Icon of Free and Fully Integrated United India with Fraternity Dr

Home , Balraj Madhok, Syama Prasad Mukherjee

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Icon of Free and Fully Integrated United India with Fraternity Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee Sumer Khajuria Advocate

I. INTRODUCTION A truly multi-faceted personality, Dr Mookerjee, encapsulated within himself a politician, an educationist, a Barister by profession, stepped in further for social reforms and moulded himself eternally a humantarin personality by standing fro the future free and fully integrated, United India ; full dressed with justice, liberity, equality and fraternity, guaranteed with dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation ; the mission for which he ultimately laid down his life on 23rd June’ 19531, as first martyr for the said object of full integration of Jammu and Kashmir (by abrogration of permit system and Article 370 of the constitution fo India) e.g. One Vidhan, One Nishan and one Pradhan, the mission accomplished, though late but right on the auspicious day of 5th August 20192, because of the strong political will of the Prime Minister Narinder Modi, led Government of India. Born in the well reputed Brahmin family (of Bengal) of Sir Asutosh and Smt Jogomaya only July 6th 1901, at Kolkata, Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee, (Daac Naam Naam Beni, also was being called as Bhuttu or Bhuti) inherited his amazing capacity of wrk, his knowledge of men and affairs, passionate devotion to the visiting cause. He has the courage and self confidence by which, he has left his foot prints in every field through which he came across through out his life, as enlighting assets for our future generations.

1.1 Early age According to his teacher namely Haridas Kar, Dr. Mookerjee entered in his primary education on 23rd July 1906 in Bhawanipur’s Mitra Institution, passed his matriculation examination in 1914 and admitted into Presidency College3. He stood seventeenth in the Inter Arts Examination in 19164 and graduated in English securing the first position in first class in 19215. He completed MA in Bengali being graded as first class in 19236, and also became a fellow of senate in Calcutta University in 19237. He completed his B.L. in 19248. Dr Mookerjee left for England in 1925 for study the prestigious distinction of Bar-at-law and came back to India in 1927 after earning the status of Barrister –at-law, though after passing his B.L. Degree in 1924 stood already enrolled as an advocate in the Calcutta High Court in 1924 and in the same year (1924) his father Sir Asutosh Mookerjee had expired9.

1.2 Marital life Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee was married to Smt. Sudha Devi on 16th April 192210, when he was studying in MA Class. Sudha Devi was the daughter of Beni Madhav Chakaravarty and granddaughter of Behari Lal Chakravarty a famous Bengali Poet of nineteenth century, Sarat Kumar Chakravarta, another Son of Bihari Lal (the uncle of Sudha Devi) had married with the eldest daughter of great poet Rabindra Nath Tagore, though she had died in her early married duration. Dr Mookerjee had two sons namely Anutosh (Sontu) and Debtosh (Dutu) and two daughters, Sabita (bua) and Arati (Hasi) besides his youngest son just at the age of four moth had died of diphtheria. As a measure of such shock Sudha Devi als expired in 1933 by contacting double pneumonia at her young age of 24 years11, leaving behind the aforesaid four children at their tender age Dr Mookerjee who at that point of time was also just at 29 years age did refuse to remarry for the sake of welfare of his minor children12. However all these children were nursed by Smt. Tara Devi the wife of Rama Prasad the elder brother of Dr Mookerjee with great love and affection.

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1.3 Educationist’s Career Although during the lifetime of Justice (Sir) Asutosh Mookerjee, Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee had been associated with the University but upon Sir Asutosh’s demise in 1924, Dr Mookerjee was elected to the University Syndicate, thus just at the age of 23 years he was catapulated into one of the most powerful position he was catapulated into one of the most powerful position in India in the field of Education. He became vice Chancellor of Bengal University in 1934 just at the age of thirty three and remained as such upto 1938. On 19th September 1938, the senate of Calcutta University resolved to confer Honorary D. Litt on Dr. Mookerjee by them stood retired from such position “by reason of eminent position and attainment a fit and proper person to receive such a Degree” which was received by Dr Mookerjee on November 26, 193813. In the 1938, again Dr Mookerjee was conferred LLD (honours Causa) By the Banaras University. Again in the same year he was also nominated to the committee of intellectual co-operation, League of Nations as India’s representatives. The achievements in the education system so initiated by Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee as foot prints of our future generations, even since the period when India was under British colonial thus such achievements were enormous and as grace being followed ; 1. Without any encouragement from the Government of the day, he put into effect a scheme of agriculture education and introduced the diploma course in Agriculture. He was deeply interested in Women’s education and implemented note-worthy scheme with the endowment of Late Vihari Lal Mitra. 2. The organization of the Teachers training Department and introduction of short term training course including vocation course to provide training teachers for schools ; establishment of Chinese and Tibetan studies ; foundation of Asutosh Musem of Indian Arts and Fine Arts Gallery ; the archaeological excavation undfertaken by the university ; the establishment of the appointment and Information Boards ; the Construction of new liberary Hall with research and reading room facilities on modern lines ; the introduction of Hindi in the BA Course and Honors Course in Bengali, Hindi, Urdu as second language being some of the achievements. 3. At his instance a Bengali Paribhasha of scientific terms was prepared and pulished and a special scheme for training students for public services examination was put through. 4. A special series of Bengali Publication in different branches of Knowledge was undertaken. The series was intended for the benefit of students and general readers. Bengali spellings were standardized on his initiatives. 5. The college code was formulated for the first time during his vicechancellorship and the new matriculation regulations were framed and the age restriction of students was abolished. 6. The system of compartmental examination and concessions to failed students for reappearing at examinations without getting themselves admitted into colleges were introduced during his tenure. 7. The question of giving military training to students engaged his serious attention and despite of discouraging factors, he succeeded in initiating military course in our scheme of studies. 8. The welfare of the younger generation and of the country at large was the ideal he set before himself and with single minded devotion he labored hard to attain it. To this end he took steps to improve and expand the student’s welfare Department for the promotion of physical health of our pupils and abolished hostels reserved for the students coming from so called backward class, providing accommodation for them in the general hostels messes attached to colleges Primarily intended to create the spirit of brotherhood among them. Syama Prasad Mookerjee Saw, that the special reduced seat rents were charged from them. 9. It was during his Vice Chancellorship that the university foundation day (January 24th) was celebrated every year (This was an attempt to bring teachers and their counterpart teachers into their closer personal relationship. 10. A scheme was initiated in applied chemistry department for imparting in large scale production of certain industrial goods. 11. It was Dr Syma Prasad Mookerjee who during his Vice Chancellorship, had invited world famous poet hailing from Bengal herself Rabindar Nath Tagore to give convocation address in Bengali in 1937, for the first time.

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12. Introduction of the Communication Engineering Special paper in the applied physics course which later blossomed into a separate department known as Radio Physics and Electronics. 13. The other achievement can be subsumed as ; a) Introducing research facilities in Chinese and Tibetan languages and culture. b) Introducing geography as a subject from matriculation examination till Masters. c) Introducing a course of Islamic History and Culture. d) Permitting Ph.D theses to be submitted in Bengali. Even after demitting the office of the Vice Chancellor in 1938, Dr Mookerjee remained influenced member of the Senate and continued to serve the University as a Member of the post graduate council of Arts till 1947, when he moved to Delhi.

II. POLITICAL CAREER BEFORE INDEPENDENCE Dr Mookerjee although at his early age of 28, in the year 1929 be became the Member of Legislative Council from Calcutta University constituency14 as a Congress Candidate but resigned from the Council upon the boycott call given by the Congress in 1930. Since the entry of Dr Mookerjee into the Legislative Council was not a political move but to stand as a watchdog for the interests of the University in the Legislature. However he was again re-elected to the Bengal Legislative Council in 1930 as an independent candidate from the same university constituency15. The primary reason forcing Dr Mookerjee to enter into full time real-politik, lies in the face of maltreatment out to the miniority Bengali Hindus at the ends of rabidly communal Muslim League Krishak Praja Party Coalation government, besides the Congress despite being voted by the Hindus but its conduct on such sensitive issues remain in delimma rather betrayal in principal leaving the innocent Hindus in lurch. Even the Hindu Ministers in the said so called Muslim League-Krishak Praja Party were of no use rather in effective to protect the cause of Hindus, rather perfomed a role of mere suspector. The minority Hindus of Bengal with about 47 percent population stood already crushed under the Ramsay Macdonald’s Communal Award of 1932 by reducing Hindus to political impotence. Even the role of Congress was of “non-commitment” on the subject. Government of India Act provided protection to the majority Muslims with their separate electorate, thus Bengali Hindus had next to none their effective role in the Bengal governance, resulting thereby the scenes of preference treatments to Muslims were practically brought into play purely communal lives by the Government in place. Although the Congress during during the provincial elections did stand as single largest party in Bengal but opted not to form the Government with the alliance of the Krishak Praja Party. This blunder again drove Hindus into the clutches of Communal Muslim League outfit immensely damaging the interest of Hindui community. In 1937 Dr Mokerjee was elected as an independent candidate in the elections, by which Krishak Praja Party came into power16. Because of the intra reft between the Muslim League-Krishak Praja Party, the Chief Minister of Begal Abdul Qusim Fazhal Haqhailing from Krishak Praja Party resigned and thus such coalition ministry came to an end on December 7, 1941. Again the Progressive Coalition Ministry headed by same Mr. Haq as its Chief Minister was sworn in on 12th December 1941. Dr. Mookerjee who was belonging to Hindu Mahasabha became Finance Minister (only representative from that party) and Upendranath Barman became Minister representing Schedule Caste (Rajbangshi community) but the Namahshudra community remained unrepresented. Sarat Chandra Bose Group (who himself was in jail) was represented by two ministers namely Santosh Bose and Pramatha Banerjee. With the exist of Muslim League from the Bengal Government, the Hindu community some sigh of relief though the British Government at the centre was unhappy rather treating Hindu Muslim unity as threat to the British Empire. Said coalition was also excluding Main Congress (Khadi group) which also was not happy with the formation of such coalation government.

2.1 Resignation as Finance Minister of Bengal Mahatma Gandhi on 8th August 1942 after the approval of the resolution by the All India Congress Committee gave a coil of Quit India for Britishers from the Gowalia Tank Maidan (now called as August Kranti Maidan) of Bombay. The British almost instantly retaliated by throwing all the principal congress leaders in jail the next very date, as a result, the

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movement became a disjointed one, led mainly by second or third rung leaders with local followings. The file which came from centre Government to the Chief Minister and studied in detail which revealed that the planning of Congress was well in adrance leakes as a result the British Government has made full arrangements to deal with sternly. The role of the Ministers in the Bengal Government stood reduced to merely a tool of British Government through symbol of figure head. Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee being Finance Minister of Bengal Province in his letter dated 12th August 1942, addressed to the Vice roy Lord Linlithgow had unequivocally records therein that “The demand of the Congress as anbodies in the last resolution (referring to the Quit India resolution of August 8) vitually constitutes the national demand of India as a whole. It is regrettable that the Compaign of misrepresentation is being carried on …………. Characterizing the Congress invitation as a virtual invitation to Japan and a surrender to Chaos and confusion ……… Just as the Congree has a duty not to do anything suddenly, which is bound to lead to Chaos and confusion ………… Just as the Congress has a duty not to do anything suddenly, which is bound to lead to chaos and disorder so also have you a similar duty to ensure that there can be no just cause for discontent and disaffection, resulting in chaos and disorder. Repression is not the remedy at this critical hour”17. The said letter further wrte that “………. It is therefore essential that India’s free status should be recognized immediately and the people of the country called upon to defend their own country in co-operation with the Allied Powers, and not merely look upon the Britain to fight the impending aggression”18. The version of Syama Prasad Mookerjee, though being mispresented with mudslinging allegations against him being betrayal from the Indian Independence cause becomes very explicit from the contents of the said letter dated 12th August 1942. In fact Dr Mookerjee was in complete agreement with the patriotic content of the resolution of the Congress dated 8th August 1942, but had serious reservation as to the technicalities and did not afraid to speak out. All that Dr Mookerjee stood like a rock despite being a Finance Minister of the Bengal Province in coalation with the Krishik Praja Party, and the letter dated 12th August 1942 became the cause of the resignation of Dr Mookerjee from the Bengal Government despite the same was sail my very smoothly being explicit. Dr Mookerjee had his last interview with the Governor of Bengal Mr Herbert on 19th November which ended with difference of opinion on the publication of the contents of the letter dated 12th August 1942 and ultimately the Governor accepted the resignation of Dr Mookerjee on 20th November 1942. In his statement dated 21st November, Dr. Mookerjee made very crystal clear that his resignations from the Government was not due to any difference of opinion between himself and the Chief Minister or any of his colleagues or any member of the Progressive Coalation Party.

2.2 Bengal Famine of 1943 The great Bengal Famine of 1943 taking toll of more than three million lives was manmade. It was a direct result of the war coupled with horrible misdeeds committed by few Britishers in the course of paniky reaction to the war. A combination of cyclone and tidal wave, presumably a tsunami, at Contai in Midinapore district and its concealment by the Government from Mookerjee, had the serious effects of triggering the famine. According to Mokerjee, the certain measures taken by the British authorities were sure to cause a complete breakdown in the society more particularly the cordial role in organizing relief for the famine effected and thereafter exposing the misdeeds of Muslim League Ministry and British bureaucracy and contemptuous role of Surawardy Minister for Civil Supplies in bungling the Famine relief components and committing blant partiality and disregard for norms of spending public money that he showed in respect of a known Muslim League benefactor called Isphani, e.g. opening a new door of conversion into Islam the food starved Hindus under duress and coercion, and that too with the free hand of British authorities. Dr Mookerjee had set up Bengal Relief Committee and the Hindu Mahasabha Relief Committee apart from other prominent people came forward either to his organization or founded other organizations for famine relief and all these organizations operated relief centers at Calcutta and other rural Bengal from Dautan Midnapore to Boors in Jalpaiguri to Chittagong. The stamp of Dr Mookerjee’s indelible energy was apparent behind each one of these efforts, which he did despite being out of power. In crux what Dr Mookerjee observed to be most disgusting, depraved and revolting was the apathy, the callousness, the differences, the heartlessness and utter cruelty and bestiality that the government functionaries exhibited towards the victims of the catastrophe.

