DOCSLIB.ORG

The Struggle for Hegemony and the Articulation of Plurinationality: Contrasting Visions of Social Change and State Transformation in Bolivia’S Proceso De Cambio

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Struggle for Hegemony and the Articulation of Plurinationality: Contrasting Visions of Social Change and State Transformation in Bolivia’S Proceso De Cambio University of California, Santa Cruz The Struggle for Hegemony and the Articulation of Plurinationality: Contrasting Visions of Social Change and State Transformation in Bolivia’s Proceso de Cambio A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICS with an emphasis in LATIN AMERICAN & LATINO STUDIES Aaron Augsburger June 2018 The dissertation of Aaron Augsburger is approved: ____________________________________ Guillermo Delgado-P., Chair ____________________________________ Benjamin L. Read ____________________________________ Megan Thomas ____________________________________ Fernando I. Leiva _____________________________________ Tyrus Miller Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Table of Contents 1. Introduction 1 2. Conceptualizing Hegemony and Plurinationality in Bolivia’s Proceso de Cambio 11 3. Infrastructure, Extraction, and Indigeneity: TIPNIS and the Production of National Development 98 4. Plurality and Populism: CONAMAQ and Struggles of Indigenous Representation 155 5. Transforming the State? The Possibilities and Ambiguities of Indigenous Autonomy in El Estado Plurinacional 191 6. Conclusion 241 Bibliography 245 iii Abstract The Struggle for Hegemony and the Demand for Plurinationality: Contrasting Visions of Social Change and State Transformation in Bolivia’s Proceso de Cambio Aaron Augsburger Evo Morales and the MAS came to power in 2006 promising fundamental social, cultural, economic and political change, what they called el proceso de cambio (the process of change). While Bolivia has witnessed a number of important social, political, and economic changes, while also experiencing the most prolonged period of political stability in its history, significant disputes over land, territory, resources, identity, democracy, and the state remain. These differences have provoked conflicts over the vision, future direction, and transformational potential of Bolivia’s process of change. In this dissertation I argue that the central axis along which many of these conflicts rest can be theorized as an antagonism between two differing visions of social change and state transformation, conceptualized on the one hand as a struggle for hegemony, and on the other hand as a demand for plurinationality. Based on 16 months of ethnographic fieldwork, I argue that Morales and the MAS have pursued a vision of state-centered hegemonic change. In contrast, many of the actors that brought Morales to power have challenged the very legitimacy of the nation-state form and its culturally homogenizing practices. As an alternative, they offer a vision of plurinationality that seeks to “refound” Bolivia and recognize the cultures, economies, systems of social and political organization, and overall world visions that co-exist and interact within the geographic boundaries of the country. iv Introduction Every so often there are certain events that transcend their specific time and place, although their true significance is only really knowable to us in the future. When these events that transcend a particular moment, what García Linera labels “condensations of an era,” occur, “they divide history, because they announce that from that point on, social processes will follow new norms, though we only come to realize it years or decades later.”1 What came to be known as the Water War was one such event in Cochabamba in April 2000 where massive mobilizations of indigenous and popular forces came together to protest a water privatization scheme that had put the community’s water supply under the control of Aguas de Tunari, an affiliate of the transnational corporation Bechtel, that had sharply raised users’ rates.2 These protests eventually led to the cancelation of the privatization plan and the return of the Cochabamba’s water company to public hands. This uprising would come to be seen as the opening salvo of Bolivia’s 2000-2005 revolutionary situation that unified disparate social forces in a struggle against the country’s ruling elite and their model of development. This five-year period, which overthrew two sitting governments, ultimately brought Evo Morales, Bolivia’s first indigenous president, and the 1 Alvaro García Linera, “The Death of the Twentieth-Century Working-Class Condition,” in Plebeian Power: Collective Action and Indigenous, Working-Class, and Popular Identities in Bolivia, (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2014), p. 117. 2 On the Water War, see, for instance, Oscar Olivera and Tom Lewis, Cochabamba!: Water War in Bolivia, (Cambridge: South End Press, 2004); Willem Assies, “David versus Goliath in Cochabamba: Water Rights, Neoliberalism, and the Revival of Social Protest in Bolivia,” Latin American Perspectives, 30 (3), 2003, pp. 14-36; and William Finnegan, “Leasing the Rain,” The New Yorker, April 8, 2002. 