглянуто Базарську трагедію в комеморативних практиках 1920-х–1930-х рр. У результаті автор приходить до висновку, що перші спроби вшанування пам’яті загиблих на місцях їх поховання відбулися на початку 1920-х рр. При цьому пам’ять про Базарську трагедію сприяла поширенню антибільшовицьких повстанських рухів на Житомирщині. Оскільки радянська влада спрямувала зусилля на знищення історичної пам’яті про жертв розстрілу листопада 1921 р., відповідні комеморативні практики проявилися переважно у середовищі української політичної еміграції за кордоном (у Польщі, Франції, Чехословаччині). Адже тут разом з перебуванням частини колишніх українських військових розміщувалися структури еміграційного Уряду УНР. У міжвоєнний період комеморативні 62 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

практики про Базар відобразилися в образотворчому мистецтві. Також в цей час були опубліковані спогади, присвячені як Другому зимовому походу Армії УНР, так і Базарській трагедії. Ключові слова: комеморативні практики, історична пам’ять, Базарська трагедія, міжвоєнний період.

Stelnikowicz Sergiej. TRAGEDIA POD BAZAREM W PAMIĄTKOWYCH PRAKTYKACH POWSTAŃCZEGO RUCHU ANTYBOLSZEWICKIEGO I EMIGRACJA UKRAIŃSKA W LATACH 1920–1930 Streszczenie Celem artykułu jest zbadanie praktyk pamiątkowych związanych z tragedią pod Bazarem w środowisku powstań antybolszewickich i emigracji ukraińskiej w latach 1920–1930. Metodogolia naukowego badania opiera się na ogólnonaukowych i specjalnych metodach historycznych, biorąc do uwagi podstawowe zasady poznania historycznego, czyli historyzmu, naukowości, obiektywizmu, systematyczności. Zasady historyzmu i naukowości umożliwiły odtworzenie osobliwości praktyk pamiątkowych związanych z tragedią pod Bazarem, w całej swojej komplikacji i różnorodności, w związku i współzależności z wydarzeniami tamtych czasów. Zasada obiektywności pomogła zbliżyć się do przedstawionych problemów za pomocą krytycznej analizy źródeł literackich. Zasada systematyczności pozwoliła nam stworzyć całościowy obraz praktyk pamiątkowych przy uhonorowaniu ofiar tragedii w tamtym czasie. Orygilnością naukową pracy jest to, że po raz pierwszy zbadano wydarzenia z listopada 1921 r. przez optykę studii pamięci. Na podstawie szerokiej bazy źródłowej zostały zbadane praktyki pamiątkowe uhonorowania ofiar tragedii pod Bazarem w krótkim okresie chronologicznym, w latach 1920–1930. W wyniku badań autor stwierdza, że pierwsze próby uhonorowania pamięci ofiar w miejscach ich pochówku były już na początku lat 20. XX wieku. Jednocześnie przechowywanie pamięci o tragedii pod Bazarem przyczyniło rozprzestrzenianie antybolszewickich ruchów powstańczych na Żytomierszczyźnie. Ponieważ, władze radzieckie przekierowali swoje wysiłki do zniszczenia pamięci historycznej o ofiarach rozstrzelania w listopadzie 1921 r., próby jej przechowywania za pomocą różnych praktyk pamiątkowych wiązano ze środowiskiem ukraińskiej emigracji 63 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) politycznej za granicę (w Polsce, Francji i Czechosłowacji). W końcu wraz z pobytem tutaj części byłego ukraińskiego wojska mieściły się struktury rządu emigracyjnego UNR. W okresie międzywojennym pamięć o Bazarze została wcielona i odzwierciedlona w dziełach sztuki. Również w tym czasie zostały opublikowane wspomnienia dotyczące zarówno drugiej zimowej kampanii armii UNR, jak i tragedii pod Bazarem. Słowa kluczowe: praktyki pamiątkowe, pamięć historyczna, tragedia pod Bazarem, okres międzywojenny.

The article was received 09.17.2019 Article recommended for publishing 10.23.2019

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UDC 94(477):316.32 DOI 10.33287/112004 Rybachok Volodymyr, Postgraduate Student at the Department of History of Ukraine Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University [email protected]

“NEW KHARKIV” AND “GREAT ZAPORIZHZHIA” PROJECTS AS REPRESENTATION OF THE URBAN PLANNING SEARCHES DURING THE PERIOD OF INDUSTRIALIZATION

Abstract In 1929 there was launched an all-Union public campaign to discuss the prospects for the development of Soviet urban planning, known as the Socialist Settlement Discussion, in the USSR. Its main participants were not only the leading architects and urban planners of the time, but also the highest party and state figures. Under the influence of the urban development ideas arose during the discussion on the problems of socialist displacement, Ukrainian constructive architects have developed master plans for the reconstruction and expansion of residential infrastructure of two industrial centers – Kharkiv and Zaporizhzhia. However, the construction projects of “Great Zaporizhzhia” and “New Kharkiv” by I. Malozemov, P. Khaustov and P. Aloshyn were not fully realised as their planning decisions undercut the basic provisions of the existing urban planning policy of the Stalinist leadership. There appeared the idea that the plans of “New Kharkiv” and “Great Zaporizhzhia” by Ukrainian architects were the implementation of author’s view of the ideal model of a socialist town. Based on the leading ideas of the Soviet avant-garde, the project authors proposed an original architectural and planning concept of development that had nothing to do with the urban planning experience of previous times. However, these architectural proposals were irrelevant in the USSR in the late 1920’s. In the context of Stalin's industrialization, the party

65 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) apparatus attached secondary importance to housing. As a result, large- scale projects of "New Kharkiv" and "Great Zaporizhzhia" were declared "false". Methodology. In the article we have used the historical and genetic method to determine the genesis of the concept of linear development, to find out the origin of the idea of a housing estate and to reveal the circumstances of the idea of unification of urban infrastructure, embodied by Ukrainian avant-gardists in architectural and planning decisions of “New Kharkiv” and “Great Zaporizhzhia” projects. The comparative method made it possible to determine the inconsistency of the content of the idealistic views of the Soviet constructors with the real essence of Stalin's urban policy. Thanks to the historical and systematic method, we have understood that the objects of urban infrastructure planned in the “New Kharkiv” and “Great Zaporizhzhia” projects had to enter into functional interaction, forming a single urban mechanism. Summary. The beginning of the 20s of the XX century was marked by the emergence of interesting scientific, artistic, architectural projects both in the history of Ukraine and in the history of the whole . The euphoria of belief in creating a “new” world, building a “just” society for the representatives of all social strata characterized the general sentiment and inspired intellectuals and artists to seek creative work. However, the period of “flirting” of Soviet authorities with the elites was short. Its authoritarian nature, with its actualization to the militarization of the country, left no room for creative initiative and development of individuality. At the beginning of the first five-year schedule, the government decided to abandon the massive construction of comfortable housing for workers. All resources were planned to focus on the construction of heavy industry facilities. Therefore, futuristic projects of “New Kharkiv” and “Great Zaporizhzhia” were rejected because of their inconsistency with the true state urbanistic doctrine of the industrialization period. Key words: Avant-garde, discussion, industrialization, socialist settlement, master plan, constructivism, urban planning, social life.

Introduction. In 1927–1929 a program of forced industrialization was finally approved in the USSR. In accordance with official party postulates, it was intended to turn a predominantly agricultural country 66 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) into one of the world leaders in industrial production. Industrial modernization was impossible without urbanization, that is the growth of the urban population of industrial centers, and therefore the Stalinist leadership was automatically asked to find the best options for the arrangement of their housing infrastructure. In these circumstances, the architecture and urban planning of Soviet Ukraine in the late 1920s became the sphere of intense generation of new approaches to the design and construction of industrial cities. Nowadays, the architecture and urban development of the Stalinist era have been researched rather fragmentarily, and the interpretation of the main stages of their development is marked by one-sidedness and political commitment. Among existing researches we should mention the works of D. Hmelnytskyi (Hmelnytskyi, D., 2007) and M. Meierovych (Meierovych, M., 2008), which describe the process of formation of the Soviet urban planning in the late 1920s. V. Aloshyn (Aloshyn, V., 1985) addressed the topic of the Ukrainian city of the Stalin era directly. He analyzed the development of ideas about socialist settlement in the architecture of Soviet Ukraine in the 1920s - early 1930s. Urban everyday life of Ukrainian cities of this period is considered in the works of N. Hohokhiia (Hohokhiia, N., 2003). An analysis of Soviet urban planning experiments in is presented in the article by M. Ilchenko (Ilchenko, M., 2018) “Urban Development and Urban Planning Experiments”.The article was published as part of the collection “Work, Exhaustion and Success: Donbas Industrial Monomists” which examines a number of specific social and political and economic aspects of industrial development in the region.A wide range of issues on the problems of Ukrainian urbanism during the first five-year schedule are highlighted in the works of R. Liubavskyi (Liubavskyi, R., 2016), V. Khazanova (Khazanova, V., 1980), M. Borysenko (Borysenko, M., 2013). The main objective of the proposed article is to analyze the projects of “New Kharkiv” and “Great Zaporizhzhia” as an attempt by Ukrainian avant-gardists to find a model of an “ideal” socialist city, devoid of “disadvantages” inherent in pre-revolutionary and capitalist development. The study analyzes the stylistics and architectural planning solutions presented in the plans of “New Kharkiv” and “Great Zaporizhzhia”. It examines the reasons for the government's refusal to 67 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) implement these projects and considers the ideological and political circumstances of concluding the discussion on socialist displacement. In July 1929, as part of the preparation of the first five-year schedule plan, there was launched a campaign to publicly discuss the prospects for the development of Soviet urban planning in the USSR, which would later become known as the Socialist Settlement Discussion. Its nominee was L. Sabsovych, the leader of the department of Ferrous Metallurgy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR National Economy. Besides, not only the leading architects of the time, such as O. Shchusiev, M. Miliutin, M. Hinzburh or the brothers Vesnin, but prominent party functionaries such as A. Lunacharskyi, M. Semashko, H. Krzhyzhanivskyi and N. Krupska (Meierovych, 2011, p. 20) became its main participants. From the outset, the campaign has generated considerable public outcry and has gained a nationwide scale. In the specialized literature the formal prerequisite for the emergence of discussion is usually considered to be the publication in 1929 of a mass circulation of the works of L. Sabsovych “The Soviet Union in 15 years” and “The cities of the future and organization of socialist life” (Khazanova, 1980, p. 47). The proposals on basic principles for the planning of the living environment of the future socialist cities presented in these editions appeared to be so prominent and relevant in connection with the beginning of the first industrial five- year schedule period, that they became the subject of attention of the State Planning Committee of the USSR and the Communist Academy of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). These structures have given rise to public discussions with the participation of leading urban planners (Meierovych, 2011, p. 42). It should be noted that the ideas published on the pages of the aforementioned editions were not the result of L. Sabsovych's personal creativity, but only the author's interpretation of the settings formulated in the bowels of the USSR Supreme Soviet of the National Economy. Thus, the discussion on the problems of socialist displacement was inspired by the party apparatus and the economic control bodies under its control. L. Sabsovych was only a nominee. He was assigned the role of “herald” of party installations in the field of urban development. The overall essence of the ideas presented by L. Sabsovych, as a whole, boiled down to the position that the key to the success of the 68 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) rapid industrialization of the country is the formation of a new Soviet man, devoid of worldviews and cultural stereotypes of past times. According to the functionary, the main tool for educating the consciousness of such an individual was to become his / her habitat (Sabsovych, 1930, p. 37). We should mention that by the time of the events described, representatives of the architectural avant-garde, who considered housing as a means of social engineering, were actively developing projects in the appropriate direction. From the beginning of the discussion, its participants have divided into two trends - urbanists and desurbanists. The former, to which L. Sabsovych belonged, argued that the formation of a new, purely Soviet kind of a person, is possible only in the conditions of a large industrial city. The latter opposite trend headed by M. Okhitovych suggested resettlement of workers in the suburban area (Aloshyn, 1985, p.24). However, both urbanists and desurbanists had solidarity with the idea that there would be no place for old social life in the future socialist cities. The panelists were for a complete revision of the existing way of life and, above all, called for the elimination of the traditional way of life. There were made a lot of calls to deprive a woman of the burden of “kitchen slavery”, which was declared anachronistic, unacceptable under the conditions of socialist life (Sabsovych, 1930, p. 44). There were made proposals to replace the customary individual urban household with a system of public service for basic household needs of workers as well. For example, the function of cooking, in this concept, relied on kitchen factories, which eliminated the need for home cooking. Other household tasks (washing, cleaning) had to be taken over by specialized household enterprises. In that way, private living space would only serve as a place to sleep and relax (Sabsovych, 1930, p. 45). Thus, a woman was relieved of her homework duties, she engaged in community service at a factory, plant or administrative office. As a result, at the expense of women, it was planned to double the number of workers employed in industrial production. Under the influence of the discussion on socialist settlement in 1929–1930 Ukrainian avant-garde architects began to develop master plans for the reconstruction of Zaporizhzhia and Kharkiv. The proposed architectural designs became an exemplary embodiment of the Soviet urban planning utopias of the late 1920s. 69 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

There was a particularly noteworthy activity of the Ukrainian constructivists I. Malozemov and P. Khaustov, which is connected with the design of the city “Great Zaporizhzhia”, the construction of which was planned in connection with the beginning of the erection of the flagship of Stalin's industrialization - the hydroelectric power station named after V. Lenin. There was anticipated to build a model socialist city on the banks of the Dnipro. Taking into account the ideological significance of the project, the architects formulated a number of conceptual provisions under which the master plan was to be developed. First of all, the designers of “Great Zaporizhzhia” held the view that a city of a new, purely Soviet type, should become a kind of reflection of the emergence of a classless society in the USSR. Accordingly, the architects denied the expediency of hierarchically dividing the territory of the future city into the center and the surrounding area, which usually served as markers of socio-spatial segregation. In accordance with the views of I. Malozemov and P. Khaustov, it was possible to overcome this defect characteristic of pre- revolutionary and capitalist cities only by total unification and standardization of the urban space environment. Such a decision was entirely in line with the philosophy of the architectural avant-garde, which outlined not only the position of functionalism but also egalitarianism. The planning structure of "Great Zaporizhzhia” was seen by the project authors as a system of 7 autonomous regions: Voznesenka; Kichkas; Pavlo-Kichkas; Islands; the third district of Dniprokombinat; reserve district Baburky and the old Olexandrivsk. All of these regions were connected through communication, and together they formed a functionally integral urban body (Yefremov, 1934, p. 21). At the same time, it should be emphasized that the old Oleksandrivsk was considered not as a base but only as a constituent unit of the “Great Zaporizhzhia” complex. According to the project, all autonomous districts were supposed to have their own administrative bodies. It was also envisaged to decentralize cultural and community institutions. Thus, each of the 7 districts of the city had to have its own cinemas, kindergartens, hospitals, stadiums (Khaustov, 1930, p. 26). Thanks to

70 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) such planning decisions, the authors of the “Great Zaporizhzhia” project achieved the desired unification of urban infrastructure. From the point of view of spatial and territorial organization, designing the “Great Zaporizhzhia” project was based on the scheme of linear development. When designing an urban environment, I. Malozemov and P. Khaustov planned to place the houses linearly at a distance from each other, thus creating an open space favorable for ventilation and insolation (inflow of sunlight) of living quarters (Khazanova, 1984, p. 145). The effect of urban transparency in the projected areas has also been enhanced by an extensive street-road network. According to the project, the width of the pedestrian streets reached 20 m, and the main roads and avenues 100–150 m. We can assume that such size parameters of the roadway width were set taking into account the prospects of total motorization of the country, which, in accordance with official party rhetoric and slogans, was one of the priorities of the program of forced industrialization. It is worth mentioning that in the general plan of the “Great Zaporizhzhia” project the designers have developed not only an advanced network of terrestrial transport infrastructure, but also envisaged an airport, through which the city would gain the status not only of the Republican or All-Union, but also the world aviation center (Yefremov, 1934, p. 21) The compositional decisions of the urbanized landscape of “Great Zaporizhzhia” were echoed by the popular during the period of discussion concept of a socialist settlement of the city-garden. In the projected city, more than 70% of the public space and 50% in the residential area are for green space. Khortytsia Island, designed by architects, should remain a veritable green oasis in the middle of an industrial city. In order to preserve the flora of the island, urban planners allowed the construction of only 6% of its territory, which was planned to erect 30-storey skyscrapers. In other parts of the city it was planned the appearance of not higher than 4–5-storied buildings (Khaustov, 1930, p. 25). That means that due to the growth of the surface, it was planned to reduce the construction area. It is obvious that the main design decisions presented in the plan of “Great Zaporizhzhia” did not correspond to the realities of the Soviet social and political system. The projected division of the city into 71 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) autonomous districts and decentralization of the administrative apparatus directly contradicted the basic principles of functioning of the Soviet administrative and command system. However, under the influence of official party rhetoric, Ukrainian avant-gardists continued to create projects similar to the "Great Zaporizhzhia". There was a notable, though much more modest in terms of planned construction, draft master plan of “New Kharkiv”, which began in connection with starting construction in 1929 of Kharkiv Tractor Plant named after S. Ordzhonikidze. The project was carried out by a group of Ukrainian avant-gardists under the leadership of Kyiv academician of architecture P. Aloshyn. According to the plan of the author's team, the settlement of workers of the tractor plant – “New Kharkiv” was to become an exemplary embodiment of the advanced ideas of the Soviet constructivism: linear construction and flow- functional separation of the urban environment proposed by M. Miliutin (Aloshyn, 1985, p. 4). P. Aloshyn, being a supporter of the ideological and aesthetic canons of neoclassicism, was able to accept the Soviet avant-garde. He believed that it was necessary to form a new, purely Ukrainian architectural tradition as well. Therefore, the aspiration of the Kyiv academician to give the building of a stylistic identity was felt in the artistic and compositional decisions of “New Kharkiv”. Similar to the authors of “Great Zaporizhzhia”, P. Alyoshin's group sought to avoid uneven development of urban infrastructure in the form of division into “center” and “periphery”. The main unit of planning structure of “New Kharkov” was the functional zone, that is the territorially limited part of the urban space, adapted to perform a certain amount of homogeneous functions (Khan-Mahomedov, 1996, p. 109). The zones were differentiated by purpose: residential, industrial, protective (strip of alienation), landscape gardening, etc. Separated from the industrial area by strip of green space of the park, the residential one allowed workers to live directly in front of their place of work, eliminating the need for private or public transport. The functional zones of “New Kharkiv” were designed in the form of clear parallel lanes, which were located along the axis of the main thoroughfare of the city, that is Moscow Avenue.