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Among the organization which were set up and the people who headed them were ; Marwari Relief Society (Mangturam Jaipuria), Ram Krishna Mission (Swami Madhavananda), Arya Samaj Relief Society (Deep Chand Ji Podder), Stock Exchange Relief Committee (Govind Lal Bangur), Gujrat Seva Samiti (Pranjivan Jaitha), Punjab Relief Committee (Lala Karamchand Thappar), Calcutta Relief Committee (Dr Bidhan Chandra Roy), Howrah Relief Society (Chiranjilal Bajoria), All India Women’s Conference Relief Committee (Smt. Vijay Lakshmi Pandit), Bengal Women’s Food Committee (Lady Ranu Mookerjee), All India Bengal Floos and Famine Relief Committee (G.L. Mehta), Daridra Bandhar Bhandar (Dr Radha Binode Pad). The premier business houses of Birla Brothers and Soorajmal Nagurmal also sponsored their own relief works, as did quite a few zamindars in their respective areas. Some of these committee had affiliated organizations in the districts thrugh whom they organized a Relief distribution. Dr Mookerjee also organized a Relief Coordination Committee of which he was one oof the Vice Presidents and other being Dr Bidhan Chandra Roy, the Legendary Physician and later the Chief Minister of Bengal19. The said relief organizations carried the following activities. 1. Free Kitchen and free grain distribution centres for the totally destitute and starving. 2. Cheap canteens and grain shops for those who could still pay something. 3. Minimal housing for the destitutes. 4. Hospitals earmarked and equipped to treat the famine effected. 5. Supply of free clothing to the needy. 6. Supply of free milk for destitute children and infact. Dr Mookerjee was again elected and infant independent candidate from Calcutta university in the Bengal Legislative Assembly in 194620 and also in the same year to the Indian Constituent Assembly21.

2.3 Hindu Maha Sabha Dr Mookerjee joined the Hindu Mahasabha in Bengal in 193922 and became its acting President in the same year and was appointed as the working President of the organization in 194023. In February 1941 Mookerjee told in a Hindu Rally of Muslims wanted to live in Pakistan they should “pack their bag and baggage and leave India…… (to) wherever they like24. He was elected as the President of the Akhil Bhartiya Hindu Mahasabha in 194325 and remained in this position till 1946, with Laxman Bhopatkar becoming the New President in the same year 194626. Mookerjee demanded the partition of Bengal in 1946, to prevent the inclusion of its Hindu-Majority area in a Muslim dominated East Parkistan27. A meeting held by the MahaSabha on 15th April 1947 in Tarakeshwar authorized him to take steps for ensuring partition of Bengal. In May’ 1947, he wrote a letter to Lord Mount batten telling him that Bengal must be partitioned even if India was not28. He also opposed a failed bid for a United but independent Bengal made in 1947 by Sarat Bose, the brother of Subhas Chandra Bose and Huseyn Shaheed Sukrawardy, a Bengali Muslim politician29. His view was strongly affected by the Noakhali genocide in East Bengal where mobs belonging to Muslim League massacred Hindus30.

2.4 Direct Action Day of Muslim League In 1946, Muhammad Ali Jinah declared 16th August 1946 as “Direct Action Day”, The day also known as the 1946 Calcutta Killings. It was aimed for a nationwide protest by Muslim community which led to large scale violence in the city of Calcutta in Bengal province of British India31. This day is also known as the week of the Long Knives32. Suhrawardy the Chief Minister of Bengal in 1946 representing the Muslim League Government stepped further i.e. to the step called Direct Action at the dictates of Jinah with an intention to press for the Land of Muslims called Pakistan ; accordingly by the planned roits and killings, declared for the purpose August 16th 1946 as the holiday on the floor of the State Assembly on August 12, 1946 on the pretext of observing general strike without taking House into confidence –Suhrawardy was the brain behind the great Calcutta Killing, but whereas Muslim League leader Ghulam Sarwar for plotting the carnage at Naokhali. A no confidence motion moved against Suhrawardy Government was also defeated because of the Communists support to the said Muslim League Government.

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League’s rally began at Ochterlony Monument at Noon with largest ever Muslim Assembly in Bengal of the time33 while carrying iron bars and lath is in outnumbered, and thus trouble assuming communal character was eminent. The figure of such participants through differed among the media sources but the star of India reporter put it at one lakh34. Just after the end of the said meeting the gathered participants armed with muskets crowbars, huge daggers and swords, large pieces of stones of course carrying Muslim League flags, they spread out howling their battle cries “Allaho Akbar, Pakistan zindabad Muslim League Zindabad, Lekar Rahenge Pakistan, Ladke Lenge Pakistan, One of the first place they looted was a gun shop on Chowringhee, right next to the meeting ground where Suhrawardy was exhorting the muslims to roits. Thus the mobs fanned out and setting upon Hindus all over the city. The Lieutenant General Sir Francis Tuker General Officer commanding in Chief of India’s Eastern Army and Machinlay’s Superior observed that Suhrawardy had been more critical than helping during roits. Tuker also termed the killings unbridled savagery with homicidal maniacs let loose to kill and kill and maim and burn.

2.5 Post Independence Political Career Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee being an unassailable leader from Bengal especially after partition, the West Bengal with capital city becoming part of India, his excellent performance in the Constituent Assembly since 1946, his political acumen and oratorical skill and mastry of parliamentary procedure such qualities brought for him new laurels. His position as one of the top moost public figures, whose record of service in the cause of Indian independence was outstanding and was also universally recognized. Thus having not alternate matching to the stature of Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee from a prime important province of Bengal at the instance of Gandhiji, (who always considered Dr Mookerjee like Pandit Madan Mohan Malvia or Patel Hindu minded Congress leaders), Dr Mookerjee was given a berth in the first Cabinet of the Independent India constituted on 15th August 1947 being a non-Congress leader having already at his back the cordial leader having already at his back the coordial working as Finance Minister of the Progressive Coalation Ministry of Bengal headed by Mr. Abdul Qasim Fazal Haq. Such First National Cabinet of India so constituted on 15th August 1947 was shaped as a coalation Government being a combination of tall stewards capable of inspiring confidence and enthusiasm in the whole nation. Thus the personalities like Syama Prasad Mookerjee, Sir John Mathai, Sir Shanmukhan Chetty (the well known financial expert) and Dr B.R. Ambedkar (a noted jurist and scheduled caste leader) were brought in the first cabinet. Dr. Mookerjee who had been the prime leader of All India Hindu Mahasabha feeling hesitation to work with Congressmen of his adverse ideology was inspired particulary by Veer Damodar Savarkar to join the Ministry in broader national interest as Watchdog of Hindu community. Fourteen ministers, cabinet was sworn in on 15th August 1947 and Dr Mokerjee was assigned with the Industries and Supplies ministry35. On broad matters of policy, more particularly regarding Pakistan his differences with Pandit Nehru surfaced quite early. His heart bled so much for the refugees that having visibly massacred by the Pakistanis against peace loving Hindus of East Bengal. When he found that Pandit Nehru was unwilling to accept his advice to back Sardar Patels demand on Pakistan for transfer of land from East Pakistan to India in proportion to that occupied by Hindus forcibly ejected from Pakistan, and to provide adequate rehabilitation facilities for those unfortunate refugees and for satisfactory compensation for their properties lost to Pakistan. His disenchantment with Nehru’s policies also grew36. He did not hesitate to press his differences with Nehru to the point of controversy. Nehru Liaqat Pact of 1950 brought those differences to climax Having failed to prevent that pact being signed he decided to leave the Cabinet and organized opposition to Nehru’s policies from outside the Government. This had its impact and the original draft of the Nehru-Liaqat Agreement, which committed Government of India to reservation of seats for Muslims in legislatures and services, was modified to eliminate these provisions37. However Dr Mookerjee had warned Pt Nehru that this arrangement brought into by an agreement will not work in future because of the cunning policies of Pakistan. The text of speech of Dr Mookerjee upon his resignation as Industry and Supply Minister on 6th April 1950, so made on the floor of the Lok Sabha on 19th April 1950 is read as ; “Sir, in accordance with the parliamentary convention I rise to make a statement explaining the reasons which have led to my resignation from the Cabinet. Let me assure the House that I have not taken the step on the spur of moment

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but after deep and deliberate thought. It has been a matter of regret to me that I have not been able to reconsider my decision, although pressed to do so by many or whom I entertain the deepest personal regard. For over two and half years, it has been my proud privilege to work as a Minister of the first National cabinet for free India and I have not spared myself in the discharge of the duties that fell upon me. To me the experience has been of great value and it has been my privilege to work in an atmosphere of friendliness and cooperation during one of the most critical periods in the history of our country. To all sections of the House I convey my gratitude for the confidence reposed in one and to Pandit Jawahar lal Nehru and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel I specially tender my grateful thanks for the opportunity they gave me to serve the country under their leadership. There is nothing of a personal character which has prompted me to resign and I do hope that those with whom I have disregard will appreciate the depth of my convictions just as I have unhesistatingly appreciated their own. My differences are fundamental and it is not fair or honourable for me to continue as a member of the Government whose policy I cannot approve of. I all fairness to the Prime Minister, I should state that when I communicate my decision to him on Ist April, even before the Prime Minister of Pakistan arrived in India, he readily appreciated my stand point, acknowledged our differences and agreed to release from the burdon of my office. Any withdrawal at a subsequent stage would not have been fair to him or to me ………..” The difference of the opinion so crept on the Agreement between Pt. Nehru and Liaquat Ali (both Primiers of India and Pakistan) were  “First – We had two such agreements sinece partition for solving the Bengal problem and they were violated by Pakistan without any remedy open to us. An agreement which has no sanction will not offer any solution.  Secondly – The crux of the problem in Pakistan’s concept of an Islamic state and ultra-communal administration based on it. The Agreement side tracks the cordial issue and we are today exactly where we were previous to the agreement.  Thirdly – India and Pakistan are made to appear equally guilty, while Pakistan was clearly the aggressor. The agreement provides that no propaganda will be permitted against the territorial integrity of the two countries and there will be no incitement to war between them. This almost sounds farcial so long as Pakistan troops occupy a portion of our territory of Kashmir and war like preparations on its part are in active operation.

III. ESTABLISHMENT OF BHARTIYA JAN SANGH After 149, the members of the right-wing Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) began to contemplate the formation of a political party to continue their work, began in the days of the British Raj, and take the ideology further. Around the sametime, Syama Prasad Mookerjee left the Hindu Mahasabha political party that had once had because of the disagreement with that party over permitting non-membership.40 Dr. Mookerjee’s resignation from the National government, and his involvement into the all India mainstream opposition politics constmitively proved to be independence he was essentially confined to Bengal province politics, despite of the fact he had adorned the position of the All India Hindu Mahasabha. His induction into the position the first national cabinet formed on 15th Aug 1947, brought him into lime light at the centre, but such role in the Government was being more understood as an able administrator than that of a tall statesman or politician of national stature. But after his resignation from the government of India in Apr 1950, change the scene altogether. Somewhere in the summer of 1950, a meeting was arranged between Dr. Mookerjee and Guru Golwalkar at the residence of a Swayamsewak in Calcutta. Late Bansi Lal Sonee a young RSS Pracharak of the time was also present there. During a long conversation between the duo their difference of opinions were also iron out. Guru Golwalkar also agreed to assist Dr. Mookerjee by providing him some of his best Swayamsevaks, staunch and tried workers for setting up his party. Also Golwalkar had later stated in an article ( by him ) that the restoration of the Hindu Rashtra was in no way in consistent with the establishment of the modern democracy. A Hindu Rashtra essentially guarantees for all religions, political and cultural matters. The only rider was that such liberty would not be allowed to be misused to indulge in anti-national activities. Golwalkar had further written in the article ( in Hindi Weekly Panchjanya ) that after lending those Swayamsevaks to Mookerjee, he a withdraws himself from the political field and devoted himself entirely to RSS work. However he and Dr. Mookerjee had struck up a very cordial relationship between themselves and Copyright to IJARSCT DOI: 10.48175/568 238 www.ijarsct.co.in IJARSCT ISSN (Online) 2581-9429

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remained in constant touch till the death of Dr. Mookerjee. Among the Swayamsevaks lent by Guru Golwalkar to Dr. Mookerjee were Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Pandit Deen Dayal Upadhyay, Sunder Singh Bhandari, Jagdish Prasad Mathur, Bhuarao Deoras, Jagannath Rao besides several others.41 By holding the All India convention finally on 21st October 1951, in Raghumal Arya Kanya Higher Secondary School New Delhi, attended by one thousand special invitees amongst citizens of Delhi and 500 Deligates from different parts of India, the All India Bhartiya JanSangh was formally launched by unanimous vote at the convention. It was a nationalistic alternative to the congress party. The symbol of the party in Indian election was an oil lamp ( Deepak ) and like the RSS its ideology was centred on Hindutva. In the 1952 General elections to the first Parliament of India, newly formed Bhartiya Jan Sangh won three seats, one of winning candidate among said three was Dr. Mookerjee from Calcutta. The construction of Bhartiya Sangh was also framed which comprised of twenty two Articles covering the sphere of work, objectives, organizational units, e.g. membership, eligibility, local committees, Mandal committees, District committees, Divisional committees, Pradesh General council, Pradesh working committee, All India General council, All India working committee; Parliamentary Board, Election, Amendment of the constitution and settlements of disputes. In Addition the rules under such said constitution were also made for the smooth working of the organization.42