1 Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement toward Socialism, MAS) to state power in 2006.3 Morales and the MAS came to power promising fundamental social, cultural, economic and political change, what they called el proceso de cambio (the process of change). Despite all the lofty goals and expectations that accompanied their rise to power, perhaps not surprisingly Morales and the MAS have not been able to deliver wholesale transformation. While Bolivia has witnessed a number of important social, political, and economic changes, while also experiencing the most prolonged period of political stability in its history, significant disputes over land, territory, resources, identity, democracy, and the state remain.4 These differences have provoked considerable tensions and conflicts between civil society actors and the MAS government. In essence, the struggle is over the vision, future direction, and transformational potential of the process of change and is often framed as a profound difference over governance and the development model. In this dissertation I argue that the central axis along which many of the fundamentally divisive conflicts rest can be usefully theorized as an antagonism between two differing visions of social change and state transformation, conceptualized on the one hand as a struggle for hegemony, and on the other hand as a demand for plurinationality. Since the early days of the MAS administration, but 3 On revolutionary situations, see Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution, (New York: McGraw-Hill Publishing Company, 1978); Jeffrey Webber, From Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia: Class Struggle, Indigenous Liberation, and the Politics of Evo Morales, (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2011). 4 For the most comprehensive overview of the Morales era, see Linda Farthing and Benjamin Kohl, Evo’s Bolivia: Continuity and Change, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2015). 2 especially since 2009, Morales and his party have pursued a vision of state-centered hegemonic change. In this process, they play the role of a vanguard that relies on natural resource extraction, agro-industrial expansion, and ideas of resource nationalism and development while, at the same time, maintaining the institutional structure of the pre-existing liberal nation-state. In contrast, many of the actors that formed the backbone of the 2000-2005 insurrectionary mobilizations that brought Morales to power have challenged not only neoliberalism and its model of development and political representation, but also the very legitimacy of the nation- state form and its culturally homogenizing practices. As an alternative, they offer a vision of plurinationality that seeks to “refound” Bolivia through the recognition of the diversity – both indigenous and non-indigenous – of cultures, economies, systems of social and political organization, and overall world visions that co-exist and interact within the geographic boundaries of the country. Contrasting Hegemony and Plurinationality Much of the literature focusing on the revolutionary period of 2000-2005 and the current process of change in Bolivia maintains the fundamental causes were related to the failures of neoliberalism and the political party system. These arguments are certainly true, but they only highlight the proximate causes of the insurrections. The “revolutionary epoch” of 2000-2005 was a period of crisis with various short-, medium-, and long-term causes.5 Some of the specific short-term 5 Raúl Prada, Horizontes de la Asamblea Constituyente, (La Paz: Ediciones Yachaywasi, 2006), p. 7. 3 motivations for the uprisings where the water privatization schemes in Cochabamba and El Alto and the plan to export natural gas to the United States through ports in Chile. These short-term motivations were linked to larger medium-term crises in the model of neoliberalism that had been applied in Bolivia since the mid 1980s, in addition to a crisis of political representation. From a much longer historical perspective, a system of colonialism installed during the conquest had remained through the independence period, the republican period, and even after the country’s social revolution of 1952. Thus, the revolutionary period at the turn of the 21st century should also be understood as a decolonial insurrection against an historical system of indigenous oppression and exploitation. It is important to understand these how these short-, medium-, and long-term causes and histories played out and came together in order to more fully comprehend contemporary Bolivia under Evo Morales and the MAS and the various tensions and contradictions of this current period. Bolivia entered into an era of hegemonic politics during the period between the
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Horizontalism
    Praise for Horizontalism "To read this book is to join the crucial conversation taking place within its pages: the inspiring, maddening, joyful cacophony of debate among movements building a genuinely new politics. Through her deeply re­ spectful documentary editing, Marina Sitrin has produced a work that embodies the values and practices it portrays." -Avi Lewis and Naomi Klein, co-creators of The Take "This book is really excellent. It goes straight to the important issues and gets people to talk about them in their own words. The result is a fascinating and important account of what is fresh and new about the Argentinian uprising."-John Holloway, author of Change the World Without Taking Power '' 'Another world is possible' was the catch-phrase of the World Social Forum, but it wasn't just possible; while the north was dreaming, that world was and is being built and lived in many parts of the global south. With the analytical insight of a political philosopher, the investigative zeal of a reporter, and the heart of a sister, Marina Sitrin has immersed herself in one of the most radical and important of these other worlds and brought us back stories, voices, and possibilities. This book on the many facets, phases and possibilities of the insurrections in Argentina since the economic implosion of December 2001 is riveting, moving, and profoundly important for those who want to know what revolution in our time might look like."-Rebecca Solnit, author of Savage Dreams and Hope in the Dark "This is the story of how people at the bottom turned Argentina upside down-told by those who did the overturning.