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It was planned to carry out the construction of the residential and living space of “New Kharkov” in accordance with the provisions of the idea of social life. Thus, according to the plan of the designers, the city was divided into 36 residential complexes, each of which was a complex of 8-10 houses. Such a complex was designed for 2,548 people to live. The complex had all the facilities needed for its residents public services. The project suggested that the houses forming the housing complex would be interconnected at the level of the second floor by the closed bridging corridors (Khan-Mahomedov, 1996, p. 168). As a result, a resident was able to move from its premises to a public dining room, club or library without leaving the housing estate. In the summer, the flat roofs of residential complexes were transformed into tanning beds. By embodying the idea of social life, the designers of “New Kharkiv” emphasized that the creation of a collective food system would help to create new social and household relationships among the residents. Therefore, there were no included individual kitchens in the planning of apartments of residential complexes (Liubavskyi, 2016, p. 32). The cooking function was entrusted to the kitchen factory system, and catering had to be taken place in public dining rooms. The centralized system of public catering provided for the complete standardization and unification of the menu of offered meals and drinks as well. The Ukrainian avant-gardists did not miss the need to create a cultural center, which included, among others, the Palace of Culture, the Planetarium and the stadium. To hold cultural and educational events and public meetings there was equipped a separate hall in each housing complex (Borysenko, 2013, p. 108). It is obvious that the authors of the “New Kharkiv” project have taken into account the importance of social events in the general context of mass ideological work. In the context of Ukrainian urban planning, formulated under the influence of the debate on the socialist displacement of artistic and compositional and planning decisions, architects and builders sought to bring to life the ideas not only in Zaporizhzhia and Kharkiv. They were also implemented in the cities of Donbas. During the work of the governmental commission for the construction of Donbas cities, there was worked out a general doctrine of urbanization of the region in 1929–1930. The territory was planned to divide into 13 industrial 73 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) districts, in the center of each there was planned a construction of a new city or a major reconstruction of the old one (Aloshyn, 1985, p.19). There was supposed to form the urban environment of the Donbas cities by the unification of the working settlements of several enterprises into a much larger one, while modernizing communication as well. Within the open competitions, there began the development of sketch projects of the socialist reconstruction of Horlivka, Kadiivka, Lysychansk and Yenakiievo, which, in the sum of stylistic and planning decisions, corresponded with “New Kharkiv” and “Great Zaporizhzhia”. However, all these ideas remained at the stage of project development. The creative pursuits were significantly adjusted by the party apparatus, that was unexpected as for the Ukrainian, as for most Soviet urban planners. On May 29, 1930, a resolution of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) on "Work on the restructuring of everyday life" was promulgated, which in fact put a stop to the debate on socialist displacement, and most of the proposed ideas were criticized. The campaign to discuss the prospects of Soviet urban planning, launched by the party apparatus, was eventually suspended. In the party directive, the participants of the debate were accused of projecting and promoting the utopian idea of a solid socialization of life, which allegedly resulted from the emergence of false expectations about the prospects of overcoming the housing crisis in the population (Resolution of the Central Committee of the All- Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) "On work on the restructuring of everyday life", 1930). Critical publications on proposed urban regeneration projects began to appear on Soviet newspapers. Thus, according to party critics, the main drawback of the master plan of “Great Zaporizhzhia” was the extraordinarily large area of the building land. The project's weaknesses were identified by the extremely wide streets and low-rise buildings, which would seem to have led to unjustified costs for their improvement and public utilities. As a result, the master plan of “Great Zaporizhzhia” proposed by P. Khaustov and I. Malozemov was rejected by the Republican party apparatus. As for “New Kharkiv”, its construction was started, however, in the same 1930, the decision of the USSR Supreme Soviet of the National Economy reduced the amount of investment in housing at the Kharkiv Tractor Plant named after S. Ordzhonikidze. The designers had to 74 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) abandon the construction of closed bridges-corridors, and of the 288 houses envisaged by the project by 1939, only 50 were built (Liubavskyi, 2016, p. 35). That is, by the end of the 1930s, most of the factory workers had not received separate housing. The plans of “New Kharkiv” and “Great Zaporizhzhia”, developed under the influence of the leading ideas of the discussion, were almost identical in their aesthetic and ideological and compositional content. The projects differed mainly only from approaches to territorial organization of urban infrastructure. “New Kharkiv” was seen as a territorially monolithic urban complex formed by functional zones. While “Great Zaporizhzhia” appeared to its authors as a decentralized urban organism. The lack of viability of the projects was driven by the specific social and political and economic transformations that took place at the turn of the 1920s and 1930s under the leadership of Y. Stalin. In the text of the Resolution “On work on restructuring of life” there was a direct indication in the form of lines about “… at the moment the need to maximize the focus of all resources on faster industrialization of the country, which will actually create real material prerequisites for a radical restructuring of life…” (Resolution of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) "On work on the restructuring of everyday life", 1930). This meant that financial, human and material resources would be directed, first of all, to industrial rather than residential construction by the Stalinist leadership. The reason for such a decision was not the scarcity of these very resources, but the recognition of the priority of the fastest possible activation of the production facilities of the heavy industry enterprises. As a result, in the satellite cities of the metallurgical and machine-building plants of the first five-year schedules, there would be "not enough resources" to build capital housing infrastructure. Placing the priorities clearly indicates that, at the beginning of the first five-year schedule, the Stalinist leadership had made a conscious decision to abandon the mass construction of individual housing for workers. The move was motivated not only by the desire for faster construction of heavy industry facilities. An indispensable attribute of a separate urban dwelling was a family household, which traditionally relied on a woman. Therefore, there was a danger of an outflow of 75 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) working population (women and adolescents) from industrial production, in the event of the emergence and increase of individual housing. Therefore, mass workers' housing was envisaged only in the form of hostels, family and baracks (Meierovych, 2011, p. 135). Individual housing was recognized exclusively by the prerogative of the Soviet administrative bureaucracy, that is the nomenclature. Housing was considered as a means of encouraging functionaries for service and loyalty to the Stalinist regime. These principles were laid down and formed the basis of Stalin's urban planning policy. Under these circumstances, the avant-garde town planning doctrines proved “irrelevant” to the Soviet authorities. In view of the above, the real and not officially declared motives for launching a debate on socialist displacement become clear. We can claim that the discussion of the prospects of Soviet urban planning and the popularization of the idea of social life initiated by the party apparatus were a kind of propaganda cover for the Stalinist plan to abandon the mass construction of individual housing. Thus, the entire discussion of socialist displacement may be regarded as a purely political campaign, which lasted exactly as long as it had successfully fulfilled the ideological veil of the real intentions of the party apparatus. The emergence of housing projects or kitchen factories was, in fact, the result of a specific interpretation by architects of the concept of social life, which had nothing to do with the utopian ideas of forming a new person in reality. Thus, the architectural debate ended without achieving its primary purpose – to create a model of a “ideal socialist city”, devoid of the vices inherent in pre-revolutionary and capitalist urbanism. The avant- garde doctrines were incompatible with the party plans, which the Soviet functionaries criticized and rejected as vigorously as supported at the beginning of the discussion. To sum up, we can argue that the refusal to implement these projects was a consequence of the inconsistency of their planning decisions with the basic provisions of a true Stalin's urban planning policy. Contrary to the official slogans of a “bright future of ”, the real party course did not aim to raise the living standards. The authorities considered the housing of working people as barracks and hostels, rather than futuristic apartment complexes. Therefore, the issues 76 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) related to the influence of Soviet social policy on the formation of state urban planning doctrine during the first industrial five-year schedule period need further studies.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Aloshyn, V. (1985). Urban planning searches in Ukraine in the 1920s – early 1930s. Construction activity and architecture, (10), 22– 26. Borysenko, M. (2013). Housing and household activities of the Ukrainian urban population in the 20-30s. of the twentieth century. K.: Stylos, 270 p. Hohokhiia, N. (2003). Ukrainian "social city" in 1930s: dreams and reality.Visnyk of Luhansk Pedagogical University named after Taras Shevchenko,(6), 196–199. Yefremov, N. (1934). The layout of the Great Zaporizhzhia. Sorehor, (1), 22. Ilchenko, M. (2018) Urban development and urban planning experiments. Work, Exhaustion and Success: Donbas Industrial Monomists. Lviv: Individual entrepreneur Shumylovych, 71-96. Kazus, I. (2009). Soviet architecture of the 1920s: the organization of construction. М.: Progress-Traditsiya, 464 p. Liubavskyi, R. (2016). The daily life of Kharkiv workers in the 1920s – early 1930s.Kharkiv: Rarytety Ukrainy, 226 p. Meierovych, M., Konysheva, E., Hmelnytskyi, D. (2011). The cemetery of the social cities: urban planning policy in the USSR (1928- 1932). М.: ROSSPEN, 270 p. Sabsovych, L. (1930). Socialist cities. М.: Moskovskiyrabochiy, 124 p. Khaustov, P. (1930). Great Zaporizhzhia. М.: Molodaya gvardiya, 25–27. Khazanova, V. (1980). Soviet architecture of the first five-year schedule plan: Problems of the city of the future. М.: Nauka, 373 p. Khan-Mahomedov, S. (1996). The architecture of the Soviet avant-garde. М.: Stroyizdat, 709 p. Khmelnytskyi, D (2007). Stalin's architecture. Psychology and style. М.: Progress-Traditsiya, 560 p. Khmelnytskyi, D. (2007). Architect Stalin. М.: NLO, 312 p. 77 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

«About work on the restructuring of everyday life». Resolution of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of May 16, 1930. http://ussr.totalarch.com/work_restructuring_life

Рибачок Володимир. ПРОЕКТИ «НОВОГО ХАРКОВА» І «ВЕЛИКОГО ЗАПОРІЖЖЯ» ЯК ВІДОБРАЖЕННЯ МІСТОБУДІВНИХ ПОШУКІВ ПЕРІОДУ ІНДУСТРІАЛІЗАЦІЇ Анотація У 1929 р. в СРСР розгорнулася всесоюзна публічна кампанія з обговорення перспектив розвитку радянського містобудування, відома як дискусія про соціалістичне розселення. Ії основними учасниками стали не лише тогочасні провідні архітектори та містобудівники, а й вищі партійні і державні діячі. Під впливом утопічних містобудівних ідей, які виникли у ході дискусії щодо проблем соціалістичного розселення, українські архітектори- конструктивісти здійснили розробку генеральних планів реконструкції і розширення житлової інфраструктури двох промислових центрів – Харкова та Запоріжжя. Однак, конструктивістські проекти «Великого Запоріжжя» і «Нового Харкова» запропоновані І. Малоземовим, П. Хаустовим та П. Альошиним не були реалізовані у повному обсязі, оскільки характер їх планувальних рішень йшов врозріз із базовими положенням реальної містобудівної політики сталінського керівництва. Висловлюється думка, що створені українськими зодчими плани «Нового Харкова» і «Великого Запоріжжя» були втіленням авторського бачення зразкової моделі соціалістичного міста. На основі провідних ідей радянського авангарду, автори проектів запропонували оригінальну архітектурно-планувальну концепцію забудови, яка не мала нічого спільного із містобудівним досвідом попередніх часів. Однак ці архітектурні пропозиції виявилися не актуальними в СРСР наприкінці 1920-х рр. В умовах сталінської індустріалізації партійний апарат надавав житловому будівництву другорядного значення. Як наслідок, масштабні проекти «Нового Харкова» та «Великого Запоріжжя» було визнано «помилковими».

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Методологія: у статті було застосовано історико- генетичний метод для визначення генезису концепції лінійної забудови, з’ясування походження ідеї житлового комбінату та розкриття обставин виникнення задуму уніфікації міської інфраструктури, втілених українськими авангардистами у архітектурно-планувальних рішеннях проектів «Нового Харкова» і «Великого Запоріжжя». Компаративний метод дозволив визначити невідповідність змісту ідеалістичних поглядів радянських конструктивістів реальній суті сталінської урбаністичної політики. Завдяки історико-системному методу вдалося дійти розуміння, що заплановані у проектах «Нового Харкова» і «Великого Запоріжжя» об’єкти міської інфраструктури повинні були вступати у функціональну взаємодію, утворюючи єдиний урбаністичний механізм. Висновки. Початок 20-х рр. ХХ ст. в історії радянської України, так і в цілому Радянського Союзу, позначився появою цікавих наукових, мистецьких, архітектурних проектів. Ейфорія від віри у створення «нового» світу, побудови «справедливого» суспільства для представників всіх соціальних верств характеризувала загальні настрої та надихала інтелектуалів й митців на творчі пошуки. Проте, період «загравання» радянської влади з елітами був нетривалим. Її авторитарна сутність, з актуалізацією на мілітаризацію країни, не залишала простору для творчої ініціативи та розвитку індивідуальності. На початку першої п’ятирічки у владних кулуарах було прийнято рішення про відмову від масового спорудження комфортного житла для робітників. Усі ресурси планувалося зосередити на будівництві об’єктів важкої промисловості. Тому футуристичні проекти «Нового Харкова» і «Великого Запоріжжя» були відхилені через їх невідповідність істинній державній урбаністичній доктрині періоду індустріалізації. Ключові слова: авангард, дискусія, індустріалізація, соціалістичне розселення, генеральний план, конструктивізм, містобудування, усуспільнений побут.

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Rybaczok Włodzimierz. PROJEKTY “NOWEGO CHARKOWA” I “WIELKIEGO ZAPOROŻA” JAK WYŚWIETLENIE WYSZUKIWAŃ URBANISTYCZNYCH W OKRESIE INDUSTRIALIZACJI Streszczenie W 1929 r. w ZSRR rozpoczęła się ogólnonarodowa kampania publiczna, mająca na celu omówienie perspektyw rozwoju radzieckiej urbanistyki, znana jako dyskusja na temat zasiedlenia socjalistycznego. Jego głównymi uczestnikami byli nie tylko prowadzący architekci i urbaniści tamtych czasów, ale także wyżsi partyjni i państwowi działacze. Pod wpływem utopijnych pomysłów urbanistycznych, które pojawiły się podczas dyskusji o problemach socjalistycznego zasiedlenia, ukraińscy architekci-konstruktywiści opracowali generalne plany przebudowy i rozbudowy infrastruktury mieszkaniowej dwóch ośrodków przemysłowych – Charkowa i Zaporoża. Jednak projekty konstruktywne “Wielkiego Zaporoża” i “Nowego Charkowa” zaproponowane przez I. Malozemowa, P. Haustowa i P. Aloszyna nie zostały w całości zrealizowane, ponieważ charakter ich planowych decyzji był sprzeczny z podstawowymi przepisami w zakresie faktycznego planowania miasta według Stalińskiego kierownictwa. Istnieje taka opinia, że plany “Wielkiego Zaporoża” i “Nowego Charkowa”, stworzone przez ukraińskich architektów, były przejawem autorskiej wizji wzorowego modelu miasta socjalistycznego. W oparciu o wiodące idee radzieckiej awangardy autorzy projektów zaproponowali oryginalną koncepcję architektoniczno-planistycznej zabudowy, która nie miała nic wspólnego z doświadczeniem urbanistycznym z poprzednich czasów. Te propozycje architektoniczne nie były jednak aktualne w ZSRR pod koniec lat 20. XX w. W kontekście industrializacji Stalina aparat partyjny przywiązywał drugorzędne znaczenie do mieszkalnictwa. W rezultacie ogromne projekty “Wielkiego Zaporoża” i “Nowego Charkowa” okazały się “pomyłkowe”. Metodologia. W artykule wykorzystano metodę historyczno- genetyczną, aby ustalić genezę koncepcji zabudowy liniowej, poznać genezę idei kompleksu mieszkalnego i ujawnić warunki pojawienia idei unifikacji infrastruktury miejskiej, zawarte ukraińskimi awangardzistami w ich decyzjach architektonicznych i planowych podczas projektów “Wielkiego Zaporoża” i “Nowego Charkowa”. 80 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Metoda porównawcza pozwoliła ustalić rozbieżności treści idealistycznych poglądów radzieckich konstruktywistów z realną istotą polityki urbanistycznej Stalina. Dzięki metodzie historyczno- systematycznej udało się zrozumieć, że planowane obiekty projektów “Wielkiego Zaporoża” i “Nowego Charkowa”, należące do infrastruktury miejskiej, miały wchodzić w interakcję funkcjonalną, tworząc jedyny mechanizm miejski. Wnioski.Początek lat 20. XX wieku. w historii radzieckiej Ukrainy i całego Związku Radzieckiego, odznaczał się pojawieniem interesujących projektów naukowych, artystycznych i architektonicznych. Euforia od wiary w stworzenie “nowego” świata, budowanie “sprawiedliwego” społeczeństwa dla przedstawicieli wszystkich warstw socjalnych charakteryzowała ogólne nastroje i inspirowała intelektualistów i artystów do twórczych poszukiwań. Okres “flirtowania” władzy radyieckiej z elitą był jednak krótki. Jej autorytarny charakter, z aktualizacją do militaryzacji kraju, nie pozostawiał miejsca na kreatywną inicjatywę i rozwój osobisty. Na początku pierwszej “pięciolatki” za władczymi kulisami rząd postanowił porzucić masową budowę wygodnych mieszkań dla pracowników. Wszystkie zasoby zaplanowano skierować na budowę obiektów przemysłu ciężkiego. W rezultacie futurystyczne projekty “Wielkiego Zaporoża” i “Nowego Charkowa” zostały odrzucone z powodu ich niezgodności z prawdziwą państwową doktryną urbanistyczną okresu industrializacji. Słowa kluczowe: awangarda, dyskusja, industrializacja, zasiedlenie socjalistyczne, plan generalny, konstruktywizm, urbanistyka, życie społeczne.

The article was received 09.21.2019 Article recommended for publishing 11.05.2019

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UDC 94(477) «1932/1933» DOI 10.33287/112005 Podobied Olena, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor, Professor at the Department of Source Studies and Special Historical Sciences, National Pedagogical Dragomanov University [email protected] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7819-1439

«THE BLACK DEEDS OF THE KREMLIN: A WHITE BOOK». UKRAINIAN EMIGRANTS TESTIFY ABOUT HOLODOMOR 1932–1933 YEARS

Abstract The article aim is to clarify significance of «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» in respect to preservation Ukrainian nation historical memory and informing the world community about Holodomor (1932–1933 years) in Ukraine. The research methodological basis is fundamental principles of scientific cognition such as historicism, scientific nature, credibility and consistency. A number of specific historical methods are employed in the research to attain the outlined goal. They include a method of bibliography heuristics that helped to search for historiographic sources depending on the research topic. The methods of source analysis and synthesis encouraged a book critique interpretation. The bibliography method provided an acquaintance with the life course of Semen Pidhainii. He was the editor-in-chief of «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book». The research novelty is that it clarifies importance of «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» in preservation of Ukrainian nation historical memory and informing the world community about Holodomor (1932–1933 years) in Ukraine. Consequently the author concludes that the two-volume edition is of tremendous significance for preservation of Ukrainian nation historical memory since it is the first profound collection of Holodomor (1932–1933 years) victims’ testimonies in Ukraine. At the same time «The black deeds of the 82 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Kremlin: A white book» played an important role in informing the world community about Holodomor (1932–1933 years) in Ukraine. It was published in the English and soon Spanish languages encouraging informing the world community about the criminal activity of Stalin regime against the Ukrainian nation. The two-volume book was used at the International Commission meeting dedicated to the investigation of Holodomor (1932–1933 years) in Ukraine. The United States Congress initiated the meeting. The Commission came to a decision that events in Ukraine (1932–1933 years) are reasonable to qualify as a genocide of the Ukrainian nation. Key words: Holodomor 1932–1933 years in Ukraine, «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book», Semen Pidhainii.