3.1 Unification of Parties in 1952 Soon after the election to the first Lok Sabha, Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee, he united the Jansangh, Hindu Mahasabha, Ram Rajya Parishad, Gaua Tantra Parishad and some independent members of the Lok Sabha on the basis of a common programme to form a National Democratic Party ( NDP). This was the first attempt at polarization of political forces in the country on ideological basis. As a result of coming into existence of NDP which at that time was the largest party in the opposition and Dr. Mookerjee made his mark as an effective leader of opposition and a potential alternate to Pandit Nehru.43

3.2 Establishment of Praja Parishad in Jammu and Kashmir Prior to the Independence of India e.g. uptill 15th August 1947, there was no major political party in Jammu although the political activities in Kashmir valley had been going on not on the national interests but purely on communal agenda demanding exile of non-muslims including the ruler of the state happened to be Hindu, Maharaja Hari Singh besides the exist of the then Prime Minister of the state of Jammu and Kashmir either Janak Singh or Justice Mehar Chand Mahajan. Some functional out fits in Jammu region like Nau-Jawan Sabha, Muslim Conference, Hindu Sabha, Dogra Sadar Sabha like others, were confined their activities to certain sections of the society only purely either religion or caste base. In Kashmir valley a political outfit namely Muslim Conference was founded by Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and Ghulam Abas Chowdhary in October 1932, which was renamed as National Conference on 11th June 1939 and the same got affliation to the All India States People Conference. Infact the birth of the said political activities took start after coming back Sheikh Mohammad Abdulla from Aligarh after passing out his MSc Course and in Srinagar by establishing reading room society, by which poisonous conversations purely on communal lives (as stood with track record in Aligarh University) came across. It is further worth to point out that Sheikh and one Qudir had been the good preachers and speakers in the Srinagar grand mosques during prayer meeting resulting 13 July 1931 rits fo which the properties and the persons of non muslims were made prey, which roits further spread in the Muslim majority areas of Muzaffrabad, Poonch Rajour. Nowshera Mendhar, Mirpur etc ; taking huge toll of lives and properties of the miniority non Muslim communities. Thus in the year 1947, in the face of intriguing situation Pandit Prem Nath Dogra, Balraj Madhok the son of the soil besides other personalities of prudence felt that in a democracy (when Sheikh Mohammad creating a sense of hegemony in Kashmir region more particularly when the people of Sheikh Abdullah started chanting the slogans of Aek Rehnama Sheikh Abdullah, Aek Tanzeem National Conference and Aek Jhanda Halwala in Jammu region as well)

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the role of the Kashmir based political out fit would prove despotic in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Accordingly a three days gathering of prominent persons took place to make threadbare deliberations on the subject. Going back to the history of Jammu Dogras, the Hindu Dogras of Jammu were originally organized under the banner of All Jammu and Kashmir Rajya Hindu Mahasabha with Pt. Prem Nath Dogra as a leading members.44 The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh was established in Jammu in 1939 with the efforts of Kishen Dev Joshi.45 Jagdish Abrol and later Balraj Madhok moved to the Kashmir valley in 1944 and established RSS there. Pt. Prem Nath Dogra was also the chairman ( Sangh Chalak ) of the RSS in Jammu.46 In May 1947, following the partition plan, the Hindu Sabha threw in its support to whatever the Maharaja might decide regarding the state’s status. However, following communal upheaval of the partition and the tribal raid, its stand stepped further to support the accession of the state to India and subsequently full integration of Jammu and Kashmir with India.47 The Praja Parishad was founded in November 1947 with this background, soon after the Pakistani tribal invasion. Pt. Prem Nath Dogra duly assisted Balraj Modhk were the key organizer of the Party and Hari Wazir became the first President. According to Madhok Balraj, the objective of the party was to achieve the full integration of the Jammu and Kashmir with India and to oppose the communist-dominated anti-Dogra government of Sheikh Abdullah in offing.48 As already said before, Hari wazir became first President of Praja parishad and Pandit Prem Nath Dogra with Sh. Bhagwat Saroop named as Marg Darshak; To set the record it is further pertinent to place on record the chequeered state of the impending circumstances thrust on the state of Jammu and Kashmir, forcing the ruler of the state to keep watch on the developing political features leading towards its fate, the reasons can be summed as; 1. Upon the issuance of the Indian Independence Act 1947, thereby moulding two dominions taking into effect with effect from the appointed day of 15th August 1947. 2. The geographical position of the state is that upon the creation of the dominion of Pakistan the road communication link available on 15th August 1947, connecting the rest of the Indian part was cut off and rendered it in the state of land lock. 3. The possible road link via Pathankot was not possible because such area was declared to have fallen in the territory of Pakistan. 4. The Radcliff commission appointed for layout of the boundary between India and Pakistan failed to submit its report well before 15th Aug 1947. The date appointed for the operation of the either Dominion. In fact according to Justice Mehar Chand Mahajan, the Boundary Commission had announced its award after 15th August 1947.49 Like according to Jaswant Singh, as depicted in his book India-Partition- Independence, the award in question although was ready on August 12th, 1947 but it was Lord Mountbatten who influenced Radcliff to hold the award, which ultimately was published only on 17th August 1947.50 5. The declaration of Maharaja Hari Singh during first Round Table conference held at England on 12th November 1930 when he said “…as allies British connection. As India are loyal to the land, whence we derive our birth and infant nature, we stand as solidly as the rest of our country men for our land’s enjoyment of a position of honour and equality in the British common wealth of nations, our desire to cooperate to the best of our ability with all sections of the conference is a genuine desire; so too is genuine our determination to base our cooperation upon the realities of the present situation”51. Such a patriotic statement of Maharaja in the round table conference went against the wishes of British Government and the root cause of conspiracies so hatched thereafter against Maharaja. The visiting instance of 1931 roits, encouragement of Sheikh Abdullah by the Britishers and Congress Leader especially Pt. Nehru, the riders created in the accession of the State of Jammu and Kashmir by projecting Sheikh Mohammad Abdulla purely on communal considerations, conditions imposed in the Instrument of accession by the Mount batten, rude behaviour of Pandit Nehru towards Maharaja and his forced exile from Jammu and Kashmir on 20 June 1949 and appointment of Yuvraj Karan Singh as Regent of the State, Imposition of Permit system in Jammu and Kashmir by the Government of India after 1947, Introduction of Article 370 in 1950, and induction of Article 35 A at the back of Parliament by an executive order of 14th May 1954, the nomination of Indian Constituent Assembly members by Sheikh Abdullah, fraud with democracy

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in rejection of Non-National conference candidates during the elections of 1951, apart from the practice of nominating Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha members in Jammu and Kashmir Council, were besides the reference of Jammu and Kashmir to security were the instances of gravest sins so committed by the Government of India led by Pt Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah, the main cause of unrest in Jammu region and stepping in for rescue by the great steward Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee. Hari wazir the first President of All Jammu and Kashmir Praja Prashad and just after few months was selected in Army Commission and thereafter was martyred in Ganderbal on 3rd July 1953. It is said that Advocate Roop Chand Nanda was installed as acting President of All Jammu and Kashmir Praja Parishad after Sh. Hari Wazir After Shri Roop Lal Nanda, Madhav lal Nanda and thereafter Ruddar Mani Sangra became the Presidents of Praja Parishad successively. In February 1949, Pandit Prem Nath Dogra the tallest leader of Praja Parishad alongwith some of his colleagues were arrested by the Sheikh intolerant Sheikh Mohammad Abdulla Government under Section 3 of the Jammu and Kashmir Ranbir Penal Code as had been in force at that material time also called in local dialect as “Daffa Tun’ (Arrest without assigning any reason and without trial) for no good reason. In May 1949, the Praja Parishad launched a Satyagrah movement, seaking release of Pandit ji and his colleague, being the victim of autocratic and tyrranic rule of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah. Pandit ji was released ultimately from Srinagar jail on 8th October’ 1949 after 8 months imprisonment in jail, which effected seriously to his health condition. After release of Pandit Prem Nath Dogra from jail he was announced as President of the All Jammu and Kashmir Praja Parishad besides other office bearers were also simoultenously appointed. The anti Dogra harassment by the National Conference reached a pitch. The hero of the hearts of Jammu Dogras was Pandit Prem Nath Dogra, a selfless fighter for Dogra rights with Balraj Madhok he had founded Praja Parishad and ceaselessly fought for the full integration of the State of Jammu and Kashmir with India. All emerging circumstances, when the attempts of National Conference to establish hegemony of Sheikh Abdullah notoriously over Jammu region met with crushing defeat, Sheikh Abdullah adopted out of suich anathema a repressive policy to subjugate the Dogras and demolish the Praja Parishad with Pandit Nehru’s back. He carved out Muslim majority districts out of the mixed religious composition in Jammu region. The high officers of the state Government, at Sheikh Abdullah’s prodding began talking of Kashmiri nation as distinct of the Indian nation. All such valuable, rare manuscripts and vital institutions of public importance began to be shifted from Jammu to Srinagar. All these acts coupled with the open pro Pakistan propaganda of some state officers created genuine doubts and fears and the nationalists in Jammu and Kashmir. Even in official programs the National Conference party flag was being unfurled to create its hypocracy over Jammu under coercion and undue pressure in holding elections to the State Constituent Assembly in 1951 in subverting to spirit of the notification of the Regent of the State52. e.g. Constitution of the Delimitation Committee by none but Sheikh Abdullah consisting of officers of National Conference and the process carried for delimitation of both Assembly and Parliamentary seats purely on the dictates of Sheikh Abdullah besides during election process rejecting the nomination papers of Praja Parishad onslaught, thereby strangulating the entire democratic prcess, accomplishing the object behind “Quit Kashmir”, the sloganeering of Nation Conference, a vital part of its Naya Kashmir Document. Thus the entire Constituent Assembly consist of the members of National Conference by means of deceit and fraud, to this effect, Pandit Prem Nath Dogra had also submitted a memorandum to the then President of Indian on June 19, 1952 on his visit of Jammu but of no avail53. The anti Dogra harassment by the Sheikh Abdullah’s regime at full support of Pandit Nehru, reached so extreme that the students of the Government Gandhi Memorial School Jammu were compelled to salute the National Conference Party flag at an official function, but having refused were harshly treated. It results to a students strike, in return the Sheikh Government imposed (84) righty four hours curfew and arrested again Pandit Prem Nath Dogra on February 8, 1952. However Pt. Dogra as a result of the relentless pressure from Dr Mookerjee upon the Jammu and Kashmir, Sheikh Government through Government of India, Sheikh was forced to release Pandit Prem Nath Dogra from Jail. Pandit Dogra then went over to Delhi to garner support of Delhi based leaders of National fame. It was in the early May’ 1952, Pandit Prem Nath Dogra called on Dr Mookerjee in his suite in the Western Court, the meeting proved to be momentous. Dogra put across the events in detail, leading and succeeding Sheikh Abdullah’s rise

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to power to which almost leaders at Delhi were unaware. Pandit Dogra also described, how Abdullah could not enter Jammu without getting his support and assurance how Abdullah pressed him to join National Conference as being pre requisite to take him in Cabinet and how his refusal to sell his conscience for loaves and fishes of office made him as Sheikh’s enemy. He also putforth how the hand of co-operation offered by the Praja Parishad for the defence and betterment of the State and her people was spurned by Sheikh Abdullah. From such meeting, as per Balraj Madhok, Dr Mookerjee began to know for the first time in raised eyebrow in clear perspective, the true purpose and motive behind Sheikh Abdullah’s utterances and justification of the stand taken by Praja Parishad and its wider implications for the unity and integrity of India as a hole. Being highly impressed by the sincerity of seventy year old Pandit Dogra was visibly moved by his appeal for the support to the cause for which Praja Parishad was fighting. Pandit Prem Nath Dogra had also invited Dr Mookerjee to visit Jammu to which he readily conceded. Pandit Dogra who tried to meet Pandit Nehru as well but being in grip of the conspiracies of Sheikh Abdullah refused to meet a person of even a State Political stature especially of a turbulent Jammu and Kashmir, displaying his high headed attitude. Dr Mookerjee, once convinced of the Dogra’s cause and Sheikh Abdullah’s diabolical designs immediately got down to business. He began with getting a resolution passed by the Working Committee of the Bhartiya Jan Sangh on 14th June 1952, which emphasized that Jammu and Kashmir state was an integral part of India and declared that “the decision of the state Constituent Assembly, concerning an elected President, Separate flag or a separate constitution etc…… are in violation of the India’s sovereignity and the spirit of India’s “constitution”. The resolution further said that : “The Committee takes serious view of this development and wants to remind the people and the Government of India that the Cabinet Mission scheme of 1946, envisaging a weak centre with only three subjects, was opposed by the Congress and a large section of Indian opinion as being inimical to India’s unity and interests. The fissi parions tendencies of the Muslim League, however succeded in dividing India leaving to disastrous consequences. To allow the Jammu and Kashmir state to proceed along the same path now looks like asking history to repeat itself. It might mean a fresh call to disruptive elements in India to break to break its unity and integrity which has been achieved at such tremendous cost”54. The resolution also called upon the people of India to observe 29th June 1952, as the Kashmir Day and to hold public meetings and demonstrations in support of the stand taken by Bhartiya Jan Sangh. On 26th June, e.g. three days before the appointed All India Kashmir Day, Dr Mookerjee had made his first of his greatest speeches on Kashmir in the Parliament. Even on the same day the people of Delhi had also staged a huge demonstration before the Parliament condemning the Sheikh’s Abdullah’s separatist policies. The extracts of his speech in the Lok Sabha on 26th June 1953, are read as ; “One naturally would like to speak with some hesitation and consideration, when one speaks about Kashmir because we should not say anything or do anything which may strengthen the hands of Pakistan and also prejudice the consideration no fur case before the security council. Yet one considers with great misgivings the recent developments in Kashmir. And one would like to know where exactly India stands vis-à-vis Kashmir. I specifically request the Prime Minister to have some patience with those who differ from his policy in relation to Kashmir. It is no use of our throwing stones at each other. It is no use our calling each other communatists or reactionaries. He should realize that on certain points there are fundamental differences between approach and what we consider should be national approach regarding this problem. It may be that after we discuss the matter in detail not only amongst ourselves, but with the representatives of Kashmir, we may be able to arrive at satisfactory solution. Whatever I shall speak, I shall speak from the point of view. We are auxious to find a satisfactory solution so that Kashmir may remain within India, so that great sacrifice which India has made alongwith the people of Jammu and Kashmir during the last five years may blossom into fruits, which will benefit the people of the enture nation. That is our anxiety. On the constitutional aspects, my friend Shri N.C. Chatterjee has spoken. I shall not repeat his arguments. It will be for Dr Katju to answer as to how for strictly under the Constitution the recent acts of Kashmir Assembly, and recommendations of that body, can be deemed to be justifiable and acceptable in view of the provisions of the Constitution. But I will go beyond the limits of the Constitution for the time being. There is a question of flag. The