    [Show full text]
  • Hegemony, Coercion, and Their Teeth-Gritting Harmony: a Commentary on Power, Culture, and Sexuality in Franco's Spain
    University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform Volume 33 2000 Hegemony, Coercion, and their Teeth-Gritting Harmony: A Commentary on Power, Culture, and Sexuality in Franco's Spain Ratna Kapur Centre for Feminist Legal Research Tayyab Mahmud Cleveland-Marshall College of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Legal History Commons, and the Sexuality and the Law Commons Recommended Citation Ratna Kapur & Tayyab Mahmud, Hegemony, Coercion, and their Teeth-Gritting Harmony: A Commentary on Power, Culture, and Sexuality in Franco's Spain, 33 U. MICH. J. L. REFORM 411 (2000). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr/vol33/iss3/9 This Response or Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SUMMER 2000] Hegemony, Coercion SPRING 2000] Hegemony, Coercion 411 HEGEMONY, COERCION, AND THEIR TEETH-GRITTING HARMONY: A COMMENTARY ON POWER, CULTURE, AND SEXUALITY IN FRANCO'S SPAIN Ratna Kapur* Tayyab Mahmud** Professor Gema P~rez-Sdinchez's article, Franco's Spain, Queer Na- tion?' focuses on the last years of Francisco Franco's fascist dictatorship and the early years of the young Spanish democracy, roughly from the late 1960's to the early 1980's.' The centerpiece of her article looks at how, through law, Franco's regime sought to define and contain what it considered dangerous social behavior, particularly homosexuality.
    [Show full text]
  • Texas Nepotism Laws Made Easy
    Texas Nepotism Laws Made Easy 2016 Editor Zindia Thomas Assistant General Counsel Texas Municipal League www.tml.org Updated July 2016 Table of Contents 1. What is nepotism? .................................................................................................................... 1 2. What types of local government officials are subject to the nepotism laws? .......................... 1 3. What types of actions are generally prohibited under the nepotism law? ............................... 1 4. What relatives of a public official are covered by the statutory limitations on relationships by consanguinity (blood)? .................................................................................. 1 5. What relationships by affinity (marriage) are covered by the statutory limitations? .............. 2 6. What happens if it takes two marriages to establish the relationship with the public official? ......................................................................................................................... 3 7. What actions must a public official take if he or she has a nepotism conflict? ....................... 3 8. Do the nepotism laws apply to cities with a population of less than 200? .............................. 3 9. May a close relative be appointed to an unpaid position? ....................................................... 3 10. May other members of a governing body vote to hire a person who is a close relative of a public official if the official with the nepotism conflict abstains from deliberating and/or
    [Show full text]
  • Applied Research on Decentralization of Health Systems in Latin America
    June 2000 34 Applied Research on Decentralization of Health Systems in Latin America: Bolivia Case Study Applied Research on Decentralization of Health Systems in Latin America: Bolivia Case Study Thomas J. Bossert, PhD Harvard School of Public Health Fernando Ruiz Mier KPMG/Bolivia Scarlet Escalante Independent Consultant Marina Cardenas Independent Consultant Bruno Guisani Independent Consultant Katherina Capra Independent Consultant Joel Beauvais, BA Harvard School of Public Health Diana Bowser, MPH Harvard School of Public Health June 2000 This publication was produced by the Data for Decision Making Project at the Harvard School of Public Health, funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development under Cooperative Agreement No. DPE-5991-A-00-1052-00. It was done in collaboration with the Latin America and Caribbean Health Sector Reform Initiative, funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development under Contract No. HRN- 5974-C-00-5024-00. The views expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the U.S. Agency for International Development. TABLE OF CONTENTS ACRONYM LIST .............................................................................................................iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................................................................... v INTRODUCTION............................................................................................................. 