Introduction. “Any violent death is horrible when people are shot, hung, smothered… It lasts seconds, minutes. And a murder as a result of hunger lasts for weeks, months. A death from hunger is the death without blood. Blood doesn’t stream, blood gradually gets cold. Everybody died from hunger both men and women, both old and young people. Whole families and villages died out” (Kovalenko, Maniak, 1991, p. 367). The lines are taken from Pavlo Avramenko testimonies published in the book «33s: Hunger: National Book-Memorial». It came out in last months of the USSR existence. Almost 60 years passed since the tragedy to the first testimonies collected by scholars in Soviet Ukraine. Certainly there was no similar work in the USSR during Stalin and Brezhnev regimes. But it was carried out by some Ukrainian emigrants who managed to leave the Soviet Union and settle in different European and American countries. They regarded testimonies about crimes of Stalin regime as their social obligation for future scientists and successive generations. There are no special researches in historical science that would analyze significance of the two-volume collection «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» in respect to preservation Ukrainian nation historical memory and informing the world community about Holodomor (1932–1933 years) in Ukraine. The book was mainly used as a research source of the Ukrainian nation genocide. Particular scholars addressed to the mentioned work in different times. In his 83 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) article, Bohdan Klid (Klid, 2014, рp. 463–475) presented a general analysis of the two-volume collection focusing on history of its creation. Hennadii Boriak (Boriak, 2009, рp. 37–38) revealed the book transition into Spanish. It enabled to learn the work for the Spanish-speaking world. The research aim is to clarify significance of «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» in regards to preservation Ukrainian nation historical memory and informing the world community about Holodomor (1932–1933 years) in Ukraine. Results and Discussion. The highest number of Ukrainian immigrants moved west during World War II and the first years of its ending. The important thing is that intellectuals constituted a high percentage of migrants. Prominent scientific, pedagogical and art individuals were among them. In addition migrants included some representatives of the resistance movement in particular OUN and UIA combatants who fought with Soviet military units. The clergy and members of their families, peasants were also involved in the trend. Migrants represented different regions of Ukraine and had their own political biography. Former prisoners of Stalin concentration camps, Ukrainian patriots and high-principled people, victims of Holodomor and resolute fighters against Bolshevik tyranny were among them. In such a way the third wave of emigration from Ukraine had a political character. Settling in postwar years from Germany and Austria, displaced people and refugees from Ukraine aspired to appear predominantly in the USA and Canada. Attractiveness of mentioned countries for them was explained by presence of Ukrainians in America and Canada for about half a century there. They were representatives of two emigration waves. The second reason was a US position and its allies towards the USSR during «the Cold War». Overcoming difficulties with a legalization of numerous documents, going through all commissions and travels on the ship from Europe to North America Ukrainians could finally feel themselves free after many years of hardship. They got a long expected affidavit. The third emigration wave representatives induced a new trend into a Ukrainian life within the USA and Canada. Despite some difficulties related to an adaptation, searches for accommodation and job, former 84 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) displaced people and refugees actively proceeded to setting up a Ukrainian cultural, public and political life. In such a way they tried not only to preserve their national «I» but put off an assimilation and acculturation, preserve a historical memory of the Ukrainian nation and inform the world community about Stalin repressions. Aspiration of Ukrainians to create their own state were also important. The beginning of this activity dates back to a life of Ukrainians in postwar Germany and Austria. It’s the establishment of various educational institutions, undertaking studies, founding theatres, restoration or creation of political parties, arrangement of publishing activity, delivering speeches and lectures in camps, organization of celebrations and remembrance days. No wonder the Ukrainian emigrants founded a number of public organizations in the USA and Canada at the beginning of 1950s. There were members of Ukrainian Revolutionary Democratic Party among initiators of such institutions. The political party was founded by Kyryl Datsko in postwar Western Germany. The Ivan Bahrianii was a party leader and ideologist. He couldn’t emigrate to Germany for health reasons. That’s why the party management center remained in Europe for subsequent years. However most his party members and adherents moved to countries of western democracy establishing a range of URDP committees and offices. The USA and Canada were no exceptions. In New-York on the 22 of January at the initiative of mainly URDP members, Kyryl Datsko, Ivan Dubynets, Fedir Rachko, Pavlo Shynkar and others established the Democratic Union of former repressed Ukrainians suffered from the Soviet regime. They lived in the United States of America (DUFRU in the USA). In the end of the same year the Union of Ukrainians (victims of Russian and communist terror) was brought into the world in Canada. It took place under the auspices of historian, public figure and member of URDP Semen Pidhainii. In New- York (1954 year) the World Federation of Ukrainians was established at the common meeting of DUFRU and VRCT representatives. They were former political prisoners and repressed people. Semen Pidhainii was elected as the president of the Bureau (Central State Archive-Museum of Literature and Art of Ukraine. F. 1186. Op. 2. D. 115. L. 4). In subsequent years DUFRU and VRCT made great efforts to inform the world community about crimes of Stalin regime towards the 85 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Ukrainian nation. Emigrants realized that their activity must push leading western politicians to blame publicly crimes of Stalin regime in respect to the Soviet nations giving them help to determine their own national direction. Ukrainian Congress Committee of America was involved in this work led by the head Lev Dobrianskyi. A similar organization is located in Canada. It’s called the Ukrainian Canadian Congress. A great deal of Ukrainian public organizations acceded to these institutions including DUFRU and VRCT. According to the statutes of DUFRU and VRCT the organization tasks encompass a collecting of documentary materials about crimes of Stalin policy towards Ukraine and informing the USA and Canada governments about this. Moreover they include giving help to the Ukrainian nation to fight for its independent and united nation. Some other tasks deal with an arrangement of demonstrations and cooperation with similar national organizations Konoval, 1997, рp. 414–415, 428). A pamphlet «Why I don’t want to come back to the USSR? » written by Ivan Bahrianii is considered to be the vital document and ideological basis of DUFRU and VRCT activity. Ivan Bahrianii was a VRCT honorary member. The fields of these organizations activity were highlighted within some constituents of «new serfdom» and Bolshevism (a forced collectivization, artificially organized Holodomor 1932–1933 years in Ukraine, repressions against Ukrainian intellectuals, violation of human rights and antireligious campaigns). During the years of DUFRU and VRCT activity in the USA and Canada a lot of things were done to achieve the aim mentioned in the organization statutes. In the first half of 1950s the DUFRU and VRCT members under the leadership of Semen Pidhainii contributed money to publish the two- volume collection under the eloquent title «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» (the second volume together with VRCT) (Pidhainy, Vol. 1, 1953; Pidhainy, Vol. 2, 1955). Semen Pidhainii (1907–1965) was the one who initiated the two-volume book publication dramatically. Semen Pidhainii is a historian, columnist, public and political figure. He studied at the faculty of professional education (Kyiv institute of public education). He completed postgraduate studies at Kharkiv scientific and research institute of material culture. At the beginning of 1930s he worked at Kharkiv institute of public education and within the 86 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) structure of Ukrainian Academy of Sciences. During 1933–1941 years he was imprisoned on the Solovetsky Islands. He moved to Germany together with his family in the years of World War II. Soon he went to Canada and started building a Ukrainian public and political life. Being in Western Germany he published two works «Undershot» (about representatives of 1920s generation who were lucky to survive) and «Ukrainian intellectuals on Solovky» revealing a criminal activity of USSR top ranking officials in light of dissidence oppression. Visiting Canada Semen Pidhainii encouraged during meetings former displaced people and refugees to write memoirs about repressions they underwent in USSR (Кlid, 2014, р. 479). Soon the editorial board was established under his leadership. In early 1950s it compiled, translated into English and published the two-volume collection «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book». Due to lack of sources, hard to say whether the editorial board edited / proofread the received texts or they were published in the original author's edition. Besides there is still a question whether the source evidences have been preserved until nowadays and if they have, in which archive they are kept. In the two-volume book «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» you get to know materials that reveal crimes of Stalin regime against the Ukrainian nation in particular repressions against intellectuals, clergy and peasants. Testimonies of Holodomor witnesses are of special importance especially those who managed to leave the Soviet Union and settle in the USA and Canada. They are added by published documents that reveal, for example, a course of dispossession process in Ukraine, fulfillment of bread stocking plans (Pidhainii, Vol. 2, 1955, рp. 301, 383, 385, 417, 425). Photo materials are also published where victims of 1930 year hunger are pictured (Pidhainy, Vol. 2, 1955, рp. 444, 457, 494, 515, 538, 554, 560, 595, 653, 692, 701). Special emotions trigger off pictures of children who don’t hope for help anymore. However, compilers of the two-volume book didn't indicate the original source of these pictures. A coverage of Holodomor (1932–1933) testimonies in Ukraine placed within «The photographs.of the Kremlin: A white book» is dramatic. The highest number of respondents come fphotographs. Kyiv, Kharkiv and Dnipropetrovsk regions. Sporadic testimonies were 87 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) obtained from repphotographs. of Vinnytsia, Zhytomyr, Mykolaiv, Summy, and regions including Donbphotographs.timonies are written by peasants, collective farm members or employees. The representation of intellectuals constitutes a small percentage among authors. The Oleksa Hai-Holovko and Yar Slavutych are engaged in the first volume. A historian Fedir Pravoberezhnii, a writer Polikarp Kybkalo are mentioned in the second volume (Pidhainii, Vol. 1, 1953, рp. 291–296, 299–301; Pidhainy, Vol. 2, 1955, рp. 635, 566). It should be noted that one-third of the respondents didn’t indicate their names and surnames. They just mentioned cryptonyms mainly two-letter ones (probably letters coincide with name and surname initials). For example, the Vol. 1 comprises P. V., I. Kh., Y. P.; the Vol. 2 includes L. M., B. A., M. T., S. K. (Pidhainii, Vol. 1, 1953, рp. 213, 260–261, 262; Pidhainii, Vol. 2, 1955, рp. 541, 558, 559, 580). In turn some respondents took down their pseudonyms. For instance, the author of chapter «Hunger as a political method» T. Sosnovii signed as Petro Dolyna. A historian Fedir Pihido presented his testimonies under the pseudonym F. Pravoberezhnii (Pidhainy, Vol. 2, 1955, рp. 5, 635). The usage of cryptonyms and pseudonyms comprised a rational survival strategy of the Ukrainian emigrants who had a good reason to be afraid of the Soviet intelligence. Living in the USA and Canada Ukrainian political emigrants credibly told their life stories about the Stalin regime. They wrote testimonies for the world to know about their past and a similar destiny of their compatriots who stayed in the USSR (Pidhainii, Vol. 1, 1953, р. VІІ). In general their reminiscences are proved by archive materials, photo sources from 1930s years, Holodomor victims’ testimony collected on the territory of Ukraine in the late 20th and early 21st centuries Children suffered terrifically in 1930 year when hunger times were in full swing. In Holodomor period the education process continued at schools. According to the testimony of Vasyl Mirytenko from Zhytomyr region pupils were given «hot breakfasts» in winter (1932/1933 years). The witness told about recipe peculiarities of such breakfasts. A little flour is mixed with water, salted and boiled. The dish was called «zatirka» and every pupil was provided with 200–300 grams. When 88 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) spring came a little bit sorrel and a few potatoes were added to «zatirka». Finally a new dish «borshch» appeared (Pidhainii, Vol. 2, 1955, р. 574). Foodstuff prices went through the roof under the shortage of products.Tetiana Byrko from region said that a bottle of milk cost 70 roubles in hunger times. In its turn, a little loaf of bread could be bought for 100 roubles (Pidhainy, Vol. 2, 1955, р. 575). Holodomor (1932–1933 years) in Ukraine had an influence on the people psychological state of mind. They suffered from hunger. A new horrible phenomenon became popular. It was cannibalism. A separate chapter is dedicated to this issue in the second volume of «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book». The terrific reminiscences sound as follows, «He cooked his dead mother’s hand», «We ate father», «She killed her nine-year-old daughter», «Cannibalism in the region of Vynnytsya» (Pidhainy, Vol. 2, 1955, рp. 650, 653, 658). In its turn, Yar Slavutych informed about a tragedy that took place in the village Obitoky of Dolyna area (Dnipropetrovsk region). In the end of 1932 year a former flourishing and hospitable woman under the name of Vekla lost her mind from hunger and killed her own daughter. She could be full for some time because of that. Soon realizing what she did, Vekla confessed. She was arrested and taken to Solovky (Pidhainii, Vol. 1, 1953, рp. 300–301). Let us figure out whom the respondents blamed for the artificially arranged hunger in Ukraine during 1930s years. In most statements accusations are missing. The authors of reminiscences told about some events from their own life, friends’ and neighbors’ lives. Only some respondents pointed at initiators of Holodomor. As a rule they did it impersonally. Mykola Stefan from Poltava who was 10 years old in the beginning of 1930s told about armed gangs under the name «cheka». These gangs went to villages of Ukraine looking for foodstuffs and seizing them (Pidhainy, Vol. 1, 1953, р. 285). The efforts taken by DUFRU and VRCT to collect, combine and translate information into English, public testimony about Holodomor (1932–1933) in Ukraine are of great importance. It was the first fundamental collection of reminiscences on the problem. It played an important role in historical memory preservation of the Ukrainian nation and formation of Ukrainian national identity in emigration. Memories 89 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) about tragic moments, historical experience of Ukrainians in 1932–1933 years are fixed in the two-volume collection. They were passed to consciousness of Ukrainian emigrants, diaspora members and next generations. Holodomor memory became a bridge between past and future determining some memory policy priorities. Ukrainian intellectuals in the USA and Canada constructed knowledge about Holodomor (1932–1933 years) in Ukraine through the interpretation of history, textbook publishing for Ukrainian schools, delivering lessons of memory, creation of art items, arrangement of commemoration days, putting up monuments and installation of memorial symbols, mass media publications etc. Ukrainian public organizations in the USA and Canada made efforts to inform the general public and mainly world political community about the two-volume collection. More than two thousand books from 15 thousand copies of «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» were sent to all United Nations delegation heads including the Soviet Union representative Andrii Vyshynskyi, presidents and prime ministers, policymakers and ministers of different countries worldwide. Hundreds of copies were sent to scientific and political institutions, higher educational establishments, libraries, editorial boards of leading European journals (Pidhainii, 2008, р. 8; Central State Archive-Museum of Literature and Art of Ukraine. F. 1186. Op. 2. D. 115. L. 3). All those who wish could buy the two-volume collection. The first volume cost 5 (soon 3) dollars and the second one cost 7 dollars (Central State Archive-Museum of Literature and Art of Ukraine. F. 1186. Op. 2. D. 115. L. 6, 49). Books were sold in book stores and meetings dedicated to Holodomor commemoration dates (Central State Archive- Museum of Literature and Art of Ukraine. F. 1186. Op. 2. D. 115. L. 31–32, 36). In addition books were spread by enthusiastic individuals who aspired to reveal the truth about a Soviet »paradise» for those who often jumble up the things (Central State Archive-Museum of Literature and Art of Ukraine. F. 1186. Op. 2. D. 115. L. 7). Both volumes were translated into the Spanish language in the second half of 1960 year. It’s one of six UN official languages (The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book. Vol. 1, 1966; The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book. Vol. 2, 1967). 90 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

But before publishing the two-volume collection and its inclusion into the scientific field (that time scientific community didn’t notice the two-volume book except for a fragmentary mentioning in works by Dan Darlimpl; there were no foreign-language reviews of the two-volume book of that time detected) and active usage when investigating Holodomor circumstances. In the second half of 1980 years the US Congress established the International commission on hunger investigation in Ukraine during 1932–1933 years. «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» was employed when investigating the case. The Commission aim was to explore Ukrainian hunger in 1932–1933 years in order to expand knowledge of world community about hunger. One more thing was significant. It was to provide the American society with better understanding of the Soviet system via a role of USSR high ranking officials in Hunger. The report of the International commission on hunger investigation in Ukraine during 1932–1933 years pointed out that the second volume of «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» with the subheading «The Great Famine in Ukraine in 1932–1933» encompasses the bulk of documents and witness testimonies concerning Hunger» (Great Famine in Ukraine 1932–1933. Vol. ІV, 2008, p. 39). Analyzing witness testimonies both published and collected by the Commission independently as well as history papers on the problem the Commission made the following conclusions: “1. There is no doubt the majority of Soviet Ukraine and North Caucasian Region inhabitants died from starvation during artificially organized hunger (1932–1933 years) caused by actions of Soviet authority. It expropriated crop in 1932 year. 2. Hunger took millions of lives in Ukraine. 3. Ukrainian Hunger in 1932–1933 years brought about the expropriation of peasant agricultural products. 4. Officials who expropriated grain also lived in fear of punishment. 5. In the end of 1932 year Stalin knew that people died from hunger in Ukraine. 6. P. Postyshev got the double task from Moscow. It was to intensify the expropriation of grain in Ukraine and destroy specific 91 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) manifestations of national self-determination the USSR administration had permitted before. 7. During the agricultural year in 1932–1932 years hunger also encompassed the Basin and North Caucasian Region in general. The Kuban was inhabited by ethnic Ukrainians where aggressiveness of Stalin policy was the same in Ukraine as in Autumn of 1932 year and January of 1933 year. 8. In 1932–1933 years Yosyp Stalin and his closest surrounding committed a genocide against Ukrainians” (Great Famine in Ukraine 1932–1933. Vol. IV, 2008, pp. 7–8). Conclusions. The two-volume collection «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» is the first fundamental book of Holodomor (1932–1933 years in Ukraine) victims testimony. It contains reminiscences of Ukrainians who emigrated from the USSR to the USA and Canada in a post-war period. The book embodied the major contribution of the third wave Ukrainian emigrants preserving historical memory of the Ukrainian nation. The two-volume collection is a valuable historical source on the issue. It should be mentioned that nearly 20 years passed since tragic times of 1930 year. Researchers started collecting testimonies of hunger just in the end of 1980 years. That’s why the authors of reminiscences were close to that tragic events and could highlight Holodomor information thoroughly and vividly. «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» was published in English and Spanish. It encourage informing the world community about a criminal activity of Stalin regime against the Ukrainian nation. The collection was used during the investigation of hunger (1932–1933 years in Ukraine) by the International Commission arranged under the auspices of the United States Congress. The Commission came to a conclusion that events taking place in Ukraine that time are reasonable to qualify as the genocide against the Ukrainian nation.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Boriak, H. (2009). Sources for the Study of the Great Famine in Ukraine. Cambridge: Ukrainian Studies Fund. 60 p. [In Ukrainian]. Central State Archive-Museum of Literature and Art of Ukraine. F. 1186. Op. 2. D. 115. 145 l.

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Great Famine in Ukraine 1932–1933. (2008). (in IV vols, Vol. IV). Kyiv: Kyievo-Mohylianska akademiia. 622 p. [In Ukrainian]. Klid, B. (2014). «The Black Deeds Of The Kremlin: A White Book»: Sixty Years Later. (M. Soroka, Ed.) Zakhidnokanadskyi zbirnyk, (XLVII. Part seven), 463–475. [In Ukrainian]. Konoval, O. (Сomp.) (1997). Ukrainian Revolutionary Democratic Party (URDP-UDRP): Collection of Materials and Documents. Chicago; Kyiv: Fundatsiia im. Ivana Bahrianoho. 856 p. [In Ukrainian]. Kovalenko, L., Maniak, V. (1991). 33rd: Hunger: The People’s Book Memorial. Kyiv: Radianskyi pysmennyk. 584 p. [In Ukrainian]. Pidhainii, S. (2008). Ukrainian intelligentsia in Solovki. Not shot. Kyiv: Vyd. dim «Kyievo-Mohylianska akademiia». 326 p. [In Ukrainian]. Pidhainii, S. (Editor-in-chief) (1953). The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book. (2 Vols, Vol. 1). Toronto: Ukrainian association of victims of Russian communist terror. ХІV p. + 545 p. [In English]. Pidhainii, S. (Editor-in-chief) (1955). The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book. (2 Vols, Vol. 2). Detroite: DOBRUS. ХХІV р. + 712 p. [In English]. The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book (1966). (2 Vols, Vol. 1). Buenos Aires. 633. [In Spanish]. The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book (1967). (2 Vols, Vol. 2). Buenos Aires. 797. [In Spanish].

Подобєд Олена. «THE BLACK DEEDS OF THE KREMLIN: A WHITE BOOK». УКРАЇНСЬКІ ЕМІГРАНТИ СВІДЧАТЬ ПРО ГОЛОДОМОР 1932–1933 РОКІВ Анотація Метою статті є з’ясування значення «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» у збереженні історичної пам’яті українського народу та в інформуванні світової громадськості про Голодомор 1932–1933 рр. в Україні. Методологічну основу дослідження становлять базові принципи наукового пізнання: історизму, науковості, об’єктивності, системності. Для реалізації поставленої у дослідженні мети використано низку спеціально- історичних методів: метод бібліографічної евристики було застосовано під час пошуку історіографічних джерел з теми 93 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

дослідження; за допомогою методів джерелознавчого аналізу і синтезу здійснювалася джерелознавча критика; використання біографічного методу допомогло вивчити особливості життєвого шляху головного редактора двотомника «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» Семена Підгайного. Наукова новизна розвідки полягає в тому, що у ній уперше з’ясовано значення «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» у збереженні історичної пам’яті українського народу та в інформуванні світової громадськості про Голодомор 1932–1933 рр. в Україні. У результаті авторка приходить до висновку, що двотомник має непересічне значення у збереженні історичної пам’яті українського народу. Адже – це перший фундаментальний збірник свідчень жертв Голодомору 1932–1933 рр. в Україні. Водночас збірник «The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book» відіграв вагому роль в інформуванні світової громадськості про Голодомор 1932–1933 рр. в Україні. Виданий англійською та згодом іспанською мовами, він сприяв інформованості світової громадськості про злочинну діяльність сталінського режиму проти українського народу. Двотомник було використано у ході роботи Міжнародної комісії з розслідування голоду 1932– 1933 років в Україні, організованої Конгресом США. Комісія дійшла висновку, що події 1932–1933 рр. в Україні правомірно кваліфікувати як геноцид українського народу. Ключові слова: Голодомор 1932–1933 рр. в Україні, The black deeds of the Kremlin: A white book», Семен Підгайний.

Podobied Olena. “CZARNE CZYNY KREMLA: BIAŁA KSIĘGA”. EMIGRANCI UKRAIŃSCY ŚWIADCZĄ O HOŁODOMORZE w LATACH 1932-1933 Streszczenie Celem tego artykułu jest wyjaśnienie znaczenia “Czarne czyny Kremla: Biała Księga” w zachowaniu pamięci historycznej narodu ukraińskiego oraz w informowaniu świata o Hołodomorze w latach 1932–1933 na Ukrainie. Bazą metodologiczną badań są podstawowe zasady poznania naukowego: historyzm, naukowość, obiektywizm, systematyczność. Do realizacji celu danego badania wykorzystano szereg metod właśnie historycznych: do poszukiwania źródeł 94 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) historiograficznych w temacie badawczym zastosowano metodę heurystyki bibliograficznej. Za pomocą metod źródłowej analizy i syntezy przeprowadzono krytykę źródłową. Zastosowanie metody biograficznej pomogło zbadać osobliwości ścieżki życiowej redaktora glównego dwutomnej książki “Czarne czyny Kremla: Biała Księga” Semena Pidgajnego. Oryginalnością naukową badania jest to, że po raz pierwszy autorka wyjaśniła znaczenie “Czarne czyny Kremla: Biała Księga” w zachowaniu pamięci historycznej narodu ukraińskiego oraz w informowaniu społeczeństwa o Hołodomorze na Ukrainie w latach 1932–1933. W rezultacie autoka podsumowuje, że ta książka ma ogromne znaczenie dla zachowania pamięci historycznej narodu ukraińskiego. Ponieważ, ona to pierwszy fundamentalny zbiór świadczeń ofiar Hołodomoru na Ukrainie w latach 1932–1933. Jednocześnie kompilacja “Czarne czyny Kremla: Biała Książka” odegrała znaczącą rolę w informowaniu międzynarodowej społeczności o Hołodomorze na Ukrainie w latach 1932–1933. Zbiór został opublikowany w języku angielskim, a następnie hiszpańskim, co promowało wśród społeczności międzynarodowej świadomość o przestępczości reżimu Stalina wobec narodu ukraińskiego. Dwutomowa książka została wykorzystana podczas pracy Międzynarodowej Komisji do zbadania głodu na Ukrainie w latach 1932–1933, zorganizowanej przez Kongres USA. Komisja doszła do wniosku, że wydarzenia 1932– 1933 na Ukrainie zostały zgodnie z prawem uznane za ludobójstwo narodu ukraińskiego. Słowa kluczowe: Hołodomor na Ukrainie w latach 1932–1933, “Czarne czyny Kremla: Biała Księga”, Semen Pidgajny.