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Prime Minister, the other day at press conference tried to minimize the gravity of this decision taken by the Constituent Assembly. Sheikh Abdullah spoke two days ago and he said ; “Oh of course, we will reocgnise the union flag.” There is no question of his recognize the Union flag.” The Union flag is there in spite of anybody and that is the flag of free India. If you want to accept the principle that any state may have its own flag, you immediately create difficulties and you do not know where they may stop. It is no point saying that the Maharaja of Kashmir had his flag. I know the Maharajas are different parts of india have their flags. Our own Governors have their flag. The question is-can there be state flag ? Should India accept the position that barring the use of flag of the Union of India, any other flag should be allowed to be used ? If I may use the expression, when the principle of monogamy is to be introduced here, it should be introduced in relation to the use of one flag for the whole of India. You cannot have divided loyalty. Sheikh Abdullah had said, “We will treat both flags equally”. You cannot do it. It is not a question of fifty-fifty. It is not a question of parity. It is a question of using one flag for the whole of India, India that includes Kashmir. There is no question of having a separate republic of Kashmir having a separate flag. It is not a small matter. I have not time; otherwise, I would have read brilliant extract from the speech delivered by It. Nehru before the constituent Assembly when he had the present flag of India accepted as the national flag of the country. He expressed there in language which you cannot surpass, the sacrifice, the real significance of the flag not for one state, not for this portion of the people or that part of India, and for the matter of that, for the free nation itself. So this is question where the Government of India should deal with the matter very firmly. The National Conference can have a flag. I have no objection to that. Sheikh Abdullah’s argument is that we had shed so much blood; there has been so much suffering behind the flag. Undoubtedly, let them keep the flag for the National Conference in Kashmir. No one objects to it. But when you work as the Government, no matter where you function, only one flag can fly and will fly and that is the flag of the free country, of free India. So far as the question of the Maharaja is concerned, the constitutional difficulty is there. There is no question of deposing Maharaja. It is irony of fate that it is because the same cursed Maharaja signed the Accession that India sent the troops to Kashmir which enables Sheikh Abdullah to reign over that territory as the great monarch. If the Maharaja had fled away from Kashmir for whatever reason, then Indian troops would not have been sent, and then it is not the flag of India, it is not the flag of Maharaja, that would be flying today, but the flag of Pakistan. So far as the position of Kashmir on October 27, 1947, is concerned, it is a matter of history. There Mr. Jinnah was studying on the door of Kashmir, and as the Prime Minister said one once, “If we had been late by 24 hours, then Srinagar would have fallen and who knows, history would have been written in a different way.” In any case, Maharaja had gone, there is no question of the continuance of his autocratic administration. He functions as the constitutional Head of Kashmir with his hands completely bound by a dignified rubber stamp. But you want that Maharaja should not remain in any part of India even as a constitutional Head over a particular unit. Let it be done soberly, properly, and constitutionally. Let us consider the matter independent of any other issue. If the Parliament of India considers that the constitution of India should be amended and there should be no Maharaja’s rule, there would be no Rajparmukh in any part of India. Let us discuss it. There are points in favour of it. There are points against it. There may be practical difficulties. There are already contracts made with them which are now enshrined in the body of the constitution itself. Let us see let us discuss with those very persons and see whether we can find any way which ultimately get rid of this Maharaja’s rule from India altogether. About the princes- You can say much against them; but read the white Paper which has been circulated which represents the policy of the Government of India regarding states. Let us not forget the difficulties the confronted us. When the British went away, they did two monstrous things. One was partition of the country and other was the sudden withdrawal of paramountcy from nearly 500 states covering about one third of the Indian territory. No country

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was asked to face a situation such as we were in 1947. It was practically leading to chaos. Due to partition, various forces had came into play to which I need not refer, but due to this latter act, the sudden lapse of paramountcy and making 500 units sovereign states throughout the length and breadth of the country, created such a state of affairs that one did not know how to proceed. And here one naturally recalls the name of the great architect of India’s freedom, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. On account of his statemenship like policy- he was fearless, realistic, courteous, Junagarh and bold whenever case demanded as to how he could act – he succeeded by August 15, 1947 in getting 497 of these states coming into the fold of free India. The came in what capacity? In respect of three subjects only, foreign relations, communication and defence, because the British declared that so far as the states were concerned, they could go to India or Pakistan only in relation of these three subjects. It was deliberately done so as to add to our difficulties, but in any case, Hyderabad, Junagarh and Kashmir, all these 497 states came into the fabrics of the Indian Union in relation to these three subjects alone. Today Sheikh Abdullah speaks about Article 370. What is the history of Article 370, under the Constitution ? I have got her the speech delivered by Shri Gopalaswami Ayyangar, when this particular Article was accepted. I have no time to cover the entire speech, but since Sheikh Abdullah has referred to the speech in his broadcast the day before yesterday as if he got a charter from what Shri Gopalaswamy Ayyangar said on the floor of the Constituent Assembly, it is necessary that we should re-read the speech and find out with what objective we accepted this inclusion of Article 370 in our constitution. Forget not what was the picture of India then. All these states had come into the Indian Union in relation to these three subjects alone. Then started the second phase. The second phase also was another grand performance of Sardar Patel. There was no question of forcing anybody. He sent for the ruling princes, because the Government of India. Then acknowledged that sovereignty, the rest of the sovereignty, the residuary powers did vest in the hands of these individuals. He arged with them, he discussed with them and ultimately by the time the Constitution was framed, almost all the states came forward and accepted the pattern of the new Indian Constitution, a federal structure with all the units accepting that Indian Central Government will exercise its powers in relation to all the subjects. Hyderabad and Junagarh had to be treated separately. Undoubtedly, there are varied states, Part A, states, Part B states and Part C states and now although they have been united into one pattern, difficulties have arisen. We saw during the last one hour how one Member from one area got up and pointed out his own difficulties. I do not deny that the difficulties are there, but the structure is there before us. With regard to Part ‘B’ or Part ‘C’ states, certain extra powers have been deliberately kept in the hands of the Central Government, but in any case, all the units came into the structure of one Indian Union. When this particular Article was placed before the Constituent Assembly, Honourable Member interrupted, “Why this discriminatory treatment was being given to Kashmir !” And this is What Shri Gopalaswami Ayyangar said, “The discrimination is due to special conditions of Kashmir. That particular state is not yet ripe for this kind of integration. It is the hope (mark the word “hope”), of everybody here that, in due course, even Jammu and Kashmir will become ripe for the same sort of integration as has taken place in the case of other states “ (cheers) After his statement, there were words of cheers apparantely from Congress members, many of whom are today challenging the wisdom, questioning the right of Sheikh Abdullah to remain separated from India except in regard to these three subjects. Shri Gopalaswami Ayyangar then goes on developing this point further. He states what are the reasons ; the first naturally is that a war is going on ; secondly, the matter is before the security council, and thirdly, the Constituent Assembly will sit in Jammu and Kashmir. Then he again repeats, “I would like to assure the House that we can only now establish on interim system.” Proceeding further, he goes on to state, “At present, the other provisions cannot apply to Jammu and Kashmir” Then there is one another paragraph to which I would draw your attention, especially of the representatives of Jammu and Kashmir here in this House. This is what Shri Gopalaswamy Ayyangar states,

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“It is not the intention of the Members of the Kashmir Government whom I took the opportunity of Consulting before the draft was finalized, and it is not their intention that the other provisions of the Constitution are not to apply. Their particular point of view is that these provisions should apply only in cases where they can suitably apply and only subject to such modifications or exceptions as the particular conditions of the Jammu and Kashmir state may require” This is to say, even at that stage, the Members of the Kashmir Government made it clear that although there might be come lapse of time, some delay, but ultimately, they also were thinking of some sort of fuller integration with India. This the major question. I was glad that Prime Minister, the other day in his speech at the press conference emphasized this aspect. The Maharaja’s thing is there, the flag is there, but we can deal with them. They are comparatively major points, I say comparatively, I do not ignore their importance, but the major issue is how is Kashmir going to be integrated with India ? Is kashmir going to be republic within republic ? Are we thinking another sovereign Parliament within four corners of India barring this sovereign Parliament ? That is the claim of Sheikh Abdullah and we contest it. Are we thinking of the rights of the Kashmir people to get whatever they can from India and not to give anything ? Money, resources, roads and bridges all to be taken ? Is it a question of “give and take” or it is a question of take and not give ? That is the question which has to be decided now. What is going to be the altitude of the people of Kashmir ? We have proceeded upto this basis now that we may carry the people with us. I would beg of the Prime Minister this much. Let him exercise that statesmanship that strength of will, and the determination as Sardar Patel exercised. Let us know clearly what is in our minds, first of all, as to what we want. If you just want to play with the winds and say “We are helpless and let Sheikh Abdullah do what he likes” Then Kashmir will be lost. If, on the other hand, we should make it clear in our mind that we do not want any individual pattern in Kashmir, we can think of only one pattern which we after great deliberations evolved in this Constitution, then you must find peaceful ways of persuading our friends in Kashmir that their safety should come and fully integrate with India. Kashmir has come in relation to three subjects alone that we want. In this connection, I shall just quote a small extract from the white Paper containing the policy of the Government in regard to these states, as regards the way in which, the states and provinces should integrate with India. This question is taken mainly from the speeches of Sardar Patel, which sums up the position in a nutshell. There is put forward the demand which we are also putting forwards. That statement comprises the Government policy. Paragraphs 243 and 245 of the white paper on the Indian states, which embodies the policy of the Government say, The Congress agreed to the central authority limited to the most essential subjects and to vast all residuary authority not only in the states but also in the provinces to avert the threatened disruption of the country. With the recession of the Muslim majority provinces of India, the raisen detre for an attenuated centre disappeared in so far as the relationship of the entire with the provinces was concerned. As regards the states, with the rapid demolition of barriers which separate them from the provinces, the question of the Constitution relationship with the centre appeared in a new context. This altered the whole background, and gradually the position veered around to a fedral structure with a unitary bias providing for a centre strong enough to develop the resources of the country and to help against the disruptive forces”. Thus in six or seven sentences, the entire principle is embodied. I claim that these principles have got to be applied to the people of Jammu and Kashmir, that being one of the units in Indian Union, under Article 1 of the Indian Constitution. In democratic federal state, the fundamental rights of the citizens of one Constituent unit cannot vary vis- à-vis the citizens of the other unit. Are not the people of Jammu and Kashmir entitled to the fundamental rights that we have given to the people of India minus Jammu and Kashmir ? There is no scope or varied constitutional patterns, disparities as between one federating unit and another, the legislative and executive authority of the units in respect of the state will be coextensive with a similar authority and over the provinces ; subject to certain adjustment during the transition between the provinces and that the states and the centre must also come under one authority. The Auditor-General of India must have fuller control over the audit systems in the states as also the provinces. The jurisdiction of Supreme Court must now extend to the states to the same manner as the provincial High Court. All citizens of India, whether residing in states or provinces, must enjoy the same fundamental rights and the same legal remedies to enforce them. In the matter of Constitutional relationship with the