1 METHODOLOGY & THE DECISION-SPACE APPROACH ...........................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Changing Ethnic Boundaries
    Changing Ethnic Boundaries: Politics and Identity in Bolivia, 2000–2010 Submitted by Anaïd Flesken to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Ethno–Political Studies in October 2012 This thesis is available for library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other university. Signature: …………………………………………………………. Abstract The politicization of ethnic diversity has long been regarded as perilous to ethnic peace and national unity, its detrimental impact memorably illustrated in Northern Ireland, former Yugo- slavia or Rwanda. The process of indigenous mobilization followed by regional mobilizations in Bolivia over the past decade has hence been seen with some concern by observers in policy and academia alike. Yet these assessments are based on assumptions as to the nature of the causal mechanisms between politicization and ethnic tensions; few studies have examined them di- rectly. This thesis systematically analyzes the impact of ethnic mobilizations in Bolivia: to what extent did they affect ethnic identification, ethnic relations, and national unity? I answer this question through a time-series analysis of indigenous and regional identification in political discourse and citizens’ attitudes in Bolivia and its department of Santa Cruz from 2000 to 2010. Bringing together literature on ethnicity from across the social sciences, my thesis first develops a framework for the analysis of ethnic change, arguing that changes in the attributes, meanings, and actions associated with an ethnic category need to be analyzed separately, as do changes in dynamics within an in-group and towards an out-group and supra-group, the nation.
    [Show full text]
  • Zwischen Plautdietsch, Hochdeutsch Und Spanisch : Dreisprachigkeit Von in Paraguay Und Bolivien Lebenden Mennoniten Und Ihre
    Zwischen Plautdietsch, Hochdeutsch und Spanisch: Dreisprachigkeit von in Paraguay und Bolivien lebenden Mennoniten und ihre Auswirkung auf die spanische Lernersprache Inaugural Dissertation zur Erlangung des Grades eines Doktors der Philosophie in der Fakultät für Philologie der RUHR-UNIVERSITÄT BOCHUM vorgelegt von Kristin Ostendorf Gedruckt mit der Genehmigung der Fakultät für Philologie der Ruhr-Universität Bochum. Referent: ___________________________________________Prof. Dr. Judith Visser Korreferent: ___________________________________________Prof. Dr. Gerald Bernhard Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: _________________________4. Dezember 2017 Meiner Mutter (†2012) Inhaltsverzeichnis 1 Einleitung 9 2 Mennoniten: Glaube, Herkunft, Geschichte und Tradition 13 2.1 DieEntstehungdesmennonitischenGlaubens............ 13 2.2 GlaubensgrundlagenundLebensweisederMennoniten....... 14 3 Sprache und Migration 19 3.1 Sprachgebrauch religi¨oserGruppen.................. 20 3.2 AuswanderungsbewegungenderMennoniten............. 21 3.2.1DeutscheinRussland...................... 23 3.2.2DeutscheinderUkraine.................... 25 3.3 AnabaptisteninAmerikaundKanada................ 28 3.4 Anabaptisten in Sudamerika......................¨ 41 3.5 AußenkontaktederMennoniten.................... 45 4 Mennoniten in Sudamerika:¨ untersuchte Ziell¨ander 49 4.1 Spanisch in Sudamerika........................¨ 49 4.2 Paraguay................................. 50 4.2.1LandesinformationenzuParaguay............... 50 4.2.2MennoniteninParaguay.................... 51 4.2.3SpanischinParaguay.....................