The article was received 09.01.2019 Article recommended for publishing 10.31.2019

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UDC 94 (477. 42) «1941–1943» DOI 10.33287/112006 Kovalchuk Ivan, PhD in History, Associate Professor of the Department of History of Ukraine, Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University, [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0002-2726-2866

THE FIGHTING BETWEEN UKRAINIAN NATIONALIST STRUCTURES AND SOVIET UNDERGROUND FORCES AND PARTISANS IN THE TERRITORY OF ZHYTOMYR REGION DURING THE NAZI OCCUPATION: REASONS, NATURE, THE EFFECTS (THE ATTEMPT OF CASE STUDY)

Abstract The article deals with the issue of two totalitarian ideologies formation namely Communist and Nationalist in Ukraine. The emergence of these ideological doctrines in the Ukrainian lands occurred almost simultaneously, but their outreach across the population was accompanied by various factors and spread under different circumstances. The Communist doctrine suppoters seized and established themselves in power, and the nationalists tried to deprive them of power by means of the revolution. Starting from their formation it was determined the suppoters of these ideologies were in open confrontation and even used images of each other as a method of their own propaganda. This «propaganda and agitation war» between the Communists and Ukrainian nationalists took place during the 1920s and 1930s, long before the outbreak of World War II. The fighting between Soviet underground forces and partisans and Ukrainian nationalists is studied through the example of the Zhytomyr region territory during the Nazi occupation, involving a wide source base. As it is mentioned above, this fighting is know as a continuation and direct implementation of the previous propaganda and agitation war. Specific people, suppoters of hostile ideological and cultural positions moved and acted on predetermined by other trajectories. This 96 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) circumstance attests the actual lack of personal choice of the people who has occured in that situation. The whole palette of interpersonal relationships was once again reduced to the paradigm of «persona– strange», though often before, living in the same settlement or working together in the same institution, the «enemies» did not consider each other to be so. It is found out that the fighting between Ukrainian nationalists and Soviet underground forces and partisans has caused additional suffering and losses to the Ukrainian people and has been beneficial to the Nazi occupation regime in the first place, since it weakened both sides. Taking into the consideration the state ideology, Ukrainians undoubtedly had the natural right to fight for their own state. Based solely on the humanist standpoint, both sides should take the blame for the violence in this confrontation. Key words: the Bolsheviks, the Nazi occupation regime, OUN, the Soviet partisans, the Soviet underground forces, terror, the Ukrainian nationalists.

Introduction. The political history of mankind in the 20th century was marked by the endorsement of two doctrines that embodied not only political ideas but also the ideological positions of hundreds of millions of people, representatives of Nationalism and Communism. According to the definition of the German philosopher, sociologist and economist Werner Zombart, these two ideologies are the poles between which history forms. The history of Ukraine in 20th century represents the polarity, which demonstrates the bloody fighting between the suppoters of these political and ideological orientations. Analysis of latest research studies and publications. The thematics of confrontation between the Soviet and Ukrainian nationalist components of the Resistance Movement during the Nazi occupation has been quite relevant for a long time, actually after the end of World War II. The Soviet and recent pro-Soviet historiography places the blame solely on the Ukrainian nationalists in this fighting, accusing them of servitude to the Nazi occupiers, of world imperialism and hatred of «popular Soviet power and established social justice». The former KGB veteran, member of the Union of Journalists of Ukraine Mykhailo Sheliug characterizes the activity of Ukrainian nationalists and their 97 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) opposition to the supporters of the Soviet ideology and power, for instance in Zhytomyr region, in a very negative way. In the late 1980s – early 2000s, he published dozens of scholarly publications and articles in the local press, which covered the history of Ukrainian nationalists rather subjectively, unilaterally, and in a fragmentary way, but still did not deprive them of any partial factual credibility (Sheliug, 1994; Sheliug, 1996; Sheliug, 1997; Sheliug, 1999; Sheliug, 2000). In contrast to the historical and ethnographic region of Volyn (Sukhykh, 2019), there is no comprehensive study of the fighting between the Soviet underground forces and partisans and Ukrainian nationalists during the Nazi occupation regime in the territory of Zhytomyr region (Sukhykh, 2019). Some factual evidence of the confrontation between the Ukrainian nationalist and Soviet components of the Resistance Movement during the Nazi occupation is available in the works of A. Kentii, A Rusnachenko, V. Kovalchuk, V. Zhyliuk, I. Patryliak and other authors (Kentii, 1999; Kentii, & Lozytskyi, 2005; Kentii, 2008; Rusnachenko, 2002; Kovalchuk, (Comp.), 2007; Zhuliuk, 2008; Patryliak, 2012). However, according to these authors, the stated problems are not an independent subject of consideration and therefore are covered in the general context of the activities of the Ukrainian nationalist movement. The aim of the research is a comprehensive study of the preconditions, the nature and the consequences of the confrontation of Ukrainian nationalist structures with Soviet underground forces and partisans in the territory of the Zhytomyr region during the Nazi occupation. Presentation of the basic material of the research. During 1919– 1920, the Ukrainian statehood, which was revived in March 1917, collapsed in the region. The Soviet power of the Bolshevik Party established itself in this territory. Ideologically, Bolshevism is regarded as one of the branches of , which was formed as a political, philosophical, and economic doctrine at the end of the 19th century (Kafarskyi, 2002, p. 232). Class struggle as one of the fundamental theses of Marxism-Leninism eventually led to the dictatorship of the proletariat. However, under the dictatorship of the proletariat, the dictatorship of the Bolshevik Party, or rather its top, was actually hidden. The Bolshevik leadership was clearly aware that terror 98 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) was the means of asserting dictatorship. The need to use terror and violence to seize and retain power was theoretically justified by Lenin until the autumn in 1917 (Homizuri, 2005), and on September 5, 1918, a special decree «On Red Terror» was issued. The subsequent Bolshevik practice convincingly demonstrated that terror and violence were directed against not only the class and ideological enemies, the bourgeoisie and the exploiters, but against the workers and peasants who were accused of counter-revolutionary activity, «loss of class vigilance», etc. All these marked the beginning of the establishment of the totalitarian Soviet regime. The young generation of activists of the Ukrainian national movement sought a new state ideology and answers to the question: how to achieve state independence? offered his own, quite simple, radical and effective answer. His ideas, which contained the foundations of creative violence, irrationalism, vitalism, dogmatism, anti-intellectualism, efficacy, recognition of the «law of struggle» and the «law of eternal rivalry of nations», became fundamental to the doctrine of . He claimed that when Ukraine wanted to leave the state of the province, it had to find, in addition to the will to power, that great all- encompassing idea, the idea of mastering a spiritual, economic and political nation. Such an idea might not be universal or social, but only a national idea aimed at the future and had the courage to conquer its world (Dontsov, 2001, p. 406). From January 28 to February 3, 1929, the First Congress of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) was held in one of the Vienna hotels. Congress elected a leader, Colonel of , approved the charter and adopted the basic provisions of the political, military, economic, cultural and ideological doctrine of the OUN. The main task of the nationalist movement was to gain independence for Ukrainian state. It was envisaged that during the period of national liberation (the first stage of state building), a dictatorship would be established in Ukraine, which would be created during the national revolution and act until the Ukrainian state was strengthened enough to repel possible external aggression (Muravskyi, 2006, p. 286).

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Thus, the Ukrainian nationalists, like the Bolsheviks, considered the dictatorship the most effective means of retaining power initially. Accordingly, the members of OUN also used the terror actively against enemies who impeded the formation of the Ukrainian state. Such enemies were first the governments of Poland and the Soviet Union. In particular, on October 21, 1933, in Lviv, a member of the OUN, Mykola Lemyk, made an assassination of the secretary of the USSR Consulate Oleksiy Mailov (in fact, he was an employee of the Foreign Department of the United State Political Administration (OTPU) and his name was Andrii Pavlovych Mailov). The members of OUN executed this murder as a symbolic act of revenge for the 1932–1933 Holodomor in Soviet Ukraine (Kyrychuk, 2003, pp. 20–21). Such actions of the OUN members, as well as their desire to spread agency influence on the territory of Soviet Ukraine, seriously troubled the Soviet special services. It was decided to liquidate the head of Ukrainian nationalists E. Konovalets. On May 23, 1938, in the Dutch city of Rotterdam, NKVD agent Pavel Sudoplatov handed him a packet of explosives, disguised as a gift box from Ukraine. The explosion caused E. Konovalets to die on the spot (Patryliak, 2012, pp. 25–26). The loss of the leader eventually led to the split of the OUN into two separate organizations – led by Andriy Melnyk – OUN(M) and Stepan Bandera – OUN(B). Thus, already at the beginning of World War II, the Soviet authorities and Ukrainian nationalists were in an open confrontation aimed at mutual destruction. During July 1941 the OUN(B) groups reached , Vinnytsia, Zhytomyr, Kryvyi Rih, Mykolaiv, Kherson. The report of the Soviet underground group in Zhytomyr highlighted the arrival of the Ukrainian nationalists. It stated that from the first days of the ' arrival in Zhytomyr on July 9, 1941, many Ukrainian supporters of Bandera came from Lviv and other western regions. The remains of local Petliura supporters and nationalists joined them (State Archives of Zhytomyr Region – SAZR, f. P-1376 , d. 1, f. 2, pp. 14–15). Soviet propaganda only described Ukrainian nationalists as servants of the Nazi occupiers. underground forces indicated that the German henchmen were the Ukrainian nationalists, occupying all leading positions, conducting a total agitation against the Soviet state, 100 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) praising the «new order» brought to Europe by the fascist barbarians (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 8, p. 20). The report on the activities of the underground organization of Chudnivskyi district stated that, with their heads raised, Ukrainian nationalists began to persecute the Communists, occupy leading positions in the district and rural institutions, actively campaigning against the Soviet power, the Communist Party, and praising the invaders and their «leader» Bandera (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, 38, p. 67). Moreover, it was mentioned that those people would be remembered in the Zhytomyr region as traitors to their homeland and dedicated supporters of fascism. The hostile attitude of the OUN representatives to the supporters of the Communist ideology was particularly emphasized as they said that Nationalists directed the people to fight the remnants of the Communists and the Soviet assets, using radio and local press for this purpose (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 3, pp. 12–13). Since September 1941, the Nazi punitive authorities had begun repression against members of the Ukrainian nationalist movement, first against Bandera supporters, and later against Melnyk ones. The Communist underground forces clarified this situationin in the following way: The Germans fought against the Ukrainian nationalists (Bandera supporters), persecuting and arresting them. The latter went underground, continuing their struggle against the Soviet state and against the Germans (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 3, p. 14). The mentioned above situation was advantageous to the Soviet side, because the Nazis directed their punitive measures against a rival on the Resistance Movement and eliminated it as the arrests of the nationalists began and the persecution of the Communists decreased (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 30, p. 47). The military correspondent of the newspaper “Pravda» L. Korobkov informed in a note to the Central Committee of the Communist Party (the bolsheviks) of Ukraine that by January 1942 nationalists had understood what the true attitude of the Germans was to them. The Germans failed to use the nationalists to fight the Soviet partisans because they were unable to contact them (Central State Archives of Public Associations of Ukraine – CSAPAU, f. 62, d. 1, f. 220, pp. 6–7). The latter information is particularly valuable because it 101 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) refutes preliminary evidence of the Ukrainian nationalists «servitude» to the German invaiders. During the initial period of their activities, the Ukrainian nationalists also paid special attention to the Soviet underground forces. A local resident and a member of the OUN(M), and since August 1, 1941, the chairman of the Zhytomyr Region Administration, Oleksander Yatseniuk, issued an oral order to a number of heads of district offices to supervise a former party-Soviet asset so that they would not engage in damage and other subversive activities (Archive of the Office of the Security Service of Ukraine in Zhytomyr region – AOSSUZR, f. 5, d. 1, f. 8868, p. 46). In general, the second half of 1941 clearly demonstrated the openly hostile attitude of the Soviet underground forces and Ukrainian nationalists towards each other in the occupied territory of the Zhytomyr region. By this time, the open confrontation and bloodshed had taken place between the Soviet partisans and representatives of another direction of the Ukrainian national movement – detachments of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army «Polissia Sich» of Ataman Taras Bulba-Borovets. During the second half of 1941, this formation took control and «cleared» the territory of Olevskyi, part of the Slovechanskyi, Lugynskyi and Yemilchyinskyi districts of Zhytomyr region, part of the north-eastern districts of Rivne region and the south Belorussian Polissia region from the and Soviet partisans (Vengerska, V., Stelnykovych, S. (Eds.), 2017, pp. 442–443). In early August 1941, a Soviet partisan detachment was formed in Olevshchyna. It was named after Chapaiev and was under the leadership of Lapshyn, and later the secretary of the Olevskyi district Committee of the Communist Party (the bolsheviks), Ivan Vozbranyi. The detachment was up to 260 people. It was stated that this detachment carried out combat operations in the villages of Suschany, Zhurzhevychi, Tepenytsia in Olevskyi district, during which 157 German soldiers and officers and 58 nationalists were killed (since the formation of Polissya Sich). In addition, on November 18, 1941, a group of nationalists of 80 people was defeated in the forest of Shebedykha tract by I. Vozbranyi’s group (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 141, 4–6).

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The situation became much more complicated in the occupied territories in 1942. The Nazi civilian administration established an extremely violent occupation regime, one of the tasks of which was to combat the Soviet and nationalist movements. It should be noted that both parties used Nazi invaders whenever possible for repression and punitive actions against each other. Thus, in particular, the Soviet archival document states that Drebuschakov–«Sobchenko» was a nationalist. He betrayed the members of the underground forces namely Yevhenia Churkina, Bonifatii Cherko, Yurii Litvyniuk, Mykhailo Lazarenko, and Andrii Cherko, who were killed by German punishers in Yanushpole (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 14, p. 2). A report from the German police stated that small arms units of the OUN(B) had appeared in the suburbs of Kamianets-Podilskyi and Zhytomyr since April 1942 (Kosyk, 2003, p. 63). A. Kentii points out that since the middle of the summer of 1942, the Bandera OUN began to prepare an armed struggle for the Ukrainian Independent Council of State (USSD) under favorable conditions (Kentii, 1999, p. 120). The report on the underground group activity in village Turchynivka of the Chudnivskyi district stated that an underground group fought against Bandera. Peasants Petro Kryvotsiuk, Yosyp Razvod, Oleksandr Zadoienko were Bandera’s suppoters and distributed postcards in the village, which a cyclist brought from Berdychiv every Saturday. The underground forces decided to intimidate Kryvotsiuk and Zadoienko’s parents. After that, only the Bolshevik postcards were in the village (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 38, pp. 121–122). In 1943, OUN(B) became the leader of the Ukrainian national underground forces, concentrating its activities around it. The secret service of Soviet partisans reported to the leadership of the USSR that on the territory of Western and Right-Bank Ukraine, the members of OUN strengthened their positions daily and started an armed struggle against the Germans for the establishment of independent Ukraine (Veselova, Dzobak, Dubyk, Serhiichuk, Kulchyt, Kulchyt, 2006, Kulchyt, 2006, pp. 8, 4). In fact, at the same time, there was an intensification of the Soviet partisans activities, whose purpose, among other things, was to counteract and fight against the Ukrainian nationalists. The confrontation between the supporters of Communism and Ukrainian nationalism ideology entered the final phase. It was the 103 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) period which was marked by the fiercest struggle, the common bloodshed and the desire to oust and physically destroy one another. The Nazi invaders, in accordance with the principle of «divide and conquer» in every way intensified the fighting between the Ukrainian nationalists and the Soviet underground forces and partisans. Thus, the Ukrainian nationalists themselves noted that in the Andrushivskyi district it was noticed about 10 cases when the German Gestapo operated under the guise of partisans, who murmured Several of the Ukrainian nationalists and left their bodies in the forest (SARR, f. R-30, d. 2, f. 41, p. 16). A detailed description of the activities of the Soviet partisans of the Olevskyi district is given in the «Report on the combat activity of the Olevskyi partisan unit of the formation of Comrade Kovpak (commander Efymchuk)» (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 140, p. 136). Among other things, part of the partisans' activities was determined by the fighting with Ukrainian-German nationalists (a term actively used in the Soviet propaganda). Specifically, it states that Olevskyi district was unreliable in nationalist sentiment. In almost every village there were representatives of nationalist groups, with the appearance of partisans, some of them went to the southern part of the district, some to , some to the village Dert in the Rivne region and the remaining ones were captured and killed by the partisans (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 140, p. 12). The document then provides a detailed account of the location and number of killed Ukrainian nationalists. It should be noted that the Soviet archival documents are rather uncertain sources in terms of the reliability of the individual factual data. However, taking into consideration the general trend, this source demonstrates it. Nationalists of local orign were exterminated because the local partisans knew them personally and those who were non-native remained elusive. In 1943, from February 20 to March 2, in the village Yurove and surrounding villages, three nationalist agents were killed. April, 17, 1943 a group under the command of Commissioner Budzylovskyi killed 5 nationalists in the village Sushchany. April, 21, 1943 the secret service department under the command of M. Stepanka captured and killed one nationalist agent in the village Zhurzhevychi. May 14, 1943, a group under the command of T. Tolakh, who persecuted the nationalists in the 104 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) village Radorobel, killed one nationalist. May 30, 1943, a group killed 6 nationalists on the way to the village Hniine. June, 2, 1943 a group killed 4 nationalists in the forest near the village Tomashhorod (Rivne region) as a result of the battle (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 140, pp. 55– 57). In the summer of 1943, the leaders of the OUN underground forces of the Pulynskyi district, Volodymyr Kharko and Elena Zborovska, hid in the village Ivanovych at Olha Vlasenko and Domna Kryzova. Subsequently, O. Vlasenko was killed by the Soviet partisans for cooperation with the members of OUN (AOSSUZR, f. 6, d. 1, f. 28871, pp. 18–20). In June – July, 1943, the second and third divisions of the UPA «Tiutiunnyk» group under the command of «Vereshchak» (Fedir Vorobets) (Kentii, & Lozytskyi, 2005, p. 377) reached Andrushivskyi and Korostenskyi districs of Zhytomyr region and Fastivskyi district of Kyiv region. They had clashes with the Soviet partisans, in particular a major battle took place near the village Zablotska (more likely, village Zabolot of district) At the end of July 1943 the rebels were in the forests of Chopovytskyi and Malynskyi districts, where another battle with the partisans occurred. This time it was with the detachment of Lieutenant Hrechov, a local miner and saboteur who died as a result of the battle (Dashkevych, (Comp.), 1996, p. 534). During their departure, the rebels conducted several small battles with the Soviet partisans, in particular near the villages Katerynivka and Krasylivka, Yemilchynskyi and Yarunskyi districts (Vovk, & Pavlenko (Comps.), 1999, pp. 640–641). In the documents of the Novohrad-Volynskyi underground forces, thare is available information about the dead in the confrontation with the groups of Kyrylo Yushchenko and Fedir Lopatiuk (SAZR, f. R-1376, d. 1, f. 89, pp. 49–50) and the partisans Oleksander Zahryvyi and Feodosii Tymoschuk in the village Krasylivka (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 1, p. 63). The report on July 29, 1943 informed about the raid of hundreds of «Hordienko» from the UPA «Bohun» group in the southern part of Zhytomyr region. Having entered the territory of Zhytomyr region from the side of Rovenshchyna, on July 17, 1943, near the villages Kamianka and Zholobne, Yarunskyi district they fought twice: the first time with the Soviet partisans and the second with the German troops. On July 26 105 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) in the villageVyshnevychi, Radomyshlskyi district, near the River they attacked a detachment of the Soviet partisans (CSASBPMU, f. 3833, d. 1, f. 112, p. 12). Separate military units of Ukrainian nationalists were formed in the territory of the Zhytomyr region. Thus, on August 8, 1943, a clash of the UPA led by «Zhuk» with the Soviet sabotage-subversive group of «Pauk» (Ivan Bohorad), which operated on the territory of Andrushivskyi and Vchoraishenskyi districts (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1 , f. 151, pp. 22, 159–161). And on August 29 and September 1, 1943, this group of partisans attacked a large and well-armed detachment of Bandera’s supporters in the village Zarubyntsi, Andrushivskyi district. In the result of this battle the commander of Ukrainian nationalists group «Bohdan» was killed (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 43, p. 83). The Ukrainian insurgents applied the same methods to the Soviet underground forces and partisans. In August 1943, the fighters of «Zhuk» group organized an escape from the Berdychiv prison of the Colonel Dovhopolov, hoping to apply his knowledge of military affairs to his struggle, but during the Soviet agitation among the fighters of the group he was executed (AOSSUZR, f. 5. 1, f. 32527, p. 8). The UPA document «On Ukraine. The Socio-Political Survey of September 1943» on the territory of the OUN Andrushivskiy district, which included 4-5 neighborhoods, reported in general about 6 major fights with the Bolshevik partisans and 2 conflicts with the German police (SARR , f. R-30, d. 2, f. 41, p.15). In October 1943, the head of the local insurgency of the UPA «Zhuk» shot and killed the former head of the collective farm V. Tymoschuk. Also, in October 1943, the firing of the residents of the village Nykonivka, Berdychiv district, namely Matviichuk, Kashchuk, Kozachenko, and Muzychuk was performed by the members of OUN in the Kodenschyna forest (Sheliug, 1994, p. 257). The OUN(B) member Feodosii Hlob gave the names of five former Soviet activists from the village Synhaivka in the same district, who were later killed, to the local UPA militia. (AOSSUZR, f. 6, d. 1, f. 5218, p. 75) In addition to physical liquidation of their enemies, the parties of the conflict often resorted to intimidation and violence against civilians who supported or assisted the opposite party, spreading hyperbolized data, and often outright misinformation. Ukrainian nationalists reported 106 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) there were often cases of women being raped (by the Bolshevik partisans)? For examples in the villages Mynkivka, Korenivka of Potiivskyi district of Zhytomyr region. They took away everything they noticed (SARR, f. R-30, d. 2, f. 41, p. 17). On the other hand, in order to weaken the movement of Bandera suppoters in the area of their activity, the Soviet partisans resorted to the destruction of their supporters from the local population (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 43, p. 58, 106). In October 1943 in the village Verkhivnia of Vcheraishenskyi district, four Soviet partisans were killed by local Ukrainian nationalists. In November 1943, the nationalists of the villages Verkhoivnia and Bystryk carried out diversions and set fire to the public buildings. The purpose of the sabotage was to shift the blame on the Soviet partisans and thereby provoke the Nazis punitive actions against them (AOSSUZR, f. 5, d. 1, f. 4167, p. 25–26). The Soviet partisans, on their part, carried out retaliatory actions. For instance, in December 1943 and , they killed the local members of OUN namely Stepan Volynets, Semen Hetman and Oleksander Yurchenko. The report of the Ruzhyn partisan detachment states that in total about 80 Ukrainian nationalists and a leader of the OUN (SAZR, f. P-1376, d. 1, f. 144, p. 2) were killed. This is most certainly an exaggeration, since so many Ukrainian nationalists simply did not physically exist in the mentioned territory. According to the memoirs of Maxym Skorupskyi, at the beginning of October 1943, a kurin of «Kvartyrenko» (sotnias of «Lev”, «Burevii», «Skyrda») of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army «Zahrava» group and two sotnias of «Nehus» and «Maks» of the group «Bohun», who formed the second kurin, set off a four-week raid. The general campaign was conducted by «Vereshchak» (Skorupskyi, 1992, pp. 171– 174). During the raid, these kurins had armed conflicts with the Soviet partisans almost every day. Initially, the OUN Security Service executed the partisans prisoners, and subsequently, by order of the officers' council, all the prisoners, regardless of nationality, were disarmed and released. However, this provision did not apply to commissioners and members of the CPSU(b) (Skorupskyi, 1992, pp. 174–175). The extra front of the fight was burdensome for both of its participants. Therefore, during the second half of 1943, there were negotiations between some representatives of Ukrainian nationalists and 107 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) commissioners of partisan alliances of Sydir Kovpak, Oleksander Saburov, Oleksii Fedorov, and Yakov Shkriabach (including in the territory of the Zhytomyr region). Negotiations regarded the neutrality of both parties towards each other during their fighting against the German occupiers. However, these negotiations had no real practical implications (Kentii, & Lozytskyi, 2005, p. 387). In November–December 1943 and in January 1944 the territory of Zhytomyr region became the scene of protracted and bloody battles between the and the Red Army. In these circumstances, the fighting between the Ukrainian nationalists and the Soviet underground forces and the partisans took a different turn as both sides prepared for the return of the Soviet power. However, each of these parties had different expectations about it, the former perceived the Soviet authorities as a new occupier, the latter as their liberator. Conclusions and perspectives. The confrontation between Ukrainian nationalists and Communist ideologists began on the eve of World War II. However, it became a truly uncompromising and ruthless fighting during the Nazi occupation of Ukraine. As a result, it turned out to be the internal front for the people of Ukraine, caused loss and suffering and reduced the chances of survival firstly for the local residents, burdened by the cruel Nazi occupation regime. Unfortunately, the territory of Zhytomyr region had not become a positive exception in this fighting, but only once again demonstrated a general trend. This article deals with the most illustrative and large-scale cases of the confrontation between the supporters of the Ukrainian nationalist and Soviet-communist ideologies in the territory of Zhytomyr region. It is still difficult to determine at least the estimated death toll on both sides. We can testify that the count reaches hundreds, and perhaps thousands, killed in this fight. Further study of this issue will contribute to a better understanding of the phenomenon of ideological confrontation in a particular territory and in general in Ukraine.