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centre and in internal set up, these states must be at part with the provinces. That is the question that we have to settle. We have declared our policy that there must be one set up – You may treat differentially in respect of certain matters in a special way with regard to the affairs of Jammu and Kashmir. There could be not compromise on that issue. The Supreme Court must function as the Highest Court or tribunal in the whole of India, including Jammu and Kashmir. The Auditor General’s writ must function in the whole of India, including Jammu and Kashmir. These are important issues which should be conceded. Who made Sheikh Abdullah the King of Kings in Kashmir ? Who made Sheikh Abdullah a great authority ? It is becase the Indian troops went there are worked with the cooperation of the people of Kashmir. Did we do it for the purpose of creating a sovereign republic within a sovereign republic. Let me ask the question categorically. We would like to know what exactly are the feelings of the people of Jammu and Kashmir regarding the discriminatory manner in which that Government is carrying on its functions. It is painful for me to make these allegations on the floor of the House, but I do so for this reason that the Prime Minister may atleast hold an inquiry and not simply brush them aside as some arguments being put forward by communalists and reactionaries. We will not permit him to do so. He must go into each one of the questions and satisfy himself as to whether the allegations made are true or not. If I may just refer to some of the points, what about the civil rights ? Is the House aware that old Defence of India Rules promulgated by the British Rulers for the purpose of crushing the freedom of the people of this country still continue without the change of a single comma or semicolon, and still function in that free domain of Jammu and Kashmir ? How many hundreds of people were arrested under the provisions of that law ? Why not any charge sheets given to any of them ? Was the case of any single person placed before the advisory committee ? The Public Security Act is applied in the case of a person who complains that the people are dying for want of fod, and even the courts in Kashmir cannot convict them because the Public Security Act cannot apply in such cases. I have her got the names of newspapers which have been suppressed in Jammu and Kashmir, newspapers, which are not allowed to go to Jammu and Kashmir from India. What about education ? During the time of the current Maharaja, there were at least Urdu and Hindi. Both got the same place. Hindu has disappeared from Jammu and Kashmir today. There is Hindustani only where the script is, no doubt, in Devanagri, but so far as content is concerned, it is nothing but Persianised Urdu. I shall present a copy of this book to Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru. I have shown it during the last three days to a number of friends who know some thing Hindustani not Hindi and very few of them have been able to understand many of the words which are used in this book, a book which is compulsorily used for all people in Jammu and Kashmir today. Hindi has disappeared under the secular leadership of Abdullah in Jammu and Kashmir. No one roads Hindi there today. I shall make a present of this book to Pandit Ji. He may kindly see it and I say with all his knowledge of Hindustani, he may find it difficult to understand some of the words which may be of your friends have found it difficult to understand. It is a book published by the Text book Committee in Jammu and Kashmir of which Sheikh Abdullah himself is the Chairman ; a Textbook Committee which, according to the Secular character of that state does not include one Single Member of the Minority ? It is all Muslims and one or two Europeans who, no doubt, are the best interpreters of what sort of education should be imparted in Jammu and Kashmir ! Now in this book, there is one expression like this for “Rights of women” It is given as “vkSjrksa dks rykc vkSj [kqyk ysus dk gd gksxk” It is a text book compulsory for all, where the rights of the women in Jammu and Kashmir will be “rykd” d- the rights of divorce. Of course, those who want it can have as many marriages and divorces as they like and remarry. So far it was “rykd” alone, now it is “[kqyk” also. You will read and digest it. So far as “[kqyk” marriages are concerned, I am told they have some form of contractual marriages – In American languages, “companionate” marriages – where you can live as a husband and wife for a short while and then separate. That is the great right which is being held out to the women of Jammu and Kashmir. Now so far as the boundary is concerned, I may just give you a few illustration. With regard to the boundary, the Udhampur district whining the province of Jammu has suddenly been divided into two parts. It has remained as one district for years. A district which had a Hindu majority has not been divided and portion of it facing the Kashmir valley has been turned into new district with a muslim majority. Now that has been done without taking a plebiscite, Copyright to IJARSCT DOI: 10.48175/568 246 www.ijarsct.co.in IJARSCT ISSN (Online) 2581-9429

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without taking the opinion of the people. If there is any plebiscite on a zonal basis, then at least that area of Udhampur district which is very fertile may go to Kashmir valley. Now I will bring this notice of the Prime Minister. Sir I know he is getting impatient. I am sorry, but one has to face this. Now, Sir, there was a trust known as Dharmarth Trust with several lakhs of rupees which was created by Maharaja Gulab Singh and there was quite a large area of land attached to that trust. It was meant for religious activities, education and for helping poor people. Now what is the condition of that Trust ? Most of the land has been taken away and the money is being frittered away. Regarding the Government services, posts are being advertised where the posts have been reserved for the majority community ? Is this secularism ? Even officers are enourged to join National Conference. They are allowed to join as members of the political party and they also hold administrative jobs. It is an unheard of thing. If you have officers like those who will also be directly concerned with the political party, naturally what the consequences will be, you can realize. Take again, sir, the refugee question, you know we discussed it the other day. Thousands of Hindu refugees from Jammu and Kashmir are being settled in India. Why cannot they be given land in Jammu or Kashmir ? Why should people from outside be brought and settled there ? They also indicate a discriminatory policy. Then you have the permit system. You have the customs duty. You have the old rights in the Maharaja’s time, restricting rights and priviliges, under which an Indian could not go and live there with equal rights with others. Those rights and priviliges are still continuing – restricting the liberty of Indian citizens to enter and settle into that area. I have got here two different speeches delivered by Sheikh Abdullah on May 9 (1952) at Srinagar. It is very serious matter. I have got both the copies with me. One was distributed in Jammu and Kashmir officially, and so far as India was concerned, the version was different. Certain portions were taken out which might not be linked by the people of India. This was done in a very clever way. I have got with me copies of both communiqués issued by the Jammu and Kashmir government one for the Indian Consumption and one for the consumption at home. I do not wish to continue my speech longer because I have exceeded my time limit, but the only thing which I would say at the end. What is the remedy ? What is the way out ? Under the Constitution as we have provided, we cannot compel Jammu and Kashmir acceded in respect of other subjects unless Jammu and Kashmir agrees, the Constituent assembly agrees. That provision is there. I can understand my communist friends. They have from very beginning for the dismemberment of the country. They started this by supporting Rajaji’s formula. They have supported the Muslim League and they have supported Pakistan. I do not blame them. Now a strange position has been created. Dr Kartju the Communist Party and Sheikh Adbullah stand on the same plateform today. Yesterday Dr Kartju told me that a man is known by the Company he keeps. Dr Kartju knows that the Communist Party today is supporting Sheikh Abdullah. What is my constructive suggestion at the end ? I have one constructive suggestion to make. Persuade Sheikh Abdullah and let us all come to a private conference. Let us discuss the whole question. We are auxious that Jammu and Kashmir should come to India just as any other state has come. Let us know what special precautions, he wants. But let him say that the people of Jammu and Kashmir are Indians first and Kashmiris next. The Prime Minister must firmly assert that we do not want this kind of Kashmiri nationalism and we do not want this sovereign Kashmir idea. If you start doing it in Kashmir, others also will demand it. The South is asking for separation from North. Other provinces may come and say, “We will remain with the Indian Government only in relation in these three subjects” Persuade them , but if Kashmir does not agree, then you give freedom to the people of Jammu and Ladakh, to decide what they think best for their territory. I have got with me from the leader of Ladakh a copy of a letter, which has been sent to Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru. He has sent a copy to me as President of the Mahabodhi society. In it he has demanded specifically and says, “If Kashmir valley does not wish to integrate with India, give them at the same right of self-determination and the opportunity to decide ; their safety lies in remaining with India: That is the alternative which I would offer to Pandit Nehru. Let him devise a scheme, first of all, whereby Kashmir may not have to divided.

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We do not want Kashmir to be divided. On the other hand, we want that the lost territory within Jammu and Kashmir should be brought back within in Jammu and Kashmir- the territory which is now in the hands of Pakistan. But Sheikh Abdullah is completely intransient, and if he says, “I shall not come within India except in respect of three subjects. Then at any rate let us devise a scheme by which the people of Jammu and Ladakh may have full liberty to decide whether they will integratge fully with India. Let him have a loose integration only with regard to Kashmir valley. I do not want partition and I have repeatedly said that. If Pandit ji can exercise his influence, his goodwill, his power of persuasiveness and whatever he possesses and thereby persuades Sheikh Abdullah and others to remain with India as a Constituent unit in accordance with the sacred principles which have been repeatedly declared and which are contained in the white book, then I have no objection. If not, do not drag large number of people of these other provinces who are desirons of remaining within India – do not drag them to the same fate as Sheikh Abdullah would like to drag them to.55” The aforesaid speech of Dr Mookerjee was the heart touching agonies of the people of both Jammu and Ladakh regions besides exposing the communal mindset of Sheikh Abdulla in an unpatriotic manner, the suspicious of Dr Mookerjee as spet out on the floor of the Lok Sabha proved to be true and fatal for the sovereignty and integrity of India, forcing none else but Pandit Nehru himself to dismiss and imprison Sheikh Abdullah on 8th August 1953, just after an interval of about one year. The other relevant speeches of Dr Mookerjee on record of the parliament worth mention are dated the August 1952, dated 17th 1953, March 25, 1953 all relating to Jammu and Kashmir besides dated 17th December 1946 about the Constitutional Charter of India and the Constituent Assembly, dated 13th December 1949 about Hindi as National language, dated 6th December 1950 regarding international situation, dated 13th February 1951 regarding Preventive Detention ; dated 17th September 1951, regarding Hindu Code Bill ; dated 7th July 1952, regarding the Linguistic states ; dated 15th November 1952 regarding the Migrations between Pakistan and India ; dated 16th March 1953 regarding Foreign Policy of India ; dated 8th April 1953, regarding Electoral Reforms ; dated 17th April 1953, regarding Civil Servants and their Association with certain organizations ; dated 19th April 1950 about the resignation as a Minister of Industries & supply. Apart as aforesaid the correspondence of Dr. Mookerjee relating to the affairs of Jammu and Kashmir so made with Pt. Nehru, Sheikh Abdullah etc and the statements made on different dates on the affairs of Jammu and Kashmir are worth quotation.

3.3 Last Journey from Delhi to Srinagar defying Permit System In Jammu and Kashmir more particularly after the accession of the state to the Indian dominion on 26th October’ 1947, Pandit Nehru who was holding the Foreign Affairs Department, put in operation the permit system for the ingress and egress of any one towards Indian side but the irony was the inflow of POJK muslim was kept unrestricted, thus such permit system was anathema to Dr Mookerjee, not only on its principal system but its abuyse as well, well evinced from some of the instances of Mr. Trivedi and Deshpande and even prior to them to the fact finding mission consisting of a number of Legislators led by the Deputy Speaker of Rajasthan. It could be understood that in the wake of the disturbances in 1947, such a restrictions could be imposed to prevent Pakistani agents and spies but could not be lawfully abused to deny the entry of the responsible men of integrity and the holders of the constitutional positions like to Legislators and Members of the Parliament while their entry into the Jammu and Kashmir state. Accordingly Dr Mookerjee had written a letter to the Defence Minister as well, whereby asking him to share the legal position about the permit system in question. No response to the quaries made was desired to be made by the Union Defence Ministry. Thus in the face of such an arrogant attitude of the Government at Centre led by Pt. Nehru, Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee decided to enter into the territory of Jammu and Kashmir without permit. As usual Dr Mookerjee also received a number of admonitions for such iron handed step. Before proceeding for Jammu and Kashmir Dr Mookerjee had hurried visit to Calcutta to seek blessings of his old age mother, besides paid visits to Sevashram Sangha, Hindu monastic and philanthropic organization founded by Swami Pranavananda who infact was instrumental in moulding Dr Mookerjee into Politics. On his way back for Delhi,

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Dr Mookerjee had halt of a day at Patna in the house of Thakur Prasad. The father of said Thakur Prasad advised not to take any thing in Kashmir unless it was tasted by one to whom he trusted. The most admonitious is said to have come from a Congress woman, Sucheta Kripalani the wife of Acharya J.B. Kirpalani who herself happened to be Bangali origin.

3.4 Last Journey from Delhi to Jammu At Delhi, Dr. Mookerjee who knew it was last, set out his fateful journey by boarding on a passenger train at Delhi Railway Station of May 8, 1953 via Punjab for Jammu. The compartment which was occupied by Dr Mookerjee was full of Jana Sanga flags and bedecked with floors. Guru Dutt Vaid, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Tek Chand and Balraj Madhok besides few pressmen also accompanied him. Shortly before his departure, he issued a statement explaining his purpose of proceeding for Jammu, namely to find out himself the extent and depth of the Praja Parishad agitation and the repression let loose on the citizens of Jammu by Sheikh Mohammad Abdulla. The extract of his statement is as; “The Satyagraha movement has been continuing in Jammu for nearly six months, leading to the arrest of about 2500 persons and to the killings of more than 30 satyagraphis by police firing. In Delhi and Punjab the movement has been going on for more than two months and has led to the arrest of more than 1700 satyagrahis in these two and other adjoining states. Inspite of all provocations and various types of repression and terrorization reminiscent of the British regime, the movement has remained non-violent and free from any communal bias. Our movement was started in support of the demands made by the Praja Parishad which we consider to be fully consistent with national welfare and unity. They are basically political, constitutional and economic and should be capable of fair adjustment through peaceful negotiations. Both Pandit Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah, however have thought, otherwise and have carried on ceaseless propaganda based on false charges and casting all sorts of aspersions of their political oponants, especially those brace and patriotic brothers and sisters in Jammu struggling for their fundamental rights. They have also proceeded on the wrong basis unmindful of their own past experience and movements which had at their back a large measure popular support could not be crushed by the Governmental forces or repression their only cloak to hide their own follies and failures in administration is to charge their critics with communalism, of which they have been the worst offenders themselves. By this how long do they expect to fool the people of evade the real issue ? Although the movement has remained confined to Delhi and some parts of Punjab, yet a large number of Satyagrahis are pouring into the capital of India from various parts of the country giving the movement and all India character. They are bringing with them the support and blessing of large sections of people living in the area concerned. In Jammu, inspite of iron curtain, people have not succumbed to fear and are ready to face the wrath and fury of the authorities whose repressive measures continue unabled. If the July agreement reached between Pandit Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah had been properly amplified and implemented in full perhaps there would have been no movement to all. We hear today no mention of the agreement. According to the contradicted press reports, now schemes are being propounded, including among others the fantastic idea of dividing the state of Jammu and Kashmir into a number of small states and treating the state as a an autonomous federation. And these were the people who charged us with the so-called evil design of partitioning the state into separate provinces. It passes one’s comprehension how there could be a federation within a federation, which India undoubtedly is. Perhaps to suit Sheikh Abdullah, the Constitution of Jammu India has to amended and a confederation created. Further Jammu and Kashmir is a comparatively small state, both in respect of revenue and population. There are cities in India even larger than this state in population. The burden of an every heavy administration would be ruinous both economically and administratively. Sheikh Abdullah has learnt the easy habit of dubbing his critics as communal and narrow minded and himself poses as the highest embodiment of secularism. The demand of the people of Jammu, who constitute a minority in the entire state to have fully integrated with India, cannot obviously lead to any communal domination of Hindus over non Hindus. If the entire state becomes a part of India, as other states are, and governed according to the Indian Constitution, with such modifications as may be essential for the state of Jammu and Kashmir, obviously the state will be at the mercy of the Hindu majority of India as a whole. Sheikh Abdullah has