    [Show full text]
  • From Hegemony to Ambivalence. Nato's Transformation and European Stability
    FROM HEGEMONY TO AMBIVALENCE. NATO'S TRANSFORMATION AND EUROPEAN STABILITY by Marco Cesa Università di Bologna Facoltà di Scienze Politiche and The Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies Bologna Center Fellowships Programme 1997-1999 Final Report submitted to NATO, Office of Information and Press, June 30 1999. NOT TO BE QUOTED WITHOUT PERMISSION 2 CONTENTS: Introduction p. 3 1. The Limits of Alliance Theory p. 4 2. Alliances: A Typology p. 7 3. NATO after the End of the Cold War p. 14 4. The Leader Asserts Itself... p. 18 4.1 Who’s Afraid of the European Pillar? p. 20 4.2 Bigger Is Better (or Isn’t It?) p. 24 4.3 Out of Area or Out of Business p. 28 5. ... and the Followers Reluctantly Comply p. 30 Tables p. 34 Bibiliography p. 35 Abstract p. 40 3 Introduction Although the scholarly literature on alliances is extremely rich and variegated1, it is no exaggeration to argue that its conceptual and theoretical content leaves something to be desired2. In the work of political scientists and analysts, alliances are invariably seen as aggregations of power, reflecting either the need to face some threat or the opportunity of achieving some gain. But diplomatic historians know better. Indeed, they often show that the functions performed by alliances are not simply confined to a third, external, party: in fact, most alliances involve functions of reciprocal control and management among the allies: in many alliances, the partners try and restrain or influence each other, and what is often at issue is not merely the pursuit of the collective interests of the alliance but the coexistence of various national interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Constructing Andean Utopia in Evo Morales's Bolivia
    UCC Library and UCC researchers have made this item openly available. Please let us know how this has helped you. Thanks! Title Comparative indigeneities in contemporary Latin America: an analysis of ethnopolitics in Mexico and Bolivia Author(s) Warfield, Cian Publication date 2020 Original citation Warfield, C. 2020. Comparative indigeneities in contemporary Latin America: an analysis of ethnopolitics in Mexico and Bolivia. PhD Thesis, University College Cork. Type of publication Doctoral thesis Rights © 2020, Cian Warfield. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Item downloaded http://hdl.handle.net/10468/10551 from Downloaded on 2021-10-09T12:31:58Z Ollscoil na hÉireann, Corcaigh National University of Ireland, Cork Comparative Indigeneities in Contemporary Latin America: Analysis of Ethnopolitics in Mexico and Bolivia Thesis presented by Cian Warfield, BA, M.Res for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University College Cork Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies Head of Department: Professor Nuala Finnegan Supervisor: Professor Nuala Finnegan 2020 Contents Acknowledgements …………………………………………………………………………………………………03 Abstract………………………….……………………………………………….………………………………………….06 Introduction…………………………..……………………………………………………………..…………………..08 Chapter One Tierra y Libertad: The Zapatista Movement and the Struggle for Ethnoterritoriality in Mexico ……………………………………………………………….………………………………..……………………..54 Chapter Two The Struggle for Rural and Urban Ethnoterritoriality in Evo Morales’s Bolivia: The 2011 TIPNIS Controversy
    [Show full text]
  • A Global Comparison of Non-Sovereign Island Territories: the Search for ‘True Equality’
    Island Studies Journal, 15(1), 2020, 43-66 A global comparison of non-sovereign island territories: the search for ‘true equality’ Malcom Ferdinand CNRS, Paris, France [email protected] Gert Oostindie KITLV, the Netherlands Leiden University, the Netherlands [email protected] (corresponding author) Wouter Veenendaal KITLV, the Netherlands Leiden University, the Netherlands [email protected] Abstract: For a great majority of former colonies, the outcome of decolonization was independence. Yet scattered across the globe, remnants of former colonial empires are still non-sovereign as part of larger metropolitan states. There is little drive for independence in these territories, virtually all of which are small island nations, also known as sub-national island jurisdictions (SNIJs). Why do so many former colonial territories choose to remain non-sovereign? In this paper we attempt to answer this question by conducting a global comparative study of non-sovereign jurisdictions. We start off by analyzing their present economic, social and political conditions, after which we assess local levels of (dis)content with the contemporary political status, and their articulation in postcolonial politics. We find that levels of discontent and frustration covary with the particular demographic, socio- economic and historical-cultural conditions of individual territories. While significant independence movements can be observed in only two or three jurisdictions, in virtually all cases there is profound dissatisfaction and frustration with the contemporary non-sovereign arrangement and its outcomes. Instead of achieving independence, the territories’ real struggle nowadays is for obtaining ‘true equality’ with the metropolis, as well as recognition of their distinct cultural identities.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Ethics Fighting Nepotism Within Local and Regional Authorities