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Ковальчук Іван. БОРОТЬБА МІЖ УКРАЇНСЬКИМИ НАЦІОНАЛІСТАМИ ТА РАДЯНСЬКИМИ ПІДПІЛЬНИКАМИ І ПАРТИЗАНАМИ НА ТЕРИТОРІЇ ЖИТОМИРСЬКОЇ ОБЛАСТІ У ПЕРІОД НАЦИСТСЬКОЇ ОКУПАЦІЇ: ПРИЧИНИ, ХАРАКТЕР, НАСЛІДКИ (СПРОБА ДЖЕРЕЛЬНОГО АНАЛІЗУ) Анотація У статті досліджується питання становлення в Україні двох тоталітарних ідеологій – комуністичної та націоналістичної. Зародження цих ідеологічних доктрин на українських землях відбувалося майже одночасно, однак їх охоплення свідомістю населення супроводжувалося різними чинниками та розгорталося за відмінних обставин – носії комуністичної доктрини захопили та утвердилися при владі, націоналісти ж намагалися позбавити їх влади шляхом майбутньої національної революції. Визначено, що із моменту свого зародження носії вказаних ідеологій перебували у відкритому протистоянні та навіть використовували образи один одного як метод власної пропаганди. Ця «пропагандистсько- агітаційна війна» між комуністами та українськими націоналістами розгорнулася упродовж 1920–1930-х рр., ще задовго до початку Другої світової війни. На прикладі конкретного регіону (території Житомирської області) у роки нацистської окупації, залучаючи широку 112 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

джерельну базу, простежено боротьбу між радянськими підпільниками і партизанами та українськими націоналістами. З’ясовано, що ця боротьба стала продовженням і безпосереднім дієвим втіленням попередньої «пропагандистсько-агітаційної війни». Конкретні особи – носії ворожих ідеологічних і світоглядних позицій рухались і діяли за наперед визначеними кимось іншим траєкторіям. Вказана обставина засвідчує фактичну відсутність особистого вибору у людей, що опинилися у тій ситуації. Вся палітра міжлюдських взаємин вкотре була зведена до парадигми «свій – чужий», притому що раніше, мешкаючи у межах одного населеного пункту, чи спільно працюючи в якійсь установі, «вороги» аж ніяк вважали однин одного такими. Встановлено, що боротьба міжрадянськими підпільниками та партизанами й українськими націоналістами завдала додаткових страждань і втрат українському народу та була вигідна перш за все нацистському окупаційному режиму, оскільки ослаблювала обидві ворожі йому сторони. Враховуючи державницьку ідеологію, безперечно, українці мали природнє право вести боротьбу за власну державу. Виходячи виключно з гуманістичних позицій, провину за насильство та жорстокість у цьому протистоянні все ж варто покладати на дві сторони. Ключові слова: більшовики, нацистська окупація, ОУН, радянські партизани, радянські підпільники, терор, українські націоналісти.

Kowalczuk Iwan. WALKA MIĘDZY UKRAIŃSKIMI NACJONALISTAMI A RADZIECKIM PODZIEMIEM I PARTYZANTAMI NA TERYTORIUM ŻYTOMIERSKIEGO OBWODU W OKRESIE OKUPACJI NAZISTOWSKIEJ: PRZYCZYNY, CHARAKTER, KONSEKWENCJE (PRÓBA ANALIZY ŹRÓDEŁ) Streszczenie Artykuł analizuje kwestię zapoczątkowania na Ukrainie dwóch ideologii totalitarnych - komunistycznej i nacjonalistycznej. Pojawienie się tych ideologicznych doktryn na ziemiach ukraińskich nastąpiło prawie jednocześnie, ale ich osiągnięciu świadomością ludności 113 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) towarzyszyły różne czynniki i rozwijały się one w różnych okolicznościach. Posiadacze doktryny komunistycznej zdobyli władzę i ustanowili się u niej, a nacjonaliści próbowali pozbawić ich władzy przez rewolucję. Ustalono, że od momentu ich początku nosiciele tych ideologii byli w jawnej konfrontacji, a nawet wykorzystywali wzajemne obrazy jako metodę własnej propagandy. Ta «agitacyjno- propagandowa wojna» między komunistami a nacjonalistami ukraińskimi miała miejsce w latach 1920–1930, na długo przed wybuchem drugiej wojny światowej. Biorąc za przykład konkretny region (terytorium Żytomierskiego obwodu) i analizując szeroką bazę źródłową, podczas okupacji nazistowskiej widać walkę między podziemiem sowieckim i partyzantami a ukraińskimi nacjonalistami. Jasne stało się, że walka ta była kontynuacją i bezpośrednią realizacją poprzedniej «agitacyjno- propagandowej wojny». Określone osoby – nosiciele wrogich pozycji ideologicznych i światopoglądowych poruszali się i działali zgodnie z ustalonymi przez kogoś trajektoriami. Okoliczność ta świadczy o faktycznym braku osobistego wyboru ludzi, którzy byli w tamtej sytuacji. Cała paleta relacji międzyludzkich po raz kolejny została skierowana do paradygmatu «swój-nieswój», ponieważ wcześniej, żyjąc w granicach jednej osady lub pracując razem w instytucji, «wrogowie» nie uważali się wzajemnie wrogami. Stwierdzono, że walka między sowieckim podziemiem i partyzantami a ukraińskimi nacjonalistami spowodowała dodatkowe cierpienia i straty dla narodu ukraińskiego i była korzystna przede wszystkim dla nazistowskiego reżimu okupacyjnego, ponieważ osłabiła obie strony. Biorąc pod uwagę ideologię państwową, Ukraińcy niewątpliwie mieli naturalne prawo do walki o własne państwo. Z czysto humanistycznego punktu widzenia winę za przemoc i okrucieństwo w tej konfrontacji warto położyć na obie strony. Słowa kluczowe: bolszewicy, okupacja nazistowska, OUN, radzieccy partyzanci, radzieckie podziemie, terror, ukraińscy nacjonaliści. The article was received 10.03.2019 Article recommended for publishing 11.28.2019

114 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

UDC 94(477):281.93:266.3«19» DOI 10.33287/112007 Sychevsky Anton, PhD (History), Senior Lecturer at the Department of History of Ukraine, Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University [email protected] ORCID: http://orcid.org/0000-0002-7836-3405

OLD BELIEVERS IN THE EKATERINOSLAV DIOCESE AND ACTIVITIES OF ORTHODOX MISSION AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20th CENTURY

Abstract The purpose of this study is to present the religious life of the Old Believers in the Ekaterinoslav diocese of at the beginning of the 20th century and analyze the specific nature of the Orthodox mission activities in their midst. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, consistency, author’s objectivity, as well as on general scientific (analysis, synthesis, concretization, generalization) and special historical (problem-chronological, historical-genetic, historical-typological) methods. The problem-chronological method has been employed to analyze the religious life of the Old Belief communities in the Ekaterinoslav diocese and reveal the religious policy of the official Orthodox Church towards the Old Believers in the specified period. The historical-genetic method has been applied to analyze the transformations of the Old Belief in the Ekaterinoslav diocese and examine the confessional policy of the Orthodox Church. The historical-typological method has been adopted to study the internal separation and conflicts in the Old Belief of the Ekaterinoslav diocese and consider the forms of religious policy implementation. The scientific novelty of the undertaken researchlies in the fact that for the first time the internal distribution of the Old Belief in the Ekaterinoslav diocese has been comprehensively studied, the course of the conflict between the okruzhniki and the neokruzhniki has been disclosed, the forms and methods of missionary activity of the official Orthodox Church have been presented. Conclusions. At the beginning of the 20th 115 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) century, 10 000 Old Believers lived in the Ekaterinoslav diocese. The popovtsy represented the overwhelming majority; the neokruzhniki, the bespopovtsy, and the beglopopovtsy were made up groups. The relations with priests, whose actions provoked indignation among the parish, caused the internal conflicts in the communities. The case of the priest S. Tokarev gained special publicity. The conflict was acute in popovshchina, between the okruzhniki and the neokruzhniki, that gradually began to decline after the act of reconciliation in 1906. On the way to reconciliation, the community of the okruzhniki faced an alleged provocation against Archbishop Ioann. The «fight» against the Old Believers remained the priority in the activities of the Orthodox missionary. The diocesan missionaries were opposed both by the representatives of the clergy and the ordinary Old Believers, and the authorities, namely the Old Belief nachyotchiki K. Peretrukhin, V. Zelenkov, L. Pichugin, and others. Despite the high level of organization and activities of the missionary institute, the immediate success of the mission was limited. Key words: Old Belief, missionary, okruzhniki, neokruzhniki, bespopovtsy, Common Faith (Edinoverie), «Encyclical Epistle».

Introduction. Since Ukraine’s declaration of independence, with the processes of democratization of the state-church relations, tendencies towards the revival of spiritual life have become evident in the society. Recently in modern historiography, there has been a growing interest in the history of religious communities. The Old Belief, that has become the basis of the national identity for part of the Russians, is of special importance. The phenomenon of the Old Belief lies in the fact that its supporters, having preserved centuries-old religious and cultural traditions, created a separate ethno-confessional group with their values. For centuries, the dominant state-church apparatus has been waging an uncompromising struggle against the «raskolniki» («schismatics») to suppress this religious movement. The institution of missionary performed a special role in those processes. The territory of the Ekaterinoslav diocese arouses research interest since it was one of the nests of the Old Believers in the Russian Empire. Some issues on the history of the Old Believers in the Ekaterinoslav diocese has been previously investigated by the Ukrainian 116 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) researchers. The first study concerning the Old Believers of Olkhovatka village in Donbass was carried out by G. Klepalova and I. Lukovenko (Klepalova, Lukovenko, 2001). M. Ruban, S. Tatarinov and O. Miroshnichenko sketched the position of the Old Believers in Donbass in the 18th – at the beginning of the 20th century (Ruban, Tatarynov, 2017; Miroshnychenko, 2019). S. Nestertsova and E. Mayorova comprehensively analyzed the Old Belief in Donbass in the 19th – early 20th centuries on the materials of the Old Belief periodicals (Nestertsova, Mayorova, 2012). However, the integrated study of the Old Belief in the whole Ekaterinoslav diocese at the beginning of the 20th century has not been carried yet. The author of this article has previously surveyed the position of the Old Believers under the influence of the Orthodox mission on the example of the Volyn diocese (Sychevsky, 2012; Sychevsky, 2013a; Sychevsky, 2013b). The processes of the internal mission in this region and the Ekaterinoslav diocese had common features, and to a certain extent were similar, given the quantity of the supporters of the Old Belief in these regions. Unfortunately, the issues of the internal separation of the Old Believers in the Ekaterinoslav diocese, the conflict between the okruzhniki and the neokruzhniki, the relations between priests and their parish, the activities of the Orthodox mission among the Old Believers have not yet been researched. The purpose of the study is to reveal the religious life of the Old Believers of the Ekaterinoslav diocese in the early 20th century and to analyze the specifics of the Orthodox mission in their midst. Findings and discussion. At the beginning of the 20th century around 9000 Old Believers lived in the Ekaterinoslav Diocese (Dorodnitsyn, 1901a, p. 221–222). According to their religious beliefs, the local Old Believers were divided into the Austrian faction (recognizing the Belokrinitsky hierarchy) – the okruzhniki, the neokruzhniki, the bespopovtsy and the beglopopovtsy. The okruzhniki, who lived in the villages of Gorodishche, Olkhovatka, Orekhovo, the cities of Ekaterinoslav and Rostov occupied the first place in terms of number (Ayvazov, 1903a, p. 327–328). The neokruzhniki lived in the village of Kamenskoye, the city of Ekaterinoslav, Nikopol and partly in Gorodishche. The bespopovtsy settled in the villages Troitskoe, 117 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Orekhovo, Olkhovatka, Kamenskoye, Rostov, and a small number lived in Gorodishche. The bespopovtsy mainly settled in Orekhovo. The beglopopovtsy lived in small numbers in Rostov (Rusanov, 1905, p. 332–333; Report, 1907b, p. 239). In 1880, not far from Gorodishche, the Old Believers illegally built the Preobrazhensky Skete, with the peasant Isidor Blinov from Olkhovatka village (Hieromonk Ioann) as the priest and three hieromonks. Initially, the Preobrazhensky Skete consisted of one dugout, but thanks to the activities of Blinov gained a flourishing position. The church functioned in it, there were the chambers for the priest, dormitories and separate houses for monks, an extensive refectory, a water mill, barns, stables, a chapel above the cemetery (all covered with icons inside), built in 1900. The monastery possessed about 70 acres of land (Dorodnitsyn, 1901a, p. 222–223). About 200-300 people from all over Russia would gather in the Skete in the Assumption feast for the dedication day of the Transfiguration of the Lord, led by the priests, they were 10. The archbishop of Moscow and all Russia Ioann (Kartushin) and the Old Believer missionary Clement Peretrukhin frequently visited the Skete. In 1901, on behalf of the Orthodox missionary, A. Dorodnitsyn described the Skete: «Serving as a den for lovers of easy life, persons of dubious morals, who neglected their wives and children, the Skete is known as a place of careless fun and drunkenness. In the summertime, many «prominent persons» of (schism) gather here to get drunk and have fun» (Dorodnitsyn, 1901a, p. 223). The spiritual leaders of the Old Belief consisted of: in Gorodishche – local peasants, the priests Karp Foteev, Matvey and Karp Grigoryevs and nonresidents (the neokruzhnik priest) Pyotr Potemkin, in Olkhovatka – Emelyan Bezchastnov, in Orekhovo – Sergey Tokarev. In Rostov – Philip Privalov, in Kamenskoye (the neokruzhnik archpriest) Ioannikiy Antonov, in Ekaterinoslav – the nonresident priest Fedot Akimochkin, in Nikopol and Troitskoe the Old Believers were governed by ustavshchik (Dorodnitsyn, 1901a, p. 222). The okruzhniki obeyed the Moscow Old Belief Archbishop Ioann (Kartushin). The highest control over the neokruzhniki members belonged to Mikhail of Novozybkov (the Chernigov diocese). The beglopopovtsy were registered as runaway priests who came from 118 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) the Don diocese (Ayvazov, 1903a, p. 328). There were four spiritual fathers or nastavniki at the head of the bespopovtsy communities – two in Troitskoe, one in Orekhovo, and one in Olkhovatka (Rusanov, 1905, p. 333). In 1903, the Old Believers settled mainly in eight locations in the diocese: Slavyanoserbsky county – Gorodishche (4666 people), Olkhovatka (1594), Orekhovo (640), Pavlograd county – Troitskoe (120), Ekaterinoslavsky county – Nikopol and Kamenskoye (900), Ekaterinoslav and Rostov – 800 (Ayvazov, 1904, p. 245). In a small number, they also lived in other cities and trading villages, mostly those who had come from Chernigov province (Dorodnitsyn, 1901a, p. 221– 222). In 1905, the Old Believers dwelt in the village of Dvoriki (the khutor of Nikitin), Slavyanoserbsky county (Report, 1907a, p. 233). In 1909, 4966 Old Believers (2441 men and 2516 women) lived in Gorodishche: the okruzhniki included 2290 men and 2373 women, and the neokruzhniki consisted of 151 men and 143 women. In Olkhovatka village the popovtsy included 2360 persons (1180 men and 1180 women), the bespopovtsy – 54 (26 men and 28 women). In Orekhovo, there were 583 representatives of the Austrian faction (300 men and 283 women), 168 bespopovtsy (85 men and 83 women). The newly come Old Believers (up to 100 people) lived in Vasilievka village, Slavyanoserbsky county. Nine people dwelt at the Kadievsky plant (State of schism, 1910 p. 21), and their number increased to 140 people the following year. 104 Old Believers were registered in the city of Aleksandrovsk. In total, more than 10 000 Old Believers lived in the diocese in 1911 (Afanasyev, 1912, p. 461). The internal discord in the communities arose on the basis of the reprehensive attitude of the believers towards their priest. For example, in 1904 in the Assumption Church in Gorodishche, there was a conflict between the believers and the priest K. Foteev. Reporting about the conflict to Archbishop Ioann, the believers wrote: «Presently we are wandering sheep, and we do not have a shepherd... Drunkenness, even gambling, and foul language have begun in the church. And all this in the presence of Father Karp. Is it possible to allow such abominations in the yard of the House of our God?». Among other things, K. Foteev was accused of violating the sixth sacrament – marriage, as he had allowed his daughter to divorce with the husband (Rusanov, 1905, p. 332–333). 119 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