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declared he will resist this communal demand. This is a strange attitude. Whatever powers the Parliament of India exercises are not according to the whims and caprices of the Hindu community as such but strictly in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution of Indian in the pre-partition of which Sheikh Abdullah and his friends played a prominent part. If he refuses to integrate with India merely because Hindus are in majority, he simply becomes a torch bearers of Mr Jinah the founder of Pakistan. Who then, I ask, are communal or are guided by narrow and separatists tendencies ? They are not the people of Jammu, who as Indians, are urging the Constitutional acceptance of Indian nation hood, embracing Jammu and Kashmir. They are Sheikh Abdullah and his party, backed by our Prime Minister, who are out to satisfy their megalomania by carrying out for themselves a semi-independent zone, at the cost of Indian blood and money. During the last few weeks, I have visited many parts of India and I have tried to place our view point before our country. I have found that slowly and steadily even those who did not fully support our movement are realizing the grave implications of the mistaken policy of Pandit Nehru towards Jammu and Kashmir. From that point of view, our movement has been successful. It has aroused widespread public support in favour of the basic objectives of the movement. Whether our Government or Sheikh Abdullah, who are corrupted, will, by power, yield to this pressure and take steps for a peaceful and honourable settlement depends on their statesmanship and realism. I am proceeding to Punjab which has played her part so well during the last three months. Although it will not be possible for me to address public meetings where section 144 operates. I hope to meet friends and workers and other representatives so as to appreciate the situation prevailing in that state. After spending two days in Punjab I intend to proceed to Jammu. I have been receiving reports of repression of the most alarming character in that state. During the past three months, we have repeatedly attempted to send some impartial observers to Jammu but they were not allowed to enter that state. Pandit Nehru has repeatedly declared that the accession of the state of Jammu and Kashmir to India has been hundred percent complete. Yet it is strange to find that one cannot enter the state without previous permit from the Government of India. This permit is even granted to the communists who are playing their unusual role in Jammu and Kashmir, but entry is barred to those who think or act in terms of Indian unity and nationhood. I do not think the Government of India is entitled to prevent entry into any part of the Indian Union which, according to Pandit Nehru himself, includes Jammu and Kashmir. Of course, if anyone violates the law entering any state, he will have to face the consequencies. My object in going to Jammu is solely to acquint myself with what exactly had happened there and the present state of affairs. I would also come into contact with available local leaders representing various interests outside the Praja Parishad. It will be my endeavour to ascertain what the intention of the people of Jammu is and to find out if at all there is any possibility of the movement being brough to a peaceful and honourable end, which will be fair and just not only to the people of state but also to the whole of India. I confidently hope I shall receive full co-operation and sympathy of all the concerned when I proceed to discharge this difficult responsibility. If I am allowed to enter the state, I for my sake do not rule out the possibility of even meeting Sheikh Abdullah and have a personal discussion with him. Let not anyone, however high in his official pedestal may be, confuse personal prestige with the prestige of the nation, and let all act in such a manner which may not undermine, nthe cause of national solidarity, peace and progress.56” The first stop on his itinerary was nearby Ambala, in Punjab (now in Haryana). While on the train, however Dr Mookerjee remembered that before leaving Delhi he had promised Professor Walter Johnson, a visiting American diginitary, that he would send him papers on Jan Sangh57 ; and also more importantly, that he ought to send some official intimation to Sheikh Abdulla about his entering the state. Infact Dr Mookerjee had fixed a meeting with Johnson on 13th May 1953 but because of the Jammu Journey and that too in the wake of breaking permit restriction such meeting could not be held, in uncertainity of possible contingencies. However Dr Mookerjee shot of a telegram to Sheikh Abdullah which read “I am proceeding to Jammu. My object in going there is to study situation myself and to explore the possibilities of creating conditions leading to peaceful settlement. I will like to see you also if possible” A copy of telegrame was also sent to Pandit Nehru. At Ambala where the train reached at 2 p.m on 8th May 1953 Dr Mookerjee was received by a huge crowed led by the President of Ambala Jan Sangh Unit Advocate Raghubir Saran and thereafter Dr Mookerjee drove down to karnal

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via Shahabad and Nilokheri while making unscheduled stops and making speeches. After night stay at Karnal, he drove for Panipat for addressing meeting of large gathering, He then took train for Phagwara. At Phagwara Dr Mookerjee received a reply of telegrams from Sheikh Abdullah stating “Thanks for your telegram. I afraid your proposed visit to the state at the present juncture is inopportune and will not serve any useful purpose. However Pt. Nehru did not bother to respond to the telegrams of Dr Mookerjee, not even its acknowledgement as a matter of courtsy. After Phagwara the next stop was Jullunder, where Dr Mookerjee addressed a press conference. From Jullunder Dr Mookerjee took train for Amritsar. In train an elderly person introduced himself as the Deputy Commissioner of Gurdaspur (a district of Punjab in which area of Pathankot falls) and total Dr Mookerjee that the Punjab Government had decided not to allow him to reach Pathankot, he said “I am expecting instructions from my Government as to where you should be put under arrest.” Upon hearing this Dr Mookerjee proceeded to make an arrangements for his arrest, and decided, after consultations, that Guru Dutt Vaid, the well known Ayurvedic Physician and author who was President of Delhi state Jana Sangh and Tek Chand, young energic worker from Dehradoon, would accompany him and court arrest with him. At Amritsar Dr Mookerjee addressed a huge crowd of twenty thousand and stayed there for the night. Even the tour of Dr Mookerjee from Amritsar to Pathankot on 10th May 1952, got a warm response on each station with gatherings in thousand with unbelievable reception and Pathankot. Even an old lady of ninty years blessed Dr Mookerjee with her Punjabi words “Wa Putter ! Jitke Arin, Aiwan no Avin” (My sone ! Do not return until victorious.” At Pathankot, the said Deputy Commissioner of Gurdaspur had informed Dr Mookerjee that as per instructions Gurdaspur imparted to him by the Government, Dr Mookerjee was allowed to proceed enroute and enter the territory of the Jammu and Kashmir without permit. Infact Pandit Nehru had in the past also faced very embarrassing state when the arrest of Dr Mookerjee was quashed with serious strictures against the Government. Thus a trap was laid to let Dr Mookerjee enter Jammu and Kashmir state territory where the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court was barred in the wake of the Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order 1950.

3.5 Arrest of Dr Mookerjee After Pathankot, Dr Mookerjee arrived Madhopur at 4 p.m. on 19th May 1953 on the eastern bank of the great river Ravi and the boundary between Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir state lies in the middle of that river, which was to be crossed by a road bridge across the river. The Deputy Commissioner Gurdaspur saw Dr Mookerjee off at Madhopur check post while allowing him to proceed further to enter the territory of Jammu and Kashmir without permit. However soon the jeep by which Dr Mookerjee was travelling, reach at the middle point of the Ravi river bridge, he found the road was blocked by the posse of the Jammu and Kashmir state police. Dr Mookerjee’s jeep was stopped and a police officer of the Jammu and Kashmir State purported to be the Superintendent of Police Kathua handed over to him an order of the Chief Secretary of the State dated 10th May 1953, banning his entry, into the state. “But I intend to go to Jammu” Dr Mookerjee declared. Thereupon the said police officer took out an order of arrest under the Public Safety Act of the State of Jammu and Kashmir, duly signed by the Prithvinandan Singh the Inspector General of Police, Jammu and Kashmir State dated 10 May 1953, stating there in about Dr Mookerjee “has acted, is acting or is about to act in a manner prejudicial to public safety and peace,” and that “in order to prevent him from so acting ……… captain A. Azeez Superintendent of Police Kathua, is being directed to arrest Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee and remove him under custody to the Central Jail at Srinagar.” On reading the order Dr Mookerjee said “All right” and got down from his jeep. Guru Dutt Vaid, Tek Chand and other also got down. Atal Bihari Vajpayee, being his Private Secretary, had also been all alongwith him. Dr Mookerjee in his last massage as a free person told Atal Bihari Vajpayee and others with him “to tell the country that he had last entered in the State of Jammu and Kashmir, though as a prisoner and to carry on his work in his absence.” The police jeep halted for a short a while at Lakhanpur. There some of the accompanying persons were put in another jeep and thereafter rushed for Sirnagar via Jammu city the only route available in those days. A crowed of large people from Jammu had assembled (said to be in thousands) at an old bridge of Tawi at Jammu as a mark of respect for Dr Mookerjee to receive him, but Dr Mookerjee having been captivated in a closed jeep could not be noticed in a dusk, while the police caravan of vehicles carrying Dr Mookerjee passed through the said crowd of people in thousand. They

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reached Udhampur at 10 p.m. and Batote on 11th May 1953 at 2 a.m. (dead night). Police held the night stay at Batote and reached Srinagar Central Jail at about 3 p.m.. From Central Jail Dr Mookerjee and his companions namely Guru Dutt and Tek Chand were taken to a small cottage near Dal Lake (on the foot hills of Nishat bagh) duly escorted by the Jail Superintendent Pandit Sri Kanth Sapru and kept in captivity there for forty days of his last life as a prisoner of cruel Sheikh Abdullah (posing himself nto be an icon of democracy and symbol of secularism, through exposed at a large state to be all false). Such a harsh act of Sheikh was only on the pretext of an act e.g. purported offence of acting in a manner prejudicial to public safety and peace.” Pertinently an impression was spread by Sheikh Abdullah’s regime that Dr Mookerjee was imprisoned for an offence of his entering Jammu and Kashmir state without permit. On that date, the legal position was very explicit that the permit system was brought into play by the Government of India and such check and cross was being operated by the agencies of Government of India at Madhopur while entering into the jurisdiction of Punjab or while entering the jurisdiction of Jammu and Kashmir. As quite apparent from the conduct of the Deputy Commissioner Gurdaspur he allowed Dr Mookerjee to cross the Madhopur check post and thus the permit law as stated to be operative did not came into play. However Sheikh Abdullah regime got an ordinance from the then Sadar-i-Riyasat on 11th May 1953, that it is an offence to enter the State of Jammu and Kashmir without permit. Since the provisions of such ordinance could not be applied against Syama Prasad Mookerjee alongwith his two companions viz Guru dutt and Tek Chand therefore the then Inspector General, Prithvinandan in his order of arrest had enforced the provisions of the Jammu and Public Safety Act only. These facts were disclosed by Dr Mookerjee himself to his counsel U.M. Trivedi under his hand note for the purpose of drafting the petition of Habeas Corpus to be preferred before the High Court of Jammu and Kashmir. The news of the arrest created a stir all over the country. Protests, meetings, hartals took place at Delhi and other places. This gave a new impetus and direction to the Satyagraha. Satyagrahis began to proceed to Jammu without a permit and court arrest. But neither Abdullah nor Nehru were moved. Abdullah had a scheme up his sleeve which he was determined to follow up. The place in which Dr Mookerjee was incarcerated was really a small cottage almost in the middle of nowhere, near Nishat Bagh far away from Srinagar city, converted into a sub-jail. It was situated on the slope of the mountain range which flanks the Dal lake. It could be reached only by mounting a steep flight of stairs which must have been a hard task for Dr Mookerjee with his bad leg, and proved to be much harder later. It had one main room about ten feet by eleven, in which accommodated his two co-detenues Guru Datt Vaid and Tekchand. There was no room in this subjail for the fourth bedstead. When Pandit Prem Nath Dogra was brought there on 19th June 1953, a tent had to be be pitched in the compound outside to accommodate him. The whole compound was covered with fruit trees and vegetable beds leacving only a small lawn, smaller than a tennis court, for the detenues to move about. It was at a distance of about eight miles from the city. There was also no arrangement for adequare medical aid. A doctor could come from the city only when requisitioned. About a hundred yards away from cottage there was a canal and sub-section of water works department, which had a telephone. The telephone served this improvised jail in the wilderness as well, but was available for use only during office hours. Only one news paper Hindustan Time, was being supplied to him though late e.g. after two to three days Hindustan standard of Calcutta was also being supplied irregularly by the Jail Superitendent personally. The authorities were most collous in respect of his mail. The letters in Bengali languages were being delivered after one week’s gap of the date of their receipt at Srinagar, because of their censorship. Even the letters posted from Calcutta on 10th June and received at Srinagar bearing post mark of 12th and 13th June 1953 were returned undelivered after Dr Mookerjee’s demise. According to Balraj Madhok, a number of letters from Dr Mookerjee or addressed to him from various quarters were supposed completely; all under the directions of Sheikh Abdullah himself, who had explicitly ordered that Dr. Mookerjee be given no additional facilities without his express orders. None of his friends or relatives were allowed to interview him while he was in jail. Dr. Mookerjee’s eldest son, who applied for a permit to visit Srinagar to see his father in jail, but because of the change of permit system i.e. the grant from Government of India to the domain of Jammu and Kashmir upon the promulgation to ordinance dated 11th May 1953, the said permit was also refused by the Jammu and Kashmir Government. Even other relatives of Dr. Mookerjee