    Public Ethics Fighting nepotism within local and regional authorities Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe Public Ethics Fighting nepotism within local and regional authorities Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe French edition: Combattre le népotisme au sein des pouvoirs locaux et régionaux Reproduction of the texts in this publication is authorised provided that the full title of the source, namely the Council of Europe, is cited. If they are intended to be used for commercial purposes or translated into one of the non-official languages of the Council of Europe, please contact [email protected]. Cover and layout: Documents and Publications Production Department (SPDP), Council of Europe This publication has not been copy-edited by the SPDP Editorial Unit to correct typographical and grammatical errors. Council of Europe, July 2019 Printed at the Council of Europe Contents FOREWORD 5 FIGHTING NEPOTISM WITHIN LOCAL AND REGIONAL AUTHORITIES EXPLANATORY MEMORANDUM 7 Introduction 10 Background 11 Public or private interests? Clientelism and favouritism in human resource management 13 The importance of impartial recruitment systems 16 Counteracting nepotism: the international anticorruption framework 23 National case studies 30 Conclusions and policy recommendations 43 RÉSOLUTION 441 (2019) 47 RECOMMENDATION 428 (2019) 53 ► Page 3 Foreword With the continuing decline in people’s trust in public authori- ties, the fight against nepotism and the need to ensure impar- tial recruitment procedures have never been so important. The report adopted on this subject by the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe is part of a comprehensive strategy for fighting corruption.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism and Ethnic Politics Book Reviews
    This article was downloaded by: [University College London] On: 29 December 2009 Access details: Access Details: [subscription number 772858957] Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37- 41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Nationalism and Ethnic Politics Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713636289 Book reviews To cite this Article (2003) 'Book reviews', Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 9: 2, 128 — 148 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/13537110412331301445 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110412331301445 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. 92nep06.qxd 27/10/2003 09:21 Page 128 Book Reviews rank K. Salter (ed.). Risky Transactions: Trust, Kinship and Ethnicity. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2002.
    [Show full text]
  • The Post-Dictatorial Thriller Form
    THE POST-DICTATORIAL THRILLER FORM A Dissertation by AUDREY BRYANT POWELL Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2012 Major Subject: Hispanic Studies The Post-Dictatorial Thriller Form Copyright 2012 Audrey Bryant Powell THE POST-DICTATORIAL THRILLER FORM A Dissertation by AUDREY BRYANT POWELL Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved by: Chair of Committee, Alberto Moreiras Committee Members, Juan Carlos Galdo Teresa Vilarós Andrew Kirkendall Head of Department, Alberto Moreiras May 2012 Major Subject: Hispanic Studies iii ABSTRACT The Post-Dictatorial Thriller Form. (May 2012) Audrey Bryant Powell, B.A., Baylor University; M.A., Baylor University Chair of Advisory Committee: Dr. Alberto Moreiras This dissertation proposes a theoretical examination of the Latin American thriller through the framework of post-dictatorial Chile, with a concluding look at the post civil war Central American context. I define the thriller as a loose narrative structure reminiscent of the basic detective story, but that fuses the conventional investigation formula with more sensational elements such as political violence, institutional corruption and State terrorism. Unlike the classic form, in which crime traditionally occurs in the past, the thriller form engages violence as an event ongoing in the present or always lurking on the narrative horizon. The Chilean post-dictatorial and Central American postwar histories contain these precise thriller elements. Throughout the Chilean military dictatorship (1973-1990), the Central American civil wars (1960s-1990s) and the triumph of global capitalism, political violence emerges in diversified and oftentimes subtle ways, demanding new interpretational paradigms for explaining its manifestation in contemporary society.
    [Show full text]