From the first days of his ministry, Archbishop Ioann expressed a desire for reconciliation with the neokruzhniki and for this purpose sent the eminent missionary K. Peretrukhin to different parts of Russia. Kartushin’s aspirations, even if they had not achieved the desired goal, stimulated the minds of the Old Belief leaders, aroused lively debate and ample polemic. In each community, it was desirable for the opposing community to acknowledge their guilt and repent of it (Shalkinsky, 1903a, p. 647). In 1902, K. Peretrukhin came to Gorodishche to reconcile those communities, but he met a fierce rival in the person of the neokruzhniki priest P. Potemkin, so his attempts were fruitless. In 1903, Potemkin during the service informed the believers that the county , led by Ioann (Kartushin), had admitted to «error» and rejected the «Encyclical Epistle» (1862), as containing heresy. In support of his words, he read the hectographed «Confession of Faith» of the neokruzhniki, sent to him by Bishop Michail of Novozybkov, as if having been signed by Archbishop Ioann (Shalkinsky, 1903a, p. 648). In Gorodishche the okruzhniki, and especially the zealous Malachi Ryndin, could not have allowed the Potemkin fraction (or the neokruzhniki) to be right. Before Christmas, Ryndin, with the Old Believers close to him, went to have a talk at Potemkin’s house. After that, he compiled a report to Archbishop Ioann, in which he asked to explain whether it was true that the local priests had repented. In response, Kartushin sent a notice to the priest K. Foteev, drawing attention to the injustice of the neokruzhniki who had tried to slander him, and stressed not to believe their writings (Shalkinsky, 1903b, p. 667–668, 671). Sergei Shalkinsky in 1903 recalled the emergence of the neokruzhniki in Gorodishche: «The false priest Matvey Grigoryev about 8 years ago fell in disgrace for something with the Moscow false archbishop. Without hesitation, he went to the neokruzhniki false bishop of Novozybkov to get the permission from him, and, arriving in Gorodishche, he began to preach that the okruzhniki were leading the Old Believers to Nikonianism by justifying Nikon’s heresies in everything. His sermons resulted in the separation of the local Old Believers» (Shalkinsky, 1903c, p. 766). Although Grigoriev later again switched to the side of the okruzhniki, the neokruzhniki remained. They 120 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) were hostile to the okruzhniki, and did not communicate with them either in prayer or in food and drink (Shalkinsky, 1903c, p. 766). In 1906, as the result of mutual concessions, a significant event of reconciliation between the okruzhniki and the neokruzhniki took place. The diocese was visited by the reconciled Bishop Michail of Novozybkov, who performed divine services, and read out «forgiveness». But in Gorodishche, many neokruzhniki did not agree to make concessions, and they intended to submit a petition to Iov (Borisov), the neokruzhniki bishop of Moscow who refused to reconcile, to appoint of a new priest. They were of a persistent opinion that Mikhail «had sold his faith» for a lot of money (Report, 1907b, pp. 239–240). It should be noted, previously he was in the region as early as 1900 (Dorodnitsyn, 1901b, p. 270). Public speeches and polemics with community members, clergy and missionaries were at the heart of the anti-Old Believer mission of the early 20th century. The content of the public talks was widely covered in the diocesan periodicals. On February 25, 1901, a public talk about the Old Believers took place in the Ekaterinoslav Theological Seminary (ETS), in which the teacher Mikhail Brunbender, the antischismatic missionary, the priest S. Shalkinsky and the ustavshchik of the Old Belief prayer house of Ekaterinoslav Yakov Venediktovich took part. The interest in the conversation was evidenced by the fact that the rector of the seminary, Archimandrite Agapit, the inspector of the seminary P. Okhotsky were also present, and the assembly hall was crowded. In addition to the students of the seminary, there were about 300 visitors (Brunbender, 1901a, pp. 194–195). During the public talk, the Old Believers did not want to engage in polemics with M. Brunbender and S. Shalkinsky, though they forced them in every way. The invited ustavshchik and okruzhnik Isidor Timofeevich spoke on behalf of the Old Believers (Brunbender, 1901b, p. 228). Yakov Venediktovich raised the question why the Orthodox Church perceived the Old Believers as heretics and accepted them in their fold at the second rank (Brunbender, 1901b, p. 230). Most emotionally, the speakers debated about making the sign of the cross with two (dvoeperstiye) or three (troeperstiye) fingers (Brunbender, 1901c, pp. 274–278, 280). 121 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

The biased character of the talk is evidenced by M. Brunbender’s concluding word: «Their society has never been the true Church of Christ. The true Church of Christ has always been one – our holy Greek- , and only here it is possible to receive salvation» (Brunbender, 1901c, p. 282). The Orthodox missionaries had to debate not only with ordinary Old Believers, but also with their prominent nachyotchiki. For example, on December 7, 1902, in the Edinoverie church in Orekhovo, S. Shalkinsky and the priest M. Didenko had a public talk about St. Church of Christ and the three-rank hierarchy with the Old Belief missionary K. Peretrukhin, the nachyotchik M. Ryndin and the priest S. Tokarev (Shalkinsky, 1902, p. 207–208). Interestingly, Peretrukhin was delegated by Archbishop Ioann to clarify the circumstances of Tokarev’s case. In 1901, he came to the house of the Orthodox priest Stefan Sobolev in Orekhovo and informed about his desire to join Orthodoxy. Father Stefan invited Tokarev to write a statement, and the latter agreed. Tokarev requested Sobolev for a petition to the senior clergy of the diocese for a post. When Sobolev received a refusal from the consistory, Tokarev accused Father Stefan of slandering. Sobolev placed Tokarev’s statement in the village’s administration. The Old Believers came to their priest and forewarned him not to appear in the church until he received official permission from Kartushin. The missionary Peretrukhin conducted an investigation and found out that Tokarev was not guilty because during the visit to Father Stefan he had been too drunk, and all his conversations and actions had been performed in a state of insanity (Shalkinsky, 1902, p. 208). The missionaries engaged pupils of the Ekaterinoslav Theological Seminary in public talks with the Old Believers. On March 31, 1902, there was a public talk with the Austrian faction. It was conducted by the teacher of history and denunciation of schism (raskol) M. Brunbender, with the participation of S. Shalkinsky and I. Tatarinov, a pupil of Form 6. I. Tatarinov delivered a speech «on the illegality of separating schismatics from the Orthodox Church» (Brunbender, 1902a, p. 326–328). To be specific, the pupil expressed the opinion that «the community of the Old Believers has turned to be a surmounted church,

122 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) but the proper church cannot tolerate surmounting» (Brunbender, 1902a, p. 332). The report provoked a violent reaction from the Old Belief ustavshchik of Ekaterinoslav and the Old Believer Isidor Timofeevich, who, quoting V. Belinsky, appealed to the right of every nation to its originality, as well as to the injustice of «breaking» folk customs (Brunbender, 1902b, pp. 359–363). M. Brunbender, pointed out that the Old Believers were brought under persecution not by the church, but by civil authorities, and the church representatives, driven by the zeal to defend the honor and holiness of the church, only asked the authorities to «limit the willfulness of heretics and schismatics» (Brunbender, 1902c, p. 394). In 1902, three anti-Old Belief committees functioned in the diocese. The priest-missionary, the chairman of the Olkhovatsk- Gorodishchensk missionary committee S. Shalkinsky dwelt in Gorodishche – the center of the Old Believer diocese, his activities focused on public and private talks (in 1902 – 32 and 17), church sermons and dissemination of anti-Old Believer books and brochures (Ayvazov, 1903b, p. 357, 359–360). A public talk with the Old Believers of Ekaterinoslav about the reasons for their separation from the Orthodox Greek-Russian Church was held in the Ekaterinoslav Theological Seminary on March 16, 1903. The announcements about it were deliberately pasted around the city and sent to «eminent» Old Believers. Except for M. Brunbender, the main speaker was again the pupil of Form 6 of the seminary V. Krasnitsky. In addition, the event was attended by the diocesan missionary I. Ayvazov and S. Shalkinsky (Brunbender, 1903, p. 292, 294, 304). In April-May 1904, the notable advocates of the Old Believers Vasily Zelenkov (from ) and Joseph Peretrukhin (from ) arrived in Gorodishche and Orekhovo. They conducted public talks with the missionary S. Shalkinsky. The talks touched upon the issues of the eternity of the Church of Christ, the opinions of the Old Believers that the Orthodox Church had been infected with various heresies. Later, S. Shalkinsky accused his opponents of rudeness, impudence and complained: «In order to convey the desired impression

123 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) on the schismatic mass, they did not skimp on insolence, addressing the missionary a heretic» (Conversations, 1904, p. 495). V.S. Shalkinsky was the priest of the Edinoverie parish in Gorodishche. In 1904, their house of worship maintained a miserable appearance. It was a small old building without a bell tower, and could accommodated not more than 100 people (Brunbender, 1904, p. 571– 572). The question of erecting a stone Edinoverie church was first raised in 1898. Initially, a place for construction was selected in the center of the village, where the old county government building was located. But the village meeting (with the overwhelming majority of the Old Believers) did not agree to allot the designated place. The commission for the construction of the church designated another place in 1900. According to the project, it was planned to construct a church with a capacity of 500 people, and the necessary amount was 21,000 rubles. By January 1, 1904, 14592 rubles were raised for the church construction. It was decided to proceed with the procurement of material. The laying was completed on April 23, 1904, the work quickly advanced and construction was completed in 1905 (Brunbender, 1904, p. 574–576). The highest decree on strengthening religious tolerance on April 17, 1905, was differently received. The Austrian faction rejoiced, but the bespopovtsy claimed that Antichrist, recognizing the futility to frighten Christians with persecution, sought to seduce them with freedom (Report, 1907a, p. 233). In 1906, the missionaries noted: «The fighting mood of the Austrian faction, that gripped them after the decree, has not yet subsided: they are hastily trying to implement this law; churches are being constructed and expanded everywhere, brotherhoods and unions are being opened, the magazine «Starobryadets», and «Narodnaya Gazeta» with supplements and the works of their nachyotchiki are being spread among people. Threats against the Orthodox, and sometimes violence, have come to be an ordinary thing» (Report, 1907b, p. 240). The missionaries conducted public talks in Olkhovatka, Orekhovo, Kamenskoye, Gorodishche, but the Old Believers ignored these events. In Gorodishche, where 12 talks were held, not more than 60 people came (Report, 1907b, p. 240).

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To strengthen his parish, Archbishop Ioann, together with two bishops, visited Gorodishche in 1908 (Afanasyev, Shalkinsky, 1909 p. 28). The bespopovtsy and the beglopopovtsy expressed the desire to unite with the Austrian faction. S. Shalkinsky wrote: «One of the bespopovtsy «spiritual fathers», despite the embarrassment and indignation of his spiritual children, allowed his son to convert into Austrian faction and personally took him for work of penance in the Gorodishche monastery» (Afanasyev, Shalkinsky, 1909 p. 27). Moreover, in 1908, the Old Believers, addressing the Diocesan Missionary Committee, initiated a dispute in the hall of the Ekaterinoslav Men’s Theological School about the eternity of the priesthood or the three-rank hierarchy in the church. P. Pastukhov arranged the meeting on April 6, pointing that mutual conversations remained the easiest way to come to rapprochement and reconciliation. The dispute was attended by the Old Believer nachyotchik Trofim Fedorov (from Nizhny Novgorod), P. Pastukhov from the village Kamenskoye and S. Shalkinsky (Public Conversation, 1908a, p. 448, 451). The second conversation between T. Fedorov and S. Shalkinsky, again organized at the initiative of the Old Believers, took place on May 14. The meeting was held in the hall of the factory in Kamenskoye, and the topic was whether the Orthodox Church had preserved the union of faith with the Ancient Universal Church (Public Conversation, 1908b, p. 607). In 1908, the diocesan magazine published an article by Nikolai Kochanov, in which the author pointed out the need to study the foundations of the Old Belief, to organize the Department of history and the exposure of the Old Belief schism in the seminaries. For N. Kochanov and for many other Orthodox, the Old Believers were «the gloating enemies of Orthodoxy» (Kochanov, 1908, p. 525). One cannot ignore Nikolai Kochanov’s interpretation of the Old Belief, because obviously, it should have influenced the entire Orthodox clergy of the diocese: «Schism, as a doctrine, represents a letter- believing direction in religious life. It is distinguished by special pettiness, attachment to the letter of the rite. The rite is promoted here to the rank of a dogma» (Kochanov, 1908, p. 524).

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S. Shalkinsky was a notable person in missionary. In 1908, he took part in the Kiev Missionary Congress, where during the preliminary commission he was elected the secretary of the Edinoverie department and during the congress he was elected the secretary of the anti-Raskol department. But in the same year, S. Shalkinsky became ill. After 15 years of missionary work, on account of illness, he was forced to abandon his activities (Afanasyev, Shalkinsky, 1909 p. 29). His father, the priest Pavel, was approved as an anti-Raskol missionary in 1909. He focused his activities mainly on sermons against the Old Believers in the Edinoverie Holy Spirit Church in Gorodishche (From life, 1909a, p. 167). It should be noted, that P. Shalkinsky conducted almost all the sermons exclusively against the Austrian faction, in one of which, on May 5, he identified them with the blind (From life, 1909b, p. 588–589). The September public talks of P. Shalkinsky with the Old Believers in Orekhovo were attended by respected nachyotchiki Ivan Lukin (on behalf of the Austrian faction) and Lev Pichugin (on behalf of the Bespopovtsy), who had two talks between themselves about the eternity of the church and the priesthood. After the talks, the local Edinoverie priest Naum Sychev converted three Old Believers to the Edinoverie. The missionary and Lukin also had talks in the village Olkhovatka (State of schism, 1910, p. 22–24). Since 1909, the Old Believers has become interested in the religious teachings of Protestants, namely in the villages of Olkhovatka and Gorodishche. In the latter, 9 Old Believers adopted Baptism (State of schism, 1910 p. 21). Officially, in 1910 there were 20 Baptists and Adventists the former Old Believers in Gorodishche (Afanasyev, 1911, p. 210). As a result, the missionary P. Shalkinsky had to enter into a dispute with Protestants to preserve his Ediniverie parish (Afanasyev, 1912, p. 461). The former missionary priest S. Shalkinsky was also worried about the situation in Gorodishche. Speaking at the diocesan missionary congress on June 11, 1913, he even admitted: «I have spread sectarianism in Gorodishche» (Pokrovsky, 1914, p. 853). Despite the activity of the Orthodox mission, the Old Believers were skeptical of the missionaries’ arguments. A vivid example is the statistics of adopting Orthodoxy. In 1900, 16 Old Believers converted to 126 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Orthodoxy, in 1904 – 5, in 1905 – 20, in 1906 – 5, and in 1911 – 2 (Dorodnitsyn, 1901b, p. 272; Rusanov, 1905, p. 339; Report, 1907a, p. 236; Report, 1907b, p. 241; Afanasyev, 1912, p. 461). In 1912, the psalmist from the Saratov diocese Alexander Ermakov, was sent to P. Shalkinsky as an assistant. After that, although the statistical indicators remained high, more than 100 public talks were held, but the attitudes were the same. The missionary concentrated his attention not on the whole diocese, but exclusively on Gorodishche, exactly like in 1910, when 98 public talks were organized there (Afanasyev, 1911, p. 210; State of the Old Believers, 1913, p. 257). After a serious illness in 1914, the missionary priest S. Shalkinsky, actually, an unofficial assistant to his father, the anti-Old Belief missionary and the priest Pavel, died (Pokrovsky, 1914, p. 853). It was an irreplaceable loss for the Orthodox mission, that led to a sharp decrease in the effectiveness of activities among the Old Believers. Conclusions. At the beginning of the 20th century, about 10 000 Old Believers lived in the Ekaterinoslav Diocese. The okruzhniki constituted the overwhelming majority, while the neokruzhniki, the bespopovtsy, and the beglopopovtsy represented smaller groups. The conflict was acute in the clergy, between the okruzhniki and the neokruzhniki. The confrontation gradually began declining after the act of reconciliation in 1906, although some believers, in particular in Gorodishche, categorically did not accept it. The «fight» against the Old Believers was of primary importance for the Orthodox missionary. The residence of the anti-Raskol missionary was Gorodishche, where he served as a priest of the Edinoverie parish. The missionaries were opposed by the Old Believer authorities, such as the nachyotchiki С. Peretrukhin, V. Zelenkov, L. Pichugin, and others. Since the end of the 19th century, the missionary activity among the Old Believers was carried out by S. Shalkinsky, a dedicated priest. However, the success of the mission was insignificant, due to the steadfastness of the Old Believers in their religious beliefs and the particular attention of the missionaries to the spread of new religious movements and sects in Christianity.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Ayvazov, I. (1903a). State of schism and sectarianism and the activities of the Orthodox mission in the Ekaterinoslav Diocese in 1902. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 13 (unofficial part), 327–333. [In Russian]. Ayvazov, I. (1903b). State of schism and sectarianism and the activities of the Orthodox mission in the Ekaterinoslav Diocese in 1902. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 14 (unofficial part), 354–362. [In Russian]. Ayvazov, I. (1904). State of sectarianism and schism and the activities of the Orthodox mission in the Ekaterinoslav Diocese in 1903. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 8 (unofficial part), 242–254. [In Russian]. Afanasyev, A. (1911). State of sectarianism and schism and the activities of the Orthodox mission in the Ekaterinoslav Diocese in 1910. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 7 (unofficial part), 204–212. [In Russian]. Afanasyev, A. (1912). State of sectarianism and schism and the activities of the Orthodox mission in the Ekaterinoslav Diocese in 1911. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 8 (unofficial part), 417–462. [In Russian]. Afanasyev, A., Shalkinsky, S. (1909). State of sectarianism and schism in the Ekaterinoslav Diocese in 1908. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 10 (unofficial part, addition), 13–29. [In Russian]. Brunbender, M. (1901a). Public conversation with Old Believers in the assembly hall of the Ekaterinoslav Theological Seminary on February 25, 1901. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 8 (unofficial part), 194–201. [In Russian]. Brunbender, M. (1901b). Public conversation with Old Believers in the assembly hall of the Ekaterinoslav Theological Seminary on February 25, 1901. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 9 (unofficial part), 227–231. [In Russian]. Brunbender, M. (1901c). Public conversation with Old Believers in the assembly hall of the Ekaterinoslav Theological Seminary on February 25, 1901. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 10-11 (unofficial part), 273–282. [In Russian].

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Brunbender, M. (1902a). Conversation with the Old Believers receiving the Austrian priesthood in the hall of the Ekaterinoslav Theological Seminary. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 14 (unofficial part), 326–332. [In Russian]. Brunbender, M. (1902b). Conversation with the Old Believers receiving the Austrian priesthood in the hall of the Ekaterinoslav Theological Seminary. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 15 (unofficial part), 358–365. [In Russian]. Brunbender, M. (1902c). Conversation with the Old Believers receiving the Austrian priesthood in the hall of the Ekaterinoslav Theological Seminary. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 16 (unofficial part), 388–395. [In Russian]. Brunbender, M. (1903). Conversation with Old Believers in a Theological Seminary. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 11-12 (unofficial part), 292–304. [In Russian]. Brunbender, M. (1904). The Church of Common Faith in the village Gorodishche of Slavyanoserbsky district. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 18 (unofficial part), 570–576. [In Russian]. Dorodnitsyn, A. (1901a). Report on the state of sectarianism in the Ekaterinoslav Diocese for 1900. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 9 (unofficial part), 221–227. [In Russian]. Dorodnitsyn, A. (1901b). Report on the state of sectarianism in the Ekaterinoslav Diocese for 1900. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 10-11 (unofficial part), 268–273. [In Russian]. From life (1909a). From life of the mission of the Ekaterinoslav Diocese. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 6 (unofficial part), 162–167. [In Russian]. From life (1909b). From life of the mission of the Ekaterinoslav Diocese. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 22 (unofficial part), 586–589. [n Russian]. Klepalova, H., Lukovenko, I. (2001). From history of Old Believers in Donbass. History of Ukraine. Lesser-known names, events, facts, 18, 286–289. [In Ukrainian]. Kochanov, N. (1908). The need to study schism-Old Believers by the students of the seminary, as future pastors of the church. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 16 (unofficial part), 522–527. [In Russian]. 129 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

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Sychevsky, A. (2013a). Formation and spread of Common Faith in Volynian diocese (1904–1922). Vestnik of Orenburg State Pedagogical University. Electronic Scientific Journal, 4, S. 91–104. http://vestospu.ru/archive/2013/articles/15_4_2013.pdf [in Russian]. Sychevsky, A. (2013b). Cathedral named after the holy martyr Ignatiy Bogonosec in Zhytomyr: to history of the temple structure (1856–1927). Ukraine: Cultural Heritage: Proceedings of the 5th All- Ukrainian Scientific Conference «Weingort Readings», 153–164. Poltava. [In Russian]. Sychevsky, A. (2012). Activity of orthodox mission among Old Believers of the Volyn province in the years 1904–1914 (on materials of the «Volyn eparchial journal»). Gurzhiev Historical Readings, (5), 172– 175. [In Ukrainian]. Shalkinsky, S. (1902). Chronicle of the diocesan mission. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 9 (unofficial part), 207–210. [In Russian]. Shalkinsky, S. (1903a). In the world of schism (to the question of the desire of the «okruzhniki» to come to reconcile with the «protivookruzhniki»). Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 24 (unofficial part), 647–650. [In Russian]. Shalkinsky, S. (1903b). In the world of schism (to the question of the desire of the «okruzhniki» to come to reconcile with the «protivookruzhniki»). Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 25 (unofficial part), 667–671. [In Russian]. Shalkinsky, S. (1903c). In the world of schism (to the question of the desire of the «okruzhniki» to come to reconcile with the «protivookruzhniki»). Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 28 (unofficial part), 762–768. [In Russian]. State of the Old Believers in the Ekaterinoslav Diocese in 1912. (1913). Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, 10 (otdel neofitsialnyy), 256– 257. [In Russian]. Sychevsky, A. (2013a). Formation and spread of Common Faith in Volynian diocese (1904–1922)]. Bulletin of Orenburg State University, (4), 91–104. http://vestospu.ru/archive/2013/articles/15_4_2013.pdf [in Russian].