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already at Srinagar were not allowed their interview with him. Only two persons allowed to meet with Dr. Mookerjee were Sardar Hukam Singh, whose visit was purely political and U.M Trivedi, Barrister, his counsel. On 24th May Pandit Nehru along with Dr. Katju (a commonist minded fried ) had their visit for Srinagar for their leisure, but out of courtesy or decency had no intent to visit their parliamentarian colleague happened to be the leader of the National Democratic Party ( i.e. composition of Jan Sangh, Hindu Mahasabha, Ram Rajya Parishadm Gana Tantra Parishad besides number of independent members) in the Ist Lok Sabha of the time. The pain in his leg, thought to be due to varicose vein, got more severe by June 3rd 1953. In a letter dated 6th June addressed to Tara Devi ( his sister in law ) Dr. Mookerjee had said “ I was on the whole keeping well, but the pain in the right leg has again worsened during the last two days. Moreover for some days I have been running temperature in the evening. There is burning sensation in the eyes and face. I am taking medicine. I get to eat boiled vegetables. Fish ( almost a staple for Bengalis ) is not available. The doctor has instructed me not to stand on my legs in order to give them some rest. As result I get absolutely no exercise and therefore lost all appetite. I wake up very early and around 5:30 A.M. I get up, go to the garden and recite Chandi Stotra…the whole day, hangs heavy on me …. All that I get to do is to read, recite the Bhagwat Gita, some writing. The Despondence and depression so cast on Dr. Mookerjee because of the confinement for no good reason, more particularly the mal treatment with a sitting member of the Lok Sabha when he was a leader of the National Democratic Party at the ugly hands of tyranical ruler Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah holding the reign of Jammu and Kashmir by strangulating the basic principles of democracy and that too with the unscrupulous support of Pandit Nehru out of their political avenge. On getting the aforesaid letter on 12th June 1953, Justice Rama Prasad Mookerjee, the elder brother of the imprisoned Dr. Mookerjee met Dr. B.C. Roy and disclosed the aforesaid health condition of Dr. Mookerjee with a further request to contact him at Kashmir. Because of loss of appetite he was getting very weak day by day Barrister U.M Trivedi had gone to Srinagar on 12th June to argue his Habeas Corpus before the Jammu and Kashmir High Court. The government insisted that Barrister Trivedi would have to take instructions from Dr. Mookerjee in presence of the district Magistrate a vow rider imposed on Dr. Mookerjee, otherwise under the Indian ‘Evidence Act, the communication between the client and the counsel ( lawyer ) is absolutely privileged none can be forced to disclose the same even before the court of Law. Thus Trivedi moved to the High Court again for seeking orders for taking instructions from his client in private. The High Court struck down such obnoxious order of Sheikh Government and thereafter on 18th June 1953, Trivedi interviewed Dr. Mookerjee for three hours. As per Trivedi, brave Dr. Mookerjee was in his weak health state and cheerless be because of the maltreatment of Jail authorities under direct control of Sheikh Abdullah in person. Pandit Prem Nath Dogra who was taken from Jammu to Srinagar o 19th june 1953, and incarcerated in the same cottage at Srinagar ( Nishat Bagh ) on 19th June 1953, also struck by the poor state of health and low appetite in case of Dr. Mookerjee. The reason explained by Dr. Mookerjee was poor food and lack of exercise. All though complained from very beginning but turned a deaf ear of Sheikh Abdullah. Dr Mookerjee was not allowed even to take morning walk.

3.6 Illness of Dr. Mookerjee The same night of 19th June 1953, Dr. Mookerjee developed a pain in his chest and back and high temperature. On 20th morning the authorites were informed about it. Thereupon, Doctors Ali Mohammmad Jan and Amar Nath Raina arrived at sub jail at 11:30 AM on 20th June 1953. Dr. Ali Mohammed Jan diagnosed the truble as dry pleurisy and prescribed streptomycin injections. Dr. Mookerjee protested that his family physician had advised him not to take streptomycin as that did not suit his system; but Dr. Ali Mohammad Jan said that was a long time back; lately a lot of new facts had come to light regarding this drug, and Dr. Mookerjee need not to worry. At about 3.30 PM., the streptomycin was received and the jail doctor pushed a full one gramme of the medicine into Dr. Mookerjee. In addition he was also administered some powder, possibly a pain killer for which no prescription was made available to anyone. Such powder was advised by Dr. Ali Mohammad to be taken from two to six times a day if the pain persisted

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or because severe. According to one of the companion of Dr. Mookerjee, namely Guru Dutt vaid a request was made by him to the Superintendent of the Jail, that the family of Dr. Mookerjee be informed about his illness but of no avail. Next day, on 21st June excepting the Jail doctor of the rank of Assistant surgeon only visted Dr. Mookerjee and he pushed another injection of one gramme Streptomycin. His temperature rose and pain increased during the day. Because of this sudden relapse Dr. Mookerjee could not talk to Pt. Prem Nath Dogra. There had been some internal developments in the state favourable to the movement. On this point, the state cabinet itself had symptoms of crack and wad divided into two factions. Sheikh Abdullah and Mirza Afzal Beig on one side, but Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad; Pandit Sham Lah Saraf and Girdhari Lal Dogra on the other. It is further said that against the wishes of Sheikh Abdullah was brought in the same jail with an idea of consultation with Government with regard to the withdrawl of movement with due prehaved consultation with Dr. Mookerjee. On 22nd June at 4.45 AM called Guru Dutt through his attendant to see him immediately on reaching Dr. Mookerjee just at the adjoining room found that his temperature had done 97° F and had perpired profusely. He felt his pulse and found it very feeble. He administered him some hot cardamom tea and clove water which gave him some relief. Dr. Mookerjee told him that he had a comfortable sleep till 4 AM, but when he woke, he felt severe pain in the chest and had broken into a sweat, feeling acute giddy by which he felt that he would loose consciousness. He thought he should not disturb anyone at ungodly hour apparently he had a severe heart attack. At 5.15 Jail Superintendent was informed out the deteriorating health and was requested to come with the doctor immediately. Dr Ali Mohammad arrived at 7.30 a.m. and suggested the Jail Superintendent for shifting for the Nursing home. Jail Superintendent asked Dr Ali Mohammad to get the orders from District Magistrate. The Companions of Dr Mookerjee Guru Dutt Vaid and Tek Chand also requested for permission to move alongwith Dr Mookerjee to which Dr Ali Mohammad Jan declined, As usual Dr Ali Mohammad remarked “I understand you anxiety, but you don’t worry. He will be in better hands there”. At about 10 a.m. on 22nd June 1953, Barrister trivedi came to see him. At that time Dr Mookerjee was propped up on his bed, and Trivedi found him in goof mood, thus had discussions about his case for about an hour. At about 11.30 a.m. the Jail Superintendent reached the cottage (instead of an ambulance) with a taxi and took Dr Mookerjee while walking through stairs of the path upto taxi and instead of moving Dr Mookerjee to any Nursing House, took him to the gynaecological ward in the State Hospital at Srinagar at a distance of about 10 miles from such converted sub jail. Dr Mookerjee was again made to walk up the stairs of the Ist floor of the said Dr Jagannath Zutshi, a house surgeon was detailed to take care of him temporality.

3.7 Mistrust of Doctors – Travesty of Justice At about 5.30 after completing the arguments in the High Court of Jammu and Kashmir, Barrister Trivedi came to see Dr Mookerjee in Hospital and next date was set for Judgement, expecting Dr Mookerjee to set at liberty. But according to Trivedi, the condition of Dr Mookerjee was much worse than he called him on in the morning, though Dr Mookerjee expressed his betterness. The district Magistrate also came over to Dr Mookerjee and handed him over about fifteen letters, to which he read and signed some papers and couple of cheques ; all these activites from while being propped up position in bed. Medical Superintendent Dr Girdhari Lal also told Trivedi that he should not be sitting in that position. After signing the letters Dr Mookerjee placed his hand on his heart, and grimaced as if in pain. Trivedi stayed with him till about 7.15 p.m. and asked the attending doctor what his true medical state was. The doctor reassured him by saying that there was no immediate cause for concern. As Trivedi was about to leave, Dr Mookerjee asked him to get him some reading material of his choice and thereafter Trivedi left at 7.30 p.m. However before leaving Trivedi sought permission for meeting Dr Mookerjee on morning next (23rd June 1953) and doctors fixed time at 8 a.m. This was the last meeting of Trivedi with Dr Mookerjee, his condition was said to be though weak but Cheerful and according to the attending doctor Dr Mookerjee was expected to be all right in two to three days. At about 3.45 a.m. on 23rd June 1953, the Superintendent of Police told Trivedi that the condition of Dr Mookerjee worsened and he (Trivedi) was picked up from his hotel to go to the hospital. Pandit Prem Nath Dogra as well as two co-detenues namely Guru Dutt Vaid and Tek Chand to at the same movement were asked to be ready to go to hospital.

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All of them reached hospital at 4 a.m., where they were told that Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee hgad breathed his last at 3.40 a.m.58 According to the eldest daughter of Dr Mookierjee putting up at Koregaon Park Pune, now no more having expired somewhere in 2011 ; After Dr Mookerjee’s death his eldest son Anutosh asked for a permit to visit Kashmir. In the application one has always to mention his father’s anem and persuambly for that reason his request for permit was refuised. Then Sabita and her huband Nishith decided to visit Kashmir in his place, but quickly posing as tourists, with their two children. In that case since the name of father was not be mentioned instead being married, her husband’s name was mentioned therefore her permit alongwith two children alongwith his band as a tourist was granted. They had a nerve racking experience there. They had decided for fear of trouble and possible arrest, that they would not reveal their identity. They took up residence in a big houseboat on the Jhelum. A friend of Dr Mookerjeee from the days in London, one Jatinder Nath Majumdar, happened to be visting Kashmir at the time, also as tourist. He came to visit the Banerjee in their house-boat and they were chatting in Bengali when a bearer of the house-boat came to serve tea. Majumdar mentioned Dr Mookerjee in front of the bearer and asked her if she had seen the house where he had lived. Sabita winked at him so as to shut him up, but she still secure in the belief that the bearer would not understand anything as he did not know Bengali. As soon as Majumdar left the bearer asked them if they knew Mookerjee. She said no, they were talking about him only because he was Bengali. The bearer said that his ancestors were Hindus and they had been converted to Islam, but deep inside he was still a Hindu. And he also said he could shoew them the house (cottage) where Dr Mookerjee spent his last days. And he did. They took a taxi to a hillock by the said of Dal Lake, and climbed up stairs to the sub jail at the top of hillock, she all the while feeling how here dear “Bapi” must have felt with his bad leg when he was forced to climb those steps. It was small isolated bunglow at the top of the hill, winds wept and forlon. In the subjail they found three cots in one room, side by side. Sabita asked the bearer about the whereabout of the doctor who treated him on his last days. The bearer refused to divulge anything but said that he could take them to a person who been there when he died. The person was a Hindu nurse, possibly Miss Rajdulari Tikkoo, his regular nurse at the gynaecological ward in the State Hospital, Dr Mookerjee aways insisted on a Hindu nurse. They went to her house in Srinagar. Two women were living there, the nurse and her mother. As sooin as Sabita revealed her identity the nurse said, she will not say anything and asked them to leave. By now the Banerjees were extremely emotionally changed. Sabita burst into tears, and begged the nurse to tell her, saying that she would never reveal her name. Then the nurse gave it all out. Dr Mookerjee had fallen ill and was taken to the maternity home” as she described it” There on the last date, she was on his duty. He was sleeping. The doctor left, leaving instructions that whenever Dr Mookerjee woke up he was to be administered an injection, for which he left an ampoule with the nurse. After sometime he did wake up and (she said to Sabita, “I don’t know why I did it) she pushed that injection, for which he left an ampoule with the nurse. After sometime he did wake up and (she said to Sabita, ‘I don’t know why I did it) she pushed that injection. As soon as she did it, Dr Mookerjee started tossing about, shouting at the top of his voice, “Jal Jata hai, humko jal raha hai” (I am burning up I am burning). I rushed to the telephone to tell the doctor and ask for his instruction. He said Theek hai, Sab Theek ho jaiga, (It is all right, he will be all right) Meanwhile Dr Mookerjee had fallen to stupor. And that was the end of Dr Mookerjee” Then she said ‘I have committed a great sin and I had to tell it to you. But I will leave this house immediately because you will get back to Calcutta, and talk about this, and all what I told you is bound to get out. Then I will be murdered.” Infact that is what she did. The next day. when Sabita and Nitish went to look her up both the mother and the daughter nurse were gone”. The nurse refused to give her name.” According to the news report published in paper59 ( and translated and reproduced in Uma Prasad’d book60, Miss Tikky, the nurse tried to get hold of a doctor when Dr Mookerjee’s condition became critical but no doctor was available. Tikko then asked an orderly called Noor Ahmed to Fetch Dr Zutshi. Dr Zutshi came immediately and telephoned Dr Ali Mohammad for instructions. Meanwhiel his condition deterioted further and died at about 2.15 p.m. and not 3.40 a.m. Dr Ali Mohammad arrived about hald an hour after his death.

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The Jammu and Kashmir Government communiqué issued after the death of Dr Mookerjee on 23rd June 1953, reveal the report of Drs Ali Mohammad MRCP (Edin) and Ram Nath Parihar (MD Edin), who were said to have been attending upon him. The report said Dr Mookerjee was admitted in the Hospital at about mid day on 22nd June. Upon an examination of his blood and urine and an Electro Cardiogram the doctors came to the conclusion that he had a coronary attack. He was administered slipping pills, antibiotics and oxygen on demand. His general condition was improved and fairly good at 4 p.m. Barrister Trivedi and District Magistrate visited him in the evening. Around 9 p.m. he was fairly alright but exhibited hypotension and tachycardis. Oxygen was adminsitred to him at 11 p.m. to ally rest less ness which started at that time, B.P. had gone down to 100/80. He was injected with intravenous glucose and Aminophylline. Around 1 a.m. he felt intense pain in the heart and became restless. His pulse was very feeble and B.P. was 90/70. Oxigen was continued and I.C.C. of Pethidine was administered to allay his pain. By 2.30 a.m. respiration and pulse had become extremely feeble and was administered coramine and Aminophylline intravenously. The position remained the same at 3 p.m., his pulse could barely be flet and intravenous coramine was again pushed. By 3.20 a.m. his respiration had become very feeble and irregular. Oxigen was continued. His pulse and respiration stopped at 3.40 a.m. The communiqué was followed by a short and perfunctory statement by Sheikh Abdullah on 26th June 1953, and detailed statement by Pandit Sham Lal Sarag Minister Incharge of Health and Prisons on Ist July 1953. In the letter Mr Saraf had tried to explain that Mookerjee had been given all possible facilities during his detention and there was no bungling in his medical treatment. He quoted selectively from Dr Mookerjee’s letters trying to prove that he was enjoying his stay at the subjail. The news published in Calcutta based NewsPaper61 further exposes the malady of State Government, that the Jammu and Kashmir government had flashed massage to the Government of India and not to Dr Mookerjee’s family at Calcutta. It was A.V. Pai the Union Home Secretary, who asked State Government to contact the family, then only after that did Justice Rama Prasad got his call. According to Dr. Karan Singh, the then Sadar-i-Ryasat of Jammu and Kashmir ; Soon thereafter came the shocking news of the death of Dr Syama Prasad Mukherjee in detention. I was not informed of his illeness or his removal to hospital and only learnt of his death from unofficial sources several hours after his body had bene flown out of Srinagar. The circumstances in which he died in custody of the state Government were a cause of grave resentment and suspicion. Jammu was furious because Dr Mukherjee had been martyred while fighting for the Praja Parishad cause and there was open talk that his death had not been from natural causes. The whole of India was shocked at this event, especially the people of Bengal. Who held Dr Mukherjee in the highest regard62”. Analystic approach to the circumstances shall lay in my Text on the Subject Syama Prasad Mookerjee in detail. Phased Development towards Dr Mookerjee’s mission Ek Nishan Ek Vidhan Ek Pradhan 1. It is the law of the nature that the Martyrdom for noble goes never in vain. The dream of Sheikhdom while Sheikh Abdullah himself was at Gulmarg on 8th August 1953, just after one and half month dashed to grounds in splinters when he himself was dismissed from his Prime Minister ship of Jammu and Kashmir coupled with his imprisonment on sedition charges on that fateful day. 2. The Restrictions of Permit system so imposed by the Government of India for ingress or egress of Jammu and Kashmir itself flew in winds impliedly when the Govenrment of India chose itself not to arrest Dr Mookerjee but allowed Dr Mookerjee to cross Madhopur to enter the territory of Jammu and Kashmir in middle of the bridge over the river Ravi on 10th May 1953. 3. The arrest of Dr Mookerjee into the state of jammu and Kashmir was not inviolation of any Permit system but under the Jammu and Kashmir Public Security Act. The Ordinance of restriction of entry into the Jammu and Kashmir or exit from the state was issued by the Jammu and Kashmir Government only on 11th May 1953. 4. The draconaion permit system imposed by the Jammu and Kashmir Government imposing notorious barriers under Sheikh Abdullah’s regime on 11th May 1953, also stood bulldozed by the subsequent order of the Jammu and Kashmir Government on April Ist 1959 during the regime of Bakshi Ghulam Mohd.

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5. Drastic Constitutional changes took place in the State of Jammu and Kashmir on 10-04-1965 during the regime of Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq when the posts of Sadar-I Ryasat and Prime Minister were substituted to the Governor and the Chief Minister respectively. This apart the provisions of number of laws of the Central Government were opted and extended in the State of Jammu and Kashmir. 6. In an inquiry Committee appointed by Sheikh Abdullah upon his returning to power in 1975, the then Finance Ministry D.D. Thakkar had in his report dated 11th April 1982, had upheld the said central laws in the J&K state as beneficial to the people of Jammu and Kashmir people. 7. By Submission of Autonomy report 2000 by the then Farooq Abdulla’s regime, attempting to create again avoid between the Government of India and the Government of Jammu and Kashmir with a play intending to restor pre 1953 conditions in the state of Jammu and Kashmir was also rejected outrighly by the then Government of India led by Atal Bihari Vajpayee. 8. The political lineage further went on in stepping into shoes, by striving hard for further carrying the mission of Ek Nishan, Ek Vidhan and Ek Pardhan. The abrogation of Article 370, of the Constitution was the prime object right from beginning taken up by Dr Mookerjee. Accordingly Shri Praskash vir Shastri Member of the Lok Sabha moved a private bill in the Lok Sabha on September 11, 1964, which gained the momentum by carrying the support of all six Lok Sabha members sitting in the House on division taken place on December 4, 1964. 9. Another private Bill No. 86 of 1971 was again moved on the floor of Lok Sabha on July 9th 1972 by Late Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee with the object and reasons “special status of the State of Jammu and Kashmir being maintained even after 20 years of the commencement of the Constitution is an anarchronism which must be discarded now. The general Legislative Competence of Parliament should not be dependent on the sweet will of the state, so far as the matter impinges on the sovereignity of the Parliament. It is therefore necessary that the power of the Parliament legislative on matters included in the Union List must be restored immediately. In an case the special position enjoued by the State of Jammu and Kashmir must be ended 26th January 1972. 10. Even Sheikh Abdullah being at his last leg of life realized the sins in insisting draconian provisions of Article 370 of the Constitution of India, and had made statement on the floor of the Jammu and Kashmir State Assembly at Jammu on 2nd March 1982, that Article 370 is not any Quranic Sermon, which cannot be changed. Removing Article 370 will open roads of success”: 11. The destiny of Jammu and Kashmir engulfed by the barriers of abstraction in the way of its developing future, in 2014 when Narinder Modi Storen into power with thumping majority and again repletion with the same vagour and inspiration when the 2nd term Government formed on May 2019 with appointment of Amit Shah as the Union Home Minister. The duo after cautious study of the past home work carried during the first inning of Shri Modi’s Government, proved to be corovations of Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee in accomplishing his last desire of Ek Nishan, Ek Vidhan and Ek Pradhan (hanging in balance for the last about seven decades) by way of introduction of the Constition (Application to the Jammu and Kashmir) order 2019 from the President of India63 on 5th August 2019, whereby the entire Constitution of India as stood on the said date was made mutatus-mutandis applicable to the State of Jammu and Kashmir state.

REFERENCES [1]. Chander Harish (2000) Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee, a contemporary study, Noida News Page 22, 23, 33, 39- 42, 117. [2]. The Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) roder 2019 Co 272 dated 5th August 2019 Gazette of India Extraordinary GSR 551 (E) Part II Section 3 Sub Section (i) [3]. Roy Tathagata (2014) The Life and Times of Syama Prasad Mookerjee, Prabhat Prakashan Page 22 Trilochan Singh (1952) Personalities ; A comprehensive and Authentic Biographical Dictionary of Men who matter in India (Northern India & Parliament) Arunam and Sheel Page 91. [4]. Calcutta Gazette 7th July 1916, Part 1 C Page 639

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[5]. M.K. Singh (2009) Encyclopaedia of Indian War of Independence (1857-1947) Set of 9 Vols Anmol Publications Page 240 [6]. Chander Harish (2000) Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee a Comtemporary study of Noida News Page 75. [7]. K.V. Singh (2005) Political profiles of Mdoern India vista International Publishing House Page 275. [8]. Chander Harish (2000) Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee a contemporary study, Noida News Page 75 [9]. Bakshi Shri ram (1991) Struggle for Independence Syama Prasad Mookerjee, Anmol Publication Page 1 [10]. Chandra Harish (2000) Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee a contemporary study Noida News Page 75. [11]. Roy Tathagata, The Life and Times of Syama Prasad Mookerjee (2014) Prabhat Prakashan Page 11 & 34 [12]. Raj Kumar (2014) Essay on Indian Freedom movement Discovery Publication House Page 173. [13]. Calcutta Review, October 1938, Calcutta Univeristy Calcutta 1938 Page 1. [14]. Lal Makhan (2008) Secular Politics, Communal Agenda 1860-1953 Pragun Publication Page 315. [15]. Bakshi Shri Ram (1991) Stuggle for Independence Syama Prasad Mookerjee, Annual Publication Page 4. [16]. Sen Gupta, Nitish Kumar (2011) Land of Two Rivers, A history of Bengal from Mahabharta to Mujib Penguin Books India Page 393. [17]. Tathagata Roy, The Life and Times of Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee (2012) Prabhat Prakashan New Delhi Page 110-111 [18]. Ibid Page 115. [19]. Censorship : A World Encyclopedia Routledge 2001 Page 1623 ; Sen Gupta Nitish K (2011) Land of two rivers ; A history of Bengal from the Mahabharat to Mujib Penguin Book s India Page 407. [20]. Sen gupta, Nitish K (2011) Land of two rivers. History of Bengal from Mahabharat to Mujib Penguin Book’s India 407. [21]. Urmila Sharma and S.K. Sharma (2001) Indian Political though. Atlantic Publishers and Distributors Page 381. [22]. Ibid. [23]. Tarlochan Singh (1952) Personalities : A comprehensive and Authentic Biographical Dictionbary of Men who matter in India (Northern India and Parliament) Arunam and Sheel Page 91. [24]. Legislative Council Proceedings 1941 Vol LIX No. 6 Page 216. [25]. Urmila Sharma and S K Sharma (2001) Indian Political though Atlantic Publishers and Distributors Page 381. [26]. Sarkar and Bhattacharya (2008) Towards freedom documents on the movement for Independence in India 1946, Part I, Oxford University Page 386. [27]. MK Singh (2009) Encyclopaedia of Indian war of Independence 1857-1947 Set of 19 Vols Almol Publications Page 240. [28]. Amrik Singh (2000) The Partition in Restrospect Anamika Publishers and Distributoors Page 219. [29]. Begum Jahanara (1994) The last decade of undivided Bengal ; Parties ; Politics and Personalities, Minerva Associates Page 175 [30]. Sinha Dinesh Chandra, Das gupta Ashok 2011, 1946 The Great Calcutta Killing and Noa Khali Genocide Kolkatta Himangshu Maity Page 278-280 [31]. Burrows Frederick 1946. Report to Viceroy Lord Wavell. The British Library 10 R L / P & J / 8 655 ff. 95, 96-107. [32]. Sen gupta, Debjani (2006) A city Feeding on itself Testimonies and Histories of Direct Action Day. In Narula Monica (ed) Turbulence. Serat Reader Vol 6. The Sarai Programme Centre for study of Developing societies Page 288-295. [33]. Rashid Harunor (1987) Foreshadowing of Bangladesh ; Bengal Muslim League and Muslim Politics. [34]. Burrows, Frederick (1946) Report to Viceroy Lord Navell. The British Library 10 R ; L / P & J / 8 / 655 ff. 95, 96-107

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[35]. Council of Ministers 1947-2004, Names and Portfolios of the members of the Union Council of Ministers from 15th August 1947 to 25 May 2004 (Lok Sabha Secretriate 2004 Page 50. [36]. Lok Sabha Secreteriate (1990) Eminent Parliamentarians Monograph Series Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee Page 7. [37]. Ibid [38]. Ibid Page 182-184 [39]. Ibid Page 184-185 [40]. Urmila Sharma and S.K. Sharma (2001) Indian Political though Atlantic Publishers and Distributors Page 381 ; [41]. Tathagata Roy ; The Life and Times of Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee (2012) Prabhat Prakashan Page 286- 287. [42]. Bhartiya JanSangh, Party Document Principles and Page 203-219 and Politics, Menifesto and Constitution (1) Page 203 to 219. [43]. Eminent Parliamentiarian, Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee Lok Sabha Secretriate (1990) Page 16. [44]. Puri Balraj (November 2010) The Question of Accession Epilogye 4 (11) Page 4-6. [45]. Shahgala, Narindra (2011) Jammu and Kashmir. A state in Turbulence. Shruchi Prakashan Page 4. [46]. Jaffrelot, Christophe (2011) Religion Caste and Politics in India C. Hurst and CO. Page 288, 301 ; Puri Balraj (201) The Question of Accession Epilogue 4 (11) Page 4-5. [47]. Das Gupta, Jytoi Bhushan (2012) Jammu and Kashmir Springer Page 194-195. [48]. Jaffrelot Chritopher (2011). Religion Caste and the Politics in India. C. Hurst & Co. Page 288-301. [49]. Justice Meharchand Mahajan’s Looking back Chapter 14 Page 116-117. [50]. Jaswant Singh’s Jinah, India-Partition-Independence Chapter 9 Page 447-448. [51]. Round Table Conference of the representatives of the Politicla parties, rulers of the State with British administration, chaired by George Emperor V held at London on 12th November 1930. [52]. Notification dated Ist May 1951 issued by the Regent of the State Yuvraj Karan Singh. [53]. Organisor dated June 30, 1952. [54]. Extract of Resolution dated 14th June passed by the working Committee of Bhartiya Jan Sangh at Delhi. [55]. Parliamentary debates, General Budget Demands for Grants Vol 2 Part II June 26th 1952 Page 2570-2583. [56]. Organiser May 11, 1953. [57]. Walter Johnson at that time was on the faculty of Chicago University and the Co-chairman of the National Committee for (Adlai) Stevenson for President, After Stevenson defeat to Dwight D. Eisenhower, Johnson accompanied Stevenson on his world tour 1953. [58]. Balraj Madhok’s his last days in his life sketch titled “The Portrait of Martyr. Also the statements of Guru Dutt Vaid, Tek Chand as well as the Barrister Um Trivedi so recorded on 25th June 1953 by the Police at Srinagar. [59]. Organisor dated 20th July 1953. [60]. Mookerjee Uma Prasad Ed Syama Prasad Prasadar Diary O Mrityu Prasanga, Mitra O Gosh. [61]. Amrita Bazar Patrika (English) a national daily newspaper (Calcutta based) dated 2nd June 1953. [62]. Karan Singh, Autobiography, Oxfort Univeristy Press New Delhi 7th Edn 2014 Page 155. [63]. The Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order 2019 (CO 272) dated 5th August 2019.