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Sychevsky, A. (2013b). Cathedral named after the holy martyr Ignatiy Bogonosec in Zhytomyr: to history of the temple structure (1856–1927). Ukraine: Cultural Heritage. Proceedings of the All- Ukrainian Conference (V) «Wayhort's reading» (153–164). Poltava. [in Russian]. Shalkinsky, S. (1902). Chronicle of the diocesan mission. Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, (9), 207–210. [in Russian]. Shalkinsky, S. (1903a). In the world of schism (to the question of the desire of the «okruzhniki» to come to reconcile with the «protivookruzhniki». Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, (24), 647–650. [in Russian]. Shalkinsky, S. (1903b). In the world of schism (to the question of the desire of the «okruzhniki» to come to reconcile with the «protivookruzhniki». Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, (25), 667–671. [in Russian]. Shalkinsky, S. (1903c). In the world of schism (to the question of the desire of the «okruzhniki» to come to reconcile with the «protivookruzhniki»). Ekaterinoslav Diocesan Bulletin, (28), 762–768. [In Russian].

Cичевський Антон. СТАРООБРЯДЦІ КАТЕРИНОСЛАВСЬКОЇ ЄПАРХІЇ ТА ДІЯЛЬНІСТЬ ПРАВОСЛАВНОЇ МІСІЇ НА ПОЧАТКУ ХХ СТОЛІТТЯ Анотація Мета дослідження – висвітлити релігійне життя старообрядців Катеринославської єпархії на початку ХХ ст. та проаналізувати специфіку діяльності православної місії в їх середовищі. Методологія дослідження ґрунтується на принципах історизму, системності, авторській об’єктивності, а також на використанні загальнонаукових (аналіз, синтез, конкретизації, узагальнення) і спеціально-історичних (проблемно-хронологічного, історико-генетичного, історико-типологічного) методів. Використання проблемно-хронологічного методу дозволило проаналізувати релігійне життя старообрядницьких громад Катеринославської єпархії, виявити особливості віросповідної політики правлячої православної церкви у відношенні до старообрядців в певних хронологічних рамках. Історико- 132 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

генетичний метод застосовувався при аналізі трансформацій старообрядництва Катеринославської єпархії та конфесійної політики православної церкви. Історико-типологічний метод був важливий при вивченні внутрішнього розподілу та конфліктності в старообрядництві Катеринославської єпархії, а також використовувався при розгляді форм реалізації конфесійної політики. Наукова новизна полягає в тому, що вперше на маловідомих матеріалах єпархіальної періодики початку ХХ ст. комплексно розкрито внутрішній розподіл старообрядництва Катеринославської єпархії, протікання конфлікту між окружниками і неокружниками, розглянуто форми та методи місіонерської діяльності панівної православної церкви. Висновки. Встановлено, що на початку ХХ ст. в межах Катеринославської єпархії проживало близько 10000 старообрядців, з яких переважна частина належала до попівців-окружників, а значно меншими були громади неокружників, безпопівців та біглопопівців. Найвпливовішим центром старообрядців-окружників в Катеринославській єпархії було с. Городище, де вони складали більшість населення, а для безпопівців – с. Орєхово, для неокружников – с. Камєнскоє. Вагомого значення набув і духовний центр старообрядців Донбаського регіону – Преображенський скит. В основі внутрішніх конфліктів у громадах були стосунки зі священиками, які своїми вчинками викликали обурення у пастви. Особливого розголосу набула справа С. Токарева – священика старообрядців с. Орєхово, який з меркантильних поглядів вирішив перейти в православ’я. Досить гострим був конфлікт в поповщині, між окружниками та неокружниками, який поступово йшов на спад після акту примирення в 1906 р., хоча частина вірян, зокрема в с. Городище, його категорично не сприймала. Варто відмітити, що на шляху до примирення партія окружників у 1902 р. зіткнулася з інспірованою провокацією відносно їхнього Московського архієпископа Іоанна (Картушина), яку вдалося викрити саме завдяки увазі та непоступливості представника громади с. Городище, – М. Риндіна. «Боротьба» із старообрядництвом була одним з пріоритетних напрямів роботи інституту православного місіонерства в єпархії. Опонентами єпархіальних місіонерів ставали як представники місцевого 133 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

духовенства та рядові старообрядці, так і визнані авторитети – старообрядницькі начотчики К. Перетрухін, В. Зеленков, Л. Пічугін та ін. Незважаючи на високий рівень організації та роботи інституту місіонерства, безпосередні успіхи місії були обмежені. Ключові слова: старообрядництво, місіонерство, окружники, неокружники, безпопівці, єдиновірство, «Окружне послання».

Syczewski Anton. STAROOBRZĘDOWCY W JEKATERYNOSŁAWSKIEJ DIECEZJI I DZIAŁALNOŚĆ MISJI PRAWOSŁAWNEJ NA POCZĄTKU XX WIEKU Streszczenie Celem badania jest odkrycie życia religijnego staroobrzędowców w diecezji Jekaterynosławskiej na początku XX wieku i przeanalizowanie specyfiki działań misji prawosławnej w ich środowisku. Metodologia opiera się na zasadach historyzmu, systematyczności, naukowości, autorskiego obiektywizmu, a także na zastosowaniu ogólnonaukowych metod (analiza, synteza, uogólnienie) i specjalno-historycznych metod (historyczno-typologicznych, historyczno-systemowych). Oryginalność naukowa polega na tym, że po raz pierwszy wszechstronnie ujawniono wewnętrzną dystrybucję staroobrzędowców z diecezji Jekaterynosławskiej, odzwierciedlono przebieg konfliktu między “okrużnikami” i “nieokrużnikami”, formy i metody działalności misyjnej. Wnioski. Na początku XX wieku w diecezji było 10000 staroobrzędowców, z których przeważająca większość należała do popowców-okrużników, a mniejsze były wspólnoty “nieokrużników”, “bezpopowców” i “biegłopopowców”. Podstawą wewnętrznych konfliktów we wspólnotach były stosunki z kapłanami, którzy swoimi czynami wywołali oburzenie wśród parafian. Sprawa księdza S. Tokariewa zyskała szczególny rozgłos. Konflikt był ostry w duchowieństwie, między “okrużnikami” i “nieokrużnikami”, który stopniowo zaczął iść na spadek po ukazie tolerancyjnym w 1906 r. Po drodze do zgody partia “okrużników” spotkała się z natchnioną prowokacją przeciwko arcybiskupowi Janowi. “Walka” ze staroobrzędowcami była jednym z priorytetowych zadań instytutu prawosławnego misjonarstwa. Oponentami diecezjalnych misjonarzy zostali zarówno przedstawiciele duchowieństwa i zwyczajni 134 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) staroobrzędowcy, tak i autorytety - staroobrzędowi dogmatycy K. Peretruchin, W. Zelenkow, L. Piczugin i inni. Pomimo wysokiego poziomu organizacji i dzałania instytutu misjonarstwa, bezpośredni sukces misji był ograniczony. Słowa kluczowe: staroobrzędowcy, misjonarstwo, okrużniki, nieokrużniki, bezpopowce, jednowierstwo, „przesłanie okręgowe”.

The article was received 10.18.2019 Article recommended for publishing 11.29.2019

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UDC 39(477) 94(73):654.191«Voice of America» DOI 10.33287/112008 Sukhobokova Olga, PhD., Associate Professor Associate Professor of the Department of Foreign Nations Modern and Contemporary History Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv [email protected] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4140-3231

"WE SHALL TELL YOU THE TRUTH": "VOICE OF AMERICA" IN THE GLOBAL INFORMATION SPACE (1940-IES – BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURY)

Abstract The aim of the article is to provide a complex survey of the American broadcasting station "Voice of America’s" history since its establishment to the beginning of the XXI century. The methodology of the research is based on combination of the general and special historical methods and principles of historical cognition, namely scientificity, historicism, systematicity, objectivity. The principles of historicism, systematicity and scientificity provide for tracing the activity of "Voice of America" and its causal relationships with the historical and political background and, in particular, the foreign policy agenda of the US government. The objectivity principle is involved while highlighting the activity of the broadcasting station. Alongside with the critical analysis of the source base, it stands for defining the conceptual background of "Voice of America’s" operation, its regularities and certain aspects. The principle of systematicity makes it possible to create a holistic image of a broadcaster’s activity in 1940- ies-at the beginning of the XXI century. Taking into account the specifics of the topic, the article employs an interdisciplinary approach actualized due to categorial and scientific-research instruments of other social and humanitarian sciences, particularly politology.

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The scientific novelty of the article is attained by a pioneer attempt in the Ukrainian historiography to conduct a complex analysis of "Voice of America’s" activity throughout its history. The results obtained by the author prove that "Voice of America" has been an important constituent of the US policy in the global information space. Thereat, it is not a representative of a certain power or public group, the activity of journalists and editorial offices in forming the information content is independent and based on the principles of journalism ethics. Due to this factor, the broadcasting station has a reputation of an independent and reliable source of topical and balanced information. "Voice of America" has adapted to the qualitative transformations in the globalization epoch information space in the course of XX-XXI centuries and turned into a powerful multimedia system attracting the largest audience in the world. Key words: "Voice of America", media, infowar, international broadcasting, propaganda, Western broadcasting stations, "enemy voices".

Introduction. The modern hybrid war initiated by the Russian Federation and the infowar as one of its major aspects, keep investigation of the XXI-century infowars, especially when it comes to the period of the Cold War when most of the instruments, now used by the Russian Federation, have been tested, and the most successful global expertise of the leading countries’ international broadcasting, current. One of such broadcasters is the American radio broadcasting station "Voice of America" (VOA) established during World War II to provide information opposition to the US enemies. Eventually it has become an important means of information war with the USSR and transformed into the world most powerful broadcaster operating in the context of the USA foreign policy. It predetermines the importance of highlighting the "Voice of America’s" activity together with the growing general interest to the history of broadcasting as a separate object of empirical research. The topicality of the issue in Ukraine is stressed by the fact that since 1949 the Voice of America Ukrainian Service operates in the country, and the Ukrainian audience is one out of ten most numerous ones in the world. Thus, the problem is of peculiar interest due to the history of Ukrainian broadcasting. 137 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

For now the historiography of the issue under analysis is not exhausted. There are few works by American researchers devoted to "Voice of America" with a particular focus on the Cold War period. Special mention should go to the monographs by D. Krugler and H. Shulman (Krugler, 1972, Shulman, 1990), articles focusing on separate aspects of VOA (Roberts, 2009, 2011; Piresein, 1967) and memoirs of the people engaged into its establishment (Houseman, 1979) or VOA operation throughout its history (Karmazyn, 2019). Notably in most of the works in the broadcasting and infowars history VOA stands as one of the Western "broadcasting voices" studied in their entirety (Graham, 2015). Post-Soviet and Ukrainian scholars also provide integral studies of the major Western broadcasting stations’ activity ("Voice of America", "BBC", "Radio Liberty" etc). Among them of greatest value and interest for our research are works by Lithuanian scholar R. Pleikis devoted to the Soviet radio confrontation against the "Western voices" (Pleikis, 2002) and Ukrainian researcher Yu. Kahanov specializing in studying the influence of the Western broadcasting stations on the public opinion in the Ukrainian SSR (Kahanov, 2013, p. 191–203). The author of the given research devoted her numerous investigations to the history of VOA Ukrainian Service (Sukhobokova, 2009, p. 246–260; Sukhobokova, 2019, p. 663; Sukhobokova, 2020, p. 10–32), thus initiating studies of the general aspects of VOA activity in the national historical science. The aim of the research is to conduct a complex survey of the history of "Voice of America". The outline of the research. In the course of preparation of the USA for World War II at the order of President F.D. Roosevelt on July, 11 1941 the US Foreign Information Service (FIS) headed by the President’s speechwriter Robert Sherwood and subjected to the US government was established. One of its primary tasks was to create a federal radio station to counteract the German propaganda in Europe. That same year a radio station "Voice of America" named by R. Sherwood was established in New York (Roberts, 2009). Its activity and finance were controlled by the Congress, and the station was subordinated to the FIS (VOA Through the Years; A Look Back). At that time there were two private operating companies established in 1931 and 1938 broadcasting in Europe, however they couldn’t 138 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) accomplish the large-scale tasks related to the US foreign policy intended for VOA (Roberts, 2009). VOA beamed the first official broadcast on February, 24 1942, as mentioned in the vast majority of the studies. Although, one of the station’s first directors Walter Roberts specified that the correct date of the first VOA broadcasting was February, 1 1942 (Roberts, 2011). The first radio program – a fifteen-minute address to the Europeans – was held in the German language. The announcer Willian Harlan Hale opened it with the words declaring the VOA fundamental official policy: "Today, and daily from now on, we shall speak to you about America and the war. The news may be good for us. The news may be bad. But we shall tell you the truth" (A Look Back). The first VOA director, a famous American actor and producer John Houseman remembered the conditions in which the station was launched – nameless, without any studio facilities, using borrowed transmitters, without a single direction how to hold broadcasting except for telling the truth (VOA Through the Years). Definitely, the technical conditions the VOA staff had to work in were difficult – the first programs were held in a rented space in New York City, the material was broadcasted to Europe by the privately-owned American shortwave stations and over the facilities of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). The core statement was about no instructions from above how to hold the program, just telling the truth. Since its establishment, the VOA leadership stressed that impartiality was the main principle of its activity. The first program declared the motto of the broadcasting station – "we shall tell you the truth". The truthful presentation of the events and "bad news" were considered to be the most efficient counter to the unforewarned Nazi propaganda. It was clear that under war conditions avoiding a certain tendency was impossible. Thus, there was good reason for VOA to broadcast from the Office of War Information (OWI) since June 1942. Although the main goal of the station was to commit psychological pressure on Germany, soon afterwards the Voice could be heard in the English, French and Italian languages. In the second half of 1942 twenty-three short- and middlewave transmitters were constructed for VOA. In January 1943 twenty-seven VOA language services were on the air when the Allied summit took place in Casablanca (namely 139 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Czecho-Slovak, Polish, Hungarian, Romanian, Yugoslavian and Finnish), and there were over forty in 1944 (A Look Back; VOA Through the Years). In the course of a close victory over Germany and Japan, VOA was losing support from the state as far as its primary goal was finally achieved. In the late 1945 it was passed under the US State Department control, and in April 1946 the number of broadcasting languages was reduced to twenty-three, the working staff was downsized by two-thirds. The Congress reluctantly appropriated funds for the station’s operation during 1946–1947 (VOA Through the Years). However, the escalation of the Cold War initiated VOA activization: due to the decision of the Congress, it became one of the major instruments of ideological confrontation with the USSR, in particular, there was a direction to establish broadcasting in the USSR and the socialist countries. The VOA Russian Service was first to broadcast in the territory of the Soviet Union (February, 17 1947), followed by the VOA Ukrainian Service (December, 12 1949). It was the second Ukrainian radio broadcasting service operating in the West after "Vatican Radio". The first national services headed for the USSR (Lithuanian, Latvian, Estonian and many others were created starting from 1951) played an extremely important ideological and political role in the infowar with the Soviet Union, as far as they encompassed the most numerous and potentially national liberation war-primed ethnic groups of the USSR. The importance of the VOA services for the ideological struggle between the USA and the USSR was confirmed by the appointed leaders in charge of these services. Thus, one of the first in charge of the Russian Service was Aleksander Barmine, a former intelligence officer who fled to the West and revealed the USSR, and the first director of the Ukrainian Service was an active participant of the Ukrainian National Liberation Movement, a leading official of the Ukrainian National Republic Nykyfor Hryhoriiv. Both were intransigent fighters with the Moscow communism (Sukhobokova, 2019, p. 578– 582). Remarkably, during the Cold War period several Western stations called "enemy voices" were broadcasting in the territory of the USSR: "BBC" Russian Service – since 1946, "Radio Liberty" financed by the 140 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

US Congress, "Deutsche Welle", "Vatican Radio", "Voice of Israel", "Radio France International" and others – since 1953. The broadcasting in the European countries of the socialist camp was represented by the station "Radio Free Europe" incorporated with "Radio Liberty" in 1975. The USSR security services blocked the broadcasting stations’ programs by means of jamming the signal in its own territory and in the territories of the socialist countries and pursuing the listening audience. Nonetheless, jamming was of an irregular character and depended upon a situation in the American-Soviet relationship, when finally it was stopped in November 1988 according to the decision of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union Communist Party initiated by M. Horbachov (Pleikis, 2002). At the beginning of the Cold War the officials in the American power circles debated the proper role of America's official international broadcasting service in the ideological confrontation with the socialist camp. The VOA tasks as seen by the Congress members varied from reporting the current news and acquainting with the USA to using it as a foreign policy instrument. Finally the latter position was approved by the Congress majority. The Korean War outbreak became a decisive argument to use VOA as "a weapon against the USSR" leading to increasing finance and expanding the staff of the broadcasting station. In the middle of 1951, VOA was broadcasting up to 400 hours per week in 45 languages (VOA Through the Years). However, at the beginning of 1953 VOA, like most US state establishments, became a subject of inquiry by the US Senate Committee headed by Senator Joseph McCarthy. Although the charges levelled by McCarthy were never proven, VOA's budget and departments were significantly reduced and the program for constructing new powerful transmitters initiated in 1950 was halted. At the same time McCarthy’s campaign provoked a review of US foreign information activities. A special commission appointed by President Dwight Eisenhower and chaired by former President Herbert Hoover to audit the US foreign information policy concluded that VOA was to be separated from the Department of State. Consequently, on August, 1 1953 the United States Information Agency (USIA) was established, and VOA became its major constituent with the headquarters on Independence Avenue in Washington not far from the US Capitol. A 141 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) special law on informational and cultural exchange programs, known as the Smith-Mundt Act, obliged USIA to "provide preparation and promotion of the information about the USA, its society and policy abroad through press, publishing, radio" (VOA Through the Years). That resulted in an essential extension of VOA broadcasting schedule, news blocks, educational and entertaining programs. Despite the obvious relation of VOA to the political course of the US government, initially it was strictly regulated by the fundamentals of editorial and information policy of the broadcasting station. They were formulated in the VOA Charter developed by its founders headed by the director Henry Loomis (1958–1965) and approved by the USIA leader George Allen in 1960. It emphasized that the connection between peoples around the globe via radio served the American long-range interests and in order to be efficient VOA had to attract attention and adherence of the listening audience (Mission and Values). The final version of the Charter in the form of guidelines was signed by President Dwight Eisenhower. In July 1976 the VOA Charter was signed into law (Public Law 34-350) and sanctioned by President G. Ford. Its primary function was to "protect integrity and honesty of VOA programming". The Charted declared its independence from the state and government and outlined the major tasks and fundamentals of its operation – to serve as a consistently reliable and authoritative source of accurate, objective, and comprehensive news; to represent the USA, providing a balanced and comprehensive projection of all segments of American society, thought and institutions; to clearly and effectively present the US policy (The VOA Charter & Journalistic Code). The official documents highlighting the principles of the station’s operation accentuated that it didn’t represent the US government and any person or social group, and the journalists abided by the highest professional standards (Mission and Values). Adherence to the mentioned principles developed a reputation of VOA being a comprehensible and reliable source of information recognized even by the authorities of the USSR (Pleikis, 2002). At the same time, it is debatable why the VOA program broadcasting was forbidden in the territory of the USA until fairly recently. The basis of the VOA information block in the Cold War period has been provided by political news, consideration and interpretation of 142 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) the American and international events. For instance, in August 1963 VOA broadcasted an address "I have a dream" by Martin Luther King. The highest rate throughout its history VOA reached in 1969 when Neil Armstrong set foot on the moon – 450 million listeners around the globe. During the pro-democracy movement in Beijing's Tiananmen Square in 1989, a special "hot line" was started to receive calls from China, which blocked the VOA signal as the USSR did (VOA Through the Years). At the same time, being concerned about its reputation of a reliable information source, VOA was bound to shed light on controversial phenomena in the US social and political life that traumatized the nation, namely the war in Vietnam and the Watergate constitutional crises concerning R. Nixon’s impeachment. The VOA information policy during the Cold War period demonstrated a vivid correlation with the political situation in th world and the US reaction to it. Remarkably, such situation is actual in VOA activity nowadays. The VOA reacted immediately to the local conflicts between the USSR and the USA – VOA focused the listening audience’s attention on the escalation of the conflict and initiated immediate broadcasting from the conflict zone. For example, during the Carribean crisis in 1962 VOA launched a Spanish-language broadcasting service and thus increased the amount of English-speaking information programs. During the war in Afghanistan in September 1980 VOA launched service broadcasting in the Dari language, and in 1982 – in the Pashtun language (VOA Through the Years). The beginning of the 1980-ies was marked by technical and content modernization of VOA programming, connected with President R. Reagan’s policy towards the USSR. In 1984 in his official claim he stated that VOA "had been a strict voice of truth", and "was capable of sending its messages of truth to the world" even despite the obstacles like out-of-date facilities and Soviet jamming. He also stressed that "the administration took measures for VOA modernization similar to those President Kennedy took for space programs" (VOA Through the Years). Putting VOA and space programs (well-funded by the USA) in one line proved the broadcasting station being one of the major instruments in the "psychological war" with the USSR. Hence, to rebuild and modernize VOA programming and technical capabilities, a $1.3 billion program was launched allowing to complete 143 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) new and upgraded radio transmission facilities, to construct nineteen up- to-date studios, to install a new complex in Washington, to establish a net of controlling centres to coordinate VOA's domestic and overseas relay transmitter stations. During this period, some transformations in VOA editorial policy were held; consequently, alongside with providing analytic information, the programs were followed by editors’ comments called "editorials", separated in an independent block of political news since 1982 (VOA Through the Years). The tradition is alive – editorials devoted to the US policy are broadcasted independently. It was important that every national service except for promoting the VOA policy fundamentals had to be autonomous in creating its own program schedule and defining its content. For instance, the major operation content of the VOA Ukrainian Service was Ukrainian country-study cultural and educational activity initiated by its first director Nykyfor Hryhoriiv. Its broadcasting time was impressive enough – starting from a thirty-minute program in the end of 1949 up to five-hour broadcasting in every twenty-four hours for the Ukrainian population of the USSR and one hour for the Far East by the end of the Cold War. As of 1960 "Voice of America" broadcasted 16,5 hours daily for the USSR, eight hours in the , two – in the Ukrainian one. General duration of the "enemy voices" programs daily reached fifty hours in different stations and in different languages; forty hours daily were in Russian (Kahanov, 2013, p. 194). The primary ideological task performed by all national services broadcasting in the USSR and its satellites, was contrasting the two contrary worlds and ways of life – the American and the Soviet ones. That was what the programs about public and cultural life of the Russian, Ukrainian and other emigrants in the USA and Canada, their self-determination, private business and political initiative, career and financial development etc. were aimed at. The broadcasted material of such character had a hidden political implication despite the absence of revealing announcements and hints. An essential fragment of broadcasting time was devoted to revelation of the totalitarian and occupational character of the Soviet Bolshevist authorities. Thus, the policy of the Central Committee of the Bolshevist Communist Party, directed against the Soviet peoples was in the focus of attention. As an example, the Ukrainian Service daily radio programs contained analytic 144 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) shows discussing the character of the Soviet regime, national policy of the USSR, economy management methods, security services operation, repressions of the intellectuals, Ukrainian Famine Genocide of 1932- 1933 etc. (Sukhobokova, 2020, p. 21-25) The VOA’s director D. Austin in charge of the station during 2006- 2011, was close to the mark with his conclusion that the Cold War period was the most efficient and productive in VOA’s activity taking into account the scale, content and results of its operation (Erlykh, 2011). The VOA’s part in informing the citizens of the USSR was proved in a year before the USSR disintegration, when reliable information about the situation in the Soviet territory had an incredibly important meaning. For example, the Russian Service was one of the first to inform about an attempt to hold the national insurrection in August 1991, the USSR disintegration etc. In the same manner VOA was operationally observing collapses in the "national democracy" regimes in Central Eastern Europe (VOA Through the Years). After the USSR and the socialist camp were disintegrated, a new geopolitical image of the world loomed on the horizon and marked a new period in VOA’s history. There was a process initiated in the USA, restructuring the government authorities in charge of broadcasting overseas. The Bureau of Broadcasting established by USIA in 1990 consolidated the three foreign multimedia services – VOA, "Worldnet" Television and Film Service and Radio and TV "Marti". On April, 30 1994 President Bill Clinton signed the International Broadcasting Act (Public Law 103-236) establishing an International Broadcasting Bureau (IBB) and a Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) within the USIA to control the US civil foreign broadcasting. On October, 1 1999 the USIA was liquidated by the Congress (Public Law 105-277) and the BBG became an independent federal organization comprised by the IBB, "Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty" (RFE / RL), "Radio Free Asia" (RFA) founded in 1994 and VOA (VOA Through the Years). Global changes of the 1990-ies influenced the VOA’s structure, initiated transformations in its policy and set new goals. The services broadcasting in Central Eastern Europe and the former Soviet republics continued their operation after the USSR’s disintegration and played an important part in forming public societies in constitutional states and establishing democratic values like freedom of speech and independent 145 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) national mass media development in the CIS countries. In 1992 the VOA Ukrainian Service started the domestic broadcasting of its own programs and several FM stations and established VOA’s correspondent offices in Kyiv and some other cities. Since January 1993, broadcasting of TV programs and TV channels streaming live was arranged (Karmazyn, 2019). At the same time, there were new perspectives in VOA’s operation according to the US foreign policy interests. The attention was largely focused on local conflicts threatening the regional and global stability. Since 1991 the station was making attempts to launch Tibetan broadcasting. In 1992 the Kurdish-language broadcasts to listeners in Iraq and Iran went into air. Of significant value was broadcasting in Yugoslavia: in 1993 VOA divided its Yugoslav Service into Croatian and Serbian Services. There was also Slovene Service operating independently. The Bosnian Service was established in 1996 and in 1999 the Macedonian Service was launched. A new important trend was outlined in the middle of 1990-ies developing broadcasting in the Eastern part. The first program broadcasted on September 18, 1994 was "China Forum TV". In 1996 the Arabic Service together with Worldnet Television Service and the Middle East Broadcasting Centre (MBC) in London launched a program "Dialogue with the West." That same year a show "Round Table With You" aired in Iran by the newly-established VOA Persian Service acquired great popularity, covering over 25 per cent of the adult population (VOA Through the Years). In 1994 VOA created its own Internet source, thus becoming the world first and largest Internet broadcaster (Kern, 2006). The official VOA’s Internet site containing text, video and audio information available round the clock offered it in fifty-three languages by the end of 1999. But still, radio broadcasting was the most popular and available means of transmitting information in 1990-ies and the VOA’s administration made overwhelming efforts to provide its proper development. In 1996 the station first aired from Central Africa. In 1998 the global VOA English Service started broadcasting twenty-four hours (VOA Through the Years). A powerful technical base, highly skilled staff experienced in emergency conditions and broadcasting in the East provided VOA with 146 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) the highest rates during the tragic events in New-York on September, 11 2001. VOA summoned its mediaresources to arrange the first-minutes presentation of attacking the New-York World Trade Centre and the Pentagon from every angle and in every available format. The VOA Arabic and Persian Services increased the broadcasting time immediately, "Worldnet" interrupted the regular streaming of five VOA’s mediasatellites in order to ensure real-time information about the New-York tragedy. A real journalist success was instant interviewing one of the Taliban leaders Mullah Mohammed Omar, achieving greatest impact both in Western and Eastern parts of the world. Later VOA highlighted the American military campaign in Afghanistan. Traditionally, acting according to the US major foreign policy recommendations and targeting the local audience, broadcasting in the Dari and Pashtun languages was increased (VOA Through the Years). In general the period of the 1990-ies – the beginning of the XXI century, like the post-war period, was transitive for VOA. After bipolar pattern of global arrangement and new image of international relationship had suffered a collapse, VOA reoriented its activity as far as the USA faced new threats and challenges. Radio and TV broadcasting in the countries of the Near East and Southeast Asia was significantly increased after the terrorist act of September, 11 2001. The priority task for VOA in the region was involving young Muslim audience. In order to reach the goal, in March 2002 VOA launched the weekly Arabic- language satellite "Sawa" (meaning "Together") broadcasting twenty- four hours; later, another VOA’s satellite – Television "Alhurra" (meaning "Free") was established. In late 2002 VOA teamed up with "Radio Freedom" to create a station "Farda" (meaning "Tomorrow") broadcasting in the Persian language, and the Iran audience passed a million mark (VOA Through the Years). One could observe a parallel broadcasting development in Afghanistan. In 2004 VOA organized a radio station called "Ashna" (meaning "Friend") broadcasting in the Dari and Pashtun languages; in 2006 the TV station "Ashna" was introduced. In the neighbouring Pakistan a youth-oriented radio station "Aap Ki Dunyaa" (meaning "Your World") was created streaming in the Urdu language. Since February 2007 a new VOA service was established to satisfy the 147 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Muslim population in Somali, once again demonstrating VOA’s operational reaction to new conflict points worldwide (VOA Through the Years). Alongside with VOA’s reorientation to the Muslim audience, since 2004 the station was suffering a consequential termination in radio broadcasting in Southern, Eastern and Central European countries acceding to NATO and European Union, and also in post-Soviet countries (Kiel, 2008). Ukraine was among these countries, as far as broadcasting was ceased in 2008. In consequence of the successful adaptation to the modern technologies advancement, VOA continued to develop and to use state- of-the-art technical facilities for broadcasting programs. Since 2005 VOA’s radio and TV programs are streamed in a digital format. Its main website "VOANews.com" was rated the sixth among the best global broadcasters (Kiel, 2008). Nowadays VOA is the largest digital multimedia radioelectronic system (radio, TV, Internet, mobile applications, cable systems, satellite stations) streaming through satellites to the countries of Africa, Asia, Central and Southern America, Eastern Europe and the Near East. VOA broadcasts in forty-four languages 1500 hours a week, the global audience comprising 275 million people weekly (Mission and Values). Conclusions. Consideration of the American radio broadcasting station "Voice of America" since its establishment in 1941 until the last decade proved it has always been an important constituent of the US information policy overseas. Created to counter the German propaganda during World War II, it became an instrument of the ideological struggle between the USA and the USSR during the Cold War period and served as an auxiliary means of reaching the US foreign policy goals. Finally, after the USA committed itself to combating the global terrorism and fundamentalism, VOA experienced reorientation to the East. For that matter, the history of VOA’s activity encouraged us to treat establishing of VOA national services in certain regions in the context of resolution of the US foreign policy tasks. Analysis of VOA’s content denies it being a representative of the US government interests. The fundamentals of the station’s operation since its establishment have been based upon the major principles of journalism ethics, legislatively recorded in the form of a special law, 148 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) ensuring the reputation of an independent and reliable source of accurate, actual and balanced information. The main motto of the VOA’s activity since 1941 until now has been "telling the truth", becoming the station’s primary strategy line and thus constantly increasing its listening audience worldwide. Despite considerable qualitative changes in the informational space in the globalization era and emergence of new challenges the media faces at the break of the XX-XXI centuries, VOA has successfully fit into the conditions. It has become the most powerful broadcasting multimedia system encompassing the largest world listening audience. It is next to impossible to immure the detailed VOA’s 80-year history in the format of a single article. The VOA’s operation trends, comparative analysis of the content in national services and their blocks, correlation of VOA with the other world broadcasters, counteraction to its operation by certain countries, its influence on social and political atmosphere and promotion of particular ideas comprise interesting and independent perspectives of further research. An important perspective is to study the materials accumulated by VOA as sources of studying the historical, political, cultural and other issues. Doubtlessly, a sufficient potential of the topic deserves attention and being a subject of further studies.

BIBLIOGRAPHY A Look Back. https://www.insidevoa.com/a/history-voa-75th- anniversary/3700428.html Erlykh, E. (2011). «Enemy Voices» – «Voice of America». http://www.zman.com/news/2011/01/09/92425.html Graham, S. (2015). Culture and Propagandа. The Progressive Origins of American Public Diplomacy, 1936-1953. London: Imprint Routledge, 284 p. Houseman, J. (1979). Front & Center. New York: Simon & Schuster, 512 p. Kahanov, Yu. (2013). «Enemy Voices»: ideological confrontation on radio waves in Soviet Ukraine (second half of the 20th century). Scholarly Works of the Faculty of History. Zaporizhzhya National University,( XXXV), 193-201.

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Karmazyn, A.(2019). Some Recollections and Reflections Regarding My VOA Ukrainian Service Career (1987-2015). http://uaas.org.ua/karmazyn.html Kern, K. (2006) The Voice of America: First on the Internet. http://www.chriskern.net/history/voaFirstOnTheInternet.html Kiel, P. (2008). Voice of America to Cut Language Services. https://www.propublica.org/article/voice-of-america-to-cut-language- services-709 Krugler, D. (1972). The Voice of America and the Domestic Propaganda Battles, 1945-1953. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 246. Mission and Values. https://www.insidevoa.com/p/5831.html Piresein, R. (1967). An International Radio History… the VOA. Foreign Service Journal, (44) (February 1967), 23-25. Pleikis, R. (2002). Censorship. https://profilib.website/kniga/126557/rimantas-pleykis- radiotsenzura.php Roberts, W. (2009) The Voice of America – Origins and Recollections. American Diplomacy, Oct. 26, 2009. http://americandiplomacy.web.unc.edu/2009/10/the-voice-of-america-2/ Roberts, W. (2011). The Voice of America – Origins and Recollections II. American Diplomacy, Jan.11, 2011. http://americandiplomacy.web.unc.edu/2011/01/the-voice-of-america/ Shulman, H.(1990). The Voice of America: Propaganda and Democracy 1941–1945. Madison. The University of Wisconsin Press, 1990, 282 p. Sukhobokova, O. (2009). Ukrainian voice from overseas. Ukraine of the 20th century: culture, ideology, politics, (15/2), 246-260. Sukhobokova, O. (2020). Ukrainian «Voice of America»: 70 Years on the Air. Sharing America's Story with Ukraine: The Voice of America's Ukrainian Service, 1949–2019. Cleveland: Ukrainian Museum-Archives in Cleveland, 10-32. Sukhobokova, O. Ukrainian service of the «Voice of America». Encyclopedia of the history of Ukraine. «Ukraine – Ukrainian», (2), 663. Sukhobokova, O. (2019). Way to the Will: Nykyfor Hryhoriyv (1883 – 1953). Kyiv-Vinnytsia: Tvory, 608 p. 150 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

The VOA Charter & Journalistic Code. https://archive.is/20161120165209/http://www.insidevoa.com/p/57 28.html VOA History. https://www.insidevoa.com/p/5829.html

Cухобокова Ольга. «МИ РОЗПОВІМО ВАМ ПРАВДУ»: «ГОЛОС АМЕРИКИ» У СВІТОВОМУ ІНФОПРОСТОРІ (1940 РР. – ПОЧАТОК ХХІ СТ.) Анотація Метою даної публікації є комплексний огляд історії американської радіостанції «Голос Америки» від її створення у 1941 р. до початку ХХІ століття. Методологія наукового дослідження базується на поєднанні загальнонаукових і спеціальних історичних методів та таких принципів історичного пізнання як науковість, історизм, системність, об’єктивність. Спираючись на принципи історизму, системності й науковості вдалося простежити діяльність «Голосу Америки» та її причинно- наслідкові зв’язки з історичним і політичним контекстом, зокрема зовнішньополітичною лінією уряду США. При висвітленні діяльності радіостанції було застосовано принцип об’єктивності. Поряд з критичним аналізом джерельної бази це дозволило з’ясувати концептуальні засади роботи «Голосу Америки», її закономірності та окремі аспекти. Принцип системності допоміг сформувати цілісну картину діяльності мовника у 1940-х рр. – на початку ХХІ ст. Також, зважаючи на специфіку теми, було застосовано міждисциплінарний підхід, реалізований через використання категоріального апарату та науково-дослідного інструментарію інших суспільно-гуманітарних наук, зокрема політології. Наукова новизна роботи полягає у тому, що в ній уперше в українській історіографії здійснено спробу комплексного розгляду діяльності «Голосу Америки» впродовж його історії. У результаті дослідження авторка приходить до висновку, що радіостанція «Голос Америки» була і залишається важливою складовою політики США в світовому інфопросторі. При цьому вона не є речником певної владної чи суспільної групи, робота її журналістів та редакцій у формуванні інформаційного контенту є незалежною та ґрунтується на принципах журналістської етики. 151 ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – Вип. 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online)

Це забезпечило мовнику репутацію незалежного і достовірного джерела актуальної та збалансованої інформації. «Голос Америки» зумів не лише успішно адаптуватися до якісних змін в інформаційному просторі в епоху глобалізації на зламі ХХ–ХХІ століть, а й перетворився на найпотужнішу мультимедійну систему, що має одну з найбільших аудиторій в світі. Ключові слова: «Голос Америки», медіа, інформаційна війна, іномовлення, пропаганда, західні радіостанції, «ворожі голоси».

Suchobokowa Olga. “POWIEDZIEMY PRAWDĘ”: “GŁOS AMERYKI” W INFO PRZESTRZENI ŚWIATOWEJ (LATA 40. – POCZĄTEK XXI WIEKU) Streszczenie Celem danej publikacji jest kompleksowy przegląd historii amerykańskiej radiostacji “Głos Ameryki” od jej powstania w 1941 r. do początku XXI wieku. Metodologia badań naukowych opiera się na połączeniu ogólnonaukowych i specjalnych metod historycznych oraz zasad poznania historycznego, takich jak naukowość, historyzm, systematyczność, obiektywność. Opierając się o zasady historyzmu, systematyczności i naukowości, udało się prześledzić działalność radiostacji “Głos Ameryki” oraz jej związki przyczynowo-skutkowe w kontekście historycznym i politycznym, między innymi w polityce zagranicznej rządu USA. Zasada obiektywności została zastosowana w zakresie działalności radiostacji. Wraz z krytyczną analizą bazy źródłowej pozwoliło nam to poznać koncepcyjne podstawy “Głos Ameryki”, jej prawidłowośсi i poszczególne aspekty. Zasada systematyczności pomogła stworzyć całościowy obraz działalności stacji w latach 40. XX wieku – na początku XXI wieku. Biorąc również pod uwagę specyfikę tematu, zastosowano podejście interdyscyplinarne, realizowane za pomocą aparatu kategorialnego i narzędzi badawczych innych nauk społecznych i humanistycznych, w szczególności politologii. Oryginalnością naukową pracy jest to, że po raz pierwszy w ukraińskiej historiografii podjęto próbę kompleksowego rozważenia działalności “Głos Ameryki” w całej jej historii. W wyniku przeprowadzonych badań autorka stwierdza, że stacja radiowa “Głos Ameryki” była i pozostaje ważnym elementem polityki USA w światowej przestrzeni informacyjnej. Jednocześnie nie jest rzecznikiem określonej grupy rządowej lub 152 INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – Issue 7. ISSN 2518-7694 (Print) ISSN 2518-7708 (Online) społecznej, a praca jej dziennikarzy i redaktorów w zakresie tworzenia treści informacyjnych jest niezależna i oparta na zasadach etyki dziennikarskiej. Dzięki temu rozgłośnia zyskała reputację niezależnego i wiarygodnego źródła aktualnych i wyważonych informacji. “Głos Ameryki” nie tylko z powodzeniem dostosowała się do zmian jakościowych w przestrzeni informacyjnej w erze globalizacji na przełomie XX i XXI wieku, ale także stała się najpotężniejszym systemem multimedialnym z jedną z największych widowni na świecie. Słowa kluczowe: “Głos Ameryki”, media, wojna informacyjna, nadawanie w języku obcym, propaganda, zachodnie radiostacje, “wrogie głosy”.

The article was received 10.27.2019 Article recommended for publishing 12.04.2019

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Наукове періодичне видання

ІНТЕРМАРУМ: історія, політика, культура. – 2020. – Вип. 7. INTERMARUM: history, policy, culture. – 2020. – Іssue 7.

Сайт видання: http://intermarum.zu.edu.ua/

Коректор: Лисюк К. Б.

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